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zh | N/A | N/A | **\[8\] HUANG H P，LlU Y H. Fuzzy support vector machines for** **pattern recognition and data mining\[J\].International Journal** **of Fuzzy Systems，2002，4(3)：826-835.**
**\[9\]张翔·肖小玲，徐光祜.模糊支持向量机中隶属度的确定与分析\[J\].中国图像图形学报，2006，11(8)：1188-1192.**
**\[10\]张永，迟忠先.基于时间序列的模糊支持向量机\[门.计算机工程，2007，10(19)：47-48.**
**\[11\]李德毅：孟海军：史冬梅.隶属云和隶属云发生器\[丁.计算机研究与发展，1995，6(6)：15-20.**
**\[12\]廖良才，范林军，王鹏.一种基于云理论的组织绩效评估方法\[J\].系统工程，2010，28(1)：99-104.**
**空间智能机器人试验评估技术与应用研究**
**研究单位：装备学院航天装备系**
**主要完成人：王斌、阎慧、牛亚峰、孙万、赵立军、田丽韫、吴艳梅、蔡洪亮**
**获奖情况：获2011年军队科技进步三等奖**
**本项日于2007年8月立项，2010年12月通过成果鉴定，2011年10月获军队科技进步三等奖。**
**项目的主要研究内容包括：①以空间智能机器人在轨演示验证试验为对象，开展试验任务成功判据分析、评判方法研究和评估系统设计，为在轨演示验证任务提供理论参考；②立足于当前实际和军事应用的需求，开展空间智能机器人发展思路和建设研究，为空间智能机器人系统的持续发展奠定基础。**
**项目研究成果如下：①系统总结了空间智能机器人国内外发展现状，重点研究其技术指标、演示验证任务设计及完成情况；②分析了空间智能机器人的系统组成，建立了系统级模型，针对空间智能机器人三大飞行演示验证试验，逐一分析其任务目标、内容、流程、关键技术，为后续建立评判指标体系奠定了基础；③给出了试验成功评判指标的确定依据与原则，基于QFD 方法，提出了“能力一技术一效果”层层映射分解的评判指标体系；给出了线性无量纲处理和非线性无量纲处理2种指标计算模型，以及模糊综合评判方法和基于模糊 Petri 网的2种综合评判方法；提出了“时间一空间”相结合的评判实施方法；④提出了试验实施过程中基于关键节点效果的评判指标，建立了试验结束后基于能力和技术特征的指标体系，给出了分阶段、分层次的成功评判矩阵以及评判矩阵中单项指标值的确定方法和多项指标的综合评判方法，并对具体的评判流程进行了分析，给出了评判结论的描述方法；⑤开发了空间智能机器人地面仿真验证系统，对指标体系、评判方法以及评语级的覆盖性、可测性和准确性进行了验证；⑥设计了试验成功判据辅助支持原型系统；⑦以空间操作和空间对抗需求为牵引，以目前空间智能机器人演示验证具备的能力为基础，提出未来空间智能机器人发展思路设想。**
**项目研究成果已在总装测通所、航天东方红卫星公司等单位得到了良好应用，研究成果居国内领先水平。** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 能源植物绿玉树的特性及用途
张乍如
(岳阳职业技术学院医学基础部，湖南 岳阳
414000)
摘 要：绿玉树是一种兼具生态、经济等价值的十分重要的能源植物，本文主要介绍其生物学特性、用途及研究进展，以求对它在城市环境建设中的作用和药用价值予以充分肯定。
关键词：能源植物；绿玉树；特性；用途
中图分类号：S7 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1672-738X(2008)01-0078-03
绿玉树(Euphorbia tiricalli L.)系被子植物门双子叶植物纲大戟科大戟属(光棍树属)植物，又名橡胶大戟(rubber euphorbia)、光棍树、光枝树、龙骨树、神仙棒、绿珊瑚、青珊瑚、铅笔树、白乳木、牛奶树、麒麟树11.21.原产非洲各国限3456。我国自20世纪70年代初在海南、云南等地把该树种作为观赏植物进行引种栽培。
1生物学特性
绿玉树为直立无刺的灌木或小乔木，高为2-10m。分枝多、对生或轮生，圆柱状，稍肉质多乳汁。老枝带棕色。嫩枝绿色，似铅笔，故绿玉树称为pencil tree。叶少数，近无柄，散生于小枝顶部，长1-2.5cm、宽3-4mm，线状矩圆形，或退化为不明显的鳞片状，无托叶。主要由嫩枝行使光合作用。雌雄异株。杯状聚伞花序通常有短总花梗，簇生于枝顶或枝叉上。蘋果直茎6mm，暗黑色。种子卵形、平滑。正常植株的染色体为 2n=2x=207891
绿玉树喜温暖、阳光充足，也耐半萌。不耐寒冷，耐干旱，怕积涝。耐盐。适宜生态条件是：年均温度21~28℃，最高温度为37℃，最低温度9℃；土壤 pH6~8.5；生长在海拔0~1500m、年降雨量250~1000mm 的地区"。由于可耐受的最低温度为9℃，故绿玉树在我国的绝大多数地区不能露地越冬而只能进行室内栽培。
2用途
2.1绿色能源
绿玉树茎枝富含乳汁。鲜乳汁中含丰富的烯、萜、醇、异大戟二烯醇(CHs0)、天然橡胶、十一烷和三十一烷醇等十二种烃类物质，其成分接近石油成分，不含硫，可直接与其它物质混合成原油而作为燃料油替代石油，且有毒，有害气体释放量低，因此绿玉树被称之为“绿色”石油树吲。其中甾醇三萜类(sterol triterpenes)含高能，在含能上接近或超过汽油11，因此与同属植物续随子被选定为“生物燃料油(Bio-diesel)"林造林树种。绿玉树在不适合生产粮食的干旱地区栽培每年每hm²可生产10-50桶油④。绿玉树不但是一种重要的能源植物树种，同时也是“环境”资源：适应性强，在十旱、林下均能生长，是绿化荒山、防治水土流失、护堤固坡的好树种。
2.2药用价值
绿玉树最初被广泛用作药用植物。在巴西等南美国家以及马来西亚、印度、非洲各国该植物被民间广泛用作治疗风湿病、神经痛、哮喘等病的药用植物，为众所皆知的民间良药4.由于其丰富的活性成分以及植体各部分有不同的药用价值，因而引起人们极大的研究兴趣。R.E.Perdue 和 J.E Hartwel 等报道：根、嫩枝煎剂对皮肤癌、肉瘤、各种肿瘤和疣
收稿日期：2007-11-20
作者简介：张乍如(1963-)，男，湖南岳阳人，生物讲师，主要从事生物学教学与研究工作。
有缓解和治疗作用，发酵后的乳胶可治哮喘、咳嗽、耳痛、风湿病\[241213\] R.K Basias 等对绿玉树进行研究后报道：绿玉树的根、茎皮及茎中含有多种活性成分——多种醇、酸、酯、烷，木材提取液中含梅毒抗体问。Baslas-PK，Gupta-NC 从绿玉树中分离出7种具抗癌作用的成分4Khan-AQ 等还分离出一种具有治癌作用的大环二萜酯\[5.16。1986年 Fursten-berger-C 等以来自马达加斯加的绿玉树为实验材料，分析确定了乳汁中对皮肤、粘膜、眼睛产生刺激并有致癌作用的主要成分是\[2，13-乙酸乙酰大戟二萜醇酯梨。1985年 Jurberg-P等研究发现绿玉树乳汁对血吸虫的中间寄主钉螺具有致死作用\[18\]。Siddiqui-MA 等研究以绿玉树乳汁作种子包衣剂能抑制病菌Tylenchorhynchusbrassicae，Roty-lenchulus reniformis 的繁殖，对植物寄生线虫有毒害作用\[19.20.21)。木材熬汁用来治疗小孩出生后的麻风病和手足瘫痪，乳汁用水稀释内服可治蛇伤、良性和恶性肿瘤图。
2.3其他用途
绿玉树也是具有极高观赏价值的形态奇特的观茎植物，具有显著的驱蚊效果，是美化公园，庭园的景观植物。可植于庭园、盆栽室内或作生活区绿篱，营造隔离林带22-24)在圣诞节及其它节假日用装缀有小灯的绿玉树可增添节日气份。生长快，5cm的插条当年生长可高达 50cm，材质轻(0.455g/cm')、可用于制木筏、玩具、胶合板等。纤维含量高，为一种优质的造纸原料。烧制的木炭可作火药原料、活性炭。乳胶含有天然橡胶、树脂、鞣酸，可用于油毡、制革工业。因此绿玉树是一种兼具生态、能源、经济综合效益的多功能树种
3研究进展
3.1形态结构与生长发育
为开发和利用绿玉树，各国学者对绿玉树的生长发育进行了不同层次、不同方面的研究。1985年，Damme-PLJ-Van 采用破坏和非破坏性方法，研究提出了活体状态下，从茎的长度或茎长与茎粗计算茎的表面积；采用椭圆形面积计算公式，根据叶的长和宽计算不同位置的叶面积哟。Cremers-G对绿玉树及大戟属的其它几种植物乳汁中淀粉粒的特性进行研究，发现同种植物栽种在近海边比种在丘陵区有较大的淀粉粒，同种植物在不同的生长发
育期(如休眠期、开花期和营养生长期)淀粉粒的大小也有差别。因此不能以淀粉粒的大小作为种的分类依据21。
3.2细胞培养
绿玉树在原产地之外极少开花结实但其枝条极易扦插生根。引种时一般采用枝条。通过扦插可大量繁殖绿玉树，但扦插这一传统方法在抗性育种、探索植物活性成分的生物合成途径方面有其局限性。细胞培养能弥补这一不足之处。David 等利用细胞悬浮培养研究了甾类物质在绿玉树细胞组织中的合成、运输途径，并就不同环境因子对活性成分积累的影响进行了研究。Norjhiko Misania 及Kanji Ohyama 等利用绿玉树茎段为试验材料，经诱导产生愈伤组织，建立原生质悬浮培养体系，观察了油体在原生质体中的发育叼。2002年蒋丽娟建立了绿玉树微型快繁系统。
3.3抗寒育种
已在绿玉树抗寒育种的形态学、生理生化、生态及基因工程等方面取得了广泛的进展。实验表明：多效唑(PP333)、CaC能提高绿玉树的抗寒性，秋水仙碱能诱导绿玉树产生较强抗寒性的四倍体。初步建立了农杆菌介导绿玉树抗冻蛋白基因转化系统图。
4结束语
能源危机是全人类在本世纪中叶即将面临的巨大挑战。被称为21世纪绿色能源的能源植物的开发利用正受到世界各国的普遍重视。许多国家已开始能源植物及其栽培技术的研究，并在产业化方面取得突破性进展。美国科学家在对2000多种植物的筛选中发现绿玉树茎的乳汁中碳氢化合物的含量最高，是提取石油最有希望的候选植物，将会获得“石油树”这一称号。有理由相信，随着研究的不断深人，作为绿色能源植物的绿玉树必将在解决人类能源危机中作出较大的贡献。
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(责任编校：刘
武
Characters and Uses of Energy Plant ： Pencil Tree (Euphorbia tirucalli)
ZHANG Zha-ru
(Preclinical Medical Seience Department of Yueyang Vocational Technical College， Yueyang. Hunan 414000)
Abstract： Peneil tree(Fuphorbia tirucalli) is a very important energy plant with comprehensive values of ecology and economy. In this paper， the author introduces its biological characters， uscs and the study ad-vances briefly， in order to gives the full affirmation to it in the urban environment construction function and for the medicine value，
Key words： energy plant； pencil tree (Euphorbia tirucalli)； characters： use | null | null | null | null | null |
en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | Poetical works
author: Butler, Samuel, 1612-1680; Mitford, John, 1781-1859
THE POETICAL WORKS OF
SAMUEL BUTLER
VOLUME I
r
LONDON
BELL AND DALDY.YORK STREET
COVENT GARDEN
AH
v./
,t;*sk
-T^/%
TO THE REV. WILLIAM LISLE BOWLES,
CANON OP SALISBTJfiY, ETC.
^NHONOUR'D lay poor Butler's nameless
grave,
One line, the hand of pitying friendship
gave.
'Twas his-with pure confiding heart to trust
The flattering minions of a monarch's lust ;
And hope that faith a private debt would own,
False to the honour of a nation's throne.
Such were the lines insulted virtue pour'd,
And such the wealth of wit's cxhaustless hoard ;
Of keenest wisdom dallying with her scorn,
And playful jest of indignation born ;
And honest hatred of that godless creAV,
To king, to country ; — to themselves untrue :
The hands that laid the blameless mitre low,
That gave great Wcntworth to the headsman's
blow,
And theirs the deed immortalized in shame,
Which raised a monarch to a martyr's name.
Oh ! friend ! with me thy thoughtful sorrows
join,
Thy heart will answer each desponding line ;
Say, when thy hand o'er KE>*'S neglected grave
At once the flowers of love and learning gave ;
VOL. i. b
Or when was heard, beneath each listening tree,
The lute sweet Archimage had lent to thce :
Say, while thy day was like a summer dream,
And musing leisure met thec by the stream,
Where thro' rich weeds the lulling waters crept,
And the huge forest's massive umbrage slept,
And, summon'd by thy harp's aerial spell,
The shadowy tribes came trooping from their cell ;
(For still 'twas thine, with all a poet's art,
To paint the living landscape of the heart ;
And still to nature's soft enchantments true,
Feel every charm, and catch each varying hue ;)
Couldst thou foresee how soon the poet's strain
Would wake its satire into truth again ;
How soon the still-revolving wheel of time
Recall the past — each folly, and each crime ;
Again the petty tyrant boast his flame,
And raise, on fancied ills, a patriot's name ;
How soon the trembling altar fade away,
The hallow'd temple prove the spoiler's prey ;
The throne its proud ancestral honours yield,
And faction shake the senate and the field ;
How folly seize, while bleeding freedom wept,
That sacred ark which jealous wisdom kept ;
Which, virtuous Falkland ! saw thy banners wave,
Which Somers lived, and Chatham died to save ;
While history points her awful page in vain,
And sees all Butler scorn'd, revive again.
J. V
BENHALL, Feb. 1835.
LIFE OF SAMUEL BUTLER.
BY THE EEV. JOHN MITFORD.
( AMU EL BUTLER, the author of
Jfudibras, was born in the parish of
Strensham, in Worcestershire, in
1612,1 and christened February the
14th. A. Wood says, that his father
was competently wealthy;2 but the anonymous
author of a life prefixed to his Poems describes
him as in the condition of a yeoman, possessing
a very small estate, and renting another ; who
with difficulty found means to educate his son at
the grammar-school at Worcester, under Mr.
Henry Bright, a man of high reputation as a
1 This date is contradicted by Charles Longueville, the son
of Butler's friend, and who declared that the poet was born in
1600. Nash dates his baptism Februarys, 1612, and says
it is entered in the writing of Nash's father, who was church
warden : he had four sons and three daughters ; the three
daughters and one son older than the poet.
2 Dr. Nash discovered that his father was owner of a
house and a little land, worth about £10 a year, still called
Butler's tenement, of which he has given an engraving in the
title-page of his first volume. A. Wood affirms that he had
a competent estate of nearly £300 a year, but held on lease
of Sir William Russel, lord of the manor of Strensham.
TOT,. T. b
VI LIFE OF BUTLER.
scholar, and a Prebendary of the Cathedral.
Butler is said to have gone from thence to Cam
bridge,3 with the character of a good scholar ;
but the period and place of his residence seem
alike unknown, and indeed it appears more than
doubtful whether he ever received the advantages
of an academical education.
For some time he was clerk to Mr. Jefferys, of
Earl's Coombe, in Worcestershire, an eminent jus
tice of the peace. He employed the ample leisure
which his situation afforded in study; while he
also cultivated the art* of painting and music.
" The Hogarth of Poetry," says Walpole, " was a
painter too : " his love of the pencil introduced him
to the acquaintance of the celebrated Samuel
Cooper.4 Some pictures were shown by the
family as his, but we presume of no great excel
lence, as they were subsequently employed to stop
broken windows. Dr. Nash says that he heard of
a portrait of Oliver Cromwell by him. After this,
he was recommended to the notice of the Countess
of Kent, living at Wrest, in Bedfordshire, where
he had not only the advantage of a library,5 but
enjoyed the conversation of the most learned man
of his age, the great Selden. Why he subsequently
3 A. Wood had his information from Butler's brother ; some
of his neighbours sent him to Oxford. Mr. Longueville
asserted that Butler never resided at Oxford.
4 Of our English poets, Flatman and George Dyer were
painters. Pope also used the brush under the tuition of
Jervas. I recollect no further union of the arts.
5 " Butler was not acquainted with the Italian poets. Of'
Ruggiero he might have truly asserted what he has falsely
told of Rinaldo." — See Neve on the English Poets, p. 79.
LIFE OF BUTLER. vii
left so advantageous and honourable a situation
does not appear, but we find him domesticated
under the roof of Sir Samuel Luke, at Cople Hoo
farm, or Wood End, near Bedford, a gentleman of
a very ancient family, one of Cromwell's officers,
and a rigid Presbyterian. It is in this place and
at this time that he is said to have commenced his
celebrated poem. His patron's house afforded him
a gallery of living portraits, and he was fortunately
permitted to see Puritanism in one of its strong
holds. The keenness of his observation secured
the fidelity of his descriptions, and enabled him
to fill up his outline with those rich and forcible
details, which a familiar acquaintance with the
originals afforded.6
At the restoration of the exiled monarch, when
loyalty expected the reward of its fidelity and the
recompense of its losses, Butler appears to have
suffered the same disappointment that met other
claimants ; and silently and unobtrusively retreat
ing from the conflict of avarice and importunity,
6 It is supposed that Sir Samuel Luke is ridiculed under
the character of Hudibras : the reason of the conjecture is
founded on Hudib. P. i. c. 1. ver. 904: —
''Tis sung, there is a valiant Mamaluke,
In foreign land yclep'd — ;
and the ballad entitled " A Tale of the Cobbler and Vicar of
Bra}%" in the posthumous works, p. 285, but this ballad is
not proved to be genuine. Nash says, "he was informed by
a bencher of Gray's Inn, who had it from an acquaintance
of Butler's, that the person intended was Sir Henry Rose-
well, of Ford Abbey, in Devonshire," but adds, " these would
be probable reasons to deprive Bedfordshire of the Hero, did
not Butler, in his Memoirs of 1C49, give the same descrip
tion of Sir SarKiid Luke, and in his Dunstable Downs, ex-
viii LIFE OF BUTLER.
he accepted the Secretaryship to Richard, Earl of
Carbury, Lord President of the Principality of
Wales, who made him Steward of Ludlow Castle,
where the court of the marches was removed.
About this time, he married Mrs. Herbert,7 a
gentlewoman of good family, but who had lost most
of her fortune, by placing it on bad securities,
in those very dangerous and uncertain times.
A. Wood says, that he was Secretary to George,
Duke of Buckingham, when he was Chancellor of
Cambridge, that the Duke treated him with kindness
and generosity; and that in common with almost
all men of wit and learning, he enjoyed the friend
ship of the celebrated Earl of Dorset. The author
of his Life, prefixed to his Poems, says, that the
integrity of his life, the acuteness of his wit, and
the easiness of his conversation, rendered him
acceptable to all; but that he avoided a multi
plicity of acquaintance. The accounts both of the
patronage of the Duke of Buckingham and the
pressly style Sir Samuel Luke, Sir Hudibras ; " the name was
borrowed from Spenser, F. Q. 11. i. 17.
He that made love unto the eldest dame
Was bight Sir Hudibras, an hardy man.
It is supposed that Lilly the astrologer was represented
under the person of Sidrophel ; though Sir Paul Neal, who
denied Butler to be the author of Hudibras, has been men
tioned as the person intended. Vide Grey's Hudibras, ii.
105, 388, 1st edit. ; and Nash's Hudibras, vol. ii. p. 308,
that Whachum was meant for Sir George Wharton, does not
appear to rest on any proof; v. Biographia, Art. Sherborne,
note (B).
7 A. Wood says, that she was a widow, and that Butler
supported himself by her jointure, deriving nothing from the
practice of the law.
LIFE OF BUTLER. ix
Secretaryship are disbelieved by Dr. Johnson, on
the following grounds : — " Mr. Wycherley," says
Major Packe, " had always laid hold of any oppor-
• tunity which offered of representing to the Duke
of Buckingham how well Mr. Butler had deserved
of the royal family, by writing his inimitable
Hudibras, and that it was a reproach to the Court
that a person of his loyalty and wit, should suffer
in obscurity, and under the wants he did. The
duke always seemed to hearken to him with atten
tion enough, and after some time undertook to
recommend his pretentions to his Majesty. Mr.
Wycherley, in hopes to keep him steady to his
word, obtained of his Grace to name a day, when
he might introduce that modest and unfortunate
poet to his new patron. At last an appointment
was made, and the place of meeting was agreed
to be the Roebuck. Mr. Butler and his friend
attended accordingly ; the duke joined them, but
as the devil would have it, the door of the room
where they sat was open, and his Grace, who had
seated himself near it, observing a pimp of his
acquaintance (the creature too was a knight) trip
by with a brace of ladies, immediately quitted his
engagement to follow another kind of business, at
which he was more ready than to do good offices
to those of desert, though no one was better quali
fied than he, both in regard to his fortune and
understanding, to protect them ; and from that
time to the day of his death, poor Butler never
found the least effect of his promise."
This story may be believed or not ; to me, I
confess, it appears more like a well-dressed fiction
X LIFE OF BUTLER.
of Wycherley's than the truth ; why the accidental
interruption of the interview should never after
have been repaired, does not appear ; but there is
a better testimony in some verses of Butler, which
were published by Mr. Thyer : " which are writ
ten (says Johnson) with a degree of acrimony,
such as neglect and disappointment might natu
rally excite, and such as it would be hard to ima
gine Butler capable of expressing against a man
who had any claim to his gratitude."
In 1663, the first part of Hudibras, in three
cantos, was published,8 when more than fifty years
had matured the author's genius, and given large
scope to his experience of mankind. It was speedily
known at court, through the influence of the Earl
of Dorset.9 The king praised, the courtiers, of
course, admired, and the royalists greeted a pro
duction which certainly covered their now fallen
enemies with all the derision and contempt which
wit and genius could command. In 1664, the
second part appeared ; and the author, as well as
the public, watched with anxiety for the reward
which he was to receive from the gratitude of the
king ; like the other expectants of Charles's bounty,
which was drained off into very different channels,
they watched in vain. Clarendon, says Wood,
8 Some verses in the first edition of Hudibras were after
wards omitted for reasons of state, as
Did not the learned Glynne and Maynard,
To make good subjects traitors, strain hard.
Was not the king, by proclamation,
Declared a traitor through the nation.
9 See Prior's Dedication to his Poems.
LIFE OF BUTLER. XI
gave him reason to hope for places and employ
ments of value and credit, but he never received
them ; and the story of the king's presenting him
with a purse of three hundred guineas appears
also to rest on no competent authority. To com
pensate for the neglect of the court, and of a king,
who, in truth, cared for no one but himself, and
who possessed neither public honour, nor private
principle, it is difficult to say, whether Butler may
have been satisfied with the .approbation of the
people ; or hew fur the love of his art, confidence
in his own genius, and a natural fondness for a
successful production, may have induced him to
continue his poem ; certainly in four years more
he published the third part, which still leaves the
work unfinished. What he ultimately intended,
it is impossible to conjecture from a narrative
which has no consistent plan, or progress. He
may have been wearied of it, or he may not have
had time to continue it ; for he died two years
after its appearance, in his sixty-ninth year, on
the 25th of September, 1680 j1 and was buried
very privately by his friend Mr. Longueville, in
the church-yard of St. Paul, Covent-Garden, at
his private expense ; for he had in vain solicited
an honourable and public funeral in Westminster
Abbey. His grave was at the west-end of the
1 A. Wood says he died of a consumption ; Oldham says
he was carried off by a fever ; but as he was near three score
and ten, we may be spared any further investigation. Mr.
Longueville says he lived for some years in Rose Street,
Covent Garden, and probably died there: that notwithstand
ing his disappointments he was never reduced to want or
beggary, and that he did not die in any person's debt.
Xll LIFE OF BUTLER.
church-yard on the north side ; " his feet," says
Aubrey, " touch the wall ; his grave, two yards
distant from the pilaster of the door, by his desire
six foot deep. About twenty-five of his old ac
quaintances at his funeral, I myself being one."
The burial service was read over him by the
learned Dr. Simon Patrick, then Rector of the
parish, and afterwards Bishop of Ely. Dr. Johnson
says, that Mr. Lowndes of the Treasury, informed
Dr. Zachary Pearce,2 that Butler was allowed a
yearly pension of a hundred pounds ; but this,
as Johnson says, is contradicted by all tradition,
by the complaints of Oldham,3 and the reproaches
of Dryden. About forty years after, Mr. Barber,
whose name is familiar to all persons conversant
with the literature of that time, who was a printer,
and Lord Mayor of London, erected a monument
in Westminster Abbey to the poet's memory ; the
inscription will prove how warmly he approved his
principles.4
2 See Granger's Biog. Hist, of England, vol. iv. p. 40.
3 See Oldham's ' Satire against Poetry,' and Dryden's
' Hind and Panther," and Otway's ' Prologue to the Tragedy
of Constantine the Great.' Butler twice transcribed the fol
lowing distich in his Common-place Book:
To think how Spenser died, how Cowley mourn'd,
How Sutler's faith and service were return'd.
4 In the additions to Pope's works, published by George
Steevens, i. p. 13, are some lines said to be written by Pope
on this monument erected by Barber.
Eespect to Dryden Sheffield justly paid,
And noble Villars honour'd Cowley's shade.
But whence this Barber? that a name so mean
Should, join'd with Butler's, on a tomb be seen;
The pyramid would better far proclaim ,
To future ages humbler Settle's name ;
LIFE OF BUTLER. xiii
M.S.
SAMUELIS BUTLERT,
Qui Strenshamiae in agro Vigorn. nat. 1612,
obiit Lond. 1680.
Vir doctus imprimis, acer, integer ;
Operibus ingenii, non item prasmiis fcelix :
Satyrici apud nos carminis artifex egregius ;
Quo simulate religionis larvam detraxit,
Et perduellium scelera liberrime exagitavit ;
Scriptorum in suo genere, primus et postremus.
Ne, cui vivo deerant fere omnia,
Deessit etiam mortuo tumulus,
Hoc tandem posito marmore, curavit
Johannes- Barber, civis Londinensis, 1721.5
After his death, three small volumes were pub
lished bearing the title of his posthumous pieces in
verse and prose ; they are, however, all spurious,
except the ode on Duval and two of the prose
tracts : but the volumes subsequently given to the
Poet and patron then had been well pair'd,
^The city printer and the city bard.
The lines also by Samuel Wesley are well known (vide
Poems, 4 to. 1736, p. 62.)
While Butler, needy wretch, was yet alive,
No generous patron would a dinner give;
See him, when starved to death and turn'd to dust,
Presented with a monumental bust.
The poet's fate is here in emblem shown,
He ask'd for bread, and he received a stone.
* See Delineation of Butler's Monument in Dart's West
minster Abbey, pi. 3, torn. 1, pp. 78, 79. With regard to
the monument erected in St. Paul's, Covent Garden, in 1786
(when the church was repaired), at the expense of some of
the parishioners, on the south side of the church (inside)
with the inscription, see Nash's Life of Butler, xiii. See en
graving of it in Nash's Life of Butler, p. xxxix. An en
graving of the monument in Westminster Abbey is in the
same work, p. 678. Within the last few years a marble
tablet has been erected to his memorv in the parish church
of his native village, Strensham, by John Taylor, Esq.,
who now owns the estate on which the poet was born.
xiv LIFE OF BUTLER.
world by Mr. Thyer, keeper of the public library
at Manchester, are genuine6 and valuable. " As
to these remains of Butler," says Warburton in
his Letters (cxxxi), " they are certainly his ; but
they would not strike the public, if that public
was honest ; but the public is a malicious monster,
which cares not what it affords to dead merit, so
it can but depress the living. There was some
thing singular in this same Butler ; besides an
infinite deal of wit, he had great sense and pene
tration, both in the sciences and in the world.
Yet with all this, he could never plan a work or
tell a story well. The first appears from his
Hudibras ; the other from his Elephant in the
Moon. He evidently appears to be dissatisfied
with it, by turning it into long verse, but that
was his forte ; the fault lay in the manner of tell
ing, not but he might have another reason for
trying his talents at heroic verse — emulation.
Dryden had burst out in a surprising manner ;
and, in such a case, the poetic world, as we have
seen by a late instance, is always full of imita
tions.6 But Butler's heroics are poor stuff ; indeed
only doggerel made languid by heavy expletives.
This attempt in the change of his measure w;is
the sillier, not only as he acquired the mastery in
6 What genuine remains of Butler Thyer did not publish,
were all in the hands either of Dr. R. Farmer or Dr. Nash,
and had 'been seen by Atterbury. See Life by Nash, xvi.
James Massey, Esq. of Rosthern, Cheshire, had Butler's
Common Place Book. Some law cases from Coke upon
Littletoi, drawn up in Norman-French by Butler, were
bought by Dr. Nash of Butler's relation in Buckinghamshire.
He had also a French Dictionary compiled by him, and part
of a tragedy of Nero.
LIFE OF BUTLER. XV
the short measure, but as that measure, somehow
or other, suits best with his sort of wit. His
characters are full of cold puerilities, though, inter
mixed with abundance of wit and with a great
deal of good sense. He is sometimes wonderfully
fine both in his sentiment and expression, as when
he defines ' the Proud Man to be a Fool in fermen
tation ;' and when speaking of the Antiquary, he
says, ' he has a great veneration for words that
are stricken in years and are grown so aged that
they have outlived their employments:' but the
great fault in these characters is that they are a
bad and false species of composition.7 As for his
editor he is always in the wrong when there was
a possibility of his mistaking. I could not but
smile at his detecting Pope's plagiarisms about the
Westphalia hogs, when I reflected, that in a very
little time, when the chronology is not well at
tended to, your fine note about the ambergris will
be understood by every one as a ridicule upon it ;
and, indeed, an excellent one it is : notwithstand
ing, I wish this fellow would give us a new edition
of Hudibras, for the reason he mentions."
A. Wood ascribed to Butler two pamphlets,
supposed, he says, falsely to be William Prynn's.
The one entitled " Mola Asinaria," or the unrea
sonable and insupportable Burden pressed upon
the Shoulders of this groaning Nation. London,
1659, in one sheet, 4to. The other, Two Letters ;
one from John Audland, a quaker, to William
Prynn ; the other, Prynn's Answer ; in three
7 See some excellent observations on this style of writing
in Retrosp. Rev. vol. iii. art.iv. ' Fuller's Church History.'
XVI LIFE OF BUTLER.
sheets in folio, 1672. The author of his life also
adds, that he had seen a small poem, of one sheet
in quarto, on Duval the highwayman, said to be
written by Butler. These formed part of the
posthumous pieces above mentioned ; to which
may be added the fragment given to Mr. Aubrey
by the poet himself, and printed by the writer of
his life. It is said that Butler did not shine in
conversation till he had taken a cheerful glass,
though he was no intemperate drinker. The fol
lowing story is told in the British Biography : —
" Before he (Butler) was personally known to the
Earl of Dorset, that nobleman had a great desire
to spend an evening with him as a private gentle
man ; and with that view prevailed on Mr. Fleet-
wood Shepherd to introduce him into his company
at a tavern which they used, in the character only
of a common friend. This being done, Mr. Butler,
we are told, whilst the first bottle was drinking,
appeared very flat and heavy, at the second bottle
extremely brisk and lively, full of wit and learn
ing, and a most pleasant agreeable companion, but
before the third bottle was finished, sunk again
into such stupidity and dulness, that hardly any
body could have believed him to be the author of
Hudibras, a book abounding with so much wit,
learning, and pleasantry. Next morning Mr.
Shepherd asked his lordship's opinion of Mr. Butler,
who answered, ' He is like a nine-pin, little at
both ends, but great in the middle.'8 Johnson
sums up the personal history, of the poet by say-
8 A. Wood says, " Butler was a boon and witty com
panion, especially among the company he knew well."
LIFE OF BUTLER. xvii
ing, ' In this mist of obscurity passed the life of
Butler, a man whose name can only perish with
his language.' The date of his birth is doubtful,
the mode and place of his education are unknown,
the events of his life are variously related, and all
that can be told with certainty is that he was
poor."
A list of the portraits of Butler, in painting and
engraving, may be found in Granger's History of
England ; 9 a portrait of him by Lely is in the
Picture Gallery at Oxford; and another, by the
same hand, formerly in the possession of Mr.
Longueville, became the property of Mr. Hayter
of Salisbury." Another likeness of him by Zoort,
was formerly in the collection of the celebrated
Mr. Charles Jennins. Several prints of him by
Vertue are also prefixed to different editions of his
works.
The merit of Hudibras (it has been well ob
served),1 certainly lies in its style and execution,
and by no means in the structure of the story.
The action of the story as it stands, and inter
rupted as it is, occupies but three days, and it is
clear from the opening line, ' When civil dudgeon
first grew high,' that it was meant to bear date
9 See vol. iv. p. 38, &c. A mezzotint print of Lord Grey
has been altered to Butler.
1 See Campbell's Specimens of Br. Poets, vol. iv. p. 205.
The principal actions of the poem, says Nash, are four.
1. Hudibras's victory over Crowdero. 2. Trulla's victory
over Hudibras. 3. Hudibras's victory over Sidrophel. 4. The
Widow's antimasquerade. The rest is made up of the ad
ventures of the Bear, of the Skimmington, Hudibras's conver
sations with the Lawyer and Sidrophel, and his long dispu
tations with Ralpho and the Widow.
XV111 LIFE OF BUTLER.
with the civil wars. Yet after two days and
nights are completed, the Poet skips at once, in
the third part, to Oliver Cromwell's death, and
then returns to retrieve his hero, and conduct him
through the last canto. Before the third part of
Hudibras appeared, a great space of time had
elapsed, since the publication of the .first. Charles
the Second had been fifteen years asleep on the
throne, and Butler seems to have felt that the
ridicule of the sectaries was a stale subject. The
final interest of the piece, therefore, dwindles into
the Widow's repulse of Sir Hudibras, a topic which
has been suspected to allude not so much to the
Presbyterians, as to the reigning monarch's dotage
upon his mistresses. " Burlesque," says Shenstone,
" may perhaps be divided into such as turns chiefly
on the thought and such as depends more on the
expression, or we may add a third kind, consisting
in thoughts ridiculously dressed, in language much
above or below their dignity. The Splendid Shil
ling of Phillips, and the Hudibras of Butler are the
most obvious instances. Butler, however, depen
ded much on the ludicrous effect of his double
rhymes ; in other respects, to declare your senti
ments, he is rather a witty writer, than a hu
morous one."2 The defect of Butler's poem
undoubtedly consists, in what has been already
mentioned, — the poverty of the incidents, and the
incompleteness and irregularity of the design. The
slender strain of narrative which is just visible in
the commencement,3 soon dwindles away and is
2 Shenstone's Works, vol. ii. p. 182, third ed.
3 "Butler set out on too narrow a plan, and even that
LIFE OF BUTLER. XIX
lost. It is true that the poem abounds with
curious and uncommon learning, with original
thoughts, happy images, quaint and comic turns of
expression, and new and fanciful rhymes. But
the humour, instead of being diffused quietly and
unostentatiously over the whole poem, in rich har
monious colouring, is collected into short epigram
matic sentences, pointed apothegms, and unex
pected allusions. It has the same merits and
defects as a poem of a very different kind — Young's
Night Thoughts, — copious invention, new and
pleasing images, and brilliant thoughts; with a
want of sufficient connexion in^ the subject, and
progress in the^ story. There is no poem at all
resembling Hudibras in character in our language ;
but parts of it are not dissimilar to the style and
manner of some prose writings of the time, which
were published under the name of ' Characters,'
and which, like Butler's poem, dazzle rather than
delight by successive flashes of wit, and a rapid
play of fancy. It may be observed that the defects
and ^merits of this work are practically made
known by the manner in which it is read. Its
want of story and incident seldom permits a con
tinued perusal ; while the abundance of its wise4
design is not kept up. He sinks into little true particulars
about the Widow, &c. The enthusiastic Knight, and the
ignorant Squire, over religious in two different ways, and
always quarrelling together, is the chief point of view in it."
— (Pope) v. Spence's Anecdotes, p. 208. It appears from
some passages in Warburton's Correspondence, that Gray did
not much admire this poem of Butler's.
4 " Though scarcely any author was ever able to express
his thoughts in so few tcords as Butler, he often employs too
many thoughts on one subject, and thus becomes prolix after
XX LIFE OF BUTLER.
and witty sayings insures a constant recurrence to
its pages. As little can be added to the character
of the work which Johnson has given, and as it
would be presumptuous to hope to express his
thoughts in any language but his own, we shall
conclude with extracting from his Life of Butler
the following critical opinion of his work.
" The poem of Hudibras is one of those com
positions of which a nation may justly boast ; as
the images which it exhibits are domestic, the
sentiments unborrowed and unexpected, and the
strain of diction original and peculiar. We must
not, however, suffer the pride, which we assume
as the countrymen of Butler, to make any en
croachment upon justice, nor appropriate those
honours which others have a right to share. The
poem of Hudibras is not wholly English ; the ori
ginal idea is to be found in the history of Don
Quixote ; a book to which a mind of the greatest
powers may be indebted without disgrace. Cer
vantes shows a. man, who having by the incessant
perusal of incredible tales, subjected his under
standing5 to his imagination, and familiarized his
mind by pertinacious meditation to trains of in
credible events and scenes of impossible existence ;
goes out in the pride of knighthood to redress
wrongs and defend virgins, to rescue captive prin
cesses, and tumble usurpers from their thrones,
attended by a squire, whose cunning, too low for
the suspicion of a generous mind, enables him
often to cheat his master.'
an unusual manner." — See Hume's Hist, of England, vol. viii.
p. 337.
* Would not " reason " be the more proper word ?
LIFE OF BUTLEK. XXI
" The hero of Butler is a presbyterian justice,
who, in the confidence of legal authority and the
rage of zealous ignorance, ranges the country to
repress superstition and correct abuses, accom
panied by an independent, clerk, disputatious and
obstinate, with whom he often debates, but never
conquers him.
" Cervantes had so much kindness for Don
Quixote, that, however he embarrasses him with
absurd distresses, he gives him so much sense and
virtue, as may preserve our esteem. Wherever he
is or whatever he does, he is made by matchless
dexterity, commonly ridiculous, but never con
temptible.
" But for poor Hudibras, his poet had no ten
derness, he chooses not that any pity should be
shewn, or respect paid him. He gives him up at
once to laughter and contempt, without any
quality that can dignify or protect him. In form
ing the character of Hudibras, and describing his
person and habiliments, the author seems to labour
with a tumultuous confusion of dissimilar ideas.
He had read the history of the mock knights-
errant, he knew the notions and manners of a
Presbyterian magistrate, 'and tried to unite the
absurdities of both, however distant, in one per
sonage.6 Thus he gives him that pedantic osten-
6 " One great object," says Nash, " of our Poet's satire, is
to unmask the hypocrite and to exhibit in a light at once
odious and ridiculous, the Presbyterians and Independents,
and all other sects, which in our Poet's days amounted to
near two hundred, and were enemies to the king ; but his
further view was to banter all the false and erase all the sus
picious pretences to learning that prevailed in his time, such
as astrology, sympathetic medicine, alchymy, transfusion of
VOL. I. C
XXll LIFE OF BUTLER.
tation of knowledge, which has no relation to
chivalry, and loads him with martial encum
brances, that can add nothing to his civil dignity.
He sends him out a -colonelling, and yet never
brings him within sight of war. If Hudibras be
considered as the representative of the Presby
terians, it is not easy to say why his weapons
should be represented as ridiculous or useless ;
for whatever judgment might be passed on their
knowledge, or their arguments, experience had
sufficiently shown that their swords were not to
be despised. The hero, thus compounded of
swagger and pedant, of knight and justice, is led
forth to action, with his Squire Ralpho, an inde
pendent enthusiast. Of the contexture of events
planned by the author, which is called the action
of the poem, since it is left imperfect, no judg
ment can be made. It is probable that the hero
was to be led through many luckless adventures,
which would give occasion, like his attack upon
the Bear and Fiddle, to expose the ridiculous
rigour of the sectaries, like his encounter with
Sidrophel and Whachum, to make superstition and
credulity contemptible ; or like his recourse to the
low retailer of the law, discover the fraudulent
practices of different professions.
" What series of events he would have formed,
or in what manner he would have rewarded or
blood, trifling experimental philosophy, fortune-telling, in
credible relations of travellers, false wit and injudicious affec
tation of ornament to be found in the poets and romance
writers; thus he frequently alludes to Purchas's Pilgrims,
Sir K. Digby's books, Buhvar's Artificial Changeling, Brown's
Vulgar Errors, Burton's Melancholy, the early Transactions
of the Royal Society, &c."
LIFE OF BUTLER. XXlll
punished his hero, it is now vain to conjecture.
His work must have had, it seems, the defect
which Dryden imputes to Spenser, the action
could not have been one : those could only
have been a succession of incidents, each of
which might have happened without the rest, •
and which could not all co-operate to any single
conclusion. The discontinuity of the action
might, however, have been easily forgiven ; if
there had been action enough, but I believe
every reader regrets the paucity of events, and •
complains that in the poem of Hudibras, as in the /
History of Thucydides, there is more said than
done. The scenes are too seldom changed, and the
attention is tired with long conversation. It is
indeed much more easy to form dialogues than to
contrive adventures. Every position makes way
for an argument, and every objection dictates an
answer. When two disputants are engaged on a
complicated and extensive question, the difficulty
is not to continue, but to end the controversy.
But whether it be, that we comprehend but few of
the possibilities of life, or that life itself affords
little variety, every man who has tried, knows how
much labour it will cost to form such a combina
tion of circumstances as shall have at once the
grace of novelty and credibility, and delight fancy
without violence to reason. Perhaps the dialogue
of this poem is not perfect. Some power of en
gaging the attention might have been added to it,
by quicker reciprocation, by seasonable interrup
tions, by sudden questions, and by a nearer ap
proach to dramatic sprightliness ; without which,
xxiv LIFE OF BUTLEH.
fictitious speeches will always tire, however
sparkling with sentences, and however variegated
with allusions. The great source of pleasure is
variety. Uniformity must tire at last, though it
be an uniformity of excellence. We love to
expect, and when expectation is disappointed, or
gratified, we want to be again expecting. For
this impatience of the present, whoever would
please must make provision. The skilful writer,
irritat, mulcet, makes a due distribution of the
still and animated parts. It is for want of this
artful intertexture, and those necessary changes,
that the whole of a book may be tedious, though
all the parts are praised.
" If inexhaustible wit could give perpetual plea
sure, no eye could ever leave half-read the work of
Butler ; for what poet has ever brought so many
remote images so happily together ? It is scarcely
possible to peruse a page without finding some
association of images that was never found before.
By the first paragraph the reader is amused, by
the next he is delighted, and by a few more
strained to astonishment, but astonishment is a
toilsome pleasure. He is soon weary of wandering,
and longs to be diverted.
Omnia vult belle Matho dicere, die aliquando
Et bene, die neutrum, die aliquando male.
Imagination is useless without knowledge ; nature
gives in vain the power of combination, unless
study and observation supply materials to be com
bined. Butler's treasures of knowledge appeal-
proportioned to his expense. Whatever topic
LIFE OF BUTLER. XXV
employs his mind, he shows himself qualified to
expand and illustrate it with all the accessories
that books can furnish. He is found not only to
have travelled the beaten road, but the bye-paths
of literature ; not only to have taken general
surveys, but to have examined particulars with
minute inspection. If the French boast the
learning of Rabelais, we need not be afraid of con
fronting them with Butler. But the most valuable
parts of his performance are those which retired
study and native wit cannot supply. He that
merely makes a book from books may be useful,
but can scarcely be great. Butler had not suffered
life to glide by him unseen or unobserved. He
had watched with great diligence the operations
of human nature, and traced the effects of opinion,
humour, interest, and passion. From such re
marks proceeded that great number of sententious
distichs, which have passed into conversation, and
are, added as proverbial axioms to the general
stock of practical knowledge. When any work
has been viewed and admired, the first question of
intelligent curiosity is, how was it performed?
Hudibras was not a hasty effusion; it was not
produced by a sudden tumult of imagination, or a
short paroxysm of violent labour. To accumulate
such a mass of sentiments at the call of accidental
desire, or of sudden necessity, is beyond the
reach and power of the most active and compre
hensive mind. I am informed by Mr. Thyer,
of Manchester, that excellent editor of this author's
reliques, that he could show something like Hudi
bras in prose. He has in his possession the
XXVI LIFE OF BUTLER
common-place book in which Butler reposited not
such events and precepts as are gathered by
reading, but such remarks, similitudes, allusions,
assemblages, or inferences, as occasion prompted,
or meditation produced, those thoughts that were
generated in his own mind, and might be usefully
applied to some future purpose. Such is the
labour of those who write for immortality : 7 but
human works are not easily found without a
perishable part. Of the ancient poets every
reader feels the mythology tedious and oppres
sive; of Hudibras, the manners being founded on
7 Butler crowds into his confined circle all the treasures
of art and the accumulations of learning. He gives full
measure to his readers, heaped up and running over.
Thought crowds upon thought, and witticism on witticism,
in rapid and dazzling succession. Every topic and every in
cident is made the most of: his bye-play always tells. Many
ef his happiest sallies appear to escape him as if by accident.
Many of his hardest hits appear to be merely chance-blows.
A description of a bear-ward brings in a sneer at Sir K. Digby,
and his powder of sympathy ; and an account of a tinker's
doxy introduces a pleasantry on SirW. Davenant's Gondibert.
There is always an undercurrent of satiric allusion beneath
the main stream of his satire. The juggling of astrology, the
besetting folly of alchymy, the transfusion of blood, the sym
pathetic medicines, the learned trifling of experimental phi
losophers, the knavery of fortune-tellers, and the folly of their
dupes, the marvellous relations of travellers, the subtleties o
the school divines, the freaks of fashion, the fantastic extra
vagancies of lovers, the affectations of piety, and the absur
dities of romance, are interwoven with his subject, and soften
down and relieve his dark delineation of fanatical violence
and perfidy. * * Butler was by no means deficient in humour,
but it is cast into a dim eclipse by the predominance of his
wit. His characters do not show themselves off unconsciously
as fools or coxcombs: they are set up as marks at which the
author levels all the shafts of his ridicule and sarcasm, r.
Retrosp. Rev. Vol. iii. p. 333.
LIFE OF BUTLER. xxvil
opinions, arc temporary and local, and therefore
become every day less intelligible and less striking.
What Cicero says of philosophy is true likewise
of wit and humour, that time effaces the fictions
of opinion, and confirms the determinations of
nature. Such manners as depend upon standing
relations and general passions are co-extended
with the race of man ; but those modifications of
life and peculiarities of practice, which are the
progeny of error and perverseness, or at best, of
some accidental influence, or transient persuasion,
must perish with their parents., Much, therefore,
of that humour which transported the last century
with merriment is lost to us, Avho do not, know
the sour solemnity, the sullen superstition, the
gloomy moroseness, and the stubborn scruples of
the ancient Puritans ; or, if we know them, derive
our information only from books, or from tra
dition ; have never had them before our eyes, and
carmot but by recollection and study understand
the lines in which they are satirized. Our grand
fathers knew the picture from the life ; we judge
of the life by contemplating the picture.
"It is scarcely possible, in the regularity and
composure of the present time, to image the tumult
of absurdity and clamour of contradiction, which
perplexed doctrine, disordered practice, and dis
turbed both public and private quiet, in that age
when subordination was broken, and awe was
hissed away; when any unsettled innovator, who
could hatch a half-formed notion, produced it to
the public ; when every man might become a
preacher, and almost every preacher could collect :i
XXV111 LIFE OF BUTLER.
congregation. The wisdom of the nation is very
reasonably supposed to reside in the parliament ;
what can be concluded of the lower classes of the
people, when in one of the parliaments summoned
by Cromwell, it was seriously proposed, that all the
records in the Tower should be burned, that all me
mory of things passed should be effaced, and that
the whole system of life should commence anew !
We have never been witnesses of animosities ex
cited by the use of mince pies and plum porridge,
nor seen with what abhorrence those who could
eat them at all other times of the year, should
shrink from them in December. An old Puritan,
who was alive in my childhood, being at one of
the feasts of the Church, invited by a neighbour
to partake his cheer, told him that if he would
treat him at an alehouse with beer brewed for all
times and seasons, he should accept his kindness,
but would have none of his superstitious meats
and drinks. One of the puritanical tenets was
the illegality of all games of chance, and he that
reads Gataker upon Lots, may see how much learn
ing and reason one of the first scholars of his ago
thought necessary to prove that it was no crime to
throw a die, or play at cards, or hide a shilling
for the reckoning. Astrology, however, against
which so much of the satire is directed, was not
more the folly of the Puritans than of others ; it had
in that time a very extensive dominion ; its predic
tions raised hopes and fears in minds which ought
to have rejected it with contempt. In hazardous
undertakings care was taken to begin under the
influence of a propitious planet; and when the
LIFE OF BUTLER. XXIX
king was prisoner in Carisbrook Castle, an as
trologer was consulted what hour would be found
most favourable to an escape. What effect this
poem had upon the public, whether it shamed im
posture, or reclaimed credulity, is not easily de
termined, cheats can seldom stand long against
laughter ; it is certain that the credit of planetary
intelligence wore fast away, though some men of
knowledge, and Dryden among them, continued
to believe that conjunctions and oppositions had a
great part in the distribution of good or evil, and
in the government of sublunary things.
" Poetical action ought to be probable upon
certain suppositions ; and such probability as
burlesque requires is here violated only by one in
cident. Nothing can show more plainly the ne
cessity of doing something, and the difficulty of
finding something to do, than that Butler was
reduced to transfer to his hero the flagellation of
Sancho, not the most agreeable fiction of Cer
vantes, very suitable indeed to the manners of that
age and nation, which ascribed wonderful efficacy
to voluntary penances ; but so remote from the
practice and opinions of the Hudibrastic time,
that judgment and imagination are alike offended.
The diction of this poem is grossly familiar, and
the numbers purposely neglected, except in a few
places where the thoughts by their native excel
lence secure themselves from violation, being such
as mean language cannot express. The mode of
versification has been blamed by Dryden, who
regrets that the heroic measure was not rather
chosen. To the critical sentence of Dryden the
XXX LIFE OF BUTLER.
highest reverence would be due, were not his
decisions often precipitate, and his opinions im
mature. When he wished to change the measure,
he probably would have been willing to change
more. If he intended that when the numbers
were heroic, the diction should still remain vulgar,
he planned a very heterogeneous and unnatural
composition. If he preferred a general state-
liness both of sound and words, he can only be
understood to wish Butler had undertaken a dif
ferent work. The measure is quick, sprightly,
and colloquial, suitable to the vulgarity of the
words, and the levity of the sentiments, but such
numbers and such diction can gain regard only
when they are used by a writer whose vigour
of fancy and copiousness of knowledge entitle
him to contempt of ornaments, and who in confi
dence of the novelty and justness of his conceptions,
can afford to throw metaphors and epithets away.
To another that conveys common thoughts in
careless versification, it will only be said, ' Pauper
videri Cinna vult, et est pauper.' The meaning
and diction will be worthy of each other, and
criticism may justly doom them to perish together.
Nor even though another Butler should arise,
would another Hudibras obtain the same regard.
Burlesque consists in a disproportion between the
style and the sentiments, or between the adven
titious sentiments and the fundamental subject.
It, therefore, like all bodies compounded of hete
rogeneous parts, contains in it a principle of cor
ruption. All disproportion is unnatural, and from
what is unnatural we can derive only the pleasure
LIFE OF BUTLER.
XXXI
which novelty produces. We admire it awhile as
a strange thing ; but when it is no longer strange
we perceive its deformity. It is a kind of artifice
which by frequent repetition detects itself: and
the reader, learning in time what he is to expect,
lays down his book, as the spectator turns away
from a second exhibition of those tricks, of which
the only use is to show they can be played.'*
NOTES.
Page vii.
»N Sir Samuel Luke being represented by
Hudibras, see Dr. Grey's Preface, p. iv.
where by a reverend and learned person,
Warburton is meant, see D'Israeli's Curi
osities of Literature (new series) vol. i. p. 235, on this
point. The Grub Street Journal says, one Col.
Eolle, a Devonshire man. The old tutelar saint of
Devonshire was Hugh de Bras, see Edinburgh Re
view, No. LXVII. 159. The author of a curious
article in the Censor, No. xvi. (v. Gent. Mag.) called
" Memoirs of Sir Samuel Luke," observes, An unau-
thenticated story prevails that Butler once lived in
the service of Sir Samuel Luke, and has increased
with a succession of writers, like a rolling ball of
snow. Wood and Aubrey, who had both access to
credible information, say nothing about it ; and it
first occurs in an anonymous life prefixed to his
poems. Towneley, in his Memoir, insinuates that he
behaved with ingratitude ; ' II me semble qu'il doit
epargner le chevalier Luke, son bienfaiteur, que la
gratitude et la reconnaissance auraient du mettre a
couvert centre les traits de la satire de votre auteur.'
But for the climax of this representation we are in-
NOTES. xxxill
debted to the Edinb. Review (Art. Hogg's Jacobite
Relics), in which the critic roundly asserts that
" Butler lived in the family, supported by the bounty
of Sir Samuel Luke, one of Cromwell's captains, at
the very time he planned his Hudibras, of which he
was pleased to make his kind friend and hospitable
patron the Hero." Now (he continues) we defy the
history of whiggism to match this anecdote, or to
produce so choice a specimen of the human nettle !
P. x. Gratitude of the king.] According to the
verses in Butler's ' Hudibras at Court,' (». Remains).
Now you must know, Sir Hudibras
With such perfections gifted was,
And so peculiar in his manner,
That all that saw him, did him honor.
Among the rest this prince was one
Admired his conversation.
This prince, whose ready wit and parts
Conquer'd both men and women's hearts :
Was so o'ercome with Knight and Ralph,
That he could never clear it off.
£, He never eat, nor drank, nor slept,
But Hudibras still near him kept ;
Nor would he go to church, or so,
But Hudibras must with him go.
Nor yet to visit concubine,
Or at a city feast to dine ;
But Hudibras must still be there,
Or all the fat was in the fire.
Now after all, was it not hard
That he should meet with no reward,
That fitted out this Knight and Squire,
This monarch did so much admire ;
That he should never reimburse
The man for th' equipage and horse,
Is sure a strange ungrateful thing
In any body but a king ;
But this good king, it seems, was told
By some that were with him too hold,
xxxiv NOTES.
If e'er you hope to gain your ends,
Caress your foes, and trust your friends.
Such were the doctrines that were taught,
Till this unthinking king was brought
To leave his friends to starve and die,
A poor reward for loyalty.
Oldham, in his Satire against Poetry, writes thus :
On Butler, who can think without just rage,
The glory and the scandal of the age?
Fair stood his hopes, when first he came to town,
Met everywhere with welcomes of renown.
Courted and loved by all, with wonder read,
And promises of princely favour fed.
But what reward for all had heat last,
After a life in dull expectance past ?
The wretch, at summing up his misspent days,
Found nothing left but poverty and praise.
Of all his gains by verse he could not save
Enough to purchase flannel and a grave.
Reduced to want, he in due time fell sick,
Was fain to die, and be interred on tick,
And well might bless the fever that was sent
To rid him hence, and his worse fate prevent.
And Dryden, in the Hind and Panther :
Unpitied Hudibras, your champion friend
Has shown how far your charities extend.
This lasting verse shall on his tomb be read,
' He shamed you living, and upbraids you dead.'
P. xiii. Epitaph on Butler, by John Dennis, never
before published, in D'Israeli's Curiosities of Litera
ture, (new series), vol. i. p. 240 :
Near this place lies interred •
The body of Mr. Samuel Butler,
Author of Hudibras.
He was a whole species of poet in one,
Admirable in a manner,
In which no one else has been tolerable :
A manner which began' and ended with him,
In which he knew no guide,
And has found no followers.
NOTES. XXXV
P. xx. On the versification of Hudibras, see
Dry den's Ded. to Juvenal, 1735, p. 100 ; to which
Johnson alludes. See also Addison's Spectator, vol. i,
No. ix. See also Prior's Alma, (c. ii. imit) :
But shall we take the muse abroad ,
To drop her idly on the road ?
And leave our subject in the middle,
As Butler did his bear and fiddle?
Yet he, consummate master, knew
When to recede and when pursue.
His noble negligences teach
What others toils despair to reach.
He, perfect dancer, climbs the rope,
And balances vour fear and hope ;
If, after some distinguish'd leap,
He drops his pole, and seems to- slip,
Straight gathering all his active strength,
He rises higher half his length.
With wonder 3*011 approve his sleight,
And owe your pleasure to your fright.
But like poor Andrew I advance,
False mimic of my master's dance.
Around the cord a while I sprawl,
And thence, though low, in earnest fall.
APPENDIX.
I.
jjUTLER'S Hudibras; thefirst part printed
by T. G. for Richard Mariot, under St.
Dunstan's Church, Fleet Street, 1663,
8vo. p. 268.1 In the Mercurius Aulicus,
Jan. 1-8, 166|-, is an advertisement. — " There is
stolen abroad a most false and imperfect copy of a
poem called Hudibras, without name, either of printer
or bookseller ; the true and perfect edition printed by
the author's original, is sold by Richard Mariot, near
St. Dunstan's Church, in Fleet Street. That other
nameless impression is a cheat, and will but abuse
the buyer as well as the author, whose poem deserves
to have fallen into better hands."
II. Hudibras, the second part, 1663. This spurious
second part was published after Butler had printed
his first part, and before he printed the second, and
is very scarce. It ran through three editions in the
1 I have also met with ' Mercurius Menippeus, the Loyal
Satirist, or Hudibras in Prose; written by an unknown
hand, in the time of the late rebellion, but never till now
published, 1682,' a curious tract.
APPENDIX. XXXVll
same year ; the first two do not differ except in the
type. But there was another edition still, " Hudibras,
the second part, with the continuation of the third
canto, to which is added a fourth canto."
Hudibras ; the second part, by the author of the
first ; printed by T. R. for John Martyn and James
Allestrey, at the Bell, in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1664,
8vo. and 12mo. It has on the title-page a wood-cut,
with the publishers' device, a bell, and the letters
M. A. at bottom. In the Mercurius Publicus for Nov.
20, 1663, is this very singular advertisement : —
" Newly published, the second part of Hudibras, by
the author of the former, which (if possible) has
outdone the first.1" — In the B. Museum (Misc. Pap.
Bibl. Birch. No. 4293), is the following injunction : —
Charles R., our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby
strictly charge and command, that no printer, book
seller, stationer, or other person, whatsoever within
our kingdom of England, or Ireland, do print, reprint,
utter, or sell, or cause to be printed, reprinted, uttered,
or sold, a book or poem, called Hudibras, or any
part thereof, without the consent and approbation of
Samuel Boteler, Esq or his assignes, as they, and
every of them will answer the contrary at their perils.
Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 10th day of
September, in the year of our Lord God, 1677, and
in the 29th year of our reign, by his Majesty's com
mand. Jo. Birkenhead.
Hudibras ; the third and last part, written by the
author of the first and second parts; printed for Simon
Miller, at the sign of the Star, at the west end of St.
Paul's, 1678, 8vo..p. 285. This part had no notes
during the author's life, and who inserted them after
wards, is not known.
The first and second parts were republished in
voi, i. d
XXXV111 • APPENDIX.
1674. Hudibras, the first and second parts, written
in the time of the late wars, corrected and amended
with several additions and annotations, London,
1674, part i. p. 202 ; part ii. pp. 223-412.
III. See some lines from the first can to of Hudibras,
admirably translated into Latin verse by Christopher
Smart, published in The Student, or Oxford and
Cambridge Miscellany ; published by Thornton in
1750. — See Beloe's Anecdotes, vol. vi. p. 419. Some
also by Dr. Harmer, Greek Professor at Oxford, may
be seen in the notes to the Biographia Britannica.
IV. Dr. Grey's edition of Hudibras was published
first in 1744. See on it Gent. Mag., 1819, vol. xii.
N. S. p. 41 6, 'Dr. Grey's valuable but incorrect edition.'
In Grey's edition the Meditations of Justice Adam
Overdo in the stocks, are inserted from B. Jonson's
Bartholomew Fair. " The soliloquy is ingeniously
split into a dialogue, and one-half given to Adam,
the other half to Overdo. The consulship of Julius
and Cassar was nothing to this." Dr. Grey left
large additional notes, designed for a new edition,
which were in the hands of Mr. Nichols. As re
gards the posthumous works of Butler, it appears
from the authority of Mr. Thyer that very few
(only three) of them are authentic. Jacob, in his
Lives of the Dramatic Poets, p. 21, says, " not one
line of those poems lately published under his
(Butler's) name is genuine." See also Gent. Mag.
May, 1819, vol. xii. N. S. p. 417, and Thyer's Re
mains, vol. i. p. 145, 302, 327. One passage occurs
in the speech of the Earl of Pembroke which is
curious from its strong verbal coincidence with a
passage in Burke's will — " My will is that I have no
APPENDIX.
monument, for then I must have epitaphs and vi
but all my life long I have had too much of them,"
P. Burke's Will, in Bisset's Life, p. 578. " I desire
that no monument beyond a middle-sized tablet,
with a small and simple inscription on the church-
wall, or on the flag stone, be erected ; but / hate
had in my lifetime but too much of noise and compli
ment"
V. John Townley, the translator of Hudibras,was
an officer of the Irish brigade, and a knight of the
military order of St. Louis, he was uncle to Charles
Townley, Esq. who possessed the marbles and statues.
See Nichols' Hogarth, p. 145, and Notice sur la vie
et les ecrite de M. Larcher, p. 135, in Class. Journal,
No. 19. When the critical reviewers reviewed
Ty tier's Essay on Translation, they would not believe
in the existence of this book, it was so scarce. See
Beloe's Anecdotes, i. p. 21 6, 220. The publication was
superintended by M. L'Abbe Tuberville Needham,
and illustrated with notes by Larcher. There is an
engraving of Mr. Townley by Skelton, with the fol
lowing inscription : —
Ad impertiendum amicis inter Gallos
Linguae Anglicanse nonnihil peritis
Facetum poema Hudibras dictum
Accurate, festiveque gallice convertit
Hie Johannes Towneley
Caroli Towneley de Towneley
In agro Lancastriensi armigeri filius
Nat. A. D. 1679. Denat. A.D. 1782.
Grato, pioque animo fieri curavit
Johannes Towneley, nepos 1797
Reprinted, Paris, 1819, 12mo. 3 vols. said to be a
faithful reprint with the addition of notes by Larcher,
and a Key to Hudibras by Zottin le jeune, and some
account of the translator.
xl APPENDIX.
From the Literary Cyclopedia, p. 83.
VI. In estimating the poem of Hudibras, we should
consider that genius takes every variety of form,
adapts itself to every change of circumstance, and out
of every object selects, according to its purpose, what
is most essential to the view of truth, the exhibition
of beauty or the chastisement of folly. There are con
ventional notions on the subject which would restrict
the honours of genius to the few master minds which
have led to the discovery of some great laws of nature,
or displayed the highest forms of creative imagination.
But it is sometimes as great proof of genius to draw
pictures from daily and familiar life, and to work
upon its elements, as it is to soar above them ; and it
is still a question for the philosophical critic to decide,
whether to raise a gorgeous pyramid of dreams out of
the abstractions of thought, be a higher task to master
the fallacies of existence, and paint reality in all its
strange and grotesque combinations. The author of
Hudibras might alone afford scope to a controversy
of this nature, for while he presents few, if any, of
those characteristics which belong to the loftier class
of minds, he so wonderfully adopts whatever is to be
found in the actual world, or learnt from books, as to
make his memorable lesson against bigotry one of the
most remarkable productions of human ingenuity.
But whatever may be the class to which Butler be
longs in the Temple of Fame, there can only be one
opinion respecting the value of his works, as a rich
collection of lively sarcasms, often intermingled with
wit, on those errors andfoibles of human nature, which
at once verge upon extravagance and mischief. A
practical observer of the world, and an active sharer
in its concerns, Butler never forgets the pleasant and
APPENDIX. xli
every day character of mankind. His mind was tho
roughly impressedwith the subject on which he wrote,
and that subject embraced the whole circle of motives,
which set society in action at the period when he
lived. His wit is consequently often spent upon
follies which are no longer conspicuous, and his ex
perience made lessons which it would now be unpro
fitable to study. There is yet so much imperishable
wisdom in his writings — so many warnings against
evil tempers and absurdities, of which the seeds have
never to this hour been eradicated from human nature,
that Butler may still be estimated as one of the
noblest writers of sententious maxims to be found iu
the English language.
VII. From Retrospective Review, vol. iii. 307.
LIST OP THE IMITATIONS Or HUD1BKAS.
1 Hudibras, second part London 16G3
2 Butler's Ghost; or, Hudibras, the fourth part . . 1682
3 Hogan Moganides; or, the Dutch Hudibras . . 1674
4 The Irish Hudibras ; or, Fingallian Priiice, &c. . 1689
5 The Whig's Supplication, by S. Colvil .... 1695
6 Pendragon; or, the Carpet Knight, his Kalendar . 1698
7 The Dissenting Hypocrite; or, Occasional Con
formist 1704
8 Vulgus Britannicus ; or, the British Hudibras, in
fifteen cantos, &c. by the Author of the London
Spy, second edition 1710
9 Iludibras Redivivus, &c. by E. Ward, no date.
10 The Republican Procession; or, the Tumultuous
Cavalcade, second edition 1714
11 The Hudibrastic Brewer, a satire on the former
(No. 1C) 1714
12 Four Hudibrastic Cantos, being poems on four of
the greatest heroes 1715
13 Posthumous Works in Prose and Verse of Mr. S.
Butler, 3 vols. 12ino. 1720, and in one vol. . 1754
xlii APPENDIX.
14 England's Reformation, &c. a Poem, by Thomas
Ward 1747
1 5 The Irish Hudibras, Hesperi-neso-graphia, by Wil
liam Moft'et, 1755, a reprint of No. 4.
16 The Poetical Works of William Meston . . . . 1767
17 The Alma of Matthew Prior.
For a very judicious and elegant criticism on the
merits and defects of these various poems, the reader is
advised to consult the article in the work from which
our list is taken. The present editor, who has care
fully read most of the above poems, bears his testi
mony to the truth and justice of the observations
upon them.
" Pope, in classing the English poets for his pro
jected discourse on the rise and progress of English
Poetry, has considered Sir John Mennis and Thomas
Baynal as the original of Hudibras. See Dr. War-
ton's Essays. Some of these pieces certainly partake
of the wit, raillery, and playful versification of Butler ;
and this collection, it is just to remember, made its
appearance eight years before the publication of Hu
dibras. Dr. Farmer has traced much of Butler in
Cleveland." Musarum Deliciae, first printed, 1655.
VIII. An Epitaph on James Duke of Hamilton.
He that three kingdoms made one flame,
Blasted their beauty, burnt the frame,
Himself now here in ashes lies,
A part of this great Sacrifice :
Here all of HAMILTON remains,
Save what the other world contains.
But (Reader) it is hard to tell
Whether that world be Heav'n, or Hell.
APPENDIX. xliii
A Scotch man enters Hell at 's birth,
And 'scapes it when he goes to earth,
Assur'd no worse a Hell can come
Than that which he enjoy 'd at home.
Now did the Royall Workman botch
This Duke, halfe-JEnglish, and half e- Scotch !
A Scot an English Earldom fits,
As Purple doth your Marmuzets ;
Suits like Nol Cromwell with the Crown,
Or Bradshaw in his Scarlet-gown.
Yet might b^ thus disguis'd (no lesse)
Have slipt to Heav'n in's English dresse.
But that he' in hope of life became
This mystick Proteus too as well
Might cheat the Devill 'scape his Hell,
Since to those pranks he pleas'd to play
Religion ever pav'd the way ;
Which he did to a Faction tie,
Not to reforme but crucifie.
'Twas he that first alarm'd the Kirke
To this prepost'rous bloody worke,
Upon the King's to place Chrisfs throne,
.A step and foot-stoole to his owne ;
Taught Zeal a hundred tumbling tricks,
And Scriptures twin'd with Politicks ;
The Pulpit made a Jugler's Box,
Set Law and Gospell in the Stocks,
As did old Buchanan and Knox,
In those daies when (at once !) the Pox
And Presbyters a Avay did find
Into the world to plague mankind.
'Twas he patch'd up the new Divine,
Part Calvin, and part Catiline,
1 The Pox, Presbytery, and Jesuitisms, are of llie sane
standing.
xliv APPENDIX.
Could too transfornie (without a Spell)
Satan into a Gabriel ;
Just like those pictures which we paint
On this side Fiend, on that side Saint.
Both this, and that, and every thing
He was ; for and against the King :
Rather than he his ends would inisse,
Betray'd his Master with a kisse,
And buri'd in one common Fate
The glory of our Church and State :
The Crown too levell'd on the ground ;
And having rook't all parties round,
'Faith it was time then to be gone,
Since he had all his businesse done.
Next on the fatall Slock expir'd,
He to this Marble- Cell retir'd ;
Where all of HAMILTON remains
But what Eternity contains.
Digitus Dei, or God's Justice upon Treachery
and Treason, exemplified in the Life and
Death of the late James Duke of Hamilton,
whereto is added an Epitaph upon him. 4to.
London, 1649.
This poem is ascribed to Marchamont Needham.
It is curious as being much in the style of Butler,
and being published fourteen years before Hudibras
appeared.
As it has been said, on the authority of Pope, that
Butler was indebted for the peculiarities of his style
to " Musarum Deliciae, or Wit's Recreation ;" and
as that work is not in the possession of any but a few
persons who are curious in poetry, it has been thought
advisable to afford an extract or two from it. It was
first printed in 1655.
APPENDIX. xlv
" A letter to Sir John Mennis, when the Parlia
ment denied the King money to pay the army, unless
a priest, whom the King had reprieved, might be
executed. Sir John at the same time wanting the
money for provisions for his troop, desired me by his
letter to goe to the priest, and to persuade him to
dye for the good of the army, saying,
WhUt is't for him to hang an houre,
To give an army strengthe, and power ? "
THE REPLY.
By my last letter, John, thou see'st
YVhat I have done to soften priest,
Yet could not with all I could say
Persuade him hang, to get thee pay.
Thou swad, quoth he, I plainly see
The army wants no food by thee.
Fast oft'ner, friend, or if you'll eate,
Use oaten straw, or straw of wheate ;
They'l serve to moderate thy jelly,
And (which it needs) take up thy belly.
. As one that in a taverne breakes
A glasse, steales by the barre and sneaks,
At this rebuke, with no less haste, I
Trudg'd from the priest and prison hasty.
The truth is, he gave little credit
To th' armies wants, because I said it ;
And if you'll press it further, John,
Tis fit you send a learned man.
For thou with ease can friends expose,
For thy behoof, to fortune's blows.
Suppose we being found together,
Had pass'd for birds of the same feather,
I had perchance been shrewly shent,
And maul'd too by the Parliament.
Have you beheld the unlucky ape
For roasted chestnuts mump and gape,
And offering at them with his pawes,
But loath he is to scorch his clawes.
When viewing on the hearth asleep
xlvi APPENDIX.
A puppy, gives him cause to weep,
To spare his own, he takes his helpe,
And rakes out nuts with foot of whelpe ;
Which done, as if 'twere all but play,
Your name-sake looks another way.
The cur awakes, and finds his thumbs
In paine, but knows not whence it comes ;
He takes it first to be some cramp,
And now he spreads, now licks his vamp.
Both are in vain, no ease appeares ;
What should he doe ? he shakes his eares ;
And hobling on three legs, he goes
Whining away with aking toes.
Not in much better case perhaps,
I might have been to serve thy chaps,
And have bestrewed my finger's end
For groping so in cause of friend ;
Whilst thou wouldst munch like horse in manger,
And reach at nuts with others' danger,
Yet have I ventured far to serve
My friend that says — he's like to starve.
" An Answer to a letter from Sir John Mennis,
wherein he jeeres him for falling so quickly to the
use of the Directory."
Friend, thou dost lash me with a story,
A long one too, of Directory ;
When thou alone deserves the birch,
That brought'st the bondage on the Church.
Didst thou not treat for Bristow City
And yield it up ? — the more's the pity.
And saw'st thou not, how right or wrong
The Common Prayer-Book went along?
Didst thou not scource, as if enchanted,
For articles Sir Thomas granted ;
And barter, as an author saith,
Th' articles o' th' Christian faith ?
And now the Directory jostles
Christ out o' th' church and his Apostles,
And teares down the communion rayles,
That men may take it on their tayles.
Imagine, friend, Bochus the King,
Engraven on Sylla's signet ring,
Delivering open to his hands
Jugurth, and with him all the lands.
APPENDIX. xlvil
Whom Sylla tooke and sent to Rome,
There to abide the Senate's doome.
In the same fortune, I suppose
John standing in 's doublet and hose;
Delivering up amidst the throng
The Common Prayer and Wisdom's son~
To hands of Fairfax, to be sent
A sacrifice to the Parliament.
Thou little thought's! what geare begun
Wrapt in that treaty, busie John.
There lurked the fire that turned to cinder
The Church — her ornaments to tinder.
There bound up in that treaty lyes
The fate of all our Christmas pyes.
Our holy-dayes then went to wrack,
Our wakes were layd upon their back,
Our gossips' spoones away were lurch'd,
Our feastes^and fees for woemen church'J ;
All this and more ascribe we might
To thee at Bristow, wretched knight.
Yet thou upbraidst and raylst in rime
Oil me, for that, which was thy crime.
So froward children in the sun
Amid their sports, some shrewd turne done,
The faulty youth begins to prate
And lays it on his harmlesse mate.
Dated
From Nymptom, where the Cyder smiles,
And James has horse as lame as Gyles.
The fourth of May : and dost thou heare,
'Tis, as I take it, the eighth yeare
Since Portugall by Duke Braganza
Was cut from Spaine without a handsaw.
J. S.
Account of Mr. Samuel Butler, from Aubrey s Letters,
in the Bodleian Library, edited by Dr. Bliss.
IX. Mr. Samuel Butler was borne at Pershore, in
Worcestershire, as we suppose ;l his brother lives
1 He was born in Worcestershire, hard by Barton-bridge,
^ a mile from Worcester, in the parish of S1. John, Mr. Hill
thinkes, who went to schoole with him.
xlviii APPENDIX.
there : went to schoole at Worcester. His father a
man but of slender fortune, and to breed him at
schoole was as much education as he was able to
reach to. When but a boy, he would make observa
tions and reflections on everything one sayd or did,
and censure it to be either well or ill. He never was
at the university for the reason alledged. He came
when a young man to be a servant to the Countesse
of Kent,2 whom he served severall yeares. Here,
besides his study, he employed his time much in
painting3 and drawing, and also iu musique. He was
thinking once to have made painting his profession.4
His love to and skill in painting made a great friend
ship between him and Mr. Samuel Cowper (the
prince of limners of this age). He then studyed the
common lawes of England, but did not practise.
He maried a good jointuresse, the relict of....
Morgan, by which meanes he lives comfortably.
After the restauration of his ma"6, when the courte
at Ludlowe was againe sett up, he was then tho
king's steward at the castle there. He printed a
witty poeme, called Hudibras, the first part A° 166 .
which tooke extremely, so that the king and Lord
Chanc. Hyde would have him sent for, and accord
ingly he was sent for. (The Ld Ch. Hyde hath his
2 Mr. Saundcrs (ye Countesse of Kent's kinsman) sayd
that Mr. J. Selden much esteemed him for his partes, and
would sometimes employ him to write letters for him beyond
sea, and to translate for him. He was secretairie to the
D. of Bucks, when he was Chancellor of Cambridge. He
might have had preferments at first ; but he would not ac
cept any but very good, so at last he had none at all, and
dyed in want.
3 He painted well, and made it (sometime) his profession.
He wayted some yeares on the Countess of Kent. She gave
her gent. 20 lib. per an. a-piece.
4 From Dr. Duke.
APPENDIX. xlix
picture in his library over the chimney.) They both
promised him great matters, but to this day he has
got no employment, only the king gave him .... lib.
- He is of a middle stature, strong sett, high
coloured, a head of sorrell haire, a severe and sound
judgement : a good fellowe. He hath often sayd that
way (e. g. Mr. Edw. Waller's) of quibling with sence
will hereafter growe as much out of fashion and be
as ridicule5 as quibling with words. 2.d N. B. He
hath been much troubled with the gowt, and parti
cularly, 1679, he stirred not out of his chamber from
October till Easter.
He6 dyed of a consumption Septemb. 25 (Anno
Dni 1680, 70 circiter), and buried 27, according to
his owne appointment in the churchyard of Covent
Garden ; sc. in the north part next the church at the
east end. His feet touch the wall. His grave 2 yards
distant from the pillaster of the dore, (by his desire)
6 foot deepe.
About 25 of his old acquaintance at his funeral :
I myself being one.
HUDIBRAS UNPRINTED.
No Jesuite ever took in hand
To plant a church in barren land ;
Or ever thought it worth his while
A Swede or Russe to reconcile.
For where there is not store of wealth,
Souls are not worth the chandge of health.
Spaine and America had designes
To sell their Ghospell for their wines,
For had the Mexicans been poore,
No Spaniard twice had landed on their shore.
'Twas Gold the Catholic Religion planted,
Which, had they wanted Gold, they still had wanted.
» rSic. Edit.]
6 [Evidently written some time after the former part. E.]
1 APPENDIX.
He had made very sharp reflexions upon the court
in his last part.
Writt my Lord (John7) Rosse's Answer to the
Marquesse of Dorchester.
Memorandum. Satyricall witts disoblige •whom
they converse with, &c. consequently make to them
selves many enemies and few friends, and this was
his manner and case. He was of a leonine-coloured
haire, sanguine, cholerique, middle sized, strong.
7 [In the hand -writing of Anthony & Wood. Edit.]
HUDIBRAS.
HUDIBKAS.
PART I. CANTO I.
THE ARGUMENT.
Sir Hudibras his passing worth,
The manner how he sally'd forth,
His arms aud equipage are shown,
His horse's virtues and his own :
Th' adventure of the Bear and Fiddle
Is sung, but breaks off in the middle.*
[HEN civil dudgeon first grew high,
And men fell out they knew not why ;
When hard words, jealousies, and
fears,
Set folks together by the ears,
And made them fight, like mad or drunk, 5
* A ridicule on Eonsarde and Davenant.
1 VAR. ' Civil fury.' — To take in ' dudgeon ' is inwardly to
resent some injury or affront, and what is previous to actual
fury.
a It may be justly said, ' They knew not why ;' since, as
Lord Clarendon observes, " The like peace and plenty, and
universal tranquillity, was never enjoyed by any nation for
ten years together, before those unhappy troubles began."
3 By 'hard words' he probably means the cant words
used by the Presbyterians and sectaries of those times ;
such as Gospel -walking, Gospel- preaching, Soul-saving,
Elect, Saints, the Godly, the Predestinate, and the like ;
which they applied to their own preachers and themselves.
TOL. I. B
2 HUDIBRAS.
For Dame Religion as for punk ;
Whose honesty they all durst swear for,
Though not a man of them knew wherefore ;
When Gospel- trumpeter, surrounded
With long-ear'd rout, to battle sounded ; 10
And pulpit, drum ecclesiastic,
Was beat with fist instead of a stick ;
Then did Sir Knight abandon dwelling,
And out he rode a-colonelling.
A wight he was, whose very sight would is
Entitle him Mirror of Knighthood,
That never bow'd his stubborn knee
To anything but chivalry,
Nor put up blow, but that which laid
Right Worshipful on shoulder-blade ; 20
Chief of domestic knights and errant',
Either for chartel or for warrant ;
Great on the bench, great in the saddle
11 1S Alluding to their vehement action in the pulpit, and
their beating it with their fists, as if they were beating a
dram.
13 Our author, to make his Knight appear more ridiculous,
has dressed him in all kinds of fantastic colours, and put
many characters together to finish him a perfect coxcomb.
u"The Knight (if Sir Samuel Luke was Mr. Butler's
hero) was not only a Colonel in the Parliament army, but
also Scoutmaster-general in the counties of Bedford, Surrey,
&c. This gives us some light into his character and con
duct ; for he is now entering upon his proper office, full of
pretendedly pious and sanctified resolutions for the good of
his country. His peregrinations are so consistent with his
office and humour, that they are no longer to be called
fabulous or improbable.
17 18 ?'. e. He kneeled to the king, when he knighted him,
but seldom upon any other occasion.
22 ' Chartel ' is a challenge to a duel.
53 In this character of Hudibras all the abuses of human
PART I. CANTO I. 3
That could as well bind o'er as swaddle ;
Mighty he was at both of these, 25
And styl'd of War, as well as Peace :
(So some rats, of amphibious nature,
Are either for the land or water).
But here our Authors make a doubt
Whether he were more wise or stout : ^o
Some hold the one, and some the other,
But, howsoe'er they make a pother,
The difference was so small, his brain
Outweigh'd his rage but half a grain ;
Which made some take him for a tool n.->
That knaves do work with, call*d a Fool.
For 't has beeff held by many, that
As Montaigne, playing with his cat,
Complains she thought him but an ass,
Much more she would Sir Hudibras : 40
(For that's the name our valiant Knight
To all his challenges did write).
But they're mistaken very much ;
'Tis^plain enough he was not such.
We grant, although he had much wit, 45
H' was very shy of using it,
As being loth to wear it out,
And therefore bore it not about ;
Unless on holydays or so,
As men their best apparel do. .•>•>
Beside, 'tis known he could speak Greek
As naturally as pigs squeak ;
That Latin was no more difficile,
Than to a blackbird 'tis to whistle :
learning are finely satirised : philosophy, logic, rhetoric,
mathematics, metaphysics, and school-divinity.
4 HUDIBRAS.
Being rich in both, he never scanted 55
His bounty unto such as wanted ;
But much of either would afford
To many that had not one word.
For Hebrew roots, although they're found
To flourish most in barren ground, eo
He had such plenty as suffic'd
To make some think him circumcis'd ;
And truly so he was, perhaps,
Not as a proselyte, but for claps.
He was in logic a great critic, 05
Profoundly skill'd in analytic ;
He could distinguish, and divide
A hair 'twixt south and south-west side ;
On either which he would dispute,
Confute, change hands, and still confute : 70
He'd undertake to prove, by force
Of argument, a man's no horse ;
He'd prove a buzzard is no fowl,
And that a lord may be an owl ;
A calf an alderman, a goose a justice, 75
5556 -phis js tjje prOperty of a pedantic coxcomb, who
prates most learnedly amongst illiterate persons, and makes
a mighty pother about books and languages, where he is
sure to be admired, though not understood.
«364 yARt ' And truly so perhaps he was,
"Pis many a pious Christian's case.'
74 Such was Alderman Pennington, who sent a person to
Newgate for singing (what he called) ' a malignant psalm.'
Lord Clarendon observes, " That after the declaration of
No more addresses to the King, they who were not above
the condition of ordinary constables six or seven vears be
fore, were now the justices of the peace." Dr. Bruno Eyves
informs us, " That the town of Chelmsford in Essex, was
governed, at the beginning of the Rebellion, by a tinker,
two cobblers, two tailors, and two pedlers."
PART I. CANTO I. 5
And rooks Committee-men and Trustees.
He'd run in debt by disputation,
And pay with ratiocination :
All this by syllogism, true
In mood and figure he would do. so
For rhetoric, he could not ope
His mouth, but out there flew .a trope ;
And when he happen'd to break off
I' th' middle of his speech, or cough,
H' had hard words ready to show why, st>
And tell what rules he did it by ;
Else, when with greatest art he spoke,
You'd think he talk'd like other folk ;
For all a rhetorician's rules
Teach nothing but to name his tools. 90
But, when he pleas'd to show 't, his speech,
In loftiness of sound, was rich ;
A Babylonish dialect,
Which learned pedants much affect ;
It was a party-colour'd dress 95
Of patch'd and piebald languages ;
Twas English cut on Greek and Latin,
Like fustian heretofore on satin ;
It had an odd promiscuous tone,
As if h' had talk'd three parts in one 100
Which made some think, when he did gabble,
Th' had heard three labourers of Babel,
75 In the several counties, especially the Associated ones
(Middlesex, Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Norfolk, Suffolk, iiml
Cambridgeshire) which sided with the Parliament, com
mittees were formed of such men as were for the Good
Cause, as they called it, who had authority, from the mem
bers of the two Houses at Westminster, to fine and imprison
whom tliev pleased.
6 HUDIBRAS.
Or Cerberus himself pronounce
A leash of languages at once.
This he as volubly would vent, 105
As if his stock would ne'er be spent :
And truly, to support that charge,
He had supplies as vast and large ;
For he could coin or counterfeit
NCAV words, with little or no wit ; no
Words so debas'd and hard, no stone
Was hard enough to touch them on ;
And Avhen with hasty noise he spoke 'em ;
The ignorant for current took 'em ;
That had the orator, who once us
Did fill his mouth with pebble stones
When he harangu'd, but known his phrase,
He would have us'd no other ways.
In mathematics he was greater
Than Tycho Brahe or Erra Pater ; i?o
For he, by geometric scale,
Could take the size of pots of ale :
Resolve by sines and tangents straight
If bread or butter wanted weight ;
And wisely tell what hour o' th' day 1.5
The clock does strike, by Algebra.
Beside, he was a shrewd philosopher,
109 "j-jjg Presbyterians coined a great number, such as
Out-goings, Carryings-on, Nothingness, Workings-out,
Gospel-walking-times, &c. which we shall meet with here
after iu the speeches of the Knight and Squire, and others,
in this Poem ; for which they are bantered b}' Sir John
Birkenhead.
"* Demosthenes is here meant, who had a defect in his
speech.
180 An eminent Danish mathematician ; and William
Lilly, the famous astrologer of those times.
PART I. CANTO 1. 7
And had read ev'ry text and gloss over ;
Whate'er the crabbed'st author hath,
He understood b' implicit faith : 130
Whatever sceptic could enquire for,
For ev'ry why he had a wherefore ;
Knew more than forty of them do,
As far as words and terms could go ;
All which he understood by rote, iss
And, as occasion serv'd, would quote ;
No matter whether right or wrong ;
They might be either said or sung.
His notions fitted things so well,
That which was which he could not tell, HO
But oftentimes mistook the one
For th' other, as great clerks have done.
He could reduce all things to acts,
And knew their natures by abstracts ;
Where Entity and Quiddity, 14:.
The ghosts of defunct bodies, fly ;
Where truth in person does appear,
Like words congeal'd in northern air.
He-inew what's what, and that's as high
As metaphysic wit can fly : iso
In school-divinity as able
As he that hight Irrefragable ;
131 VAK. ' Inquere.'
145 VAR. ' He'd tell where Entity and Quiddity.'
152 Alexander Hales was born in Gloucestershire, and
flourished about the year 1236, at the time when what was
called School-divinity was much in vogue; in which science
he was so deeply read, that he was called ' Doctor Irrefra-
gabilis ;' that is, the ' Invincible Doctor,' whose arguments
could not be resisted.
8 HUDIBRAS.
A second Thomas, or, at once
To name them all, another Dunce :
Profound in all the Nominal us
And Real ways beyond them all :
153 Thomas Aquinas, a Dominican friar, was born in
1224, studied at Cologne and at Paris. He new-modelled
the school-divinity, and was therefore called the ' Angelic
Doctor,' and ' Eagle ' of divines. The most illustrious per
sons of his time were ambitious of his friendship, and put a
high value on his merits, so that they offered him bishoprics,
which he refused with as much ardour as others seek after
them. He died in the fiftieth year of his age, and was canon
ized by Pope John XXII. We have his works in eighteen
volumes, several times printed.
151 Johannes Dun Scotus was a very learned man, who
lived about the end of the thirteenth and beginning of the
fourteenth century. The English and Scotch strive which of
them shall have the honour of his birth. The English say
he was born in Northumberland ; the Scotch allege he was
born at Dunse in the Merse, the neighbouring county to
Northumberland, and hence was called ' Dunscotus :' Moreri,
Buchanan, and other Scotch historians, are of this opinion,
and for proof, cite his epitaph ;
Scotia me genuit, Anglia suscepit,
Gallia edocuit, Germania tenet.
He died at Cologne, Nov. 8, 1308. In the 'Supplement'
to Dr. Cave's ' Historia Literaria,' he is said to be extra
ordinary learned in physics, metaphysics, mathematics, and
astronomy ; that his fame was so great when at Oxford,
that 30,000 scholars came thither to hear his lectures: that
when at Paris, his arguments and authority carried it for
the immaculate conception of the Blessed Virgin, so that
they appointed a festival on that account, and would admit
no scholars to degrees but such as were of this mind. He
was a great opposer of Thomas Aquinas's doctrine ; and for
being a very acute logician, was called ' Doctor Subtilis,'
which was the reason also that an old punster always called
him the ' Lathy Doctor.'
iss i56 Gulielmus Occham was founder of the Nominals. and
Johannes Dun Scotus of the Reals.
PART I. CANTO I. 9
For he a rope of sand could twist
As tough as learned Sorbonist,
And weave fine cobwebs, fit for skull
That's empty when the moon is full ; ico
Such as take lodgings in a head
That's to be let unfurnished.
He could raise scruples dark and nice,
And after solve 'em in a trice ;
As if Divinity had catch'd 165
The itch, on purpose to be scratch'd ;
Or, like a mountebank, did wound
And stab herself with doubts profound,
Only to show with how small pain
The sores of Faith are cur'd again; 1:0
Although by woful proof we find
They always leave a scar behind.
He knew the seat of Paradise,
Could tell in what degree it lies,
And, as he was dispos'd, could prove it 175
Below the moon, or else above it ;
What Adam dreamt of, when his bride
Canre from her closet in his side ;
Whether the Devil tempted her
By a High Dutch interpreter ; iso
If either of them had a navel ;
Who first made music malleable ;
Whether the Serpent, at the Fall,
Had cloven feet, or none at all :
All this, without a gloss or comment, iso
157 iss yAR. « And wjth as delicate a hand
Could twist as tough a rope of sand.'
181 Several of the Ancients have supposed that Adam and
Eve had no navels; and, among the Moderns, the late learned
Bishop Cumberland was of this opinion.
10 HUDIBRAS.
He could unriddle in a moment,
In proper terms, such as men smaller
When they throw out and miss the matter.
For his religion, it was fit
To match his learning and his wit : 130
'Twas Presbyterian true blue ;
For he was of that stubborn crew
Of errant saints, whom all men grant
To be the true Church Militant;
Such as do build their faith upon IP.-,
The holy text of pike and g-un ;
Decide all controversies by
Infallible artillery;
And prove their doctrine orthodox.
By Apostolic blows and knocks ; 200
Call fire and sword, and desolation,
A godly, thorough Reformation,
Which always must be carry'd on,
And still be doing, never done ;
As if Religion were intended 205
193 i3i Where Presbytery has been established, it has been
usually effected by force of arms, like the religion of'
Mahomet: thus it was established at Geneva in Switzer
land, Holland, Scotland, &c. In France, for some time,
by that means, it obtained a toleration ; much blood was
shed to get it established in England : aud once, during that
Grand Rebellion, it seemed very near gaining an estab
lishment here.
195 196 Upon these Cornet Joyce built his faith, when he
carried away the King, by force, from Holdenby : for, when
his Majesty asked him for a sight of his instructions, Joyce
said, he should see them presently; and so drawing up hi.s
troop in the inward court, " These, Sir,'' said the Cornet, "are
my instructions."
199 200 Many instances of that kind are given by Dr.
Walker, in his ' Sufferings of the Episcopal Clergy.'
PART I. CANTO I. 11
For nothing else but to be mended :
A. sect whose chief devotion lies
In odd perverse antipathies;
In falling out with that or this.
And finding somewhat still amiss ; 210
More peevish, cross, and splenetic,
Than dog distract, or monkey sick :
That with more care keep holyday
The wrong, than others the right way ;
Compound for sins they are inclin'd to, CK>
By damning those they have no mind to :
Still so perverse and opposite,
As if they worshipp'd God for spite :
The self-same thing they will abhor .
One way, and long another for : 220
Freewill they one way disavow,
Another, nothing else allow :
All piety consists therein
In them, in other men all sin :
Rather than fail, they will defy L'i's
That which they love most tenderly ;
Quarrel with minc'd-pies, and disparage
Their best and dearest friend, plum-porridge ;
Fat pig and goose itself oppose,
And blaspheme custard through the nose. 2?o
Th' apostles of this fierce religion,
Like Mahomet's, were ass and widgeon,
207 The religion of the Presbyterians of those times con
sisted principally in an opposition to the Church of England,
and in quarrelling with the most innocent customs then in
use, as the eating Christinas-pies and plum-porridge at
Christmas; which they reputed sinful.
213 « M They were so remarkablv obstinate in this respect,
that they kept, a fast upon Christinas-day.
12 HUDIBRAS.
To whom our Knight, by fast instinct
Of wit and temper, was so linkt,
As if hypocrisy and nonsense 235
Had got th' advowson of his conscience.
Thus was he gifted and accoutred,
We mean on th' inside, not the outward :
That next of all we shall discuss ;
Then listen, Sirs, it follows thus : 240
His tawny beard was th' equal grace
Both of his wisdom and his face ;
In cut and die so like a tile,
A sudden view it would beguile ;
The upper part whereof was whey, 2-15
The nether orange, mix'd with grey.
This hairy meteor did denounce
The fall of sceptres and of crowns ;
With grisly type did represent
Declining age of government, 250
215 33« j)r_ J5runo Ryves gives a remarkable instance of
a fanatical conscience in a captain, who was invited by a
soldier to eat part of a goose with him ; but refused, because,
he said, it was stolen : but being to march away, he who would
eat no stolen goose made no scruple to ride away upon a
stolen mare; for, plundering Mrs. Bartlet of her mare, this
hypocritical captain gave sufficient testimony to the world
that the old Pharisee and the new Puritan have consciences
of the self-same temper, " To strain out a gnat, and swallow
a camel."
211 Mr. Butler, in his description of Hudibras's beard,
seems to have had an eve to Jaques's description of the
Country Justice, in 'As you like it.' It may be asked,
Why the Poet is so particular upon the Knight's beard,
and gives it the preference to all his other accoutrements?
The answer seems to be plain : the' Knight had made a vow
not to cut it till the Parliament had subdued the King :
hence it became necessary to have it fully described.
PART I. CANTO I. 13
And tell, with hieroglyphic spade,
Its own grave and the State's were made:
Like Samson's heart-bi*eakers, it grew
In time to make a nation rue ;
Though it contributed its own fall, 255
To wait upon the public downfall :
It was monastic, and did grow
In holy orders by strict vow.
Of rule as sullen and severe,
As that of rigid Cordeliere : 260
'Twas bound to suffer persecution,
And martyrdom, with resolution ;
T' oppose itself against the hate
And vengeance of th' incensed state,
In whose defiance it was worn, 265
Still ready to be pulPd and torn,
With red-hot irons to be tortured,
Revil'd, and spit upon, and martyr'd ;
Maugre all which 'twas to stand fast
As long as Monarchy should last ; 270
But when the State should hap to reel,
'Twas to submit to fatal steel,
And fall, as it was consecrate,
A sacrifice to fall of state,
Whose thread of life the Fatal Sisters 275
Did twist together with its whiskers,
And twine so close, that Time should never,
In life or death, their fortunes sever,
But with his rusty sickle mow
Both down together at a blow. sso
So learned Taliacotius, from
>T VAR. It was 'canonic.'
281 Gaspar Taliacotius was born at Bouonia, A. D. 1553,
14 HUDIBRAS.
The brawny part of porter's bum,
Cut supplemental noses, which
Would last as long as parent breech,
But when the date of Nock was out 285
Off dropt the sympathetic snout.
His back, or rather burthen, show'd
As if it stoop'd with its own load :
For as ^Eneas bore his sire
Upon his shoulders through the fire, 200
Our Knight did bear no less a pack
Of his own buttocks on his back ;
Which now had almost got the upper-
Hand of his head for want of crupper.
To poise this equally, he bore ^95
A paunch of the same bulk before,
Which still he had a special care
To keep well-cramm'd with thrifty fare,
As white-pot, butter-milk, and curds,
Such as a country-house affords ; 300
With other victual, which anon
We further shall dilate upon,
When of his hose we come to treat,
The cupboard where he kept his meat.
His doublet was of sturdy buff, 305
And though not sword, yet cudgel-proof.
Whereby 'twas fitter for his use
and was Professor of physic and surgery there. He died
1599. His statue stands in the anatomy theatre, holding
u nose in its hand. — He wrote a treatise in Latin called
' Chirurgia Nota,' in which he teaches the art of ingrafting
noses, ears, lips, &c. with the proper instruments and
bandages. This book has passed through two editions.
See 'Graafe de Rhinoplastice, sive arte curtum Nasum ad
Vivum restituendi Commentatio,' 4to. Berolin. 1818.
PART I. CANTO I. 15
Who fear'd no blows but such as bruise.
His breeches were of rugged woollen,
And had been at the siege of Bullen ; 210
To Old King Harry so well known,
Some writers held they were his own :
Through they were lin'd with many a piece
Of ammunition bread and cheese,
And fat black-puddings, proper food sis
For warriors that delight in blood.
For, as we said, he always chose
To carry victual in his hose,
That often tempted rats and mice
The ammunition to surprise ; 320
And when he put a hand but in
The one or t'other magazine,
They stoutly in defence on't stood,
And from the wounded foe drew blood ;
And, till th' were storm'd and beaten out, 325
Ne'er left the fortify'd redoubt.
And though knights-errant, as some think,
Of old did neither eat nor drink,
Because when thorough deserts vast
And regions desolate they past, 330
Where belly-timber, above ground
Or under, was not to be found,
Unless they graz'd there's not one word
Of their provision on record ;
Which made some confidently write, 335
They had no stomachs but to fight :
'Tis false ; for Arthur wore in hall
Round table like a farthingal,
On which, with shirt pull'd out behind,
And eke before, his good knights din'd : 340
16 HUDIBRAS.
Though 'twas no table some suppose,
But a huge pair of round trunk-hose,
In which he carry'd as much meat
As he and all the knights could eat,
When, laying by their swords and truncheons, 345
They took their breakfasts, or their nuncheons.
But let that pass at present, lest
We should forget where we digress'd,
As learned authors use, to whom
We leave it, and to th' purpose come. 350
His puissant sword unto his side,
Near his undaunted heart, was tied,
With basket-hilt that would hold broth,
And serve for fight and dinner both ;
In it he melted lead for bullets 355
To shoot at foes, and sometimes pullets,
To whom he bore so fell a grutch,
He ne'er gave quarter t' any such.
The trenchant blade Toledo trusty
For want of fighting was grown rusty, seu
And ate into itself for lack
Of somebody to hew and hack :
The peaceful scabbard, where it dwelt,
The rancour of its edge had felt ;
For of the lower end two handful :*•'/
It had devoured, 'twas so manful,
And so much scorn'd to lurk in case.
As if it durst not show its face.
In many desperate attempts
Of warrants, exigents, contempts, ^7'J
It had appear'd with courage boldi r
Than Serjeant Bum invading shoulder :
Oft had it ta'en possession,
PART I. CANTO I. 17
And pris'ners too, or made them run.
This sword a dagger had, his page, 375
That was but little for his age,
And therefore waited on him so
As dwarfs upon knights-errant do.
It was a serviceable dudgeon,
Either for fighting or for drudging : 380
When it had stabb'd, or broke a head,
It would scrape trenchers, or chip bread ;
Toast cheese or bacon ; though it -were
To bate a mouse-trap, 'twould not care :
'Twould make clean shoes, and in the earth 385
Set leeks and onions, and so forth :
It had been 'prentice to a brewer,
Where this and more it did endure,
But left the trade as many more
Have lately done on the same score. soo
In th' holsters at his saddle-bow
Two aged pistols he did stow,
Among the surplus of such meat
As in his hose he could not get :
These would inveigle rats with th' scent, 395
To forage when the cocks were bent,
And sometimes catch 'em with a snap,
As cleverly as th' ablest trap.
They were upon hard duty still,
And every night stood sentinel, *oo
To guard the magazine i' th' hose
From two-legg'd and from four-lcgg'd foes.
Thus clad and fortify'd Sir Knight
From peaceful home set forth to fight.
But first with nimble active force ios
He got on th' outside of his horse
TOL. I. C
18 HUD1BBAS.
For having but one stirrup ty'd
T' his saddle on the further side,
It was so short h' had much ado
To reach it with his desp'rate toe ; iio
But after many strains and heaves,
He got up to the saddle-eaves,
From whence he vaulted into th' seat
With so much vigour, strength, and heat,
That he had almost tumbled over 415
With his own weight, but did recover
By laying hold on tail and mane,
Which oft he us?d instead of rein.
But now we talk of mounting steed,
Before we further do proceed, 420
It doth behove us to say something
Of that which bore our valiant Bumkin
The beast was sturdy, large, and tall,
With mouth of meal and eyes of wall,
I would say eye, for h' had but one, 425
As most agree, though some say none.
He was well stay'd, and in his gait
Preserv'd a grave, majestic state ;
At spur or switch no more he skipt
Or mended pace, than Spaniard whipt, 430
And yet so fiery, he would bound
As if he griev'd to touch the ground ;
That Caesar's horse, who, as fame goes,
Had corns upon his feet and toes,
Was not by half so tender hooft, 435
Nor trod upon the ground so soft :
And as that beast would kneel and stoop
(Some write) to take his -rider up ;
So Hudibras his ('tis well known)
PART I. CANTO I. 19
Would often do to set him down. 440
We shall not need to say what lack
Of leather was upon his back,
For that was hidden under pad,
And breech of Knight gall'd full as bad.
His strutting ribs on both sides show'd 445
Like furrows he himself had plough'd ;
For underneath the skirt of pannel,
'Twixt ev'ry two there was a channel.
His draggling tail hung in the dirt,
Which on his rider he would flirt, 450
Still as his tender side he prickt,
With arm'd heel, or with unarm'd, kickt :
For Hudibras wore but one spilr,
As wisely knowing could he stir
To active trot one side of 's horse, 455
The other would not hang an — arse.
A Squire he had whose name was Ralph,
That in th' adventure went his half.
Though writers, for more stately tone,
Do call him Ralpho, 'tis all one ; 460
And,when we can, with metre safe,
We'll call him so ; if not, plain Ralph ;
(For rhyme the rudder is of verses,
With which, like ships, they steer their courses) :
An equal stock of wit and valour 465
He had laid in, by birth a tailor.
457 Sir Eoger L'Estrange (' Key to Hudibras') says, this
famous Squire was one Isaac Robinson, a zealous butcher in
Moorfields, who was always contriving some new querpo
cut in church government: but, in a 'Key' at the end of a
burlesque poem of Mr. Butler's, 1706, in folio, p. 12, it is
observed, " That Hudibras's Squire was one Pemble, a tailor,
and one of the Committee of Sequestrators."
20 HUDIBRAS.
The mighty Tyrian queen, that gain'd
With subtle shreds a tract of land,
Did leave it with a castle fair
To his great ancestor, her heir; -"to
From him descended cross-legg'd knights,
Fam'd for their faith and warlike fights
Against the bloody Cannibal,
Whom they destroy'd both great and small.
This sturdy Squire, he had, as well 475
As the bold Trojan knight, seen hell,
Not with a counterfeited pass
Of golden bough, but true gold-lace :
His knowledge was not far behind
The Knight's, but of another kind, 480
And he another way came by 't,
Some call it Gifts, and some New-light ;
A lib'ral art, that costs no pains
Of study, industry, or brains.
His wit was sent him for a token, 435
But in the carriage crack'd and broken ;
Like commendation nine-pence crookt
With — To and from my love — it lookt.
He ne'er consider'd it, as loth
To look a gift-horse in the mouth, 490
And very wisely would lay forth
No more upon it than 'twas worth ;
485 VAR. ' His wits were sent him.'
487 468 Until the year 1696, when all money, not milled,
was called in, a ninepenny piece of silver was as common as
sixpences or shillings, and these ninepences were usually
bent as sixpences commonly are now, which bending was
called, To my love and from my love ; and such ninepences
the ordinary fellows gave or sent to their sweethearts as
tokens of love.
PART I. CANTO I. 21
But as he got it freely, so
He spent it frank and freely too :
For saints themselves will sometimes be, 495
Of gifts that cost them nothing, free.
By means of this, with hem and cough,
Prolongers to enlighten'd stuff,
He could deep mysteries unriddle,
As easily as thread a needle : 500
For as of vagabonds we say,
That they are ne'er beside their way,
Whate'er men speak by this new light,
Still they are sure to be i' th' right.
'Tis a dark lantern of the Spirit, 505
Which none see by but those that bear it ;
A light that falls down from on high,
For spiritual trades to cozen by ;
An ignis fatuus, that bewitches,
And leads men into pools and ditches, 510
To make them dip themselves, and sound
For Christendom in dirty pond ;
To dive like wild-fowl for salvation,
And- fish to catch regeneration.
This light inspires and plays upon 515
The nose of saint, like bagpipe drone,
And speaks through hollow empty soul,
As through a trunk or whisp'ring hole,
Such language as no mortal ear
But spirit'al eaves-dropper's can hear : 520
So Phoebus, or some friendly Muse,
Into small poets song infuse,
Which they at second-hand rehearse,
511 Alluding to Ealpho's religion, who was probably an
Anabaptist or Dipper.
22 HUDIBRAS.
Through reed or bagpipe, verse for verse.
Thus Ralph became infallible 51-5
As three or four-legg'd oracle,
The ancient cup, or modern chair,
Spoke truth point blank, though unaware.
For mystic learning, wondrous able
In magic, talisman, and cabal, 530
Whose primitive tradition reaches
As far as Adam's first green breeches ;
Deep-sighted in intelligences,
Ideas, atoms, influences;
And much of Terra Incognita, 535
Th' intelligible world, could say ;
A deep occult philosopher,
As learn'd as the Wild Irish are,
Or Sir Agrippa, for profound
And solid lying much renown'd : 540
He Anthroposophus, and Floud,
And Jacob Behmen, understood ;
Knew many an amulet and charm,
That would do neither good nor harm ;
In Rosicrucian lore as learned 51$
As he that Verb adeptus earned :
He understood the speech of birds
As well as they themselves do words ;
Could tell what subtlest parrots mean,
That speak and think contrary clean ; sso
What member 'tis of whom they talk
When they cry ' Rope,' and ' Walk, knave, walk.'
He'd extract numbers out of matter,
And keep them in a glass, like Avater,
446 Alluding to the Philosophers' stone.
PART I. CANTO I. 23
Of sov'reign pow'r to make men wise ; 555
For, dropt in blear thick-sighted eyes,
They'd make them see in darkest night,
Like owls, though purblind in the light.
By help of these (as he profest)
He had First Matter seen undrest : seo
Ho took her naked, all alone,
Before one rag of form was on.
The Chaos, too, he had descry'd,
And seen quite through, or else he ly'd :
Not that of pasteboard, which men shew 565
For groats at fair of Barthol'mew ;
But its great grandsire, first o' th' name,
Whence that and Reformation came,
Both cousin-germans, and right able
T' inveigle and draw in the rabble : 570
But Reformation was, some say,
0' th' younger house to Puppet-play.
He could foretell whats'ever was
573 The rebellious clergy would in their prayers pretend to
foretell things, to encourage people in their rebellion. I
meet with the following instance in the prayers of Mr.
George Swathe, minister of Denham, in Suffolk : " 0 my
good Lord God, I praise Thee for discovering the last week,
in the day-time, a vision, that there were two great armies
about York, one of the malignant party about the King, the
other party Parliament and professors: and the better side
should have help from Heaven against the worst ; about, or
at which instant of time, we heard the soldiers at York had
raised up a sconce against Hull, intending to plant fifteen
pieces against Hull; against which fort Sir John Hotham,
Keeper of Hull, by a garrison, discharged four great ord
nance, and broke down their sconce, and killed divers
Cavaliers in it. — Lord, I praise Thee for discovering this
victory, at the instant of time that it was done, to my wife,
which did then presently confirm her drooping heart, which
the last week had been dejected three or four days, and no
24 HUDIBRAS.
By consequence to come to pass ;
As death of great men, alterations, 575
Diseases, battles, inundations :
All this without th' eclipse o' th' sun,
Or dreadful comet, he hath done
By inward light, a way as good,
And easy to be understood ; MO
But with more lucky hit than those
That use to make the stars depose,
Like Knights o' th' Post, and falsely charge
Upon themselves what others forge ;
As if they were consenting to 585
All mischiefs in the world men do,
Or, like the devil, did tempt and sway 'em
To rogueries, and then betray 'em.
They'll search a planet's house, to know
Who broke and robb'd a house below ; 690
Examine Venus and the Moon,
Who stole a thimble or a spoon ;
And though they nothing will confess,
Yet by their very looks can guess,
And tell what guilty aspect bodes, 595
Who stole, and who received the goods :
They'll question Mars, and, by his look,
Detect who 'twas that nimm'd a cloak ;
Make Mercury confess, and 'peach
Those thieves which he himself did teach. eoo
They'll find i' th' physiognomies
0' th' planets, all men's destinies,
arguments could comfort her against the dangerous times
approaching ; but when she had prayed to be established in
faith in Thee, then presently Thou didst, by this vision,
strongly possess her soul that Thine and our enemies should
be overcome."
PART I. CAl^TO I. 25
Like him that took the doctor's bill ;
And swallow'd it instead o' th' pill ;
Cast the nativity o' th' question, 605
And from positions to be guess'd on,
As sure as if they knew the moment
Of Native's birth, tell what will come on't.
They'll feel the pulses of the stars,
To find out agues, coughs, catarrhs, eio
And tell what crisis does divine
The rot in sheep, or mange in swine ;
In men, what gives or cures the itch,
What makes them cuckolds, poor or rich ;
What gains or loses, hangs or saves ; 015
What makes men great, what fools or knaves,
But not what wise, for only' of those
The stars (they say) cannot dispose.
No more than can the astrologians;
There they say right, and like true Trojans : 620
This Ralpho knew, and therefore took
The other course, of which we spoke.
Thus was th' aceomplish'd Squire endu'd
With gifts and knowledge perlous shrewd :
Never did trusty squire with knight, 625
Or knight with squire, e'er jump more right.
Their arms and equipage did fit,
As well as virtues, parts, and wit:
Their valours, too, were of a rate ;
And out they sally'd at the gate. eso
Few miles on horseback had they jogged
But Fortune unto them turn'd dogged ;
For they a sad adventure met,
Of which anon we mean to treat.
But ere we venture to unfold 385
26 HUDIBRAS.
Achievements so resolv'd and bold,
We should, as learned poets use,
Invoke th' assistance of some Muse,
However critics count it sillier
Than jugglers talking to familiar ; 640
We think 'tis no great matter which,
They're all alike, yet we shall pitch
On one that fits our purpose most,
Whom therefore thus do we accost :
Thou that with ale, or viler liquors, eis
Didst inspire Withers, Pryn, and Vickars,
And force them, though it was in spite
Of Nature, and their stars, to write ;
Who (as we find in sullen writs,
And cross-grain'd works of modern Avits) &->o
With vanity, opinion, want,
The wonder of the ignorant,
The praises of the author, penn'd
B' himself or wit-insuring friend,
The itch of picture in the front, 055
With bays and wicked rhyme upon 't,
(All that is left o' th' Forked hill
To make men scribble without skill)
Canst make a poet, spite of Fate,
And teach all people to translate, eeo
Though out of languages in which
They understand no part of speech ;
Assist me but this once I 'mplore,
And I shall trouble thee no more.
In western clime there is a town, 665
To those that dwell therein well known,
665 Brentford, which is eight miles west from London, h
here probably meant, as may be gathered from Part II.
PART I. CANTO I. 27
Therefore there needs no more be said here,
We unto them refer our reader ;
For brevity is very good,
When w' are, or are not understood. 670
To this town people did repair
On days of market or of fair,
And to crack'd fiddle and hoarse tabor,
In merriment did drudge and labour :
But now a sport more formidable 675
Had rak'd together village rabble ;
'Twas an old way of recreating,
Which learned butchers call Bear-baiting ;
A bold advent'rous exercise,
With ancient heroes in high prize ; eso
For authors do affirm it came
From Isthmian or Nemrean game ;
Others derive it from the Bear
That's fix'd in northern hemisphere,
And round about the polo does make 685
A circle, like a bear at stake,
That at the chain's end wheels about,
Afrd overturns the rabble-rout :
Cant. iii. v. 995, &c. where he tells the Knight what befell
him there:
And though you overcame the Bear,
The dogs beat you at Brentford fair,
Where sturdy butchers broke your noddle.
687 This game is ushered into the Poem with more
solemnity than those celebrated ones in Homer and Virgil.
As the Poem is only adorned with this game, and the
Riding Skimmington, so it was incumbent on the Poet to be
very particular and full in the description : and may we not
venture to affirm, they are exactly suitable to the nature of
these adventures ; and, consequently, to a Briton, preferable
to those in Homer or Virgil.
28 HUDIBRAS.
For, after solemn proclamation
In the bear's name (as is the fashion too
According to the law of arms,
To keep men from inglorious harms)
That none presume to come so near
As forty foot of stake of bear,
If any yet be so fool-hardy 695
T' expose themselves to va"in jeopardy,
If they come wounded off, and lame,
No honour's got by such a maim,
Although the bear gain much, being bound
In honour to make good his ground 700
When he's engag'd, and takes no notice,
If any press upon him, who 'tis,
But lets them know, at their own cost,
That he intends to keep his post.
This to prevent and other harms 705
Which always wait on feats of arms,
(For in the hurry of a fray
'Tis hard to keep out of harm's way)
Thither the Knight his course did steer,
To keep the peace 'twixt Dog and Bear, 710
As he believed he was bound to do
In conscience and commission too ;
And therefore thus bespoke the Squire :
We that are wisely mounted higher
689690 Alluding to the bull-running at Tutburyin Stafford
shire ; where solemn proclamation was made by the Steward,
before the bull was turned loose ; " That all manner of per
sons give way to the bull, none being to come near him
by forty foot, any way to hinder the minstrels, but to attend
bis or their own safety, every one at his peril." Dr. Plot's
' Staffordshire.'
714 This speech is set down as it was delivered by the
PART I. CANTO I. 29
Than constables in curule wit, 715
When on tribunal bench we sit,
Like speculators should foresee,
From Pharos of authority,
Portended mischiefs further than
Low Proletarian tithing-men ; 720
And therefore being inform'd by bruit
That Dog and Bear are to dispute,
For so of late men fighting name,
Because they often prove the same
(For where the first does hap to be, 725
The last does coincidere) ;
Quantum in nobis, have thought good
To save th' expense of Christian blood,
And try if we" by mediation
Of treaty and accommodation, 730
Can end the quarrel, and compose
The bloody duel without blows.
Are not our liberties, our lives,
The laws, religion, and our wives,
Knight, in his own words ; but since it is below the gravity
of "neroical poetry to admit of humour, but all men are
obliged to speak wisely alike, and too much of so extravagant
a folly would become tedious and impertinent, the rest of
his harangues have only his sense expressed in other words,
unless in some few places where his own words could not be
so well avoided.
715 Had that remarkable motion in the House of Com
mons taken place, the constables might have vied with Sir
Hudibras for an equality at least ; " That it was necessary
for the House of Commons to have a High Constable of
their own, that will make no scruple of laying his Majesty
by the heels :" but they proceeded not so far as to name
any body, because Harry Martyn (out of tenderness of con
science in this particular) immediately quashed the motion,
by saying the power was too great for any man.
30 HUDIBRAS.
Enough at once to lie at stake 735
For Cov'nant and the Cause's sake ?
But in that quarrel Dogs and Bears,
As well as we, must venture theirs ?
This feud, by Jesuits invented,
By evil counsel is fomented ; 740
There is a Machiavelian plot
(Though ev'ry nare olfact it not)
And deep design in 't to divide
The well-affected that confide,
By setting brother against brother, 745
To claw and curry one another.
Have we not enemies plus satis,
736 This was the Solemn League and Covenant, which
was first framed and taken by the Scottish Parliament, and
by them sent to the Parliament of England, in order to
unite the two nations more closely in religion. It was re
ceived and taken by both Houses, and by the City of London :
and ordered to be read in all the churches throughout
the kingdom ; and every person was bound to give his con
sent, by holding up his hand, at the reading of it.
736 ' And the Cause's sake.' Sir William Dugdale informs
us that Mr. Bond, preaching at the Savoy, told his auditors
from the pulpit, " That they ought to contribute and pray,
and do all they were able to bring in their brethren of
Scotland for settling of God's cause : I say (quoth he) this
is God's cause ; and if our God hath any cause, this is it ;
and if this be not God's cause, then God is no God for
me; but the Devil is got up into Heaven." Mr. Calamy,
in his speech at Guildhall, 1643, says, "I may truly say,
as the Martyr did, that if I had as many lives as hairs on
my head, I would be willing to sacrifice all these lives in
this cause ;"
Which pluck'd down the King, the Church, and the Laws.
To set up an idol, then nick-nam'd The Cause,
Like Bell and the Dragon to gorge their own maws
as it is expressed in ' The Rump Carbonaded.'
PART I. CANTO 1. 31
That cane et angue pejus hate us ?
And shall we turn our fangs and claws
Upon our own selves, without cause ? 750
That some occult design doth lie
In bloody cynarctomachy,
Is plain enough to him that knows
How Saints lead Brothers by the nose.
I wish myself a pseudo-prophet, 755
But sure some mischief will come of it,
Unless by providential wit,
Or force, we averruncate it.
For what design, what interest,
Can beast have to encounter beast ? 760
They fight for no espoused Cause,
Frail Privilege, Fundamental Laws,
Nor for a thorough Reformation,
Nor Covenant nor Protestation,
Nor Liberty of consciences, 76o
Nor Lords' and Commons' Ordinances ;
Nor for the Church, nor for Church-lands,
To get them into their own hands ;
NOP evil Counsellors to bring
To justice, that seduce the King ; 770
Nor for the worship of us men,
765 VAR. ' Nor for free Liberty of Conscience.' The word
'free' was left out in 1674; and Mr. Warburton thinks for
the worse; 'free liberty '.being a most beautiful and satirical
periphrasis for licentiousness, which is the idea the Author
here intended to give us.
766 The King being driven from the Parliament, no legal
acts of Parliament could be made ; therefore when the Lords
and Commons had agreed upon any bill, they published it,
and required obedience to it, under the title of An Ordinance
of Lords and Commons, and sometimes, An Ordinance of
Parliament.
32 HUDIBRAS.
Though we have done as much for them.
Th' Egyptians worshipp'd dogs, and for
Their faith made internecine war ;
Others ador'd a rat, and some 775
For that church suffer'd martyrdom ;
The Indians fought for the truth
Of th' elephant and monkey's tooth,
And many, to defend that faith,
Fought it out mordicus to death ; 730
But no beast ever was so slight,
For man, as for his god, to fight :
They have more wit, alas ! and know
Themselves and us better than so.
But we, who only do infuse .85
The rage in them like boutt-feus,
'Tis our example that instils
In them th' infection of our ills.
For, as some late philosophers
Have well observ'd, beasts that converse 790
With man take after him, as hogs
Get pigs all th' year, and bitches dogs ;
Just so, by our example, cattle
Learn to give one another battle.
We read in Nero's time, the Heathen, 795
When they destroy'd the Christian brethren,
They sew'd them in the skins of bears,
And then set dogs about their ears ;
From whence, no doubt, th' invention came
Of this lewd antichristian game. soo
To this, quoth Ralpho, Verily
The point seems very plain to me ;
It is an antichristian game,
Unlawful both in thing and name.
PART I. CANTO I. 33
First, for the name ; the word Bear-baiting sos
Is carnal, and of man's creating,
For certainly there's no such word
In all the Scripture on record ;
Therefore unlawful, and a sin :
And so is (secondly) the thing ; 8io
A vile assembly 'tis, that can
No more be proved by Scripture than
Provincial, Classic, National,
Mere human creature-cobwebs all.
Thirdly, it is idolatrous ; 815
For when men run a-whoring thus
With their inventions, whatsoe'er
The thing be, whether Dog or Bear
It is idolatrous and Pagan,
No less than worshipping of Dagon. 820
Quoth Hudibras, I smell a rat ;
Ralpho, thou dost prevaricate :
For though the thesis which thou lay'st
Be true ad amussim, as thou say'st ;
(For that Bear-baiting should appear 825
Jure divino lawfuller
Than Synods are, thou dost deny
Totidem verbis, so do I)
Yet there's a fallacy in this ;
For if by sly homceosis, 830
Ttissis pro crepitu, an art
Under a cough to slur a f — t,
Thou wouldst sophistically imply
Both are unlawful, — I deny.
And I, quoth Ralpho, do not doubt (35
But Bear-baiting may be made out,
In gospel-times, as lawful as is
TOL. I. D
34 HUDIBRAS.
Provincial, or Parochial Classis ;
And that both are so near of kin,
And like in all, as well as sin, 840
That put 'em in a bag, and shake 'em,
Yourself o' th' sudden would mistake 'em,
And not know which is which, unless
You measure by their wickedness ;
For 'tis not hard t' imagine whether 845
0' th' two is worst, though I name neither.
Quoth Hudibras, Thou offer'st much,
But art not able to keep touch ;
Mira de lente, as 'tis i' th' adage,
Id est, to make a leek a cabbage : 350
Thou wilt at best but suck a bull,
Or shear swine, all cry and no wool ;
For what can Synods have at all,
With Bear that's analogical ?
Or what relation has debating 855
Of Church-affairs with Bear-baiting ?
A just comparison still is
Of things ejusdem generis ;
And then what genus rightly doth
Include and comprehend them both ? seo
If animal, both of us may
As justly pass for Bears as they ;
For we are animals no less,
Although of diff'rent specieses.
But, Ralpho, this is no fit place, ?f5
Nor time, to argue out the case ;
841 YAK. ' Thou canst at best but overstrain
A paradox and thy own brain ;'
and ' Thou'lt be at best but such a bull,' &c.
860 VAR. ' Comprehend them inclusive both.'
8M YAK. ' As likely.'
PART I. CANTO I. 35
For now the field is not far off
Where we must give the world a proof
Of deeds, not words, and such as suit
Another manner of dispute : 870
A controversy that affords
Actions for arguments, not words ;
Which we must manage at a rate
Of prowess and conduct adequate
To what our place and fame doth promise, 876
And all the Godly expect from us.
Nor shall they be deceiv'd, unless
We're slurr'd and outed by success ;
Success, the mark no mortal wit,
Or surest hand, can always hit : sso
For whatsoe'er we perpetrate,
We do but row, V are steer'd by Fate,
Which in success oft disinherits,
For spurious causes, noblest merits.
Great actions are not always true sons sss
Of great and mighty resolutions ;
Nor do the bold'st attempts bring forth
Events still equal to their worth ;
But sometimes fail, and in their stead
Fortune and cowardice succeed. 390
Yet we have no great cause to doubt,
Our actions still have borne us out ;
Which though they're known to be so ample,
We need not copy from example ;
We're not the only person durst 895
Attempt this province, nor the first.
In northern clime a val'rous knight
Did whilom kill his Bear in fight,
• And wound a Fiddler : we have both
Of these the objects of our wroth, wo
36 HTJDIBRAS.
And equal fame and glory from
Th' attempt, or victory to come.
'Tis sung there is a valiant Mamaluke,
In foreign land yclep'd —
To whom we have been oft compar'd 905
For person, parts, address, and beard ;
Both equally reputed stout,
And in the same cause both have fought :
He oft in such attempts as these
Came off with glory and success ; 910
Nor will we fail in th' execution,
For want of equal resolution.
Honour is like a widow, won
With brisk attempt and putting on ;
With ent'ring manfully, and urging, 915
Not slow approaches, like a virgin.
This said, as yerst the Phrygian knight,
So ours, with rusty steel did smite
His Trojan horse, and just as much
He mended pace upon the touch ; 920
But from his empty stomach groan'd
Just as that hollow beast did sound,
And angry, answer'd from behind,
With brandish'd tail and blast of wind.
So have I seen, with armed heel, 925
A wight bestride a Common-weal,
While still the more he kick'd and spurr'd,
The less the sullen jade has stirr'd.
904 The writers of the ' General Historical Dictionary,"
vol. vi. p. 291, imagine, " That the chasm here is to be filled
with the words, ' Sir Samuel Luke,' because the line before it
is of ten syllables, and the measure of the verse generally
used in this Poem is of eight."
PART I. CANTO II. 37
PART I. CANTO II.
THE ARGUMENT.
The catalogue and character
Of th' enemies' best men of war,
Whom in a bold harangue the Knight
Defies and challenges to fight :
H' encounters Talgol, routs the Bear,
And takes the Fiddler prisoner,
Conveys him to enchanted castle,
There shuts him fast in •wooden Bastile.
THERE was an ancient sage philosopher
That had read Alexander Ross over,
And swore the world, as he could prove,
Was made of fighting and of love.
Just so Romances are, for what else
Is in them all but love and battles ?
0' th' first of these w' have no great matter
To treat of, but a world o' th' latter,
IrTwhich to do the injured right
We mean, in what concerns just fight.
Certes our authors are to blame
For to make some well-sounding name
A pattern fit for modern knights
To copy out in frays and fights,
(Like those that a whole street do raze
To build a palace in the place).
They never care how many others
They kill, without regard of mothers,
Or wives, or children, so they can
38 HUDIBKAS.
Make up some fierce dead-doing man, 20
Compos'd of many ingredient valours,
Just like the manhood of nine tailors :
So a wild Tartar, when he spies
A man that's handsome, valiant, wise,
If he can kill him, thinks t' inherit 25
His wit, his beauty, and his spirit ;
As if just so much he enjoy'd,
As in another is destroy'd :
For when a giant's slain in fight,
And mow'd o'erthwart, or cleft downright, so
It is a heavy case, no doubt,
A man should have his brains beat out,
Because he's tall and has large bones,
As men kill beavers for their stones.
But as for our part, we shall tell -iM
The naked truth of what befell,
And as an equal friend to both
The Knight and Bear, but more to Troth,
With neither faction shall take part,
But give to each his due desert, 40
And never coin a formal lie on't
To make the knight o'ercome the giant.
This b'ing profest, we've hopes enough,
And now go on where we left off.
They rode, but authors having not 45
Determin'd whether pace or trot
(That is to say, whether tollutation,
As they do term 't, or succussation),
We leave it, and go on, as now
Suppose they did, no matter how ; so
Yet some, from subtle hints, have got
Mysterious light it was a trot ;
PART I. CANTO II. 39
But let that pass : they now begun
To spur their living engines on :
For as whipp'd tops and bandy'd balls, 55
The learned hold, are animals ;
So horses they affirm to be
Mere engines made by geometry,
And were invented first from engines,
As Indian Britons were from Penguins. co
So let them be, and, as I was saying,
They their live engines ply'd, not staying
Until they reach'd the fatal champain
Which th' enemy did then encamp on ;
The dire Pharsalian plain, where battle 65
Was to be wag'd 'twixt puissant cattle,
And fierce auxiliary men,
That came to aid their brethren,
Who now began to take the field,
As Knight from ridge of steed beheld. 70
For as our modern wits behold,
Mounted a pick-back on the old,
Much further off, much further he,
Rais'd on his aged beast, could see ;
Yet not sufficient to descry 75
All postures of the enemy,
Wherefore he bids the Squire ride further,
T* observe their numbers and their order,
That, when their motions he had known,
He might know how to fit his own. so
Mean-while he stopp'd his willing steed,
To fit himself for martial deed :
Both kinds of metal he prepar'd,
Either to give blows or to ward ;
74 VAR. ' From off'.'
40 H17D1BRAS.
Courage and steel, both of great force, 85
Prepar'd for better or for worse.
His death-charg'd pistols he did fit well,
Drawn out from life-preserving victual ;
These being prim'd, with force he labour'd
To free 's sword from retentive scabbard, oo
And after many a painful pluck,
From rusty durance he bail'd tuck :
Then shook himself, to see that prowess
In scabbard of his arms sat loose ;
And, rais'd upon his desp'rate foot, 95
On stirrup-side he gaz'd about,
Portending blood, like blazing star,
The beacon of approaching war.
Ralpho rode on with no less speed
Than Hugo in the forest did ; 100
But far more in returning made,
For now the foe he had survey'd,
Rang'd, as to him they did appear,
With van, main-battle, wings and rear.
I' th' head of all this warlike rabble, 105
Crowdero march'd expert and able ;
85 BS YAB. < Courage within, and steel without,
To give and to receive a rout.'
92 VAE. ' He clear'd at length the rugged tuck.'
99 100 YAK. « The Squire advanc'd with greater speed
Than could b' expected from his steed :'
101 102 YAK. But 'with a great deal' more 'return'd,'
For now the foe he had 'discern'd.'
106 So called from 'croud,' a fiddle : This was one Jackson,
a milliner, who lived in the New Exchange in the Strand.
He had formerly been in the service of the Roundheads, and
had lost a leg in it ; this brought 'him to decay, so that he
was bbliged to scrape upon a fiddle, from one ale-house to
PART I. CANTO II. 41
Instead of trumpet and of drum,
That makes the warrior's stomach come,
Whose noise whets valour sharp, like beer
By thunder turn'd to vinegar ; HO
(For if a trumpet sound or drum beat
Who has not a month's mind to combat ?)
A squeaking engine he apply'd
Unto his neck, on north-east side,
Just where the hangman does dispose 115
To special friends the knot of noose :
For 'tis great grace when statesmen straight
Despatch a friend, let others wait.
His warped ear hung o'er the strings,
Which was but souse to chitterlings : 120
For guts, some write, ere they are sodden,
Are fit for music or for pudden ;
From whence men borrow ev'ry kina
Of minstrelsy, by string or wind.
His grisly beard was long and thick, 125
With which he strung his fiddlestick,
For he to horse-tail scorn'd to owe
For what on his own chin did grow :
Chiron, the four-legg'd bard, had both
A beard and tail of his own growth, iso
And yet by authors 'tis averr'd
He made use only of his beard.
In Staffordshire, where virtuous worth
Does raise the minstrelsy, not birth,
Where bulls do choose the boldest king 135
And ruler o'er the men of string
another, for his bread. Mr. Butler very judiciously places
him at the head of his catalogue : for country diversions are
generally attended with a fiddler or bagpiper.
42 HUDIBKAS.
(As once in Persia, 'tis said,
Kings were proclaim'd by a horse that neigh'd),
He, bravely vcnt'ring at a crown,
By chance of war was beaten down, HO
And wounded sore ; his leg then broke
Had got a deputy of oak :
For when a shin in fight is cropt,
The knee with one of timber's propt,
Esteem'd more honourable than the other, 145
And takes place, though the younger brother.
Next march'd brave Orsin, famous for
Wise conduct and success in war ;
A skilful leader, stout, severe,
Now Marshal to the champion Bear. 150
With truncheon tipp'd with iron head,
The warrior to the lists he led ;
With solemn march and stately pace,
But far more grave and solemn face ;
Grave as the emperor of Pegu, 155
Or Spanish potentate, Don Diego.
This leader was of knowledge great,
Either for charge or for retreat ;
He knew when to fall on pell-mell,
To fall back and retreat as well : ieo
So lawyers, lest the Bear defendant
And plaintiff Dog should make an end on't,
Do stave and tail with writs of Error,
Reverse of Judgment, and Demurrer,
To let them breathe awhile, and then 165
147 VAK. 'Next follow'd.' Joshua Gosling, who kept
bears at Paris-garden, in Southwark. However, says Sir
Roger, he stood hard and fast for. the Bump Parliament.
159 160 VAR. ' Knew when t' engage his bear pell-mell,
And when to bring him off as well.'
PART I. CANTO II. 43
Cry Whoop and set them on agen.
As Romulus a wolf did rear,
So he was dry-nurs'd by a bear,
That fed him with the purchas'd prey
Of many a fierce and bloody fray ; no
Bred up, where discipline most rare is,
In military garden Paris :
For soldiers heretofore did grow
In gardens just as weeds do now,
Until some splay-foot politicians 175
T' Apollo offer' d up petitions
For licensing a new invention
Th' had found out of an antique engine,
To root out all the weeds that grow
In public gardens, at a blow, iso
And leave th' herbs standing. Quoth Sir Sun,
My friends, that is not to be done.
Not done ! quoth Statesman ; Yes, an't please ye,
When 'tis once known you'll say 'tis easy.
Why then let's know it, quoth Apollo : iss
We'll beat a drum, and they'll all follow.
A djuim ! (quoth Phoebus) Troth, that's true,
A pretty invention, quaint and new :
But though of voice and instrument
We are th' undoubted president, 190
We such loud music do not profess,
The Devil's master of that office,
Where it must pass ; if 't be a drum,
He'll sign it with Cler. Parl. Dom. Com. ;
194 The House of Commons, even before the Rump had
murdered the King, and expelled the House of Lords,
usurped many branches of the Royal prerogative, and par
ticularly this for granting licences for new inventions.
44 HUDIBRAS.
To him apply yourselves, and he 195
Will soon despatch you for his fee.
They did so, but it prov'd so ill
Th' had better let 'em grow there still.
But to resume what we discoursing
Were on before, that is, stout Orsin : 200
That which so oft by sundry writers
Has been apply'd t' almost all fighters,
More justly may b' ascrib'd to this
Than any other warrior, (viz.)
None ever acted both parts bolder, 205
Both of a chieftain and a soldier.
He was of great descent, and high
For splendour and antiquity,
And from celestial origine
Deriv'd himself in a right line 210
Not as the ancient heroes did,
Who, that their base births might be hid
(Knowing they were of doubtful gender,
And that they came in at the windore),
Made Jupiter himself and others 215
0' th' gods, gallants to their own mothers,
To get on them a race of champions,
(Of which old Homer first made lampoons).
Arctophylax, in northern sphere,
Was his undoubted ancestor ; 220
From him his great forefathers came,
And in all ages bore his name.
Learned he was in med'c'nal lore,
For by his side a pouch he wore
Replete with strange hermetic powder, 225
211 This is one instance of the Author's making great
things little, though his talent lay chiefly the other way.
PART I. CANTO II. 45
That wounds nine miles point-blank would solder ;
By skilful chemist with great cost
Extracted from a rotten post ;
But of a heav'nlier influence
Than that which mountebanks dispense, 230
Though by Promethean fire made ;
As they do quack that drive that trade.
For as, when slovens do amiss
At others' doors, by stool or piss,
The learned write a red-hot spit 235
B'ing prudently apply'd to it
Will convey mischief from the dung
Unto the part that did the wrong,
So this did healing ; and, as sure
As that did mischief, this would cure. aio
Thus virtuous Orsin was endu'd
With learning, conduct, fortitude
Incomparable ; and as the prince
Of poets, Homer, sung long since,
A skilful leech is better far 245
Than half a hundred men of war ;
So^ie appear'd, and by his skill,
No less than dint of sword, could kill.
The gallant Bruin march'd next him,
With visage formidably grim, 250
And rugged as a Saracen,
Or Turk of Mahomet's own kin ;
Clad in a mantle de la guerre
Of rough impenetrable fur,
And in his nose, like Indian king, 256
He wore, for ornament, a ring ;
About his neck a threefold gorget,
238 VAK. Unto the ' breech.'
46 HTJDIBRAS.
As rough as trebled leathern target ;
Armed, as heralds cant, and langued,
Or, as the vulgar say, sharp-fanged : 200
For as the teeth in beasts of prey
Are swords, with which they fight in fray,
So swords, in men of war, are teeth
Which they do eat their victual with.
He was by birth, some authors write, 255
A Russian, some a Muscovite,
And 'mong the Cossacks had been bred,
Of whom we in Diurnals read,
That serve to fill up pages here,
As with their bodies ditches there. 270
Scrimansky was his cousin-german,
With whom he serv'd, and fed on vermin ;
And when these fail'd he'd suck his claws,
And quarter himself upon his paws :
And though his countrymen, the Huns, 275
Did stew their meat between their bums
And th' horses' backs o'er which they straddle,
And ev'ry man ate up his saddle ;
He was not half so nice as they,
But ate it raw when 't came in 's way. 2so
He had trac'd countries far and near
More than Le Blanc the traveller,
Who writes, he spous'd in India,
Of noble house a lady gay,
And got on her a race of worthies 2?5
As stout as any upon earth is.
Full many a fight for him between
Talgol and Orsin oft had been,
Each striving to deserve the crown
Of a saVd citizen ; the one 290
PART I. CANTO II. 47
To guard his Bear, the other fought
To aid his Dog ; both made more stout
By sev'ral spurs of neighbourhood,
Church-fellow-membership, and blood :
But Talgol, mortal foe to cows, 295
Never got aught of him but blows,
Blows hard and heavy, such as he
Had lent, repaid with usury.
Yet Tagol was of courage stout,
And vanquish'd oft'ner than he fought ; soo
Inur'd to labour, sweat and toil,
And, like a champion, shone with oil :
Right many a widow his keen blade,
And many fatherless, had made ;
He many a boar and huge dun-cow scs
Did, like another Guy, o'erthrow :
But Guy with him in fight compar'd,
Had like the boar or dun-cow far'd.
With greater troops of sheep h' had fought
Than Ajax or bold Don Quixote ; 310
And many a serpent of fell kind,
With wings before and stings behind,
Subdu'd ; as, poets say, long agone
.Bold Sir George Saint George did the Dragon.
Nor engine, nor device polemic, sis
Disease, nor doctor epidemic,
Though stor'd with deletery med'cines,
(Which whosoever took is dead since)
E'er sent so vast a colony
To both the under worlds as he ; 320
299 A butcher in Newgate-market, who afterwards ob
tained a captain's commission for his rebellious bravery at
Naseby, as Sir R. L'Estrange observes.
48 HUDIBRAS.
For he was of that noble trade
That demi-gods and heroes made,
Slaughter, and knocking on the head,
The trade to which they all were bred ;
And is, like others, glorious when zz&
'Tis great and large, but base, if mean :
The former rides in triumph for it,
The latter in a two-wheel'd chariot,
For daring to profane a thing
So sacred with vile bungling. 330
Next these the brave Magnano came,
Magnano great in martial fame ;
Yet when with Orsin he wag'd fight,
'Tis sung he got but little by 't :
Yet he was fierce as forest boar, 335
Whose spoils upon his back he wore,
As thick as Ajax5 sevenfold shield,
Which o'er his brazen arms he held :
But brass was feeble to resist
The fury of his armed fist, 340
Nor could the hardest iron hold out
Against his blows, but they would through 't.
In magic he was deeply read,
As he that made the brazen-head ;
Profoundly skill'd in the black art, 345
As English Merlin for his heart ;
But far more skilful in the spheres,
Than he was at the sieve and shears.
He could transform himself in colour,
331 Simeon Wait a tinker, as famous an Independent
preacher as Burroughs, who, with equal blasphemy to his
Lord of Hosts, would style Olive'r Cromwell the Archangel
giving battle to the Devil.
PART 1. CANTO II. 49
As like the Devil as a collier ; 350
As like as hypocrites in show
Are to true saints, or crow to crow.
Of warlike engines he was author,
Devis'd for quick dispatch of slaughter :
The cannon, blunderbuss, and saker, 355
He was th' inventor of, and maker :
The trumpet and the kettle-drum
Did both from his invention come.
He was the first that e'er did teach
To make, and how to stop, a breach. 300
A lance he bore with iron pike,
Th' one half would thrust, the .other strike ;
And when thejr forces he had join'd,
He scorn'd to turn his parts behind.
He Trulla lov'd, Trulla more bright 365
Than burnish'd armour of her knight ;
A bold virago, stout and tall,
As Joan of France, or English Mall :
Through perils both of wind and limb,
Through thick and thin she follow'd him, 370
In ev'ry adventure h' undertook,
And never him or it forsook : •
At breach of wall, or hedge surprise,
She shar'd i' th' hazard and the prize ;
385 The daughter of James Spenser, debauched by Mag-
nano the tinker ; so called because the tinker's wife cr mis
tress was commonly called his 'trull.' See 'The Cox
comb,' a comedy.
348 Alluding probably to Mary Carlton, called ' Kentish
Moll,' but more commonly ' The German Princess ;' a per
son notorious at the time this First Part of Hudibras was
published. She was transported to Jamaica, 1671, but re
turning from transportation too soon, she was hanged at
Tyburn, Jan. 22, 1672-3.
VOL. I. E
50 HUDIBRAS.
At beating quarters up, or forage, : 75
Behav'd herself with matchless courage,
And laid about in fight more busily
Than th' Amazonian Dame Penthesile.
And though some critics here cry shame,
And say our authors are to blame, 380
That (spite of all philosophers,
Who hold no females stout but bears,
And heretofore did so abhor
That women should pretend to war,
They would not suffer the stout'st dame 385
To swear by Hercules's name),
Make feeble ladies, in their works,
To right like termagants and Turks ;
To lay their native arms aside,
Their modesty, and ride astride ; 890
To run a-tilt at men, and wield
Their naked tools in open field ;
As stout Armida, bold Thalestris,
And she that would have been the mistress
Of Gundibert, but he had grace, 30r»
And rather took a country lass ;
They say 'tis false without all sense,
But of pernicious consequence
To government, which they suppose
Can never be upheld in prose ; 400
Strip nature naked to the skin,
You'll find about her no such thing :
It may be so, yet what we tell
Of Trulla that's improbable,
Shall be depos'd by those have seen 't, 403
Or, what's as good, produc'd in print ;
And if they will not take our word,
PART I. CANTO II. 51
We'll prove it true upon record.
The upright Cerdon next advanc't,
Of all his race the valiant'st ; no
Cerdon the Great, renown'd in song,
Like Herc'les, for repair of wrong :
He rais'd the low, and fortify'd
The weak against the strongest side :
111 has he read that never hit 415
On him in Muses' deathless writ.
He had a weapon keen and fierce,
That through a bull-hide shield would pierce,
And cut it in a thousand pieces,
Though tougher than the Knight of Greece his, 420
With whom his black-thumb'd ancestor
Was comrade in the ten-years' war :
For when the restless Greeks sat down
So many years before Troy town,
And were renown'd, as Homer writes, 425
For well-sol'd boots no less than fights,
They ow'd that glory only to
His ancestor, that made them so.
Fast friend he was to reformation,
Until 'twas worn quite out of fashion ; 430
Next rectifier of wry law,
And would make three to cure one flaw.
Learned he was, and could take note,
409 'Cerdon.' A one-eyed cobbler, like his brother Colonel
Hewson. The poet observes that his chief talent lay in
preaching. Is it not then indecent, and beyond the rules of
decorum, to introduce him into such rough company ? No :
it is probable he had but newly set up the trade of a teacher,
and we may conclude that the poet did not think that he
had so much sanctity as to debar him the pleasure of his
btloved diversion of bear-baiting.
52 HUDIBRAS.
Transcribe, collect, translate, and quote :
But preaching was his chiefest talent, 435
Or argument, in which being valiant,
He us'd to lay about and stickle,
434 Mechanics of all sorts were then preachers, and some
of them much followed and admired by the mob. " I am
to tell thee, Christian Reader," says Dr. Featley, Preface
to his 'Dipper Dipped,' wrote 1645, and published 1647,
p. 1, " this new year of new changes, never heard of in
former ages, namely, of stables turned into temples, and, I
will beg leave to add, temples turned into stables (as was
that of St. Paul's, and many more), stalls into quires, shop-
boards into communion-tables, tubs into pulpits, aprons into
linen ephods, and mechanics of the lowest rank into priests of
the high places. — I wonder that our door-posts and walls sweat
not, upon which such notes as these have been lately affixed ;
on such a day such a brewer's clerk exerciseth, such a tailor
expoundeth, such a waterman teacheth. — If cooks, instead
of mincing their meat, fall upon dividing of the Word ; if
tailors leap up from the shop-board into the pulpit, and patch
up sermons out of stolen shreds ; if not only of the lowest of
the people, as in Jeroboam's time, priests are consecrated to the
Most High God — do we marvel to see such confusion in the
Church as there is?" They are humorously girded in a
tract entitled, ' The Reformado precisely character'd, by a
modern Churchwarden,' p. 11. "Here are felt-makers,"
says he, " who can roundly deal with the blockheads and
neutral dimicasters of the world; cobblers who can give
good rules for upright walking, and handle Scripture to a
bristle ; coachmen who know how to lash the beastly enor
mities, and curb the headstrong insolences of this brutish
age, stoutly exhorting us to stand up for the truth, lest the
wheel of destruction roundly overrun us. We have weavers
that can sweetly inform us of the shuttle swiftness of the
times, and practically tread out the vicissitude of all sub
lunary things, till the web of our life be cut off: and here are
mechanics of my profession who can separate the pieces of
salvation from those of damnation, measure out every man's
portion, and cut it out by a thread, substantially pressing
the points, till they have fashionably filled up their 'work
with a well-bottomed conclusion."
PART I. CANTO II. 53
Like ram or bull, at Conventicle :
For disputants, like rams and bulls,
Do fight with arms that spring from sculls. 4io
Last Colon came, bold man of war,
Destin'd to blows by fatal star,
Right expert in command of horse,
But cruel, and without remorse.
That which of Centaur long ago 445
Was said, and has been wrested to
Some other knights, was true of this ;
He and his horse were of a piece.
One spirit did inform them both,
The self-same vigour, fury, wroth ; 450
Yet he was much the rougher part,
And alwaysTiad a harder heart,
Although his horse had been of those
That fed on man's flesh, as fame goes :
Strange food for horse ! and yet, alas ! 455
It may be true, for flesh is grass.
Sturdy he was, and no less able
Than Hercules to clean a stable ;
As great a drover, and as great
A critic too, in hog or neat. . 460
He ripp'd the womb up of his mother,
Dame Tellus, 'cause she wanted fother
And provender, wherewith to feed
Himself and his less cruel steed.
It was a question Avhether he 465
Or 's horse were of a family
More worshipful ; till antiquaries
(After they'd almost por'd out their eyes)
Did very learnedly decide
441 'Colon.' Ned Perry, an hostler.
54 HUDIBRAS.
The bus'ness on the horse's side, 470
And prov'd not only horse, but cows,
Nay pigs, were of the elder house :
For beasts, when man was but. a piece
Of earth himself, did th' earth possess.
These worthies were the chief that led 4 TO
The combatants, each in the head
Of his command, with arms and rage
Ready and longing to engage.
The num'rous rabble was drawn out
Of sev'ral counties round about, 490
From villages remote, and shires
Of east and western hemispheres.
From foreign parishes and regions,
Of different manners, speech, religions,
Came men and mastiffs ; some to fight i83
For fame and honour, some for sight.
And now the field of death, the lists,
Were enter'd by antagonists,
And blood was ready to be broach'd
When Hudibras in haste approach'd -100
With Squire and weapons to attack 'em ;
But first thus, from his horse bespake 'em :
What rage, 0 Citizens ! what fury,
Doth you to these dire actions hurry ?
What oestrum, what phrenetic mood, 495
Makes you thus lavish of your blood,
While the proud Vies your trophies boast,
And unreveng'd walks Waller's ghost ?
What towns, what garrisons, might you
With hazard of this blood subdue, 500
495 'Oestrum' signifies the gad-bee or horse-fly.
431 Sir W. Waller was defeated at Devizes.
PART 1. CANTO II. 55
Which now y' are bent to throw away
In vain untriumphable fray ?
Shall saints in civil bloodshed wallow
Of saints, and let the Cause Ho fallow ?
The Cause, for which we fought and swore 505
So boldly, shall we now give o'er ?
Then, because quarrels still arc seen
With oaths and swearings to begin,
The Solemn League and Covenant
Will seem a mere God-damme rant, cio
And we that took it, and have fought,
As lewd as drunkards that fall out :
For as we make war for the King
Against himself, the self-same thing,
Some will not stick to swear, we do sis
For God and for Religion too :
For, if Bear-baiting we allow,
What good can Reformation do ?
The blood and treasure that's laid out
Is thrown away, and goes for nought. 520
Are these the fruits o' th' Protestation,
The prototype of Reformation,
Which all the saints, and some, since martyrs,
Wore in their hats like wedding-garters,
5oaso4 MY Walker observes, "That all the cheating,
covetous, ambitious persons of the land were united together
under the title of the Godly, the Saints, and shared the fat
of the land between them ;" and he calls them the Saints
who were canonized no-where but in the Devil's Calendar.
sis si4 The Presbyterians, in all their wars against the
king, maintained still that they fought for him ; for they
pretended to distinguish his political person from his natural
one : his political person, they said, must be, and was with
the Parliament, though his natural person was at war with
them.
56 HUDIBRAS.
When 'twas resolved by their House 525
Six Members' quarrel to espouse ?
Did they for this draw down the rabble,
With zeal and noises formidable,
And make all cries about the town
Join throats to cry the Bishops down ? f 30
Who having round begirt the palace,
(As once a month they do the gallows),
As Members gave the sign about,
Set up their throats with hideous shout.
When tinkers bawl'd aloud to settle 535
Church- Discipline, for patching kettle ;
No sow-gelder did blow his horn
To geld a cat, but cry'd Reform ;
The oyster- women lock'd their fish up,
And trudg'd away to cry No Bishop ; 540
The mouse-trap men laid save-alls by,
And 'ganst Ev'l Counsellors did cry ;
Botchers left old clothes in the lurch,
And fell to turn and patch the Church ;
Some cry'd the Covenant, instead 545
Of pudding-pies and gingerbread ;
And some for brooms, old boots and shoes,
Bawl'd out to purge the Commons House ;
Instead of kitchen-stuff, some cry
A Gospel-preaching ministry ; 530
And some for old suits, coats, or cloak,
No Surplices nor Service-book :
430 «G00(i Lord!" says the 'True Informer,' p. 12, "what
a deal of dirt was thrown in the Bishops' faces ! — what in
famous ballads were sung ! — what a thick cloud of epidemical
hatred hung suddenly over them ! so far, that a dog with a
black and white face was called a ' Bishop.' "
PART I. CANTO II. 57
A strange harmonious inclination
Of all degrees to Reformation.
And is this all ? Is this the end 655
To which these carr'ings on did tend ?
Hath Public faith, like a young heir,
For this tak'n up all sorts of ware,
And run int' ev'ry tradesman's book,
Till both turn bankrupts and are broke ? seo
Did Saints for this bring in their plate,
And crowd as if they came too late ?
For, when they thought the cause had need on't,
Happy was he that could be rid on't.
Did they coin piss-pots, bowls, and flagons, 565
Int' officers of horse and dragoons ?
And into pikes'and musqueteers
Stamp beakers, cups and porringers ?
A thimble, bodkin, and a spoon,
Did start up living men as soon 570
As in the furnace they were thrown,
Just like the dragon's teeth being sown.
Then was the Cause of gold and plate,
TheJ3rethren's off'rings, consecrate,
Like th' Hebrew calf, and down before it 575
The Saints fell prostrate, to adore it :
So say the Wicked — and will you
Make that sarcasmus scandal true
By running after Dogs and Bears,
Beasts more unclean than calves or steers ? sso
ss» s.54 Tjj0se flights, which seem most extravagant in our
Poet, were really excelled by matter ef fact. The Scots (in
their ' Large Declaration,' 1637, p. 41) begin their petition
against the Common Prayer-Book thus : — " We men, women,
and children, and servants, having considered, &c." ' Foulis's
Hist, of Wicked Plots.'
58 HUDIBRAS.
Have pow'rful Preachers ply'd their tongues,
And laid themselves out and their lungs ;
Us'd all means, both direct and sinister,
I' th' pow'r of Gospel-preaching Minister ?
Have they invented tones to win 58o
The women, and make them draw in
The men, as Indians with a female
Tame elephant inveigle the male ?
Have they told Providence what it must do,
559 It was a common practice to inform God of the trans
actions of the times. " Oh ! my Good Lord God," says Mr.
G. Swathe, ' Prayers,' p. 12, " I hear the King hath set up
his standard at York against the Parliament and city of
London. — Look Thou upon them, take their cause into Thine
own hand ; appear Thou in the cause of Thy Saints, the cause
in hand. — It is Thy cause, Lord. We know that the King is
misled, deluded, and deceived by his Popish, Arminian, and
temporising, rebellious, malignant faction and party," &c.
" They would," says Dr. Echard, " in their prayers and
sermons, tell God, that they would be willing to be at any
charge and trouble for Him, and to do as it were any kindness
for the Lord; the Lord might now trust them, and rely upon
them, they should not fail Him ; they should not be unmindful
of His business ; His works should not sta'hd still, nor His
designs be neglected. They must needs say that they had
formerly received some favours from God, and have been as
it were beholden to the Almighty ; but they did not much
question but they should find some opportunity of making
some amends for the many good things, and (as I may so say)
civilities which they had received from Him. Indeed, as for
those that are weak in the Faith, and are yet but babes in
Christ, it is fit that thev should keep at some distance from
God, should kneel before Him, and stand (as I may say) cap
in hand to the Almighty : but as for those that are strong in
all Gifts, and grown up in all Grace, and are come to a fulness
and ripeness in the Lord Jesus, it is comely enough to take a
great chair, and sit at the end of the table, and, with their
cock'd hats on their heads, to say, God, we thought it not
amiss to call upon Thee this evening, and let Thee know how
affairs stand. We have been very watchful since we were
last with Thee, and thev are in a very hopeful condition.
PART i. CANTO n. 59
Whom to avoid, and whom to trust to ? 090
Discover'd th' Enemy's design,
And which way best to countermine ?
Prescrib'd what ways it hath to work,
Or it will ne'er advance the Kirk ?
Told it the news o' th' last express, 593
And after good or bad success
Made prayers, not so like petitions
As overtures and propositions
(Such as the Army did present
To their Creator, th' ParPament), eoo
In which they freely will confess
They will not, cannot acquiesce,
We hope that Thou wilt not forget "us; for we are very
thoughtful of Thy-concerns. We do somewhat long to hear
from Thee; and if Thou pleasest-to give us such a thing
(' Victory'), we shall be (as I may so say) good to Thee in
something else when it lies in our way." See a remarkable
Scotch Prayer much to the same purpose, ' Scourge," by Mr.
Lewis, No XVI. p. 130, edit. 1717.
102 Alluding probably to their profane expostulations with
God from the pulpit. Mr. Vinej, in St. Clement's Church,
near Temple-bar, used the following words : " 0 Lord, Thou
hast never given us a victory this long while, for all our fre-
quentfasting. What dost Thou mean, 0 Lord, to fling into
a ditch, and there to leave us?" And one Robinson, in his
prayer at Southampton, Aug. 25, 1642, expressed himself in
the following manner : " 0 God, 0 God, many are the hands
that are lift up against us, but there is one God, it is Thou
Thyself, 0 Father, Who does us more mischief thnn they all."
They seemed to encourage this profanity in their public
sermons. " Gather upon God," says Mr. R. Harris, ' Fast
Sermon before the Commons,' " and hold Him to it, as Jacob
did: press Him with His precepts, with His promises, with
His hand, with His seal, with His oath, till we do Svcrtiivtiv,
as some Greek Fathers boldly speak; that is, if I may speak
it reverently enough, put the Lord out of countenance ; put
Him, as you would say, to the blush, unless we be masters
of our requests."
60 HUDIBRAS.
Unless the work be carry'd on
In the same way they have1 begun,
By setting Church and Commonweal 6o>
All on a flame, bright as their zeal,
On Avhich the Saints were all agog,
And all this for a Bear and Dog?
The Parl'ament drew up petitions
To 'tself, and sent them, like commissions, 6io
To well-affected persons down,
In every city and great town,
With pow'r to levy horse and men,
Only to bring them back agen ?
For this did many, many a mile, 615
Ride manfully in rank and file,
With papers in their hats, that showM
As if they to the pill'ry rode ?
Have all these courses, these efforts,
Been try'd by people of all sorts, 620
Veils et remis, omnibus nervis,
And all t' advance the Cause's service ;
And shall all now be thrown away
In petulant intestine fray ?
Shall we, that in the Cov'nant swore 025
Each man of us to run before
Another, still in Reformation
Give Dogs and Bears a dispensation ?
How will Dissenting Brethren relish it ?
What will Malignants say ? Videlicet, cso
That each man swore to do his best
To damn and perjure all the rest ;
And bid the devil take the hin'most,
Which at this race is like to win most.
They'll say our bus'noss to Reform oss
PART I. CANTO II. 61
The Church and State, is but a worm ;
For to subscribe, unsight, unseen,
To an unknown Church discipline,
What is it else but beforehand
T' engage and after understand ? 640
For when we swore to carry on
The present Reformation,
According to the purest mode
Of churches best reform'd abroad,
What did we else but make a vow 645
To do we know not what, nor how ?
For no three of us will agree
Where, or what churches these should be:
And is indeed the self-same case
With those that swore et ceteras ; eso
Or the French League, in which men vow'd
To fight to the last drop of blood.
These slanders will be thrown upon
The Cause and work we carry on,
If we permit men to run headlong 655
T' exorbitances fit for Bedlam,
Rather than gospel-walking times,
When slightest sins are greatest crimes.
But we the matter so shall handle
651 The Holy League in France, designed and made for
the extirpation of the Protestant religion, was the original
out of which the Solemn League and Covenant here was
(with difference only of circumstances) most faithfully
transcribed. Nor did the success of both differ more than
the intent and purpose; for, after the destruction of vast
numbers of people of all sorts, both ended with the murder
of two kings, whom they had both sworn to defend. And
as our Covenanters swore every man to run one before
another in the way of Reformation, so did the French, in
the Holy League, to fight to the last drop of blood.
62 HUDIBRAS.
As to remove that odious scandal : G#>
In name of King and Parl'ament,
I charge ye all, no more foment
This feud, but keep the peace between
Your brethren and your countrymen,
And to those places straight repair GC5
Where your respective dwellings are.
But to that purpose first surrender
The Fiddler, as the prime offender,
Th' incendiary vile, that is chief
Author and engineer of mischief ; ' cro
That makes division between friends,
For profane and malignant ends.
He, and that engine of vile noise
On which illegally he plays,
Shall (dictum factum) both be brought 075
To condign pun'shment, as they ought :
This must be done, and I would fain see
Mortal so sturdy as to gainsay ;
673-676 The threatening punishment to the Fiddle was
much like the threats of the pragmatical troopers to punish
Ralph Dobbin's waggon, 'Plain Dealer,' vol. i. "I was
driving," says he, "into a town upon the 29th of May,
where my waggon was to dine. There came up in a great
rage seven or eight of the troopers that were quartered there,
and asked, ' What I bushed out my horses for?' I told them
' To drive flies away.' But they said, I was a Jacobite
rascal, that my horses were guilty of high treason, and my
waggon ought to be hanged. I answered, ' it was already
drawn, and within a yard or two of being quartered j but as
to being hanged, it was a compliment we had no occasion
for, and therefore desired them to take it back again, and
keep it in their own hands, till they had an opportunity to
make use of it.' I had no sooner spoke these words, but
they fell upon me like thunder, stript my cattle in a
twinkling, and beat me black and blue with my own oak
branches."
PART I. CANTO II. 63
For then I'll take another course,
And soon reduce you all by force. cso
This said, he clapt his hand on sword,
To shew he meant to keep his word.
But Talgol, who had long supprest
Inflamed wrath in glowing breast,
Which now began to rage and burn as 635
Implacably as flame in furnace,
Thus answer'd him : Thou vermin wretched,
As e'er in measled pork was hatched ;
Thou tail of worship, that dost grow
On rump of justice as of cow; 690
How dar'st thou with that sullen luggage
0' th' self, old ir'n, and other baggage,
With which thy steed of bones and leather
Has broke his wind in halting hither,
How durst th', I say, adventure thus 695
T' oppose thy lumber against us ?
Could thine impertinence find out
No work t' employ itself about,
Where thou, secure from wooden blow,
Thy busy vanity might'st show ? 700
Wasr no dispute a-foot between
The caterwauling Brethren ?
No subtle question rais'd among
Those out-o'-their wits and those i' th' wrong ?
No prize between those combatants 705
683 684 jt mav be asfce^ \yhy Talgol was the first in
answering the Knight, when it seems more incumbent upon
the Be.irwavd to make a defence? Probably Talgol might
then be a Cavalier; for the character the Poet has given him
doth not infer the contrary, and his answer carries strong
indications to justify the conjecture.
C94 VAR. ' Is lam'd, and tir'd in halting hither.'
64 HUDIBRAS.
0' th' times, the land and water saints,
Where thou might'st stickle, without hazard
Of outrage to thy hide and mazzard,
And not for want of bus'ness come
To us to«be thus troublesome, 710
To interrupt our better sort
Of disputants, and spoil our sport ?
Was there no felony, no bawd,
Cut-purse, or burglary abroad ?
No stolen pig, nor plunder'd goose, 7»5
To tie thee up from breaking loose ?
No ale unlicens'd, broken hedge,
For which thou statute might'st allege,
To keep thee busy from foul evil
And shame due to thee from the devil ? 720
Did no Committee sit, where he
Might cut out journey-work for thee,
And set th' a task, with subornation,
To stitch up sale and sequestration ;
To cheat, with holiness and zeal, 7^5
All parties and the commonweal ?
Much better had it been for thee
He 'ad kept thee where th' art us'd to be,
Or sent th' on bus'ness any whither,
So he had never brought thee hither : ?co
But if th' hast brain enough in scull
To keep itself in lodging whole,
And not provoke the rage of stones
And cudgels to thy hide and bones,
Tremble, and vanish while thou may'st, 735
Which I'll not promise if thou stay'st.
At this the knight grew high in wroth,
732 VAR. ' To keep within its lodging.'
PART I. CANTO II. 65
And, lifting hands and eyes up both,
Three times he smote on stomach stout,
From whence, at length, these words broke out :
Was I for this entitled Sir, 741
And girt with trusty sword and spur,
For fame and honour to wage battle,
Thus to be brav'd by foe to cattle ?
Not all the pride that makes thee swell 745
As big as thou dost blown-up veal ;
Nor all thy tricks and sleights to cheat,
And sell thy carrion for good meat ;
Not all thy magic to repair
Decay'd old age in tough lean ware, 750
Make nat'ral death appear thy work,
And stop the gangrene in stale pork ;
Not all the force that makes thee proud,
Because by bullock ne'er withstood ;
Though arm'd with all thy cleavers, knives, 755
And axes, made to hew down lives ;
Shall save or help thee to evade
The hand of Justice, or this blade,
Which I, her sword-bearer, do carry,
For civil deed and military. 760
Nor shall these words of venom base,
741 Hudibras shewed less patience upon this than Don
Quixote did upon a like occasion, where he calmly dis
tinguishes betwixt an affront and an injury. The Knight
is irritated at the satirical answer of Talgol, and vents his
rage in a manner exactly suited to his character ; and when
his passion was worked up to a height too great to be
expressed in words, he immediately falls into action ; but,
alas ! at this first entrance into it, he meets with an unlucky
disappointment ; an omen that the success would be as in
different as the cause in which he was engaged.
731 VAR. 'Turn death of nature to thy work.'
VOL. I. F
66 HUDIBRAS.
Which thou hast from their native place,
Thy stomach, pump'd to fling on me,
Go unreveng'd, though I am free;
Thou down the same throat shalt devour 'em, 765
Like tainted beef, and pay dear for 'em :
Nor shall it e'er be said that wight
With gauntlet blue and bases white,
And round blunt truncheon by his side,
So great a man at arms defy'd 770
With words far bitterer than wormwood,
That would in Job or Grizel stir mood.
Dogs with their tongues their wounds do heal,
But men with hands, as thou shalt feel.
This said, with hasty rage he snatch'd 775
His gun-shot that in holsters watch'd,
And, bending cock, he levell'd full
Against th' outside of Talgol's scull,
Vowing that he should ne'er stir further,
Nor henceforth cow or bullock murther : 780
But Pallas came in shape of Rust,
And 'twixt the spring and hammer thrust
781—783 This, and another passage in this Canto, are the
only places where Deities are introduced in this poem. As
it was not intended for an Epic Poem, consequently none
of the heroes in it needed supernatural assistance; how then
comes Pallas to be ushered in here, and Mars afterwards?
Probably to ridicule Homer and Virgil, whose heroes scarce
perform any action (even the most feasible) without the
sensible aid of a Deity ; and to manifest that it was not the
want of abilities, but choice, that made our Poet avoid such
subterfuges, he has given us a sample of his judgment in
this way of writing in the passage before us, which, taken
in its naked meaning, is only — that the Knight's pistol was,
for want of use, grown so rusty, that it would not fire ;
or, in other words, that the rust was the cause of his dis
appointment.
PART I. CANTO II. 67
Her Gorgon shield, which made the cock
Stand stiff, as 'twere transform'd to stock.
Mean-while fierce Talgol, gath'ring might, 735
With rugged truncheon charg'd the Knight :
But he, with petronel upheav'd
Instead of shield, the blow receiv'd ;
The gun recoil'd, as well it might,
Not us'd to such a kind of fight, 790
And shrunk from its great master's gripe,
Knock'd down and stunn'd with mortal stripe.
Then Hudibras, with furious haste,
Drew out his sword ; yet not so fast
But Talgol first, with hardy thwack, 7?5
Twice bruis'd his head, and twice his back.
But when his nut-brown sword was out,
With stomach huge he laid about,
Imprinting many a wound upon
His mortal foe, the truncheon : 800
The trusty cudgel did oppose
Itself against dead-doing blows,
To guard his leader from fell bane,
Andjthen reveng'd itself again.
And though the sword (some understood) sos
In force had much the odds of wood,
'Twas nothing so ; both sides were balanc 't
So equal, none knew which was valiant'st :
For wood, with honour b'ing engag'd,
784 VAR. ' Stand stiff, as if 'twere turn'd t' a stock.'
786 VAR. • Smote the Knight.'
787 788 -yv^ « ^nd he wjtll rug(.y pjgtoi jje]d ( ^ ^
To take the blow on like a shield.'
797 VAR. ' But when his rugged sword was out.'
798 VAR. ' Courageously he laid about.'
68 HUDIBRAS.
Is so implacably enrag'd, eio
Though iron hew and mangle sore,
Wood wounds and bruises honour more.
And now both knights were out of breath,
Tir'd in the hot pursuit of death,
Whilst all the rest amaz'd stood still, sis
Expecting which should take, or kill.
This Hudibras observed ; and fretting
Conquest should be so long a-getting,
He drew up all his force into
One body, and that into one blow : 820
But Talgol wisely avoided it
By cunning sleight ; for, had it hit,
The upper part of him the blow
Had slit, as sure as that below.
Meanwhile th' incomparable Colon, 825
To aid his friend, began to fall on :
Him Ralph encounter'd, and straight grew
A dismal combat 'twixt them two ;
Th' one arm'd with metal, th' other with wood,
This fit for bruise, and that for blood. gso
With many a stiff thwack, many a bang
Hard crab-tree and old iron rang,
While none that saw them could divine
To which side conquest would incline :
Until Magnano, who did envy, 835
That two should with so many men vie,
By subtle stratagem of brain
Perform'd what force could ne'er attain ;
For he, by foul hap, having found
835 VAR. ' But now fierce Colon 'gan draw on,
To aid the distress'd champion ;'
838 VAR. ' A fierce dispute.'
PART I. CANTO II. GO
Where thistles grew on barren ground, 840
In haste he drew his weapon out,
And, having cropt them from the root,
He clapt them underneath the tail
Of steed, with pricks as sharp as nail.
The angry beast did straight resent 845
The wrong done to his fundament,
Began to kick, and fling, and wince,
As if h' had been beside his sense,
Striving to disengage from thistle,
That gall'd him sorely under his tail ; 850
Instead of which, he threw the pack
Of Squire and baggage from his back,
And blund'ring still, with smarting rump,
He gave the Knight's steed such a thump
As made him reel. The Knight did stoop, 855
And sat on further side aslope.
This Talgol viewing, who had now
By sleight escap'd the fatal blow,
He rally'd, and again fell to 't ;
For catching foe by nearer foot, eeo
He lifted with such might and strength
As'would have hurl'd him thrice his length,
And dash'd his brains (if any) out :
But Mars, that still protects the stout,
In pudding- time came to his aid, 865
844 VAK. ' With prickles sharper than a nail.'
816 VAR. ' And feel regret on fundament.'
8" VAK. ' That stagger'd him.'
864 865 i would here observe the judgment of the Poet:
Ulars is introduced to the Knight's advantage, as Pallas has
been before to his disappointment. It was reasonable that the
God of War should come in to his assistance, since a goddess
70 HUDIBRAS.
And under him the Bear convey'd,
The Bear, upon whose soft fur-gown
•The Knight with all his weight fell down.
The friendly rug preserved the ground,
And head-long Knight, from bruise or wound; 870
Like feather-bed betwixt a wall
And heavy brunt of cannon-ball.
As Sancho on a blanket fell,
And had no hurt, ours far'd as well
In body, though his mighty spirit, 875
B'ing heavy, did not so well bear it.
The Bear was in a greater fright,
Beat down and worsted by the Knight ;
He roar'd, and rag'd, and flung about,
To shake off bondage from his snout : 880
His wrath inflam'd, boil'd o'er, and from
His jaws of death he threw the foam ;
Fury in stranger postures threw him,
And more than ever herald drew him.
He tore the earth, which he had sav'd 885
From squelch of Knight, and storm'd and rav'd,
And vex'd the more because the harms
He felt were 'gainst the law of arms :
For men he always took to be
His friends, and dogs the enemy ; 890
had interested herself on the side of his enemies (agreeably
to Homer and Virgil). Had the Knight directly fallen to
the ground, he had been probably disabled from future action,
and consequently the battle would too soon have been de
termined. Besides, \ve may observe a beautiful gradation to
the honour of the hero : he falls upon the Bear, the Bear
breaks loose, and the spectators run ; so that the Knight's
fall is the primary cause of this rout, and he might justly, as
be afterwards did, ascribe the honour of the victory to him
self.
PAJIT I. CANTO II. 71
Who never so much hurt had done him,
As his own side did falling on him.
It griev'd him to the guts that they,
For whom he had fought so many a fray,
And serv'd with loss of blood so long, 8fl5
Should offer such inhuman wrong ;
Wrong of unsoldier-like condition,
For which he flung down his commission,
And laid about him, till his nose
From thrall of ring and cord broke loose. 900
Soon as he felt himself enlarg'd,
Through thickest of his foes he charg'd,
And made way through th' amazed crew ;
Some he o'erran, and some o'erthrew,
But took none ; for by hasty flight 905
He strove tf'escape pursuit of Knight,
From whom he fled with as much haste
And dread as he the rabble chas'd :
In haste he fled, and so did they,
Each and his fear a sev'ral way. 910
Crowdero only kept the field,
Not stirring from the place he held,
Though beaten down, and wounded sore
I' th' Fiddle, and a leg that bore
One side of him ; not that of bone, 915
But much its better, th' wooden one.
He spying Hudibras lie strow'd
Upon the ground, like log of wood,
With fright of fall, supposed wound,
And loss of urine, in a swound, 920
906 VAK. ' avoid the conqu'ring Knight.'
920 VAR. ' cast in swound.'
72 HUDIBRAS.
In haste he snatch'd the wooden limb
That hurt i' the ankle lay by him,
And, fitting it for sudden fight,
Straight drew it up, t' attack the Knight ;
For getting up on stump and huckle, 935
He with the foe began to buckle,
Vowing to be reveng'd, for breach
Of Crowd and skin, upon the wretch
Sole author of all detriment
He and his Fiddle underwent. sso
But Ralpho (who had now begun
T' adventure resurrection
From heavy squelch, and had got up
Upon his legs, with sprained crup),
Looking about, beheld pernicion 935
Approaching Knight from fell musician :
He snatch'd his whinyard up, that fled
When he was falling off his steed
(As rats do from a falling house)
To hide itself from rage of blows, 940
And, wing'd with speed and fury, flew
To rescue Knight from black and blue ;
Which ere he could achieve, his sconce
The leg encounter'd twice and once.
And now 'twas rais'd to smite agen 945
When Ralpho thrust himself between ;
He took the blow upon his arm,
923 VAR. ' And listing it.'
9S4 VAR. ' to fall on Knight.'
934 »36 yARi « Looking about, beheld the Bard
To charge the Knight entranc'd prepar'd.'
M« « The skin encounter'd,' &c.
947 VAR. ' on side and arm.'
PART I. CANTO II. 73
To shield the Knight from further harm,
And, joining wrath with force, bestow'd
On th' wooden member such a load, 950
That down it fell, and with it bore
Crowdero, whom it propp'd before.
To him the Squire right nimbly run,
And setting conqu'ring foot upon
His trunk, thus spoke : What desp'rate frenzy 955
Made thee (thou whelp of Sin) to fancy
Thyself and all that coward rabble
T' encounter us in battle able ?
How durst th', I say, oppose thy Curship
'Gainst arms, authority, and worship, 960
And Hudibras or me provoke,
Though all thy limbs were heart of oak,
And th' other half of thee as good
To bear out blows as that of wood?
Could not the whipping-post prevail, 965
With all its rhet'rick, nor the jail,
To keep from flaying scourge thy skin,
And ankle free from iron gin ?
Which now thou shalt — but first our care
Must-see how Hudibras does fare. 970
This said, he gently rais'd the Knight,
And set him on his bum upright.
To rouse him from lethargic dump,
He tweak'd his nose, with gentle thump
Knock'd on his breast, as if 't had been 975
To raise the spirits lodg'd within :
They, waken'd with the noise, did fly
From inward room to window eye,
And gently op'ning lid, the casement,
948 VAK. ' To shield the Knight entrauc'd from harm.'
74 HUDIBRAS.
Look'd out, but yet with some amazement. oso
This gladded Ralpho much to see,
Who thus bespoke the Knight. Quoth he,
Tweaking his nose, You are, great Sir,
A self-denying conqueror ;
As high, victorious, and great, 985
As e'er fought for the Churches yet,
If you will give yourself but leave
To make out what y' already have ;
That's victory. The foe, for dread
Of your nine-worthiness, is fled, 900
All save Crowdero, for whose sake
You did th' espous'd Cause undertake ;
And he lies pris'ner at your feet,
To be dispos'd as you think meet,
Either for life, or death, or sale, 995
The gallows, or perpetual jail :
For one wink of your pow'rful eye
Must sentence him to live or die.
His Fiddle is your proper purchase,
Won in the service of the Churches ; 1000
And by your doom must be allow'd
To be, or be no more, a Crowd :
For though success did not confer
Just title on the conqueror ;
Though dispensations were not strong 1005
Conclusions, whether right or wrong ;
Although Outgoings did confirm,
And Owning were but a mere term ;
Yet as the wicked have no right
1009 jf. was a prjncjpie maintained by the Rebels of those
days, that dominion is founded on grace ; and, therefore, if
a man wanted grace (in their' opinion), if he was not a saint
PART I. CANTO II. 75
To th' creature, though usurp'd by might, 1010
The property is in the Saint,
From whom th' injuriously detain 't :
Of him they hold their luxuries,
Their dogs, their horses, whores, and dice,
Their riots, revels, masks, delights, 1015
Pimps, buffoons, fiddlers, parasites ;
All which the Saints have title to,
And ought t' enjoy, if th' had their due.
What we take from 'em is no more
Than what Avas ours by right before : 1020
For we are their true landlords still,
And they our tenants but at will.
At this the Knight began to xouse,
And by degrees grow valorous :
He star'd about, and seeing none 1025
Of all his foes remain but one,
He snatch'd his weapon that lay near him
And from the ground began to rear him,
Vowing to make Crowdero pay
For all the rest that ran away. 1030
But Ralpho now, in colder blood,
Hislury mildly thus withstood :
Great Sir, quoth he, your mighty spirit
'Is rais'd too high ; this slave does merit
To be the hangman's bus'ness sooner 1035
Than from your hand to have the honour
Of his destruction ; I that am
A Nothingness in deed and name,
Did scorn to hurt his forfeit carcase,
or a godly man, he had no right to any lands, goods, or
chattels. The Saints, as the Squire says, had a right to all,
and might take it, wherever they had a power to do it.
70 HUDIBRAS.
Or ill entreat his Fiddle or case : 1040
Will you, great Sir, that glory blot
In cold blood, which you gain'd in hot ?
Will you employ your conquering sword
To break a fiddle, and your- word?
For though I fought and overcame, 10J5
And quarter gave, 'twas in your name :
For great commanders always own
What's prosp'rous by the soldier done.
To save, where you have pow'r to kill,
Argues your pow'r above your will ; 1050
And that your will and pow'r have less
Than both might have of selfishness.
This pow'r, which now alive, with dread
He trembles at, if he were dead
Would no more keep the slave in awe, 1055
Than if you were a Knight of straw ;
For Death would then be his conqueror,
Not you, and free him from that terror.
If danger from his life accrue,
Or honour from his death, to you, loeo
'Twere policy and honour too
To do as you resolv'd to do :
But, Sir, 'twould wrong your valour much,
To say it needs, or fears a crutch.
Great conqu'rors greater glory gain iiwo
By foes in triumph led, than slain :
The laurels that adorn their brows
Are pull'd from living, not dead boughs,
And living foes : the greatest fame
Of cripple slain can be but lame : 1070
One half of him 's already slain,
The other is not worth your pain ;
PART I. CANTO II. 77
Th' honour can but on one side light,
As worship did, when y' were dubb'd Knight ;
Wherefore I think it better far 1075
To keep him prisoner of war,
And let him fast in bonds abide,
At court of justice to be try'd ;
Where if h' appear so bold or crafty
There may be danger in his safety, ioso
If any member there dislike
His face, or to his beard have pique,
.Or if his death will save or yield,
Revenge or fright, it is reveal'd ;
Though he has quarter, ne'ertheless loss
Y' have pow'r to hang him when you please ;
This has been eften done by some
Of our great conqu'rors, you know whom ;
And has by most of us been held
Wise justice, and to some reveal'd : 1090
For words and promises, that yoke
The conqueror, are quickly broke ;
Like Samson's cuffs, though by his own
Direction and advice put on.
For Tf we should fight for the Cause " 1095
By rules of military laws,
ios4 \yhen the Eebels had taken a prisoner, though they
gave him quarter, and promised to save his life, yet if any
of them afterwards thought it not proper that he should be
saved, it was only saying it was revealed to him that such
a one should die, and they hanged him up, notwithstanding
the promises before made. Dr. Sauth observes of Harrison
the Regicide, a butcher by profession, and preaching Colonel
in the Parliament army, " That he was notable for having
killed several after quarter given by others, using these
words in doing it: 'Cursed be he who doth the work of the
Lord negligently.' "
78 HUDIBRAS.
And only do what they call just,
The Cause would quickly fall to dust.
This we among ourselves may speak ;
But to the wicked or the weak 1200
We must be cautious to declare
Perfection-truths, such as these are.
This said, the high outrageous mettle
Of Knight began to cool and settle.
He lik'd the Squire's advice, and soon 1105
Resolv'd to see the bus'ness done ;
And therefore charged him first to bind
Crowdero's hands on rump behind,
And to its former place and use
The wooden member to reduce ; mo
But force it take an oath before,
Ne'er to bear arms against him more.
Ralpho despatch'd with speedy haste,
And, having ty'd Crowdero fast,
He gave Sir Knight the end of cord, 1115
To lead the captive of his sword
In triumph, whilst the steeds he caught,
And them to further service brought.
The Squire in state rode on before,
And on his nut-brown whinyard bore 1120
The trophy- Fiddle and the case,
Leaning on shoulder like a mace.
The Knight himself did after ride,
Leading Crowdero by his side ;
And tow'd him if he lagg'd behind, 1125
Like boat against the tide and wind.
Thus grave and solemn they march on,
Until quite through the town th' had gone,
1122 VAR. 'Plac'd on his shoulder.'
PART I. CANTO II. 79
At further end of which there stands
An ancient castle, that commands 1130
Th' adjacent parts ; in all the fabric
You shall not see one stone nor a brick,
But all of wood, by pow'rful spell
Of magic made impregnable :
There's neither iron-bar nor gate, 1133
Portcullis, chain, nor bolt, nor grate,
And yet men durance there abide,
In dungeon scarce three inches wide :
With roof so low, that under it
They never stand, but lie or sit ; 1140
And yet so foul, that whoso is in
Is to the middle-leg in prison ;
In circle magical confm'd
With walls of subtle air and wind,
Which none are able to break thorough 1145
Until they're freed by head of borough.
Thither arriv'd, th' advent'rous Knight
And bold Squire from their steeds alight
At th' outward wall, near which there stands
A Bastile, built t' imprison hands ; 1150
By strange enchantment made to fetter
The lesser parts, and free the greater.
For though the body may creep through,
The hands in grate are fast enow ;
And when a circle 'bout the wrist 1155
Is made by beadle exorcist,
The body feels the spur and switch,
1130 This is an enigmatical description of a pair of stocks
and whipping-post ; it is so pompous and sublime, that we
are surprised so noble a structure could be raised from so
ludicrous a subject.
80 HUDIBRAS.
As if 'twere ridden post .by witch
At twenty miles an hour pace,
And yet ne'er stirs out of the place. nco
On top of this there is a spire,
On which Sir Knight first bids the Squire
The Fiddle, and its spoils, the case,
In manner of a trophy, place ;
That done, they ope the trap-door gate, lies
And let Crowdero down thereat.
Crowdero making doleful face,
Like hermit poor in pensive place
To dungeon they the wretch commit,
And the survivor of his feet; 1170
But th' other that had broke the peace,
And head of Knighthood, they release,
Though a delinquent false and forged,
Yet b'ing a stranger he's enlarged,
While his comrade, that did no hurt, 1175
Is clapp'd up fast in prison for't :
So justice, while she winks at crimes,
Stumbles on innocence sometimes.
PART I. CANTO III. 81
PART I. CANTO III.
THE ARGUMENT.
The scatter'd rout return and rally,
Surround the place : the Knight does sally,
And is made pris'ner : then they seize
Th' enchanted fort by storm, release
Crowdero, and put the Squire in 's place ;
I should have first said Hudibras.
A Y me ! what perils do environ
JT\. The man- that meddles with cold iron !
What plaguy mischiefs and mishaps
Do dog him still with after-claps !
For though Dame Fortune seem to smile,
And leer upon him for a while,
She'll after shew him, in the nick
Of all his glories, a dog-trick.
This any man may sing or say
I* th' -ditty call'd, < What if a Day ?' 10
For Hudibras, who thought h' had won
The field, as certain as a gun,
And having routed the whole troop,
With victory was cock-a-hoop,
Thinking h' had done enough to purchase is
Thanksgiving-day among the Churches,
Wherein his mettle and brave worth
Might be explain'd by holder-forth
And register'd by fame eternal
In deathless pages of Diurnal, 20
TOL. i. a
82 HUDIBRAS.
Found in few minutes, to his cost,
He did but count without his host,
And that a turnstile is more certain
Than, in events of war, Dame Fortune.
For now the late faint-hearted rout, 25
O'erthrown and scatter'd round about,
Chas'd by the horror of their fear
From bloody fray of Knight and Bear
(All but the Dogs, who in pursuit
Of the Knight's victory stood to 't, so
And most ignobly fought to get
The honour of his blood and sweat),
Seeing the coast was free and clear
0' the conquer'd and the conqueror,
Took heart again, and fac'd about 3">
As if they meant to stand it out :
For by this time the routed Bear,
Attack' d by th' enemy i' th' rear,
Finding their number grew too great
For him to make a safe retreat, 40
Like a bold chieftain fac'd about;
But wisely doubting to hold out.
Gave way to fortune, and with haste
Fac'd the proud foe, and fled, and fac'd,
Retiring still, until he found 45
H' had got the advantage of the ground,
And then as valiantly made head
To check the foe, and forthwith fled,
Leaving no art untry'd, nor trick
Of warrior stout and politic, so
Until, in spite of hot pursuit,
36 VAK. ' Took heart of grace/
a7 VAR. ' For now the half-defeated Bear.'
PART I. CANTO III. 83
He gain'd a pass, to hold dispute
On better terms, and stop the course
Of the proud foe. With all his force
He bravely charg'd, and for awhile 55
Forc'd their whole body to recoil ;
But still their numbers so increas'd,
He found himself at length oppress'd,
And all evasions so uncertain,
To save himself for better fortune, so
That he resolv'd, rather than yield,
To die with honour in the field,
And sell his hide and carcase at
A price as high and desperate
As e'er he could. This resolution 65
He forthwith put in execution,
And bravely threw himself among
The enemy, i' th' greatest throng :
But what could single valour do
Against so numerous a foe ? 70
Yet much he did, indeed too much
To be believ'd, where th' odds were such ;
But one against a multitude,
Is more than mortal can make good :
For while one party he oppos'd, 75
His rear was suddenly inclos'd,
And no room left him for retreat
Or fight against a foe so great.
For now the Mastiffs, charging home,
To blows and handy-gripes were come ; so
While manfully himself he bore,
And setting his right foot before,
He rais'd himself, to shew how tall
His person was above them all.
84 HUDIBRAS.
This equal shame and envy stirr'd 86
In th' enemy, that one should beard
So many warriors, and so stout,
As he had done, and stav'd it out,
Disdaining to lay down his arms,
And yield on honourable terms. 90
Enraged thus, some in the rear
Attack'd him, and some ev'ry where,
Till down he fell ; yet falling fought,
And, being down, still laid about :
As Widdrington, in doleful dumps, 90
Is said to fight upon his stumps.
But all, alas ! had been in vain,
And he inevitably slain,
If Trulla and Cerdon in the nick
To rescue him had not been quick : 100
For Trulla, who was light of foot
As shafts which long-field Parthians shoot,
(But not so light as to be borne
Upon the ears of standing corn,
Or trip it o'er the water quicker 105
Than witches when their staves they liquor,
As some report), was got among
The foremost of the martial throng.
105 'As shafts which long-field Parthians shoot.' Mr. War-
burton is of opinion that 'long-filed' would be more proper;
as the Parthians were ranged in long files, a disposition pro
per for their manner of fighting, which was by sudden retreats
and sudden charges. Mr. Smith of Harleston, in Norfolk,
thinks that the following alteration of the line would be an
improvement :
'As long-field shafts, which Parthians shoot.'
'Long-field Parthians' is right, i. e. Parthians who shoot
from a distance. ED.
PART I. CANTO III. 85
Thore pitying the vanquish'd Bear,
She call'd to Cerdon, who stood near, no
Viewing the bloody fight; to whom,
Shall we (quoth she) stand still hum-drum,
And see stout Bruin, all alone,
By numbers basely overthrown ?
Such feats already h' has achiev'd m
In story not to be believ'd,
And 'twould to us be shame enough
Not to attempt to fetch him off.
I would (quoth he) venture a limb
To second thee, and rescue him ; i?o
But then we must about it straight,
Or else our aid will come too late :
Quarter he scorns, he is so stout,
And therefore cannot long hold out.
This said, they wav'd their weapons round 125
About their heads to clear the ground, ,
And joining forces, laid about
So fiercely, that th' amazed rout
Turn'd tail again, and straight begun,
As if the devil drove, to run. iso
Mean-while th' approach'd the place where Bruin
Was now engag'd to mortal ruin :
The conqu'ring foe they soon assail'd,
First Trulla stav'd, and Cerdon tail'd,
Until their Mastiffs loos'd their hold ; 135
And yet, alas ! do what they could,
The worsted Bear came off with store
Of bloody wounds, but all before.
For as Achilles, dipt in pond,
Was anabaptiz'd free from wound, HO
Made proof against dead-doing steel
86 HUDIBRAS.
All over, but the Pagan heel ;
So did our champion's arms defend
All of him but the other end,
His head and ears, which in the martial HJ
Encounter lost a leathern parcel.
For as an Austrian archduke once
Had one ear (which in dueatoons
Is half the coin) in battle par'd
Close to his head, so Bruin far'd ; 150
But tugg'd and pull'd on th' other side
Like scriv'ner newly crucify'd,
Or like the late corrected leathern
Ears of the circumcised brethren.
But gentle Trulla into th' ring 155
He wore in 's nose convey'd a string,
With which she march'd before, and led
The warrior to a grassy bed,
As authors write, in a cool shade
Which eglantine and roses made, ieo
Close by a softly murm'ring stream,
Where lovers us'd to loll and dream :
There leaving him to his repose,
Secured from pursuit of foes,
And wanting nothing but a song ics
And a well-tun'd theorbo hung
Upon a bough, to ease the pain
His tugg'd ears suffer 'd, with a strain,
They both drew up, to march in quest
Of his great leader and the rest. i/c
For Orsin (who was more renown'd
For stout maintaining of his ground,
In standing fights, than for pursuit,
As being not so quick of foot)
PART I. CANTO 111. 87
Was not long able to keep pace 175
With others that pursu'd the chace,
But found himself left far behind,
Both out of heart and out of wind.
Griev'd to behold his Bear pursued
So basely by a multitude, iso
And like to fall, not by the prowess,
But numbers, of his coward foes,
He rag'd, and kept as heavy a coil as
Stout Hercules for loss of'Hylas,
Forcing the valleys to repeat 185
The accents of his sad regret :
He beat his breast and tore his hair,
For loss of his dear crony Bear,
That Echo, frojn the hollow ground,
His doleful wailings did resound 190
More wistfully, by many times,
That in small poets' splayfoot rhymes,
That make her, in their ruthful stories,
To answer to int'rrogatories,
And most unconscionably depose 195
To things of which she nothing knows ;
AndTwhen she has said all she can say,
'Tis wrested to the lover's fancy.
Quoth he, 0 whither, wicked Bruin !
Art thou fled to my — : Echo, Ruin. 200
I thought th' hadst scorn'd to budge a step
For fear : quoth Echo, Marry guep.
Am I not here to take thy part ?
90 This passage is beautiful, not only as it is a moving
lamentation, and evidences our Poet to be master of the
pathetic as well as the sublime style, but also as it compre
hends a fine satire upon that false kind of wit of making an
echo talk sensibly, and give rational answers.
88 HUDIBEAS.
Then what has quail'd thy stubborn heart ?
Have these bones rattled, and this head 205
So often in thy quarrel bled ?
Nor did I ever winch or grudge it
For thy dear sake : Quoth she, Mum budget.
Think'st thou 'twill not be laid i' th' dish
Thou turn'dst thy back? Quoth Echo, Pish. 210
To run from those th' hadst overcome
Thus cowardly ? Quoth Echo, Mum.
But what a vengeance makes thee fly
From me too, as thine enemy?
Or, if thou hast not thought of me, 215
Nor what I have endured for thee,
Yet shame and honour might prevail
To keep thee thus from turning tail :
For who Avould grutch to spend his blood in
His honour's cause ? Quoth she, A puddin. 220
This said, his grief to anger turn'd,
Which in his manly stomach burn'd ;
Thirst of revenge, and wrath, in place
Of sorrow, now began to blaze :
He vow'd the authors of his woe 225
Should equal vengeance undergo,
And with their bones and flesh pay dear
For what he suffer'd, and his Bear.
This being resolv'd, with equal speed
And rage he hasted to proceed 230
To action straight, and, giving o'er,
To search for Bruin any more,
He went in quest of Hudibras,
To find him out where'er he was ;
And, if he were above ground, vow'd L-SO
He'd ferret him, lurk where he would.
PART I. CANTO III. 89
But scarce had he a furlong on
This resolute adventure gone,
When he encounter'd with that crew
Whom Hudibras did late subdue. 340
Honour, revenge, contempt, and shame,
Did equally their breasts inflame.
'Mong these the fierce Magnano was,
And Talgol, foe to Hudibras,
Cerdon and Colon, warriors stout 215
And resolute, as ever fought ;
Whom furious Orsin thus bespoke :
Shall we (quoth he) thus basely brook
The vile affront that paltry ass,
And feeble scoundrel, Hudibras, 250
With that more- paltry ragamuffin,
Ralpho, with vapouring and huffing,
Have put upon us, like tame cattle,
As if th' had routed us in battle ?
For my part, it shall ne'er be said 255
I for the washing gave my head :
Nor did I turn my back for fear
0' th' rascals, but loss of my Bear,
Which now I'm like to undergo ;
For whether these fell wounds, or no, 2eo
He has receiv'd in fight, are mortal,
Is more than all my skill can foretell ;
Nor do I know what is become
Of him, more than the Pope of Rome.
But if I can but find them out 265
That caus'd it (as I shall, no doubt,
Where'er th' in hugger-mugger lurk)
I'll make them rue their handiwork,
458 VAR. ' Of them, but losing of my Bear.'
90 HUDIBRAS.
And wish that they had rather dar'd
To pull the devil by the beard. 270
Quoth Cerdon, Noble Orsin, th' hast
Great reason to do as thou say'st,
And so has ev'ry body here,
As well as thou hast, or thy Bear :
Others may do as they see good ; 275
But if this twig be made of wood
That will hold tack, I'll make the fur
Fly 'bout the ears of that old cur,
And th' other mongrel vermin, Ralph,
That brav'd us all in his behalf. 230
Thy Bear is safe and out of peril,
Though lugg'd indeed and wounded very ill ;
Myself and Trulla made a shift
To help him out at a dead lift,
And having brought him bravely off, 235
Have left him where he's safe enough :
There let him rest ; for if we stay,
The slaves may hap to get away.
This said, they all engag'd to join
Their forces in the same design, 290
And forthwith put themselves in search
Of Hudibras upon their march :
Where leave we them a while, to tell
What the victorious Knight befell ;
For such, Crowdero being fast 295
In dungeon shut, we left him last.
Triumphant laurels seem'd to grow
No-where so green as on his brow,
Laden with which, as well as tir'd
With conqu'ring toil, he now retir'd 300
Unto a neigh'bring castle by,
PART I. CANTO III. 91
To rest his body, and apply
Fit med'cines to each glorious bruise
He got in fight, reds, blacks, and blues ;
To mollify th' uneasy pang 305
Of ev'ry honourable bang ;
Which b'ing by skilful midwife drest,
He laid him down to take his rest.
But all in vain : h' had got a hurt,
0' th' inside, of a deadlier sort, sio
By Cupid made, who took his stand
Upon a widow's jointure-land
(For he, in all his am'rous battles,
No 'dvantage finds like goods and chattels),
Drew home his bow, and, aiming right, 315
Let fly an arfow at the Knight.
The shaft against a rib did glance,
And gall him in the purtenance ;
But time had somewhat 'swag'd his pain,
After he found his suit in vain ; 320
For that proud dame, for whom his soul
Was burnt in 's belly like a coal,
(That belly that so oft did ache
And suffer griping for her sake,
Till purging comfits and ants' eggs 323
Had almost brought him off his legs),
Us'd him so like a base rascallion,
That old Pyg — (what d' ye call him) — malion,
That cut his mistress out of stone,
Had not so hard a hearted one. 330
She had a thousand jadish tricks,
sis 316 yARi < As how he did, and aiming right,
An arrow he let fly at Knight.'
92 HUDIBRAS.
Worse than a mule that flings and kicks ;
'Mong which one cross-grain'd freak she had,
As insolent as strange and mad :
She could love none but only such sr,5
As scorn'd and hated her as much.
'Twas a strange riddle of a lady ;
Not love, if any lov'd her : hey-day !
So cowards never use their might
But against such as will not fight ; 310
So some diseases have been found
Only to seize upon the sound.
He that gets her by heart must say her
The back way, like a witch's prayer.
Meanwhile the Knignt had no small task 345
To compass what he durst not ask :
He loves, but dares not make the motion ;
Her ignorance is his devotion :
Like caitiff vile, that for misdeed
Rides with his face to rump of steed, . 350
Or rowing scull, he's fain to love ;
Look one way, and another move :
Or like a tumbler that does play
His game, and look another way
Until he seize upon the coney ; 355
Just so does he by matrimony. ,
But all in vain ; her subtle snout
Did quickly wind his meaning out,
Which she return'd with too much scorn
To be by man of honour borne : .360
Yet much he bore, until the distress
He suffer'd from his spightful mistress
Did stir his stomach, and the pain
538 VAR. ' Ha-day !'
PART I. CANTO III. 93
He had endur'd from her disdain
Turn'd to regret so resolute, 3tJ5
That he resolv'd to wave his suit,
And either to renounce her quite
Or for a while play least in sight.
This resolution b'ing put on,
He kept some months, and more had done, 370
But being brought so nigh by Fate,
The vict'ry he achiev'd so late
Did set his thoughts agog, and ope
A door to discontinu'd hope,
That seem'd to promise he might win 375
His dame too, now his hand was in ;
And that his valour, and the honour
H' had newly'gain'd, might Avork upon her.
These reasons made his mouth to water
With am'rous longings to be at her. 380
Quoth he, unto himself, Who knows
But this brave conquest o'er my foes
May reach her heart, and make that stoop,
As I but now have forc'd the troop ?
If nothing can oppugn love, 385
And virtue envious ways can prove,
What may not he confide to do
That brings both love and virtue too ?
But thou bring'st valour too, and wit,
Two things that seldom fail to hit. 390
Valour's a mouse-trap, wit a gin,
Which women oft are taken in :
Then, Hudibras, why shouldst thou fear
To be, that art, a conqueror ?
Fortune th' audacious doth juvare, 395
But lets the timidous miscarry :
94 HUDIBRAS.
Then, while the honour thou hast got
Is spick and span new, piping hot,
Strike her up bravely thou hadst best,
And trust thy fortune with the rest. 400
Such thoughts as these the Knight did keep,
More than his bangs, or fleas, from sleep :
And as an owl, that in a barn
Sees a mouse creeping in the corn,
Sits still, and shuts his round blue eyes 405
As if he slept, until he spies
The little beast within his reach,
Then starts, and seizes on the wretch ;
So from his couch the Knight did start,
To seize upon the widow's heart, , 410
Crying, with hasty tone and hoarse,
Ralpho, despatch, to horse, to horse !
And 'twas but time ; for now the rout,
We left engag'd to seek him out,
By speedy marches were advanc'd 415
Up to the fort where he ensconc'd,
And had all th' avenues possest
About the place, from east to west.
That done, a while they made a halt
To view the ground, and where t' assault: 420
Then call'd a council, which was best,
By siege or onslaught, to invest
The enemy ; and 'twas agreed
By storm and onslaught to proceed.
This b'ing resolv'd, in comely sort 425
They now drew up t' attack the fort ;
When Hudibras, about to enter
Upon another-gates adventure,
To Ralpho call'd aloud to arm,
PART I. CANTO III. 95
Not dreaming of approaching storm. 430
Whether Dame Fortune, or the care
Of angel bad, or tutelar,
Did arm, or thrust him on a danger
To which he was an utter stranger,
That foresight might, or might not, blot 435
The glory he had newly got,
Or to his shame it might be said,
They took him napping in his bed ;
To them we leave it to expound
That deal in sciences profound. 410
His courser scarce he had bestrid,
And Ralpho that on which he rid,
When, setting ope the postern gate,
Which they thought best to sally at,
The foe appear'd drawn up and drill'd, 415
Ready to charge them in the field.
This somewhat startled the bold Knight,
Surpris'd with th' unexpected sight :
The bruises of his bones and flesh
He thought began to. smart afresh ; 450
Till, recollecting wonted courage,
His fear was soon converted to rage ;
And thus he spoke : The coward foe,
Whom we but now gave quarter to,
Look, yonder's rallied, and appears 455
As if they had outrun their fears.
The glory we did lately get,
The Fates command us to repeat ;
And to their wills we must succomb,
Quocunque trahunt, 'tis our doom. 4eo
437 VAR. ' Might be said.'
444 VAK. 'To take the field, and sally at.'
96 HUDIBRAS.
This is the same numeric crew
Which we so lately did subdue ;
The self-same individuals that
Did run, as mice do from a cat,
When we courageously did wield 405
Our martial weapons in the field,
To tug for victory : and when
We shall our shining blades agen
Brandish in terror o'er our heads,
They'll straight resume their wonted dreads. 470
Fear is an ague, that forsakes
And haunts, by fits, those whom it takes ;
And they'll opine they feel the pain
And blows they felt to-day, again.
Then let us boldly charge them home 475
And make no doubt to overcome.
This said, his courage to inflame,
He call'd upon his mistress' name ;
His pistol next he cock'd anew,
And out his nutbrown whinyard drew, 480
And, placing Ralpho in the front,
Reserv'd himself to bear the brunt,
As expert warriors use : then ply'd
With iron heel his courser's side,
Conveying sympathetic speed 435
From heel of Knight to heel of steed.
Meanwhile the foe, with equal rage
And speed, advancing to engage,
Both parties now were drawn so close,
Almost to come to handy blows : 4no
When Orsin first let fly a stone
At Ralpho ; not so huge a one
m YAK. ' Haunts by turns.'
PART I. CANTO III. 07
As that which Diomed did maul
tineas on the bum withal,
Yet big enough, if rightly hurl'd, 495
T' have sent him to another Avorld,
Whether above ground or below,
Which Saints twice dipt are destin'd to.
The danger startled the bold Squire,
And made him some few steps retire ; 500
But Hudibras advanc'd to 's aid,
And rous'd his spirits half-dismay'd.
He, wisely doubting lest the shot
Of th' enemy, now growing hot,
Might at a distance gall, press'd close .505
To come pell-mell to handy-blows.
And that he plight their aim decline
Advanc'd still in an oblique line ;
But prudently forebore to fire,
Till breast to breast he had got nigher, 510
As expert warriors use to do
When hand to hand they charge their foe.
This order the advent'rous Knight,
Most soldier-like, observ'd in fight ;
When Fortune (as she's wont) turn'd fickle. sis
And for the foe began to stickle :
The more shame for her Goodyship,
To give so near a friend the slip.
For Colon, choosing out a stone,
Levell'd so right, it thump'd upon 520
His manly paunch with such a force
As almost beat him off his horse.
He loos'd his whinyard and the rein,
13 VAJI. ' He loos'd his weapon ' — and, ' He lost his
whinyard. '
VOL. i. n
98 HUDIBRAS.
But, laying fast hold on the mane,
Preserv'd his seat : and as a goose 525
In death contracts his talons close,
So did the Knight, and with one claw
The tricker of his pistol draw.
The gun went off; and as it was
Still fatal to stout Hudibras, 530
In all his feats of arms, when least
He dreamt of it, to prosper best,
So now he far'd ; the shot, let fly
At random 'mong the enemy,
Pierc'd Talgol's gaberdine, and grazing 535
Upon his shoulder, in the passing
Lodg'd in Magnano's brass habergeon,
Who straight A surgeon, cry'd, A surgeon :
He tumbled down, and, as he fell,
Did Murder, Murder, Murder, yell. 540
This startled their whole body so,
That if the Knight had not let go
His arms, but been in warlike plight,
He'd won (the second time) the fight ;
As, if the Squire had but fall'n on, 545
He had inevitably done.
But he, diverted with the care
Of Hudibras his hurt, forbare
To press th' advantage of his fortune,
While danger did the rest dishearten. 5.50
For he with Cerdon b'ing engag'd
In close encounter, they both wag'd
545 — 543 yAK_ 'As Kalpho might, but he with care
Of Hudibras his hurt forbare.'
lts VAR. ' Hudibras his wound.'
561 VAE. ' He had with Cerdon;'
PART I. CANTO III. 99
The fight so well, 'twas hard to say
Which side was like to get the day.
And now the busy work of Death 555
Had tir'd them so, th' agreed to breathe,
Preparing to renew the fight,
When the disaster of the Knight,
And th' other party, did divert
Their fell intent, and forc'd them part. seo
Ralpho press'd up to Hudibras,
And Cerdon where Magnano was,
Each striving to confirm his party
With stout encouragements and hearty.
Quoth Ralpho, Courage, valiant Sir, 565
And let revenge and honour stir
Your spirits jip ; once more fall on,
The shatter'd foe begins to run :
For if but half so well you knew
To use your vict'ry as subdue, 570
They durst not, after such a blow
As you have given them, face us now,
But from so formidable a soldier
Had fled like crows when they smell powder.
Thrice have they seen your sword aloft 575
Wav'd o'er their heads, and fled as oft ;
But if you let them re-collect
Their spirits, now dismay'd and checkt,
You'll have a harder game to play
Than yet y' have had, to get the day. sso
Thus spoke the stout Squire, but was heard
By Hudibras with small regard ;
His thoughts were fuller of the bang
553 VAR. ' So desperately.'
560 VAR. 'And force their sullen rage to part.'
100 HUDIBRAS.
He lately took, than Ralph's harangue :
To which he ans\ver'd, Cruel Fate 586
Tells me thy counsel comes too late.
The knotted blood within my hose,
That from my wounded body flows,
With mortal crisis doth portend
My days to appropinque an end. soo
I am for action now unfit
Either of fortitude or wit,
Fortune, my foe, begins to frown,
Resolv'd to pull my stomach down.
I am not apt upon a wound, 595
Or trivial basting, to despond,
Yet I'd be loth my days to curtal ;
For if I thought my wounds not mortal,
Or that V had time enough as yet
To make an honourable retreat, eoo
'Twere the best course : but if they find
We fly, and leave our arms behind,
For them to seize on, the dishonour
And danger too is such, I'll sooner
Stand to it boldly, and take quarter, eos
To let them see I am no starter.
In all the trade of war no feat
Is nobler than a brave retreat :
For those that run away and fly,
Take place at least o' th enemy. eio
This said, the Squire, with active speed,
Dismounted from his bony steed,
To seize the arms which, by mischance,
Fell from the bold Knight in a trance :
These being found out, and restor'd eu>
587 VAB, ' The clotted blood.'
PART I. CANTO III. 101
To Hudibras, their nat'ral lord,
As a man may say, with might and main
He hasted to get up again.
Thrice he essay'd to mount aloft,
But by his weighty bum as oft 620
He was pull'd back, till, having found
Th' advantage of the rising ground.
Thither he led his warlike steed,
And, having plac'd him right, with speed
Prepar'd again to scale the beast ; 625
When Orsin. who had newly drest
The bloody scar upon the shoulder
Of Talgol with Promethean powder,
And now was searching for the shot
That laid Magnano on the spot, 630
Beheld the sturdy Squire aforesaid,
Preparing to climb up his horse-side :
He left his cure, and, laying hold
Upon his arms, with courage bold
Cry'd out, 'Tis now no time to dally, 63o
The enemy begin to rally ;
Let us that are unhurt and whole
Fall on, and happy man be 's dole.
This said, like to a thunderbolt
He flew with fury to th' assault, 6:0
Striving th' enemy to attack
Before he reach.' d his horse's back.
Ralpho was mounted now, and gotten
O'erthwart his beast with active vau'ting,
Wriggling his body to recover 645
His seat, and cast his right leg over :
617 VAR. ' The active Squire, with might and main,
Prepar'd in haste to mount again.'
102 HUDIBRAS.
When Orsin, rushing in, bestow'd
On horse and man so heavy a load,
The beast was startled, and begun
To kick and fling like mad, and run, cr>o
Bearing the tough Squire like a sack,
Or stout King Richard, on his back ;
Till stumbling, he threw him down,
Sore bruis'd, and cast into a swoon.
Meanwhile the Knight began to rouse K5
The sparkles of his wonted prowess :
He thrust his hand into his hose,
And found, both by his eyes and nose,
'Twas only choler, and not blood,
That from his wounded body flow'd. eso
This, with the hazard of the Squire,
Inflam'd him with despiteful ire :
Courageously he fac'd about,
And drew his other pistol out,
And now had half-way bent the cock ; 665
When Cerdon gave so fierce a shock
With sturdy truncheon, 'thwart his arm,
That down it fell and did no harm ;
Then, stoutly pressing on with speed,
Assay'd to pull him off his steed. e:o
The Knight his sword had only left,
With which he Cerdon's head had cleft,
Or at the least cropp'd off a limb,
But Orsin came, and rescu'd him.
He with his lance attack'd the Knight 075
Upon his quarters opposite :
But as a barque, that in foul weather,
Toss'd by two adverse winds together,
Is bruis'd and beaten to and fro,
PART I. CANTO III. 103
And knows not which to turn him to ; eao
So far'd the Knight between two foes,
And knew not which of them t' oppose :
Till Orsin, charging with his lance
At Hudibras, by spiteful chance
Hit Cerdon such a bang, as stunn'd ess
And laid him flat upon the ground.
At this the Knight began to cheer up,
And, raising up himself on stirrup,
Cry'd out, Victoria! lie thoti there,
And I shall straight despatch another 690
To bear thee company in death ;
But first I'll halt a while, and breathe :
As well he might ; for Orsin, griev'd
At th' wound that Cerdon had reoeiv'd,
Ran to relieve him with his lore, 635
And cure the hurt he gave before.
Meanwhile the Knight had wheel'd about
To breathe himself, and next find out
Th' advantage of the ground, where best
He might the ruffled foe infest. 700
This b'ing resolv'd, he spurr'd his steed,
To run at Orsin with full speed,
While he was busy in the care
Of Cerdon's wound, and unaware :
But he was quick, and had already 705
Unto the part apply'd remedy ;
And seeing th' enemy prepar'd,
Drew up and stood upon his guard ;
Then like a warrior right expert
And skilful in the martial artj 710
The subtle Knight straight made a halt,
And judg'd it best to stay th' assault,
104 HUDIBRAS.
Until he had relieved the Squire,
And then (in order) to retire,
Or, as occasion should invite, 715
With forces join'd renew the fight.
Ralpho, by this time disentranc'd,
Upon his bum himself advanc'd,
Though sorely bruis'd ; his limbs all o'er
With ruthless bangs were stiff and sore : 720
Right fain he would have got upon
His feet again, to get him gone,
When Hudibras to aid him came :
Quoth he (and call'd him by his name),
Courage, the day at length is ours, 1-20
And we once more, as conquerors,
Have both the field and honour won ;
The foe is profligate and run :
I mean all such as can, for some
This hand hath sent to their long home ; 730
And some lie sprawling on the ground,
With many a gash and bloody wound.
Caesar himself could never say
He got two vict'ries in a day
As I have done, that can say, twice I 7:5
In one day veni, vidi, vici.
The foe's so numerous, that we
Cannot so often vincere,
And they perire, and yet enow
Be left to strike an after-blow ; 740
Then lest they rally, and once more
Put us to fight the bus'ness o'er,
Get up and mount thy steed ; despatch,
And let us both their motions watch.
Quoth Ralph, I should not, if I were 45
PART 1. CANTO III. 105
In case for action, now be here ;
Nor have I turn'd my back, or hang'd
An arse, for fear of being bang'd.
It was for you I got these harms,
Advent' ring to fetch off your arms. 750
The blows and drubs I have receiv'd
Have bruis'd my body, and bereav'd
My limbs of strength : unless you stoop
And reach your hand to pull me up,
I shall lie here, and be a prey 755
To those who now are run away.
That thou shalt not (quoth Hudibras) :
We read the Ancients held it was
More honourable far servare
Civem than slay" an adversary : TOO
The one we oft to-day have done,
The other shall despatch anon ;
And, though thou'rt of a diff'rent church,
I will not leave thee in the lurch.
This said, he jogg'd his good steed nigher, 7^
And steer'd him gently t' wards the Squire,
Then, bowing down his body, stretch'd
His hand out, and at Ralpho reach'd ;
When Trulla, whom he did not mind,
Charg'd him like lightening behind. 770
She had been long in search about
Magnano's wound, to find it out,
But could find none, nor where the shot
That had so startled him was got ;
But, having found the worst was past, 775
She fell to her own work at lust,
The pillage of the prisoners,
Which in all feats of arms was hers :
106 HUD1BJRAS.
And now to plunder Ralph she flew,
When Hudibras his hard fate drew 730
To succour him • for as he bow'd
To help him up, she laid a load
Of blows so heavy, and plac'd so well,
On th' other side, that down he fell.
Yield, scoundrel base (quoth she), or die ; 785
Thy life is mine, and liberty :
But if thou think'st I took thee tardy,
And dar'st presume to be so hardy
To try thy fortune o'er afresh,
I'll wave my title to thy flesh, 790
Thy arms and baggage, now my right,
And, if thou hast the heart to try 't,
I'll lend thee back thyself awhile,
And once more, for that carcase vile,
Fight upon tick. — Quoth Hudibras, 795
Thou oifer'st nobly, valiant lass,
And I shall take thee at thy word :
First let me rise and take my sword.
That sword which has so oft this day
Through squadrons of my foes made way, soo
And some to other worlds despatcht,
Now, with a feeble spinster matcht,
Will blush, with blood ignoble stain'd,
By which no honour's to be gain'd.
But if thou'lt take m' advice in this, sos
Consider, whilst thou may^st, what 'tis
To interrupt a victor's course
B' opposing such a trivial force :
For if with conquest I come oft'
(And that I shall do sure enough), sio
Quarter thou canst not have nor grace,
PART I. CANTO III. 107
By law of arms, in such a case ;
Both which I now do offer freely.
I scorn (quoth she), thou coxcomb silly
(Clapping her hand upon her breech, 915
To show how much she prized his speech),
Quarter or counsel from a foe ;
It thou canst force me to it, do :
But lest it should again be said,
When I have once more won thy head, SL>O
I took thee napping, unprepar'd,
Arm, and betake thee to thy guard.
This said, she to her tackle fell,
And on the Knight let fall a peal
Of blows so fierce, and, press'cl so1 home, 825
That he retir'd,"and follow'd 's bum.
Stand to 't, quoth she, or yield to mercy ;
It is jiot fighting arsie-versie
Shall serve thy turn. — This stirr'd his spleen
More than the danger he was in, sao
The blows he felt or was to feel,
Although th' already made him reel.
Honour, despite, revenge, and shame,
At once into his stomach came ;
Which fir'd it so, he rais'd his arm 835
Above his head and rain'd a storm
Of blows so terrible and thick,
As if he meant to hash her quick.
But she upon her truncheon took them,
And by oblique diversion broke them, S4o
Waiting an opportunity
To pay all back with usury,
Which long she fail'd not of; for now
The Knight with one dead-doing blow
108 HUDIBRAS.
Resolving to decide the fight, 845
And she Avith quick and cunning sleight
Avoiding it, the force and weight
He charg'd upon it was so great
As almost sway'd him to the ground.
No sooner she th' advantage found, 850
But in she flew ; and, seconding
With home-made thrust the heavy swing,
She laid him flat upon his side,
And, mounting on his trunk astride,
Quoth she, I told thee what would come 855
Of all thy vapouring, base scum :
Say, will the law of arms allow
I may have grace and quarter now ?
Or wilt thou rather break thy word, \
And stain thine honour than thy sword ? seo
A man of war to damn his soul,
In basely breaking his parole !
And when before the fight th' hadst vow'd
To give no quarter in cold blood ;
Now thou hast got me for a Tartar, 865
To make me 'gainst my will take quarter.
Why dost not put me to the sword,
But cowardly fly from thy word ?
Quoth Hudibras, The day's thine own ;
Thou and thy stars have cast me down : 870
My laurels are transplanted now,
And flourish on thy conqu'ring brow :
My loss of honour's great enough,
657-866 VAE.
' Shall I have quarter now, you ruffiu ?
Or wilt thou be worse than thy huffing?
Thou said'st th' would'st kill me, marry would'st thou?
Why dost thou not, thou Jack-a-nods thou ? '
PART I. CANTO III. 109
Thou need'st not brand it with a scoff:
Sarcasms may eclipse thine own, 875
But cannot blur my lost renown :
I am not now in Fortune's power ;
He that is down can fall no lower.
The ancient heroes were illustr'ous
For being benign, and not blustrous sso
Against a vanquish'd foe : their swords
Were sharp and trenchant, not their words ;
And did in fight but cut work out
T' employ their courtesies about.
Quoth she, Although thou hast deserved, 885
Base Slubberdegullion, to be serv'd
As thou did'st vow to deal with me
If thou hadst got the victory,
Yet I shall rather act a part
That suits my fame than thy desert : 890
Thy arms, thy liberty, beside
All that's on th' outside of thy hide,
Are mine by military law,
Of which I will not bate one straw :
The rest, thy life and limbs, once more, 895
Though doubly forfeit, I restore.
Quoth Hudibras, It is too late
For me to treat .or stipulate ;
What thou command'st I must obey !
Yet those whom I expung'd to-day, ' 900
Of thine own party, I let go,
And gave them life and freedom too,
Both Dogs and Bear, upon their parole,
Whom I took pris'ners in this quarrel.
Quoth Trulla, Whether thou or they 905
Let one another run away,
110 HTTDIBRAS.
Concerns not me ; but was 't not thou
That gave Crowdero quarter too ?
Crowdero whom, in irons bound,
Thou basely threw' st into Lob's pound, 910
Where still he lies, and with regret
His gen'rous bowels rage and fret.
But now thy carcase shall redeem,
And serve to be exchang'd for him.
This said, the Knight did straight submit, 915
And laid his weapons at her feet.
Next he disrob'd his gaberdine,
And with it did himself resign.
She took it, and forthwith divesting
The mantle that she wore, said jesting, 920
Take that, and wear it for my sake ;
Then threw it o'er his sturdy back.
And as the French we conquer'd once
Now give us laws for pantaloons,
The length of breeches and the gathers, 02.3
Port-cannons, periwigs, and feathers ;
Just so the proud insulting lass
Array'd and dighted Hudibras.
Meanwhile the other champions, yerst
In hurry of the fight disperst, 9:50
Arriv'd, when Trulla won the day,
To share i' th' honour and the prey,
And out of Hudibras his hide
With vengeance to be satisfy'd ;
Which now they were about to pour 935
Upon him in a wooden show'r,
But Trulla thrust herself between,
And, striding o'er his back agen,
She brandish'd o'er her head his sword,
PART I. CANTO III. Ill
And vow'd they should not break her word : 940
Sh1 had given him quarter, and her blood,
Or theirs, should make that quarter good ;
For she was bound by law of arms
To see him safe from further harms.
In dungeon deep Crowdero, cast 9i.~>
By Iludibras, as yet lay fast,
Where, to the hard and ruthless stones,
His great heart made perpetual moans ;
Him she resolv'd that Hudibras
Should ransom, and supply his place. 9.50
This stopp'd their fury, and the basting
Which towards Hudibras was hasting ;
They thought it was but just and right
That what she had achieved in fight
She should dispose of how she pleas'd ; ;>•>,-.
Crowdero ought to be releas'd,
Nor could that any way be done
So well as this she pitch'd upon :
For who a better could imagine ?
This therefore they resolv'd t' engage in. seo
The Knight and Squire first they made
Rise from the ground where they were laid,
Then mounted both upon their horses,
But with their faces to the arses.
Orsin led Hudibras's beast, 965
And Talgol that Avhich Ralpho prest ;
Whom stout Magnano, valiant Cerdon,
And Colon, waited as a guard on ;
All ush'ring Trulla in the rear,
With th' arms of either prisoner. : 70
In this proud order and array
They put themselves upon their way,
1 12 HTJDIBRAS.
Striving to reach th' enchanted castle,
Where stout Crowdero' in durance lay still.
Thither with greater speed than shows 975
And triumph over conquer'd foes
Do use t' allow, or than the Bears,
Or pageants borne before lord-mayors,
Are wont to use, they soon arriv'd,
In order soldier-like contriv'd, oso
Still marching in a warlike posture,
As fit for battle as for muster.
The Knight and Squire they first unhorse,
And, bending 'gainst the fort their force,
They all advanc'd, and round about 985
Begirt the magical redoubt.
Magnan' led up in this adventure,
And made way for the rest to enter :
For he was skilful in Black Art
No less than he that built the fort, ooo
And with an iron mace laid flat
A breach, which straight all enter'd at,
And in the wooden dungeon found
Crowdero laid upon the ground :
Him they release from durance base, 995
Restor'd t' his Fiddle and his case,
And liberty, his thirsty rage
With luscious vengeance to assuage :
For he no sooner was at large,
But Trulla straight brought on the charge, 1000
And in the self-same limbo put
The Knight and Squire where he was shut ;
Where leaving them in Hocklcy-i'-th'-hole,
Their bangs and durance to condole,
1003 YAK. ' t' the' wretched hole.'
PART I. CANTO III. 113
Confin'd and conjur'd into narrow 1005
Enchanted mansion to know sorrow,
In the same order and array
Which they advanc'd, they march'd away.
But Hudibras, who scorn'd to stoop
To Fortune, or be said to droop, 1010
Cheer'd up himself with ends of verse
And sayings of philosophers.
Quoth he, Th' one half of man, his mind,
Is, sui 'juris, unconfin'd,
And cannot be laid by the heels, 1015
Whate'er the other moiety feels.
'Tis not restraint or liberty
That makes men prisoners or free ;
But perturbations that possess
The mind or equanimities. 1020
The whole world was not half so wide
To Alexander, when he cry'd
Because he had but one to subdue,
As was a paltry narrow tub to
Diogenes ; who is not said 1025
(For aught that ever I could read)
To whine, put finger i' th' eye, and sob,
Because h had ne'er another tub.
The Ancients make two sev'ral kinds
Of prowess in heroic minds, 1030
The active and the passive val'ant,
Both which are pan libra gallant ;
For both to give blows, and to carry,
In fights are equi-necessary :
But in defeats the passive stout 1035
Are always found to stand it out
Most desp'rately, and to outdo
VOL. I. I
114 HUDIBRAS.
The active 'gainst a conqu'ring foe.
Though we with blacks and blues are suggil'd,
Or, as the vulgar say, are cudgel'd, 1040
He that is valiant and dares fight,
Though drubb'd, can lose no honour by 't.
Honour's a lease for lives to come,
And cannot be extended from
The legal tenant : 'tis a chattel 1015
Not to be forfeited in battle.
If he that in the field is slain
Be in the bed of honour lain,
He that is beaten may be said
To lie in Honour's truckle-bed. 1050
For as we see th' eclipsed sun
By mortals is more gaz'd upon
Than when, adorn'd with all his light,
He shines in serene sky most bright ;
So valour in a low estate 1055
Is most admir'd and wonder'd at.
Quoth Ralph, How great I do not know
We may by being beaten grow ;
But none that see how here we sit
Will judge us overgrown with wit. ioeo
As Gifted Brethren, preaching by
A carnal hour-glass, do imply
1061 1062 jn thogg days there was always an hour-glass
stood by the pulpit, in a frame of iron made on purpose for
it, and fastened to the board on which the cushion lay, that
it might be visible to the whole congregation; who, if the
sermon did not hold till the glass was out (which was turned
up as soon as the text was taken), would say that the
preacher was lazy; and, if he held out much longer, would
yawn and stretch, and by those signs signify to the preacher
that they began to be weary of his discourse, and wanted
to be dismissed. The iron frames of these hour-glasses still
PART I. CANTO III. 115
Illumination can convey
Into them what they have to say,
But not how much ; so well enough ices
Know you to charge, but not draw off:
For who, without a cap and bawble,
Having subdued a Bear and rabble,
And might with honour have come off,
Would put it to a second proof ? 1070
A politic exploit, right fit
For Presbyterian zeal and wit.
Quoth Hudibras, That cuckoo's tone,
Ralpho, thou always harp'st upon :
When thou at anything would'st rail, 1075
Thou mak'st Presbytery thy scale
To take the height on 't, and explain
To what degree it is profane.
Whats'ever will not with — (thy what-d'-ye-call)
Thy Light — jump right, thou call'st Synodical ; loso
As if Presbyt'ry were a standard
To size whats'ever's to be slander'd.
Dost not remember how this day
Thoij. to my beard wast bold to say
That thou could'st prove Bear-baiting, equal joss
With Synods, orthodox and legal ?
Do, if thou can'st ; for I deny 't,
And dare thee to 't with all thy light.
remain in some churches of our villages. If they liked his dis
course, they would sometimes ask him for ' another glass.' ED.
1072 Ralpho looked upon their ill plight to be owing to
his master's bad conduct ; and, to vent his resentment, he
satirises him in the most affecting part of his character, his
religion. This by degrees brings on the old arguments
about Synods. The Poet, who thought he had not suffi
ciently lashed classical assemblies, very judiciously completes
it, now there is full leisure for it.
116 HUDIBRAS.
Quoth Ralpho, Truly that is no
Hard matter for a man to do 1090
That has but any guts in 's brains,
And could believe it worth his pains :
But since you dare and urge me to it,
You '11 find I Ve light enough to do it.
Synods are mystical Bear-gardens, 1095
Where Elders, Deputies, Churchwardens,
And other Members of the Court,
Manage the Babylonish sport ;
For Prolocutor, Scribe, and Bear-ward,
Do differ only in a mere word. 1100
Both are but sev'ral Synagogues
Of carnal men, and Bears and Dogs :
Both antichristian assemblies,
To mischief bent as far 's in them lies :
Both stave and tail, with fierce contests, 1105
The one with men, the other beasts.
The diff'rence is, the .one fights with
The tongue, the other with the teeth ;
And that they bait but Bears in this,
In th' other, Souls and Consciences: mo
Where Saints themselves are brought to stake
For Gospel-light and Conscience' sake ;
Expos'd to Scribes and Presbyters,
Instead of Mastiff Dogs and Curs ;
Than whom they've less humanity, ins
For these at souls of men will fly.
This to the prophet did appear,
Who in a vision saw a Bear,
Prefiguring the beastly rage
Of Church-rule in this latter age ; 1120
As is demonstrated at full
By him that baited the Pope's Bull.
PART I. CANTO III. 117
Bears nat'rally are beasts of prey,
That live by rapine ; so do they.
What are their Orders, Constitutions, 1125
Church-censures, Curses, Absolutions,
But sev'ral mystic chains they make,
To tie poor Christians to the stake ?
And then set Heathen officers,
Instead of dogs, about their ears. mo
For to prohibit and dispense,
To find out, or to make offence ;
Of hell and heaven to dispose,
To play with souls at fast and loose ;
To set what characters they please, 1135
And mulcts on sin or godliness ;
Reduce the Church to Gospel-order,
By rapine, sacrilege, and murder ;
To make Presbytery supreme,
And Kings themselves submit to them; mo
And force all people, though against
Their consciences, to turn Saints ;
Must prove a pretty thriving trade,
When Saints monopolists are made :
When pious frauds and holy shifts ius
Arc Dispensations and Gifts,
There godliness becomes mere ware,
And ev'ry Synod but a fair.
Synods are whelps o' th' Inquisition,
A mongrel breed of like pernicion, n.-o
And, growing up, became the sires
Of Scribes, Commissioners, and Triers :
Whose bus'ness is, by cunning sleight,
To cast a figure for men's light ;
To find, in lines of beard and face, i u.s
118 HUD1BRAS.
The physiognomy of Grace ;
And by the sound and twang of nose,
If all be sound within disclose,
Free from a crack or flaw of sinning,
As men try pipkins by the ringing ; ueo
By black caps underlaid with white
Give certain guess at inward light,
Which Serjeants at the Gospel wear,
To make the Sp'ritual Calling clear.
The handkerchief about the neck aes
(Canonical cravat of Smeck,
From whom the institution came,
When Church and State they set on flame,
And worn by them as badges then
Of Spiritual Warfaring-men) 1170
Judge rightly if Regeneration
Be of the newest cut in fashion.
Sure 'tis an orthodox opinion,
H56 These Triers pretended to great skill in this respect;
and, if they disliked the beard or face of a man, they would,
for that reason alone, refuse to admit him, when presented to
a living, unless he had some powerful friend to support him.
" The questions that these men put to the persons to be
examined were not abilities and learning, but grace in their
hearts, and that with so bold and saucy an inquisition, that
some men's spirits trembled at the interrogatories; they
phrasing it so, as if (as was said at the Council of Trent)
they had the Holy Ghost in a cloke-bag."
Their questions generally were these, or such like : When
were you converted? Where did you begin to feel the mo
tions of the Spirit? In what year? in what mouth? in what
day ? about what hour of the day had you the secret call, or
motion of the Spirit, to undertake and labour in the ministry ?
What work of grace has God wrought upon your soul ? And
a great many other questions about regeneration, predestina
tion, and the like.
1166 ' Smectymnus' was a club of holders-forth.
PART I. CANTO III. 119
That grace is founded in dominion :
Great piety consists in pride; 1175
To rule is to be sanctify 'd :
To domineer, and to control,
Both o'er the body and the soul,
Is the most perfect discipline
Of Church-rule, and by right divine. nso
Bel and the Dragon's chaplains were
More moderate than these by far :
For they (poor knaves) were glad to cheat,
To get their wives and children meat ;
But these will not be fobb'd off so, nas
They must have wealth and power too ;
Or else with blood and desolation
They'll tear it out o' th' heart o' th' nation.
Sure these themselves from primitive
And Heathen priesthood do derive, 1190
When Butchers were the only clerks,
Elders and Presbyters of Kirks ;
Whose directory was to kill,
And some believe it is so still.
The only diff'rence is that then 1195
They slaughter'd only beasts, now men.
For then to sacrifice a bullock,
Or, now and then, a child to Moloch,
They count a vile abomination,
But not to slaughter a whole nation. 1200
Presbytery does but translate
The papacy to a free state :
A commonwealth of Popery,
Where ev'ry village is a See
As well as Rome, and must maintain 1203
A tithe-pig metropolitan ;
120 HUDIBRAS.
Where ev'ry Presbyter and Deacon
Commands the keys for cheese and bacon,
And ev'ry hamlet 's governed
By 's Holiness, the Church's head, 1210
More haughty and severe in's place
Than Gregory and Boniface.
Such Church must, surely, be a monster
With many heads : for if we conster
What in th' Apocalypse we find, 1215
According to th' Apostle's mind,
'Tis that the whore of Babylon
With many heads did ride upon ;
Which heads denote the sinful tribe
Of Deacon, Priest, Lay-elder, Scribe. 1220
Lay-elder, Simeon to Levi,
Whose little finger is as heavy
As loins of patriarchs, prince-prelate,
And bishop-secular. This zealot
Is of a mongrel diverse kind, 1225
Clerick before and Lay behind ;
A lawless linsey-woolsey brother,
Half of one order, half another ;
A creature of amphibious nature,
On land a beast, a fish in water : 1200
That always preys on grace or sin ;
A sheep without, a wolf within.
This fierce inquisitor has chief
Dominion over men's belief
And manners ; can pronounce a saint 1235
Idolatrous, or ignorant,
When superciliously he sifts
Through coarsest boulter others' gifts :
For all men live and judge amiss
PART I. CANTO III. 121
Whose talents jump not just with his ; 1240
He'll lay on Gifts with hands, and place
On dullest noddle Light and Grace,
The manufacture of the Kirk,
Whose pastors are but th' handywork
Of his mechanic paws, instilling 1215
Divinity in them by feeling;
From whence they start up Chosen Vessels,
Made by contact, as men get measles.
So Cardinals, they say, do grope
At th' other end the new-made Pope. 1250
Hold, hold, quoth Hudibras, Soft fire,
They say, does make sweet malt. Good Squire,
Fcstina lentt, not too fast,
For haste (the proverb says) makes waste.
The quirks and cavils thou dost make 1255
Are false and built upon mistake :
And I shall bring you, with your pack
Of fallacies, t' Elenchi back ;
And put your arguments in mood
And figure to be understood. iseo
I'lHbrce you by right ratiocination
To leave your vitilitigation,
And make you keep to th' question close
And argue dialectic's.
The question then, to state it first, 1205
Is, which is better or which worst,
Synods or Bears ? Bears I avow
To be the worst, and Synods thou ;
But to make good th' assertion,
Thou say'st they 're really all one. . 1270
If so, not worst ; for if they're idem,
Why then tantundem dat tantidem.
122 HUDIBRAS.
For if they are the same, by course
Neither is better, neither worse.
But I deny they are the same, 1275
More than a maggot and I am.
That both are animalia
I grant, but not rationalia :
For though they do agree in kind,
Specific difference we find ; 1280
And can no more make Bears of these,
Than prove my horse is Socrates.
That Synods are Bear-gardens, too,
Thou dost affirm ; but I say No :
And thus I prove it, in a word ; 1280
Whats'ever Assembly 's not empow'r'd
To censure, curse, absolve, and ordain,
Can be no Synod ; but Bear-garden
Has no such pow'r ; ergo, 'tis none :
And so thy sophistry's o'erthrown. 1290
But yet we are beside the quest'on
Which thou didst raise the first contest on :
For that was, Whether Bears are better
Than Synod-men ? I say Negatur.
That Bears are beasts, and Synods men, 1:95
Is held by all : they 're better then ;
For Bears and Dogs on four legs go,
As beasts ; but Synod-men on two.
'Tis true they all have teeth and nails ;
But prove that Synod-men have tails ; isoo
Or that a rugged shaggy fur
Grows o'er the hide of Presbyter ;
Or that his snout and spacious ears
Do hold proportion with a Bear's.
A Bear's a savage beast, of all 1305
Most ugly and unnatural ;
PART I. CANTO III. 123
Whelp'd without form, until the dam
Has lickt it into shape and frame :
But all thy light can ne'er evict,
That ever Synod-man was lickt, mo
Or brought to any other fashion
Than his own will and inclination.
But thou dost further yet in this
Oppugn thyself and sense ; that is,
Thou would'st have Presbyters to go 131-5
For Bears and Dogs, and Bearwards too :
A strange chimera of beasts and men,
Made up of pieces het'rogene ;
Such as in Natune never met
In eodem subjepto yet. 1320
Thy other arguments are all
Supposures hypothetical,
That do but beg ; and we may choose
Either to grant them or refuse.
Much thou hast said, which I know when 1325
And where thou stol'st from other men,
(Whereby 'tis plain thy Light and Gifts
Arcr all but plagiary shifts),
And is the same that Ranter said,
Who, arguing with me, broke my head, isso
And tore a handful of my beard :
i3» <pne Kanters Were a vile sect that sprung up hi those
times. Alexander Ross observes, " That they held that God,
devil, angels, heaven and hell, &c., were fictions and fables ;
that Moses, John Baptist, and Christ, were impostors ; and
what Christ and the Apostles acquainted the world with, as
to matter of religion, perished with them ; that preaching
and praying are useless, and that preaching is but publick
lying; that there is an end of all ministry and adminis
trations, and people are to be taught immediately from
God," &c.
1 24 HUDIBRAS.
The self-same cavils then I heard,
When, b'ing in hot dispute about
This controversy, we fell out :
And what thou know'st I answer'd then 1335
Will serve to answer thee agen.
Quoth Ralpho, Nothing but th' abuse
Of human learning you produce ;
Learning, that cobweb of the brain,
Profane, erroneous, and vain ; 1340
A trade of knowledge as replete
As others are with fraud and cheat ;
An art t' encumber Gifts and Wit,
And render both for nothing fit ;
1339 Ralpho was as great an enemy to human learning as
Jack Cade and his fellow rebels. Cade's words to Lord Say,
before he ordered his head to be cut off: "I am the besom that
must sweep the Court clean of such filth as thou art ; thou
hast most traitorously corrupted the youth of the realm in
erecting a grammar-school ; and whereas, before, our fore
fathers had no other books but the Score and the Tally,
thou hast caused Printing to be used ; and, contrary to the
King, his crown and dignity, thou hast built a Papermill.
It will be proved to thy face, that thou hast men about thee
that usually talk of a noun and a verb, and such abominable
words, as no Christian ear can endure to hear."
It was the opinion of those tinkers, tailors, &c., that
governed Chelmsford at the beginning of the Rebellion,
" That learning had always been an enemy to the Gospel
and that it were a happy thing if there were no universities,
and that all books were burned except the Bible."
" I tell you (says a writer of those times) wicked books do
as much wound us as the swords of our adversaries ; for this
manner of learning is superfluous and costly: many tongues
and languages are only confusion, and only wit, reason,
understanding, and scholarship, are the main means that
oppose us, and hinder our cause ; therefore, if ever we have
the fortune to get the upperhand — we will down with all
law and learning, and have no other rule but the Carpenter's,
nor any writing or reading but the Score and the Tally."
PAKT I. CANTO III. 125
Makes Light unactive, dull and troubled, 1345
Like little David in Saul's doublet :
A cheat that scholars put upon
Other men's reason and their own ;
A fort of error, to ensconce
Absurdity and ignorance, isoo
That renders all the avenues
To truth impervious and abstruse,
By making plain things, in debate,
By art perplext and intricate ;
For nothing goes for Sense or Light, 1355
That will not with old rules jump right ;
As if rules were not in the schools
Deriv'd from truth, but truth from rules.
This Pagan, Heathenish, invention
Is good for nothing but contention : iseo
For as in sword-and-buckler fight
All blows do on the target light,
So, when men argue, the great'st part
0' th' contest falls on terms of art,
Until the fustian stuff be spent, 1365
And then they fall to th' argument.
Quoth Hudibras, Friend Ralph, thou hast
Outrun the constable at last :
For thou art fallen on a new
Dispute, as senseless as untrue, 1370
But to the former opposite,
And contrary as black to white :
Mere disparata ; that concerning
Presbytery, this human learning ;
Two things s' averse, they never yet 1375
But in thy rambling fancy met.
But I shall take a fit occasion
126 HTJDIBRAS.
T' evince thee by' ratiocination,
Some other time in place more proper
Than this we 're in ; therefore let 's stop here isso
And rest our weary'd bones a while,
Already tir'd with other toil.
PART II. CANTO I.
THE ARGUMENT.
The Knight, by damnable Magician,
Being cast illegally in prison,
Love brings his action on the case,
And lays it upon Hudibras.
How he receives the Lady's visit,
And cunningly solicits his suit,
Which she defers ; yet, on parole,
Redeems him from th' enchanted hole.
BUT now, t' observe Romantique method,
Let bloody steel a while be sheathed,
And all those harsh and rugged sounds
Of Bastinadoes, cuts, and wounds,
Arg. 12 VAR.
' The Knight being clapp'd by th' heels in prison,
The last unhappy expedition.'
Arg. * VAR. ' How he revi's,' &c.
1 The beginning of this Second Part may perhaps seem
strange and abrupt to those who do not know that it was
written on purpose in imitation of Virgil, who begins the
Fourth Book of his ^Eneid in the very same manner, 'At
regina gravi,' &c. And this is enough to satisfy the curiosity
of those who believe that invention and fancy ought to be
Jneasured, like cases in law, by precedents, or else they are in
the power of the critic.
2 VAR. 'Let rusty steel,' and ' To trusty steel.'
PART II. CANTO I. 127
Exchang'd to love's more gentle style, 5
To let our reader breathe a while.
In which, that we may be as brief as
Is possible, by way of preface.
Is 't not enough to make one strange,
That some men's fancy should ne'er change, 10
But make all people do and say
The same things still the self-same way ?
Some writers make all ladies purloin'd,
And knights pursuing like a whirlwind :
Others make all their knights, in fits 15
Of jealousy, to lose their wits;
Till drawing blood o' th' dames, like witches,
They're forthwith cur'd of their capriches.
Some always Jhrive in their amours,
By pulling plaisters off their sores ^^ 2Q
As cripples do to get an' alms,
Just so do they, and win their dames.
Some force whole regions, in despite
0' geography, to change their site ;
Make former times shake hands with latter, " 25
And that which was before come after.
But those that write in rhyme still make
The one verse for the other's sake ;
For one for sense, and one for rhyme,
I think 's sufficient at one time. f 30
But we forget in what sad plight
We whilom left the captiv'd Knight
5-8 VAK. ' And unto love turn we our style,
To let our readers breathe a while,
By this time tir'd with th' horrid sounds
• Of blows, and cuts, and blood, and wounds.'
10 VAR. ' That a man's fancy.'
35 VAR. ' We lately.'
128 HUDIBRAS.
And pensive Squire, both bruis'd in body,
And conjur'd into safe custody.
Tir'd with dispute, and speaking Latin, &
As well as basting and Bear-baiting,
And desperate of any course
To free himself by wit or force,
His only solace was, that now
His dog-bolt fortune was so low, 40
That either it must quickly end,
Or turn about again, and mend ;
In which he found th' event, no less
Than other times, beside his guess.
There is a tall long-sided dame, 45
(But wond'rous light) ycleped Fame,
That like a thin cameleon boards
Herself on air, and eats her words ;
Upon her shoulders wings she wears
Like hanging sleeves, lin'd through with ears, 60
And eyes, and tongues, as poets list,
Made good by deep mythologist :
With these she through the welkin flies,
And sometimes carries truth, oft lies ;
With letters hung, like eastern pigeons, 55
And Mercuries of furthest regions ;
Diurnals writ for regulation
Of lying, to infor^i the nation,
And by their public use to bring down
The rate of whetstones in the kingdom. eo
About her neck a packet-mail,
48 The beauty of this consists in the double meaning. The
first alludes to Fame's living on Report: the second is an
insinuation, that if a report is narrowly inquired into, and
traced up to the original author, it is made to contradict
itself.
PART II. CANTO I. 129
Fraught with advice, some fresh, some stale ;
Of men that walk'd when they were dead,
And cows of monsters brought to bed ;
Of hailstones big as pullets' eggs, 65
And puppies whelp'd with twice two legs ;
A blazing star seen in the west,
By six or seven men at least.
Two trumpets she does sound at once,
But both of clean contrary tones : 70
But whether both with the same wind,
Or one before and one behind,
We know not, only this can tell,
The one sounds vilely, th'. other well ;
And therefore vulgar authors name 75
Th' one Good; the other Evil Fame.
This tattling gossip knew too well
What mischief Hudibras befell ;
And straight the spiteful tidings bears
Of all, to th' unkind Widow's ears. 8u
Democritus ne'er laugh'd so loud
To see bawds carted through the crowd,
Or^junerals, with stately pomp,
March slowly on in solemn dump,
As she laugh'd out, until her back, 85
As well as sides, was like to crack.
She vow'd she would go see the sight,
And visit the distressed Knight ;
To do the office of a neighbour,
And be a gossip at his labour ; 90
And from his wooden jail, the stocks,
77 VAK. ' T wattling gossip.'
91 VAR. ' That is to see him deliver'd safe
Of s wooden burden, and Squire Raph.'
TOL. I. K
180 HUDIBRAS.
To set at large his fetter-locks ;
And by exchange, parole, or ransom,
To free him from th' enchanted mansion.
This b'ing resolv'd, she call'd for hood 95
And usher, implements abroad
Which ladies wear, beside a slender
Young waiting damsel to attend her.
All which appearing, on she went
To find the Knight, in limbo pent ; 100
And 'twas not long before she found
Him and his stout Squire in the pound,
Both coupled in enchanted tether
By further leg behind together.
For as he sat upon his rump, 105
His head, like one in doleful dump,
Between his knees, his hands apply'd
Unto his ears on either side,
And by him in another hole
Afflicted Ralpho, cheek by jowl ; no
She came upon him in his wooden
Magician's circle on the sudden,
As spirits do t' a conjurer
When in their dreadful shapes th' appear.
No sooner did the Knight perceive her, 115
But straight he fell into a fever,
Inflam'd all over with disgrace
To be seen by her in such a place ;
111 112 There was never certainly a pleasanter scene ima
gined than this before us ; it is the most diverting incident
in the whole Poem. The unlucky and unexpected visit of
the Lady, the attitude and surprise of the Knight, the con
fusion and blushes of the lover, and the satirical raillery of a
mistress, are represented in lively colours, and conspire to
make this interview wonderfully pleasing.
PART II. CANTO I. 131
Which made him hang his head, and scowl,
And wink, and goggle like an owl : 120
He felt his brains be£,m to swim,
When thus the Dame accosted him.
This place (quoth she) they say 's enchanted,
And with delinquent spirits haunted.
That here are ty'd in chains and scourg'd 1-25
Until their guilty crimes be purg'd :
•Look, there are two of them appear
Like persons I have seen somewhere.
Some have mistaken blocks and posts
For spectres, apparitions, ghosts, 130
With saucer eyes, and horns; and some
Have heard the devil beat a drum ;
But, if our eyes are not false glasses
That give a wrong account of faces,
That beard and I should be acquainted iss
Before 'twas conjur'd and enchanted ;
For, though it be disfigur'd somewhat,
As if 't had lately been in combat,
It did belong to a worthy Knight,
Hewe'er this goblin is come by 't. HO
When Hudibras the Lady heard
Discoursing thus upon his beard,
And speak with such respect and honour
Both of the beard and the beard's owner,
He thought it best to set as good 145
A face upon it as he could ;
And thus he spoke : Lady, your bright
And radiant eyes are in the right ;
The beard 's th' identique beard you knew,
The same numerically true ; iso
1<2 VAR. ' To take kind notice of his beard.'
132 HUDIBRAS.
Nor is it worn by fiend or elf,
But its proprietor himself.
0 heavens ! quoth she, can that be true ?
I do begin to fear 'tis you ;
Not by your individual whiskers. 155
But by your dialect and discourse,
That never spoke to man or beast
In notions vulgarly exprest :
But what malignant star, alas !
Has brought you both to this sad pass ? ieo
Quoth he, The fortune of the war,
Which I am less afflicted for,
Than to be seen with beard and face
By you in such a homely case.
Quoth she, Those need not be asham'd 155
For being honourably maim'd :
If he that is in battle conquer'd
Have any title to his own beard,
Though yours be sorely lugg'd and torn,
It does your visage more adorn 170
Than if 'twere prun'd, and starch'd, and lander'd,
And cut square by the Russian standard.
A torn beard 's like a tatter'd ensign ;
That 's bravest which there are most rente in.
That petticoat about your shoulders 175
Does not so well become a soldier's ;
And I'm afraid they are worse handled,
Although i' th' rear your beard the van led ;
And those uneasy bruises make
My heart for company to ache, iso
To see so worshipful a friend
I' th' pillory set, at the wrong end.
164 VAK. ' In such elenctique case.'
PART II. CANTO I. 133
Quoth Hudibras, This thing call'd Pain
Is (as the learned Stoics maintain)
Not bad simpliciter, nor good, is-5
But merely as 'tis understood.
Sense is deceitful, and may feign
As well in counterfeiting pain
As other gross phenomenas,
In which it oft mistakes the case. 190
But since th' immortal intellect
(That's free from error and defect,
Whose objects still persist the same)
Is free from outward bruise or maim,
Which nought external can expose 195
To gross material bangs or blows,
It follows we can ne'er be sure
Whether we pain or not endure ;
And just so far are sore and griev'd
As by the fancy is believ'd. 200
Some have been wounded with conceit,
And died of mere opinion straight ;
Others, though wounded sore in reason,
Feltf no contusion nor discretion.
A Saxon duke did grow so fat 205
That mice (as histories relate)
Ate grots and labyrinths to dwell in
His postique parts, without his feeling ;
Then how is 't possible a kick
Should e'er reach that way to the quick ? 210
Quoth she, I grant it is in vain
For one that's basted to feel pain,
Because the pangs his bones endure
Contribute nothing to the cure ;
Yet honour hurt is wont to rage 215
134 HUDIBRAS.
With pain no med'cine can assuage
Quoth he, That honour 's very squeamish
That takes a basting for a blemish ;
For what 's more hon'rable than scars,
Or skin to tatters rent in wars ? 220
Some have been beaten till they know
What wood a cudgel 's of by th' blow ;
Some kick'd until they can feel whether
A shoe be Spanish or neat's leather ;
And yet have met, after long running, 225
With some whom they have taught that cunning.
The furthest way about t' o'ercome
In th' end does prove the nearest home.
By laws of learned duellists,
They that are bruis'd with wood or fists, 230
And think one beating may for once
Suffice, are cowards and pultroons ;
But if they dare engage t' a second,
They 're stout and gallant fellows reckon'd.
Th' old Romans freedom did bestow, 235
Our princes worship, with a blow.
King Pyrrhus cur'd his splenetic
And testy courtiers with a kick.
The Negus, when some mighty lord
Or potentate 's to be restor'd, 240
And pardon'd for some great offence
With which he 's willing to dispense,
First has him laid upon his belly,
Then beaten back and side t' a jelly :
332 VAK. 'Poltroons.'
239 A king of Ethiopia.
241 242 VAE. ' To his good grace for some offence
Forfeit before, and pardon'd since.'
PAR? II. CANTO I. 135
That done, he rises, humbly bows, 248
And gives thanks for the princely blows ;
Departs not meanly proud, and boasting
Of his magnificent rib-roasting.
The beaten soldier proves most manful
That, like his sword, endures the anvil ; 250
And justly 's held more formidable,
The more his valour 's malleable :
But he that fears a bastinado
Will run away from his own shadow.
And though I'm now in durance fast 255
By our own party basely cast,
Ransom, exchange, parole refus'd,
And worse than by the en'my us'd ;
In close catasta shut, past hope
Of wit or valour to elope ; 260
As beards, the nearer that they tend
To th' earth, still grow more reverend.
And cannons shoot the higher pitches
The lower we let down their breeches,
I'll make this low dejected fate 265
Advance me to a greater height.
Quoth she, You've almost made me' in love
With that which did my pity move.
Great wits and valours, like great states,
Do sometimes sink with their own weights : 2:0
Th' extremes of glory and of shame,
Like east and west, become the same :
No Indian prince has to his palace
More foll'wers than a thief to th' gallows.
But, if a beating seem so brave, 275
What glories must a whipping have ?
Such great achievements cannot fail
]3G HUDIBRAS.
To cast salt on a woman's tail :
For if I thought your nat'ral talent
Of passive courage were so gallant, 230
As you strain hard to have it thought,
I could grow amorous and dote.
When Hudibras this language heard,
He prick'd up 's ears, and strok'd his beard ;
Thought he, This is the lucky hour, 235
Wines work when vines are in the flow'r :
This crisis then I'll set my rest on,
And put her boldly to the quest'on.
Madam, what you would seem to doubt
Shall be to all the world made out ; 290
How I've been drubb'd, and with what spirit
And magnanimity I bear it :
And if you doubt it to be true,
I'll stake myself down against you ;
And if I foil in love or .troth, 295
Be you the winner and take both.
Quoth she, I've heard old cunning stagers
Say, fools for arguments use wagers ;
And, though I prais'd your valour, yet
I did not mean to baulk your wit ; soo
Which if you have, you must needs know
What I have told you before now,
And you b' experiment have prov'd ;
I cannot love where I'm belov'd.
Quoth Hudibras, 'Tis a caprich 20j
Beyond th' infliction of a witch ;
So cheats to play with those still aim
That do not understand the game.
Love in your heart as idly burns
As fire iu antique Roman urns sio
PAUT II. CANTO I. TiiT
To warm the dead, and vainly light
Those only that see n ;thing by 't.
Have you not power to entertain,
And render love for love again ?
As no man can draw in his breath sio
At once, and force out air beneath.
Or do you love yourself so much,
To bear all rivals else a grutch ?
What fate can lay a greater curse.
Than you upon yourself would force ? 3L'o
For Wedlock without love, some say,
Is but a lock without a key.
It is a kind of rape to marry
One that neglects or cares not for ye :
For what doth make it ravishment 325
But b'ing against the mind's consent ?
A rape that is the more inhuman,
For being acted by a woman.
Why are you fair, but to entice us
To love you, that you may despise us ? SGO
But though you cannot love, you say,
Out of your own fanatic way,
Why should you not at least allow
Those that love you to do so too ?
For, as you fly me, and pursue 325
Love more averse, so I do you ;
And am by your own doctrine taught
To practise what you call a fault.
Quoth she, If what you say be true,
You must fly me as I do you ; 340
But 'tis not what we do, but say,
In love and preaching, that must sway.
M3 VAR. 'Fanatique.' Qy. 'Fantastic?'
138 H17D1BRAS.
Quoth he, To bid me not to love
Is to forbid my pulse to move,
My beard to grow, my ears to prick up, 345
Or (when I'm in a fit) to hiccup.
Command me to piss out the moon,
And 'twill as easily be done.
Love's pow'r 's too great to be withstood
By feeble human flesh and blood. 350
'Twas he that brought upon his knees
The hect'ring kill-cow Hercules,
Transform'd his leager-lion's skin
T' a petticoat, and made him spin ;
Seiz'd on his club, and made it dwindle 355
T' a feeble distaff and a spindle :
'Twas he that made emp'rors gallants
To their own sisters and their aunts ;
Set Popes and Cardinals agog,
To play with pages at leap-frog : seo
'Twas he that gave our Senate purges,
And fluxt the House of many a burgess ;
Made those that represent the nation
Submit, and suffer amputation ;
And all the Grandees o' th' Cabal 3C5
Adjourn to tubs at spring and fall.
He mounted Synod-men and rode 'em
To Dirty- Lane and Little Sodom ;
Made 'em curvet like Spanish Jenets,
And take the ring at Madam 's. 370
370 " Stennet was the person whose name was dashed,"
says Sir Roger L'Estrange, ' Key to Hudibras. " Her
husband was by profession a broom-man and lay-elder.
She followed the laudible employment of bawding, and
managed several intrigues for those Brothers and Sisters
whose purity consisted chiefly in the whiteness of their
linen."
PART II. CANTO I. 139
'Twas he that made Saint Francis do
More than the dev'I could tempt him to,
In cold and frosty weather grow
Enamour'd of a wife of snow ;
And though she were of rigid temper, s/o
With melting flames accost and tempt her ;
Which after in enjoyment quenching,
He hung a garland on his engine.
Quoth she, If love have these effects,
Why is it not forbid our sex ? zso
Why is 't not damn'd and interdicted
For diabolical and wicked ?
And sung, as out of tune, against,
As Turk and Pope are by the Saints ?
I find I've greater reason for it, sss
Than I believ'd before, t' abhor it.
Quoth Hudibras, These sad effects
Spring from your heathenish neglects
Of Love's great pow'r, which he returns
Upon yourselves with equal scorns, 390
And those who worthy lovers slight,
'Plagues with prepost'rous appetite :
This made the beauteous Queen of Crete
To take a town-bull for her sweet ;
And from her greatness stoop so low, 395
To be the rival of a cow :
Others to prostitute their great hearts
To be baboons' and monkeys' sweethearts :
Some with the devil himself in league grow,
By 's representative a Negro. 400
'Twas this made Vestal maids love-sick,
And venture to be bury'd quick :
Some by their fathers and their brothers
140 HUDIBRAS.
To be made mistresses and mothers.
"Pis this that proudest dames enamours 406
On lacquies and varlets des chambres ;
Their haughty stomachs overcomes,
And makes them stoop to dirty grooms ;
To slight the world, and to disparage
Claps, issue, infamy, and marriage. 4iu
Quoth she, These judgments are severe,
Yet such as I should rather bear
Than trust men with their oaths, or prove
Their faith and secrecy in love.
Says he, There is as weighty reason 415
For secrecy in love as treason.
Love is a burglarer, a felon,
That at the windore-eye does steal in
To rob the heart, and with his prey
Steals out again a closer way, 420
Which whosoever can discover,
He's sure (as he deserves) to suffer.
Love is a fire, that burns and sparkles
In men as nat'rally as in charcoals,
Which sooty chemists stop in holes 425
When out of wood they extract coals ;
So lovers should their passions choke,
That though they burn, they may not smoke.
'Tis like that sturdy thief that stole
And dragg'd beasts backward into 's hole ; 430
So love does lovers, and us men
Draws by the tails into his den,
That no impression may discover
And trace t' his cave the wary lover.
405 VAR. ' Valets des charabres.'
416 VAR. ' Window eye.'
PART II. CANTO I. 141
But if you doubt I should reveal 435
What you intrust ir.e under seal,
I'll prove myself as close and virtuous
As your own secretary, Albertus.
Quoth she, I grant you may be close
In hiding what your aims propose : 440
Love-passions are like parables,
By which men still mean something else :
Though love be all the world's pretence,
Money's the mythologic sense,
The real substance of the shadow 445
Which all address and courtship's made to.
Thought he, I understand your play,
And how to quit you your own way :
He that wilt win his dame must do
As Love does when he bends his bow ; 450
With one hand thrust the lady from,
And with the other pull her home.
I grant, quoth he, wealth is a great
Provocative to am'rous heat :
It is all philtres and high diet 455
That makes love rampant and to fly out :
'Tis beauty always in the flower,
That buds and blossoms at fourscore :
'Tis that by which the sun and moon
At their own weapons are outdone : 460
That makes knights-errant fall in trances,
And lay about 'em in romances :
'Tis virtue, wit, and worth, and all
That men divine and sacred call ;
For what is worth in anything 465
But so much money as 'twill bring ?
Or what but riches is there known
142 HUDIBRAS.
Which man can solely call his own,
In which no creature goes his half,
Unless it be to squint and laugh ? 470
I do confess, with goods and land,
I'd have a wife at second-hand ;
And such you are : nor is 't your person
My stomach 's set so sharp and fierce on,
But 'tis (your better part) your riches 475
That my enamour'd heart bewitches :
Let me your fortune but possess,
And settle your person how you please ;
Or make it o'er in trust to th' devil,
You'll find me reasonable and civil. 450
Quoth she, I like this plainness better
Than false mock-passion, speech, or letter,
Or any feat of qualm or sowning,
But hanging of yourself or drowning ;
Your only way with me to break 485
Your mind, is breaking of your neck :
For as when merchants break, o'erthrown
Like nine-pins, they strike others down,
So that would break my heart ; which done,
My tempting fortune is your own. 490
These are but trifles ; ev'ry lover
Will damn himself over and over,
And greater matters undertake,
For a less worthy mistress' sake :
Yet they're the only ways to prove 496
Th' unfeign'd realities of love ;
For he that hangs, or beats out 's brains,
The devil 's in him if he feigns.
Quoth Hudibras, This way 's too rough
483 VAR. ' Swooning.'
PART II. CANTO I. 143
For mere experiment and proof; 500
It is no jesting trivial matter
To swing i' th' air, or dive in water,
And like a water-witch try love ;
That's to destroy, and not to prove :
As if a man should be dissected, cos
To find what part is disaffected :
Your better way is to make over,
In trust, your fortune to your lover.
Trust is a trial ; if it break,
'Tis not so desp'rate as a neck : MO
Beside, th' experiment 's more certain ;
Men venture necks to gain a fortune :
The soldier does it ev'ry day
(Eight to the week) for sixpence pay ;
Your pettifoggers damn their souls, sis
To share with knaves in cheating fools ;
And merchants, vent'ring through the main,
Slight pirates, rocks, and horns, for gain.
This is the way I advise you to ;
Trust me, and see what I will do. 520
Quoth she, I should be loth to run
Myself all th' hazard, and you none ;
Which must be done, unless some deed
Of yours aforesaid do precede :
Give but yourself one gentle swing 525
For trial, and I'll cut the string ;
Or give that rev'rend head a maul,
Or two or three, against a wall,
To show you are a man of mettle,
And I '11 engage myself to settle. 530
Quoth he, My head's not made of brass,
As Friar Bacon's noddle was,
144 HUDIBRAS.
Nor (like the Indian's scull) so tough
That, authors say, 'twas musket proof;
As it had need to be, to enter 5S5
As yet on any new adventure.
You see what bangs it has endur'd,
That would, before new feats, be cur'd :
But if that's all you stand upon,
Here strike me, Luck, it shall be done. 540
Quoth she, The matter's not so far gone
As you suppose ; two words t' a bargain :
That may be done, and time enough,
When you have given downright proof:
And yet 'tis no fantastic pique 545
I have to love, nor coy dislike ;
'Tis no implicit nice aversion
T' your conversation, mien, or person ;
But a just fear lest you should prove
False and perfidious in love : 550
For, if I thought you could be true,
I could love twice as much as you.
Quoth he, My faith as adamantine
As chains of Destiny I'll maintain ;
True as Apollo ever spoke, 555
Or oracle from heart of oak :
And if you'll give my flame but vent,
Now in close hugger-mugger pent,
And shine upon me but benignly
With that one and that other pigsney, 560
The sun and day shall sooner part
Than love and you shake off my heart ;
The sun, that shall no more dispense
His own, but your bright influence.
I'll carve your name on barks of trees 565
PART II. CANTO I. 145
With true-love-knots and flourishes,
That shall infuse eternal spring
And everlasting flourishing ;
Drink ev'ry letter on 't in stum,
And make it brisk Champagne become. 570
Where'er you tread, your foot shall set
The primrose and the violet ;
All spices, perfumes, and sweet powders,
Shall borrow from your breath their odours ;
Nature her charter shall renew, C75
And take all lives of things from you ;
The world depend upon your eye,
And, when you frown upon it, die :
Only our loves shall still survive,
New worlds and Natures to outlive, sso
And like to heralds' moons remain
All crescents, without change or wane.
Hold, hold, quoth she, no more of this • '
Sir Knight, you take your aim amiss ;
For you will find it a hard chapter 585
To catch me with poetic rapture,
In which your Mastery of Art
Doth shew itself, and not your heart ;
Nor will you raise in mine combustion
By dint of high heroic fustian. soo
She that with poetry is won
Is but a desk to write upon ;
And what men say of her they mean
No more than on the thing they lean.
Some with Arabian spices strive 695
T' embalm her cruelly alive ;
Or season her, as French cooks use ,£
Their hant-gouts, bouilles, or ragouts
TOL. T. L
146 HUDIBRAS.
Use her so barbarously ill
To grind her lips upon a mill, eoo
Until the facet doublet doth
Fit their rhymes rather than her mouth ;
Her mouth, compar'd t' an oyster's, with
A row of pearl in 't 'stead of teeth.
Others make posies of her cheeks, 605
'Where red and whitest colours mix ;
In which the lily and the rose
For Indian lake and ceruse goes.
The sun and moon, by her bright eyes
Eclips'd and darken'd in the skies, cio
Are but black patches that she wears,
Cut into suns, and moons, and stars ;
By which astrologers, as well
As those in heav'n above, can tell
What strange events they do foreshow eis
Unto her under- world below.
Her voice the music of the spheres,
So loud it deafens mortals' ears,
As wise philosophers have thought,
And that's the cause we hear it not. 620
This has been done by some, who those
Th' ador'd in rhyme, would kick in prose ;
And in those ribands would have hung,
Of which melodiously they sung.
That have the hard fate to write best 625
Of those still that deserve it least :
It matters not how false or forc'd,
So the best things be said o' th' worst ;
It goes for nothing when 'tis said,
Only the arrow's drawn to th' head, eso
Whether it be a swan or goose
PART II. CANTO I. 147
They level at : so shepherds use
To set the same mark on the hip
Both of their sound and rotten sheep :
For wits that carry low or wide, 635
Must be aim'd higher, or beside
The mark, which else they ne'er come nigh
But when they take their aim awry.
But I do wonder you should choose
This way t' attack me with your Muse, 640
As one cut out to pass your tricks on,
With fulhams of poetic fiction.
I rather hop'd I should no more
Hear from you o' th' gallanting score ;
For hard dry-bastings us'd to prove 643
The readiest remedies of love,
Next a dry diet : but if those fail,
Yet this uneasy loop-hol'd jail,
In which y' are hamper'd by the fetlock,
Cannot but put y' in mind of wedlock ; 650
Wedlock, that's worse than any hole here,
If that may serve you for a cooler
T* 'allay your mettle, all agog
Upon a wife, the heavier clog :
Nor rather thank your gentler fate, ess
That for a bruis'd or broken pate
Has freed you from those knobs that grow
Much harder on the marry'd brow.
But if no dread can cool your courage
From vent'ring on that dragon, marriage ; ceo
Yet give me quarter, and advance
To nobler aims your puissance ;
Level at beauty and at wit,
613 A cant word for false dice.
148 HUDIBRAS.
The fairest mark is easiest hit.
Quoth Hudibras, I'm beforehand ees
In that already with your command ;
For where does beauty and high wit,
But in your Constellation, meet ?
Quoth she, What does a match imply
But likeness and equality ? 670
I know you cannot think me fit
To be th yokefellow of your wit ;
Nor take one of so mean deserts
To be the partner of your parts ;
A grace which, if I could believe, (.is
I've not the conscience to receive.
That conscience, quoth Hudibras,
Is misinform'd : I'll state the case.
A man may be a legal donor
Of any thing whereof he 's owner, cso
And may confer it where he lists,
I' the judgment of all casuists :
Then wit, and parts, and valour, may
Be ali'nated and made away
By those that are proprietors, 685
As I may give or sell my horse.
Quoth she, I grant the case is true
And proper 'twixt your horse and you :
But whether I may take, as well
As you may give away or sell ? 690
Buyers, you know, are bid beware ;
And worse than thieves receivers are.
How shall I answer Hue and Cry
For a Roan-gelding, twelve hands high,
All spurr'd and switch'd, a lock on 's hoof, 695
A sorrel mane ? Can I bring proof
PART II. CANTO I. 149
Where, when, by whom, and what y' were sold for,
And in the open market toll'd for ?
Or, should I take you for a stray,
You must be kept a year and day 700
(Ere I can own you) here i' th' pound,
Where, if y' are sought, you may be found ;
And in the mean time I must pay
For all your provender and hay.
Quoth he, It stands me much upon 705
T' enervate this objection,
And prove myself, by topic clear,
No gelding, as you would infer.
Loss of virility 's averr'd
To be the cause of loss of beard, 710
That does (like embryo in the womb)
Abortive on the chin become :
This first a woman did invent
In envy of man's ornament,
Semiramis of Babylon, 715
Who first of all cut men o' th' stone
To mar their beards, and laid foundation
Qf sow-geldering operation.
Look on this beard, and tell me whether
Eunuchs wear such, or geldings either ? 720
Next it appears I am no horse,
That I can argue and discourse,
Have but two legs, and ne'er a tail.
Quoth she, That nothing will avail ;
For some philosophers of late here, 725
Write men have four legs by Nature,
And that 'tis custom makes them go
Erroneously upon but two ;
As 'twas in Germany made good
150 HT7DIBRAS.
B' a boy that lost himself in a wood, 730
And growing down t' a man, was wont
With wolves upon all four to hunt.
As for your reasons drawn from tails,
We cannot say they're true or false,
Till you explain yourself and show 735
B' experiment 'tis so or no.
Quoth he, If you'll join issue on't,
I'll give you sat'sfactory account ;
So you will promise, if you lose,
To settle all and be my spouse. 710
That never shall be done (quoth she)
To one that wants a tail, by me ;
For tails by Nature sure were meant,
As well as beards, for ornament ;
And though the vulgar count them homely, 715
In men or beast they are so comely,
So gentee, alamode, and handsome,
I'll never marry man that wants one :
And till you can demonstrate plain
You have one equal to your mane, 750
I'll be torn piecemeal by a horse
Ere I'll take you for better or worse.
The Prince of Cambay's daily food
Is asp, and basilisk, and toad,
Which makes him have so strong a breath 755
Each night he stinks a queen to death ;
Yet I shall rather lie in 's arms
Than yours on any other terms.
Quoth he, What Nature can afford
I shall produce, upon my word ; 760
And if she ever gave that boon
To man, I'll prove that I have one ;
PART II. CANTO I. 151
I mean by postulate illation,
When you shall offer just occasion :
But since y' have yet deny'd to give 705
My heart, your pris'ner, a reprieve,
But made it sink down to my heel,
Let that at least your pity feel ;
And, for the suff 'rings of your martyr,
Give its poor entertainer quarter ; 770
And, by discharge or mainprize, grant
Deliv'ry from this base restraint.
Quoth she, I grieve to see your leg
Stuck in a hole here like a peg ;
And if I knew which way to do 't 775
(Your honour safe) I 'd let you out.
That dames-by jail-delivery
Of errant knights have been set free,
When by enchantment they have been,
And sometimes for it too, laid in ; 730
Is that which knights are bound to do
By order, oath, and honour too.
For what are they renown'd and famous else,
But aiding of distressed damosels ?
But for a lady, no ways errant, 735
To free a knight, we have no warrant
In any authentical romance,
Or classic author yet of France ;
And I'd be loth to have you break
An ancient custom for a freak, 790
Or innovation introduce
In place of things of antique use,
To free your heels by any course
That might b' unwholesome to your spurs :
Which, if I should consent unto, 795
152 HUDIBRAS.
It is not in my pow'r to do ;
For 'tis a service must be done yc
With solemn previous ceremony,
Which always has been us'd t' untie
The charms of those who here do lie. goo
For as the Ancients heretofore
To Honour's temple had no door
But that which thorough Virtue's lay,
So from this dungeon there 's no way
To honour'd freedom, but by passing 3"j
That other virtuous school of lashing ;
Where knights are kept in narrow lists
With wooden lockets 'bout their wrists,
In which they for a while are tenants,
And for their ladies suffer penance. 8io
Whipping, that 's Virtue's governess,
Tut'ress of arts and sciences,
That mends the gross mistakes of Nature,
And puts new life into dull matter,
That lays foundation for renown sio
And all the honours of the gown.
This suffer'd, they are set at large,
And freed with hon'rable discharge :
Then, in their robes, the penitentials
Are straight presented with credentials, 820
And in their way attended on
By magistrates of ev'ry town ;
And, all respect and charges paid,
They're to their ancient seats convey'd.
Now, if you'll venture, for my sake, 825
To try the toughness of your back,
And suffer (as the rest have done)
The laying of a whipping on,
PART II. CANTO 1. 153
(And may you prosper in your suit,
As you with equal vigour do 't), eao
I here engage myself to loose ye,
And free your heels from caperdewsie.
But since our sex's modesty
Will not allow I should be by,
Bring me on oath a fair account, 835
And honour too, when you have don 't ;
And I'll admit you to the place
You claim as due in my good grace.
If matrimony and hanging go
By dest'ny, why not whipping too ? sio
What med'cine else can curfe the fits
Of lovers when they lose their wits ?
Love is a boyl>y poets styl'd,
Then spare the rod, and spoil the child.
A Persian emp'ror whipp'd his grannam, s-is
The sea, his mother Venus came on ;
And henco some rev'rend men approve
Of rosemary in making love.
As skilful coopers hoop their tubs
With Lydian and with Phrygian dubs, 850
Why may not whipping have as good
A grace, perform'd in time and mood,
With comely movement, and by art
Raise passion in a lady's heart ?
It is an easier way to make 3.53
Love by, than that which many take.
Who would not rather suffer whipping,
Than swallow toasts of bits of ribbon ?
Make wicked verses, treats, and faces
831 VAR. ' I here engage to be your bayl,
And free you from th' unknightly jayl.'
154 HUDIBRAS.
And spell names over with beer-glasses ? seo
Be under vows to hang and die
Love's sacrifice, and all a lie ?
With China-oranges and tarts,
And whining plays, lay baits for hearts ?
Bribe chambermaids with love and money sas
To break no roguish jests upon ye ?
For lilies limn'd on cheeks, and roses,
With painted perfumes, hazard noses ?
Or, vent'ring to be brisk and wanton,
Do penance in a paper lantern ? 370
All this you may compound for now,
By suff 'ring what I offer you ;
Which is no more than has been done
By knights for ladies long agone.
Did not the great La Mancha do so sio
For the Infanta Del Toboso ?
Did not th' illustrious Bassa make
Himself a slave for Misse's sake,
And with bull's pizzle, for her love,
Was taw'd as gentle as a glove ? sso
Was not young Florio sent (to cool
His flame for Biancafiore) to school,
Where pedant made his pathic bum
For her sake suffer martyrdom ?
Did not a certain lady whip, 885
Of late, her husband's own lordship ?
And, though a grandee of the House,
Claw'd him with fundamental blows ;
Ty'd him stark-naked to a bedpost,
And firk'd his hide as if sh' had rid post ; 890
And after in the Sessions court,
Where whipping's judg'd, had honour for 't ?
PART II. CANTO I. 155
This swear you will perform, and then
I'll set you from th' enchanted den,
And the Magician's circle, clear. 895
Quoth he, I do profess and swear,
And will perform what you enjoin,
Or may I never see you mine.
Amen, (quoth she), then turn'd about,
And bid her Squire let him out. 900
But ere an artist could be found
T' undo the charms another bound,
The sun grew low and left the skies,
Put down (some write) by ladies' eyes.
The moon pull'd off her veil of light, 905
That hides her face by day from sight
(Mysterious veil, of brightness made,
That's both her lustre and her shade),
And in the lantern of the night
With shining horns hung out her light ; 910
For darkness is the proper sphere
Where all false glories use t' appear.
The twinkling stars began to muster,
And glitter with their borrow'd lustre,
While sleep the weary'd world reliev'd, 915
By counterfeiting death reviv'd.
His whipping penance, till the morn
Our vot'ry thought it best t' adjourn,
And not to carry on a work
Of such importance in the dark, 920
With erring haste, but rather stay,
And do 't in th' open face of day ;
And in the mean-time go in quest
Of next retreat to take his rest.
894 VAR. ( I'll free vou.'
156 HUDIBRAS.
PART II. CANTO II.
THE ARGUMENT.
The Knight and Squire in hot dispute,
Within an ace of falling out,
Are parted with a sudden fright
Of strange alarm, and stranger sight ;
With which adventuring to stickle,
They're sent away in nasty pickle.
TIS strange how some men's tempers sail
(Like bawd and brandy) with dispuk- ;
That for their own opinions stand fast,
Only to have them claw'd and canvast ;
That keep their consciences in cases,
As fiddlers do their crowds and bases,
Ne'er to be us'd but -when they're bent
To play a fit for argument ;
Make true and false, unjust and just,
Of no use but to be discust ;
Dispute, and set a paradox
Like a straight boot upon the stocks,
And stretch it more unmercifully
Than Helmont, Montaigne, White, or Tally.
So th' ancient Stoics, in their porch,
With fierce dispute maintain'd their church ,
Beat out their brains in fight and study
To prove that virtue is a body,
That bonum is an animal
2 VAR. ' Brandee.'
14 VAR. ' Montaign and Lully.'
PART II. CANTO II. 157
Made good with stout polemic brawl ; 20
In which some hundreds on the place
Were slain outright, and many a face
Retrenched of nose, and eyes, and beard,
To maintain what their sect averr'd.
All which the Knight and Squire, in wrath, 25
Had like t' have suffer'd for their faith ;
Each striving to make good his own,
As by the sequel shall be shown.
The sun had long since in the lap
Of Thetis taken out his nap, so
And, like a lobster boil'd, the morn
From black to red began to turn ;
When Hudibras, whom thoughts and aching
'Twixt sleeping kept all night, 'and waking,
Began to rub his drowsy eyes, 35
And from his couch prepar'd to rise,
Resolving to despatch the deed
He vow'd to do, with trusty speed.
But first with knocking loud, and bawling,
He rous'd the Squire, in truckle lolling ; 40
And after many circumstances,
Whjch vulgar authors in romances
Do use to spend their time and wits on,
To make impertinent description,
They got (with much ado) to horse, 45
And to the Castle bent their course,
In which he to the Dame before
To suffer whipping-duty swore.
Where now arriv'd, and half unharnest,
To carry on the work in earnest, so
He stopp'd, and paus'd upon the sudden,
48 VAR. ' Whipping duly swore.'
158 HUDIBJRAS.
And with a serious forehead plodding,
Sprung a new scruple in his head,
Which first he scratch'd and after said :
Whether it be direct infringing 55
An oath, if I should wave this swinging,
And what I've sworn to bear, forbear,
And so b' equivocation swear ;
Or whether 't be a lesser sin
To be forsworn than act the thing, eo
Are deep and subtle points, which must,
T' inform my conscience, be discust ;
In which to err a tittle may
To errors infinite make way :
And therefore I desire to know 65
Thy judgment ere we further go.
Quoth Ralpho, Since you do enjoin it,
I shall enlarge upon the point ;
And, for my own part, do not doubt
Th' affirmative may be made out. 70
But first, to state the case aright,
For best advantage of our light :
And thus 'tis : Whether 't be a sin
55 ** This dialogue between Hudibras and Ralph sets before
us the hypocrisy and villany of all parties of the Rebels with
regard to oaths ; what equivocations and evasions they made
use of to account for the many perjuries they were daily
guilty of, and the several oaths they readily took, and as
readily broke, merely as they found it suited their interest,
as appears from v. 107, &c. and v. 377, &c. of this Canto,
and Part in. Canto HI. V. 547, &c. Archbishop Bramhall
says, " That the hypocrites of those times, though they mag
nified the obligation of an oath, yet in their own case dis
pensed with all oaths, civil, military, and religious. We are
now told," says he, " that the oaths we have taken are not to
be examined according to the interpretation of men : No !
How then ? — Surely according to the interpretation of devils."
PART II. CANTO II. 159
To claw and curry your own skin,
Greater or less than to forbear, 75
And that you are forsworn forswear.
But first o' th' first : The inward man,
And outward, like a clan and clan,
Have always been at daggers-drawing,
And one another clapper- clawing : so
Not that they really cuff or fence,
But in a spiritual mystic sense ;
Which to mistake, and make 'em squabble
In literal fray, 's abominable.
'Tis Heathenish, in frequent use so
With Pagans and apostate Jews,
To offer sacrifice of Bridewells,
Like modern Indians to their .idols ;
And mongrel-Christians of our times,
That expiate less with greater crimes, 90
And call the foul abomination
Contrition and mortification.
Is't not enough we're bruis'd and kicked
With sinful members of the Wicked ;
Our vessels, that are sanctify'd, 95
Profan'd and curry^d back and side ;
But we must claw ourselves with shameful
And Heathen stripes, by their example ?
Which (were there nothing to forbid it)
Is impious, because they did it. 100
This, therefore, may be justly reckon'd
A heinous sin. Now to the second :
That saints may claim a dispensation
To swear and forswear on occasion,
I doubt not but it will appear 105
With pregnant light ; the point is clear.
160 HUD1BRAS.
Oaths are but words, and words but wind ;
Too feeble implements to bind ;
And hold with deeds proportion, so
As shadows to a substance do. no
Then when they strive for place, 'tis fit
The weaker vessel should submit.
Although your Church be opposite
To ours as Blackfriars are to White,
In rule and order, yet I grant us
You are a Reformado saint ;
And what the saints do claim as due,
You may pretend a title to.
But saints, whom oaths and vows oblige,
Know little of their privilege ; 120
Further (I mean) than carrying on
Some self-advantage of their own.
For if the devil, to serve his turn,
Can tell truth, why the saints should scorn,
When it serves theirs, to swear and lie, J2o
I think there's little reason why :
Else h' has a greater power than they
Which 'twere impiety to say.
We're not commanded to forbear,
Indefinitely, at all to swear ; i.-jo
But to swear idly, and in vain,
Without self-interest or gain.
For breaking of an oath, and lying,
Is but a kind of self-denying,
A saint-like virtue ; and from hence 135
Some have broke oaths by Providence :
ise \vhen it was first moved in the House of Commons to
proceed capitally against the King, Cromwell stood up and
told them, " That if any man moved this with design, he
PART II. CANTO II. 161
Some, to the Glory of the Lord,
Perjur'd themselves, and broke their word ;
And this the constant rule and practice
Of all our late apostles' acts is. 140
Was not the Cause at first begun
With perjury, and carried on ?
Was there an oath the Godly took,
But in due time and place they broke ?
Did we not bring our oaths in first, 145
Before our plate, to have them burst,
And cast in fitter models for
The present use of Church and War ?
Did not our Worthies of the House,
Before they broke the peace, break vows ? lio
For, having freed us first froni both
Th' Allegiance' and Suprem'cy oath,
Did they not next compel the nation
To take, and break the Protestation ?
To swear, and after to recant, IDS
The Solemn League and Covenant?
To take th' Engagement, and disclaim it ;
Enforc'd by those who first did frame it ?
Did-they not swear, at first, to fight
For the King's safety, and his right ; leo
And after march'd to find him out,
And charg'd him home with horse and foot ;
should think him the greatest traitor in the world ; but since
Providence and necessity had cast them upon it, he should
pray to God to bless their counsels." And when he kept
the king close prisoner in Carisbrook Castle, contrary to vows
and protestations, he affirmed " The Spirit would not let him
keep his word." And when, contrary to the public faith,
they murdered him, they pretended they could not resist the
motions of the Spirit.
VOL. I. M
162 HUTHBRAS.
But yet still had the confidence
To swear it was in his defence ? .
Did they not swear to live and die 165
With Essex, and straight laid him by ?
If that were all, for some have swore
As false as they, if they did no more.
Did they not swear to maintain Law,
In which that swearing made a flaw ? 170
For Protestant religion vow,
That did that vowing disallow ?
For Privilege of Parliament,
In which that swearing made a rent ?
And since, of all the three, not one 175
Is left in being, 'tis well known.
Did they not swear, in express words,
To prop and back the House of Lords :
And after turn'd out the whole houseful
Of Peers, as dang'rous and unuseful ? iso
So Cromwell, with deep oaths and vows,
Swore all the Commons out o' th' House ;
Vow'd that the Redcoats would disband,
Ay, marry would they, at their command ;
And troll'd them on, and swore, and swore, 185
Till th' Army turn'd them out of door.
This tells us plainly what they thought,
That oaths and swearing go for nought,
And that by them th' were only meant
To serve for an expedient. 190
What was the Public Faith found out for,
But to slur men of what they fought for ?
The Public Faith, which ev'ry one
Is bound t' observe, yet kept by none ;
And if that go for nothing, why 195
PART II. CANTO II. 163
Should Private Faith have such a tie ?
Oaths were not purpos'd, more than law,
To keep the Good and Just in awe,
But to confine the Bad and Sinful,
Like mortal cattle in a pinfold. 200
A Saint 's of th' heav'nly realm a Peer j
And as no Peer is bound to swear,
But on the Gospel of his Honour,
Of which he may dispose, as owner,
It follows, though the thing be forg'ry 205
And false, t' affirm it is no perj'ry,
But a mere ceremony, and a breach
Of nothing but a form of speech,
And goes for no more when 'tis took
Than mere saluting of the Book. 210
Suppose the Scriptures are of force,
They're but commissions of course ;
And Saints have freedom to digress,
And vary from 'em, as they please ;
Or misinterpret them by private 215
Instructions, to all aims they drive at.
Then why should we ourselves abridge,
And curtail our own privilege ?
Quakers (that, like to lanterns, bear
Their light within 'em,) will not swear ; 220
Their Gospel is an Accidence,
By which they construe Conscience,
And hold no sin so deeply red,
As that of breaking Priscian's head
(The head and founder of their order, 225
That stirring hats held worse than murder).
These, thinking they're obliged to troth
In swearing, will not take an oath :
164 HUD1BRAS.
Like mules, who if they've not their will
To keep their own pace stand stock-still : 230
But they are weak, and little know
What free-born Consciences may do.
'Tis the temptation of the devil
That makes all human actions evil :
For Saints may do the same things by 225
The Spirit, in sincerity,
Which other men are tempted to,
And at the devil's instance do ;
And yet the actions be contrary,
Just as the Saints and Wicked vary. 210
For, as on land there is no beast
But in some fish at sea 's exprest,
So in the Wicked there 's no vice
Of which the Saints have not a spico ;
And yet that thing that's pious in 2-15
The one, in th' other is a sin.
Is 't not ridiculous and nonsense
A saint should be a slave to Conscience ;
That ought to be above such fancies,
As far as above Ordinances? :.v.o
She's of the Wicked, as I guess
B' her looks, her language, and her dress :
And though like constables we search
For false wares one another's Church ;
Yet all of us hold this for true, i>55
No faith is to the Wicked due.
For truth is precious and divine ;
Too rich a pearl for carnal swine.
Quoth Hudibras, All this is true :
"Vet 'tis not fit that all men knew 200
Those mysteries and revelations ;
And therefore topical evasions
PART II. CANTO II. 165
Of subtle turns and shifts of sense,
Serve best with th' Wicked for pretence :
Such as the learned Jesuits use, 265
And Presbyterians, for excuse
Against the Protestants, when th' happen
To find their Churches taken napping.
As thus : A breach of Oath is duple,
And either way admits a scruple, 2:0
And may be ex parte of the maker
More criminal, than the injured taker ;
For he that strains too far a vow
Will break it, like an o'erbent bow :
And he that made, and forc'd it, broke it ; 275
Not he that for Convenience took it.
A broken oath is, quatenus oath,
As sound t' all purposes of'troth ;
As broken laws are ne'er the worse :
Nay, till they're broken have no force. sso
What's justice to a man, or laws,
That never comes within their claws ?
They have no pow'r but to admonish ;
Cannot control, coerce, or punish,
Until they're broken, and then touch 255
Those only that do make 'em such.
Beside, no engagement is alloVd
By men in prison made for good ;
For when they're set at liberty
They're from th' engagement too set free. 2?o
The Rabbins write, When any Jew
Did make to God or man a vow
Which afterwards he found untoward
And stubborn to be kept, or too hard,
Any three other Jews o' th' nation 295
166 HUDIBBAS.
Might free him from the obligation :
And have not two Saints powV to use
A greater privilege than three Jews ?
The court of Conscience, which in man
Should be supreme and sovereign, 300
Is 't fit should be subordinate
To ev'ry petty court i' th' state,
And have less power than the lesser,
To deal with perjury at pleasure ?
Have its proceedings disallow'd, or 305
Allow'd, at fancy of pie-powder ?
Tell all it does, or does not know,
For swearing ex officio ?
Be forc'd t' impeach a broken hedge,
And pigs unring'd, at vis. franc, pledge ? 3io
Discover thieves, and bawds, recusants,
Priests, witches, eaves-droppers, and nuisance ?
Tell who did play at games unlawful,
And who fill'd pots of ale but half-full ?
And have no poVr at all, nor shift, 315
To help itself at a dead lift?
Why should not Conscience have vacation
As well as other Courts o' th' nation ;
Have equal power to adjourn,
Appoint appearance and return ; 320
And make as nice distinctions serve
To split a case, as those that carve,
Invoking cuckolds' names, hit joints ?
Why should not tricks as slight, do points ?
Is not th' High-court of Justice sworn 325
To judge that law that serves their turn ?
Make their own jealousies high treason,
And fix 'em whomsoe'er they please on ?
PART II. CANTO II. 167
Cannot the learned Counsel there
Make laws in any shape appear ? 330
Mould 'em as witches do their clay,
When they make pictures to destroy ;
And vex 'em into any form
That fits their purpose to do harm ?
Rack 'em until they do confess, 335
Impeach of treason whom they please,
And most perfidiously condemn
Those that engag'd their lives for them ;
And yet do nothing in their own sense,
But what they ought by Oath and Conscience? 340
Can they not juggle, and with slight
Conveyance play with wrong and right ;
And sell their blasts of wind as dear,
As Lapland witches bottled air ?
Will not Fear, Favour, Bribe, and Grudge, 345
The same case sev'ral ways adjudge ;
As seamen with the self-same gale,
Will several diif'rent courses sail ?
As when the sea breaks o'er its bounds,
And overflows the level grounds, 350
Those banks and dams, that, like a screen,
Did keep it out, now keep it in ;
So, when tyrannical usurpation
Invades the freedom of a nation,
The laws o' th' land, that were intended 355
To keep it out, are made defend it.
Does not in Chanc'ry ev'ry man swear
What makes best for him in his answer ?
Is not the winding up witnesses,
And nicking, more than half the bus'ness ? sea
345 VAR. 'Grutch.' Ka VAB. 'tyrannic.'
168 HUDIBKAS.
For witnesses, like watches, go
Just as they're set, too fast or slow ;
And, where in Conscience they're strait-lac'd,
'Tis ten to one that side is cast.
Do not your Juries give their verdict ser.
As if they felt the cause, not heard it ?
And, as they please, make matter o' fact
Run all on one side as they're pack't ?
Nature has made man's breast no windores,
To publish what he does within doors ; STO
Nor what dark secrets there inhabit,
Unless his own rash folly blab it.
If Oaths can do a man no good
In his own bus'ness, why they should,
In other matters, do him hurt ; 270
I think there 's little reason for 't.
He that imposes an Oath, makes it ;
Not he that for Convenience takes it :
Then how can any man be said
To break an Oath he never made ? iso
These reasons may perhaps look oddly
To th' Wicked, though they evince the Godly ;
But if they will not serve to clear
My Honour, I am ne'er the near.
Honour is like that glassy bubble zs:>
That finds philosophers such trouble,
Whose least part crackt, the whole does fly,
And wits are crackt to find out why.
Quoth Ralpho, Honour's but a word
To swear by only in a Lord : coo
In other men 'tis but a huff
To vapour with, instead of proof ;
That, like a wen, looks big and swells,
PART II. CANTO II. 169
Is senseless, and just nothing else.
Let it (quoth he) be what it will, 395
It has the world's opinion still.
But as men are not wise that run
The slightest hazard they may shun,
There may a medium be found out
To clear to all the world the doubt ; 400
And that is, if a man may do 't,
By proxy whipt, or substitute.
Though nice and dark the point appear
(Quoth Ralph), it may hold up and clear.
That sinners may supply the place 405
Of suff' ring Saints, is a plain case.
Justice gives sentence many times
On one man for another's crimes.
Our Brethren of New England use
Choice Malefactors to excuse, 4io
And hand the Guiltless in their stead,
Of whom the Churches have less need ;
As lately 't happen'd : In a town
There liv'd a Cobbler, and but one,
That out of Doctrine could cut Use, 415
And mend men's lives as well as shoes.
This precious Brother having slain
In" times of peace an Indian,
Not out of malice, but mere zeal
(Because he was an Infidel), 420
The mighty Tottipottymoy
Sent to our Elders an Envoy,
Complaining sorely of the breach
Of league, held forth by Brother Patch,
Against the articles in force 4-J
Between both Churches, his and ours ;
170 HUD1BRAS.
For which he crav'd the Saints to render
Into his hands, or hang, th' offender.
But they, maturely having weigh'd
They had no more but him o' th' trade 430
(A man that serv'd them in a double
Capacity, to teach and cobble),
Resolv'd to spare him ; yet, to do
The Indian Hoghan Moghan too
Impartial justice, in his stead did 435
Hang an old Weaver that was bed-rid.
Then wherefore may not you be skipp'd ?
And in your room another whipp'd ?
For all philosophers, but the Sceptic,
Hold whipping may be sympathetic. 440
It is enough, quoth Hudibras,
Thou hast resolv'd and clear'd the case ;
And canst, in conscience, not refuse
From thy own Doctrine to raise Use :
I know thou wilt not (for my sake) 445
Be tender-conscienc'd of thy back :
Then strip thee of thy carnal jerkin,
And give thy outward-fellow a firking ;
For when thy vessel is new hoop'd,
All leaks of sinning will be stopp'd. 450
Quoth Ralpho, You mistake the matter ;
For in all scruples of this nature
No man includes himself, nor turns
The point upon his own concerns.
As no man of his own self catches 455
The itch or amorous French aches ;
So no man does himself convince,
By his own doctrine, of his sins :
And though all cry down self, none means
PART II. CANTO H. 171
His own self in a literal sense. 460
Besides, it is not only foppish,
But vile, idolatrous, and Popish,
For one man out of his own skin
To firk and whip another's sin ;
As pedants out of schoolboys' breeches 465
Do claw and curry their own itches.
But in this case it is profane,
And sinful too, because in vain ;
For we must take our oaths upon it
You did the deed, when I have done it. 470
Quoth Hudibras, That's answer'd soon ;
Give us the whip, we'll lay it on.
Quoth Ralpho, That we may swear true,
'Twere properer that I whipp'd you;
For when with your consent 'tis done, 475
The act is really your own.
Quoth Hudibras, It is in vain
(I see) to argue 'gainst the grain ;
Or, like the stars, incline men to
What they 're averse themselves to do : 480
For when disputes are weary'd out,
'Tis int'rest still resolves the doubt.
But since no reason can confute ye,
I'll try to force you to your duty ;
For so it is, howe'er you mince it, 435
As, ere we part, I shall evince it ;
And curry (if you stand out), whether
You will or no, your stubborn leather.
Canst thou refuse to bear thy part
I' th' public Work, base as thou art ? 490
To higgle thus for a few blows,
To gain thy Knight an op'lent spouse,
172 HUDIBRAS.
Whose wealth his bowels yearn to purchase
Merely for th' int'rest of the Churches ?
And when he has it in his claws 495
Will not be hide-bound to the Cause ;
Nor shalt thou find him a curmudgeon
If thou despatch it without grudging :
If not, resolve, before we go,
That you and I must pull a crow. soo
Y' had best (quoth Ralpho), as the Ancients
Say wisely, Have a care o' th main chance,
And Look before you ere you leap ;
For As you sow, y'are like to reap :
And were y' as good as George-a-Green, 505
I should make bold to turn agen ;
Nor am I doubtful of the issue
In a just quarrel, and mine is so.
Is 't fitting for a man of honour
To whip the Saints, like Bishop Bonner? r,io
A Knight t' usurp the Beadle's office,
For which y' are like to raise brave trophies ?
But I advise you (not for fear,
But for your own sake) to forbear ;
And for the Churches, which may chance cis
From hence to spring a variance,
And raise among themselves new scruples,
Whom common danger hardly cotiples.
Remember how in arms and politics
We still have worsted all your holy tricks ; £20
Trepann'd your party with intrigue,
And took your Grandees down a peg ;
New-modell'd th' army, and cashier'd
All that to Legion Smec adher'd ;
Made a mere utensil o' your Church, 525
PART II. CANTO II. 173
And after left it in the lurch,
A scaffold to build up our own,
And when w' had done with 't pull'd it down ;
Capoch'd your Rabbins of the Synod,
And snapp'd their Canons with a Why-not ; 530
(Grave Synod-men, that were rever'd
For solid face and depth of beard) ;
Their Classic model prov'd a maggot,
Their Direct'ry an Indian pagod ;
And drown'd their Discipline like a kitten, 535
On which th' had been so long a-sitting ;
Decry'd it as a holy cheat
Grown out of date and obsolete,-
And all the Saints of the first grass
As castling foals of Balaam's ass. 540
At this the Knight grew high in chafe,
And, staring' furiously on Ralph,
He trembled and look'd pale with ire,
Like ashes first, then red as fire.
Have I (quoth he) been ta'en in fight, 543
And for so many moons lain by 't,
And when all other means did fail
Have been exchang'd for tubs of ale ?
(Not but they thought me worth a ransom
Much more consid'rable and handsome, 550
But for their own sakes, and for fear
They were not safe when I was there),
Now to be baffled by a scoundrel,
An upstart Sect'ry and a Mongrel,
Such as breed out of peccant humours 555
Of our own Church, like wens or tumours,
29 VAR. • O'er-reach'd.' ' Capoch'd' signifies hooded, or
blindfolded.
174 HUDIBRAS.
And, like a maggot in a sore,
Would that which gave it life devour ;
It never shall be done or said.
With that he seiz'd upon his blade ; 560
And Ralpho too, as quick and bold,
Upon his basket-hilt laid hold
With equal readiness, prepar'd
To draw and stand upon his guard :
When both were parted on the sudden sea
With hideous clamour and a loud one,
As if all sorts of noise had been
Contracted into one loud din ;
Or that some member to be chosen
Had got the odds above a thousand, 570
And by the greatness of his noise
Prov'd fittest for his country's choice.
This strange surprisal put the Knight
And wrathful Squire into a fright ;
And though they stood prepar'd, with fatal 575
Impetuous rancour, to join battle,
Both thought it was the wisest course
To wave the fight and mount to horse,
And to secure by swift retreating
Themselves from danger of worse beating : sso
Yet neither of them would disparage,
By utt'ring of his mind, his courage,
Which made them stoutly keep their ground,
With horror and disdain wind-bound.
And now the cause of all their fear 535
By slow degrees approach'd so near
They might distinguish diff'rent noise
Of horns, and pans, and dogs, and boys,
387 VAR. ' They might discern respective noise.'
PART II. CANTO II. 175
And kettle-drums, whose sullen dub
Sounds like the hooping of a tub. 590
But when the sight appear'd in view,
They found it was an antique shew ;
A triumph that for pomp and state
Did proudest Romans emulate.
For as the Aldermen of Rome, 595
Their foes at training overcome
(And not enlarging territory,
As some mistaken write in story),
Being mounted in their best array
Upon a car — and who but they? — eoo
And follow'd with a world of tall lads
That merry dities troll'd and ballads,
Did ride with many a Good-morrow,
Crying, Hey for our town ! through the Borough ;
So when this triumph drew so nigh eos
They might particulars descry,
They never saw two things so pat
In all respects as this and that.
First, he that led the cavalcate
Wore a sow-gelder's flagellate, eio
On which he blew as strong a levet
As-well-feed lawyer on his brev'ate
When over one another's heads
They charge (three ranks at once) like Sweads.
Next pans and kettles of all keys, eio
From trebles down to double base ;
And after them, upon a nag
That might pass for a forehand stag,
596 VAR. ' For foes.'
cos eio VAK. ' cavalcade,' ' flagellet.'
614 VAS. ' Swedes.'
176 HUDIBRAS.
A cornet rode, and on his staff
A smock display'd did proudly wave : 620
Then bagpipes of the loudest drones
With snuffling broken-winded tones,
Whose blasts of air, in pockets shut,
Sound filthier than from the gut,
And make a viler noise than swine 625
In windy weather when they whine.
Next one upon a pair of panniers,
Full fraught with that which for good manners
Shall here be nameless, mix'd with grains,
Which he dispens'd among the swains, e;;o
And busily upon the crowd
At random round about bestow'd.
Then, mounted on a horned horse,
One bore a gauntlet and gilt spurs,
Ty'd to the pummel of a long sword 635
He held revers'd, the point turn'd downward.
Next after, on a raw-bon'd steed,
The conqu'ror's Standard-bearer rid,
And bore aloft before the champion
A petticoat display'd, and rampant ; 640
Near whom the Amazon triumphant
Bestrid her beast, and on the rump on t
Sat, face to tail and bum to bum,
The warrior whilom overcome,
Arm'd with a spindle and a distaff, 645
Which as he rode she made him twist off;
And when he loitcr'd, o'er her shoulder
Chastis'd the reformado soldier.
Before the Dame and round about
March'd whifflers and staffers on foot, eso
With lacquics, grooms, valets, and pages,
PART II. CANTO II. 177
In fit and proper equipages ;
Of whom some torches bore, some links,
Before the proud virago-minx,
That was both Madam and a Don, csa
Like Nero's Sporus or Pope Joan ;
And at fit periods the whole rout
Set up their throats with clam'rous shout.
The Knight transported, and the Squire,
Put up their weapons and their ire ; eoo
And Hudibras, who us'd to ponder
On such sights with judicious wonder,
Could hold no longer to impart
His an'madversions, for his heart.
Quoth he, In all my life till now 665
I ne'er saw so profane a show :
It is a Paganish invention
Which Heathen writers often mention ;
And he who made it had read Goodwin,
Or Ross, or Caelius Rhodogine, 070
With all the Grecian Speeds and Stows
That best describe those ancient shows,
And has observ'd all fit decorums
We find describ'd by old historians.
For as a Roman conqueror 675
That put an end to foreign war,
Ent'ring the town in triumph for it,
Bore a slave with him in his chariot ;
So this insulting female brave
Carries behind her here a slave : 630
And as the Ancients long ago,
When they in field defy'd the foe,
Hung out their mantles della guerre,
So her proud Standard-bearer hero
VOL. I. N
178 HUD1BRAS.
Waves on his spear, in dreadful manner, 685
A Tyrian petticoat for banner.
Next links and torches, heretofore
Still borne before the emperor :
And, as in antique triumph eggs
Were borne for mystical intrigues, 690
There 's one with truncheon, like a ladle,
That carries eggs too, fresh or addle ;
And still at random as he goes
Among the rabble-rout bestows.
Quoth Ralpho, You mistake the matter ; GK,
For all th' antiquity you smatter
Is but a riding us'd of course
When the grey mare 's the better horse ;
When o'er the breeches greedy women
Fight to extend their vast dominion, 700
And in the cause impatient Grizel
Has drubb'd her husband with bull's pizzle,
And brought him under Covert-baron,
To turn her vassal with a murrain ;
When wives their sexes shift, like hares, 703
And ride their husbands, like night-mares,
And they in mortal battle vanquish'd
Are of their charter disenfranchis'd,
And by the right of war, like gills,
Condemn'd to distaff, horns, and wheels : 710
For when men by their wives are cow'd,
Their horns of course are understood.
Quoth Hudibras, Thou still giv'st sentence
Impertinently, and against sense :
'Tis not the least disparagement 7i'>
To be defeated by th' event,
Nor to be beaten by main force ;
PART II. CANTO II. 170
That does not make a man the worse,
Although his shoulders with battoon
Be claw'd and cudgel'd to some tune. 720
A tailor's prentice has no hard
Measure, that 's bang'd with a true yard ;
But to turn tail or run away,
And without blows give up the day,
Or to surrender ere th' assault, 725
That 's no man's fortune, but his fault ;
And renders men of honour less
Than all th' adversity of success :
And only unto such this shew
Of horns and petticoats is due. 730
There is a lesser profanation,
Like that the Romans call'd Ovation :
For as ovation was allow'd
For conquest purchas'd without blood.
So men decree those lesser shows 735
For vict'ry gotten without blows,
By dint of sharp hard words, which some
Give battle with and overcome :
These mounted in a chair-curule,
Which Moderns call a Cucking-stool, 710
March proudly to the river's side,
And" o'er the waves in triumph ride ;
Like dukes of Venice, who are said
The Adriatic sea to wed,
And have a gentler wife than those 7 15
For whom the state decrees those shows.
But both are Heathenish, and come
From th' Whores of Babylon and Rome,
And by the Saints should be withstood,
As antichristian and lewd ; 750
180 HUDIBRAS.
And we as such should now contribute
Our utmost strugglings to prohibit.
This said, they both advanc'd, and rode
A dog-trot through the bawling crowd
T' attack the leader, and still prest Ki>
Till they approach'd him breast to breast.
Then Hudibras with face and hand
Made signs for silence ; which obtain'd,
What means (quoth he) this devil's procession
With men of orthodox profession ? 760
'Tis ethnique and idolatrous,
From Heathenism deriv'd to us.
Does not the Whore of Bab 'Ion ride
Upon her horned Beast astride
Like this proud Dame, who either is 7e.o
A type of her, or she of this ?
Are things of superstitious function
Fit to be us'd in Gospel sunshine ?
It is an antichristian opera,
Much us'd in midnight times of Popery ; 770
Of running after self-inventions
Of wicked and profane intentions ;
To scandalize that sex for scolding,
To whom the Saints are so beholden.
Women, who were our first apostles, 775
Without whose aid w' had all been lost else ;
775 The women were zealous contributors to the Good
Cause, as they called it. Mr. James Howel observes, " That
unusual voluntary collections were made both in town and
country ; the seamstress brought in her silver thimble, the
chambermaid her bodkin, the cook her silver spoon, into the
common treasury of war. — And some sort of females were
freer in their contributions, so far as to part with their rings
and earrings, as if some golden calf were to be molten and
set up to be idolized."
PART II. CANTO II. 181
Women, that left no stone unturn'd
In which the Cause might be concern'd ;
Brought in their children's spoons and whistles
To purchase swords, carbines, and pistols ; 730
Their husbands, cullies, and sweethearts,
To take the Saints' and Churches' parts ;
Drew several Gifted Brethren in,
That for the Bishops would have been,
And fix'd 'em constant to the party 7so
With motives powerful and hearty ;
Their husbands robb'd, and made hard shifts
T' administer unto their Gifts
All they could rap, and rend, and pilfer,
To scraps and ends of gold and silver ; 790
Rubb'd down the Teachers, tir'd and spent
With holding forth for Parl'ament ;
Pamper'd and,edify'd their zeal
With marrow puddings many a meal ;
Enabled them, with store of meat, 7'f5
On controverted points to eat ;
And cramm'd 'em till their guts did ache
With caudle, custard, and plum-cake.
What have they done or what left undone
That might advance the Cause at London ? soo
March'd rank and file with drum and ensign,
T' intrench the City for defence in ;
Rais'd rampiers with their own soft hands,
To put the Enemy to stands :
From ladies down to oyster wenches sos
Labour'd like pioneers in trenches,
Fall'n to their pickaxes and tools,
And help'd the men to dig like moles.
907 VAR. 'Fell.'
182 HTJDIBRAS.
Have not the handmaids of the City
Chose of their Members a Committee, sio
For raising of a common purse,
Out of their wages, to raise horse ?
And do they not as triers sit,
To judge what officers are fit ?
Have they — At that an egg let fly sis
Hit him directly o'er the eye,
And, running down his cheek, besmear'd
With orange-tawny slime his beard ;
But beard and slime being of one hue,
The wound the less appear'd in view. 820
Then he that on the panniers rode
Let fly on th' other side a load,
And, quickly charg'd again, gave fully
In Ralpho's face another volley.
The Knight was startled with the smell, $25
And for his sword began to feel ;
And Ralpho, smother'd with the stink,
Grasp 'd his, when one that bore a link
0' th' sudden clapp'd his flaming cudgel,
Like linstock, to the horse's touch-hole; s?,o
And straight another with his flambeau
Gave Ralpho o'er the eyes a damn'd blow.
The beasts began to kick and fling,
And forc'd the rout to make a ring ;
sis ait "The House considered, in the next place, that
divers weak persons have crept into places beyond their
abilities ; and, to the end that men of greater parts may be
put into their rooms, they appointed the Lady Middlesex,
Mrs. Dunch, the Lady Foster, and the Lady Anne Waller,
by reason of their great experience in soldiery in the king
dom, to be a Committee of Triers for the business." See
" The Parliament of Ladies," p. 6.
PART II. CANTO II. 183
Through which they quickly broke their way, 835
And brought them off from further fray.
And though disorder'd in retreat,
Each of them stoutly kept his seat :
For quitting both their swords and reins,
They grasp'd with all their strength the manes,
And, to avoid the foe's pursuit, 811
With spurring put their cattle to 't ;
And till all four were out of wind,
And danger too, ne'er look'd behind.
After th' had paus'd a while, supplying 845
Their spirits spent with fight and flying,
And Hudibras recruited force
Of lungs for action or discourse :
Quoth he, That man is sure to lose
That fouls his hands with dirty foes : 8.30
For where no-honour 's to be gain'd,
'Tis thrown away in being maintain'd.
'Twas ill for us we had to do
With so dishon'rable a foe :
For though the law of arms doth bar 855
The use of venom'd shot in war,
Yet by the nauseous smell and noisome,
Their case-shot savour strong of poison,
And doubtless have been chew'd with teeth
Of some that had a stinking breath ; 860
Else when we put it to the push,
They had not giv'n us such a brush.
But as those pultroons that fling dirt
Do but defile but cannot hurt ;
So all the honour they have won, 865
Or we have lost, is much at one.
'Twas well we made so resolute
839 VAR. 'Rains.'
184 HUDIBRAS.
A brave retreat without pursuit,
For if we had not, we had sped
Much worse, to be in triumph led ; 8<o
Than which the ancients held no state
Of man's life more unfortunate.
But if this bold adventure e'er
Do chance to reach the widow's ear,
It may, being destin'd to assert 875
Her sex's honour, reach her heart :
And as such homely treats (they say)
Portend good fortune, so this may.
Vespasian being daub'd with dirt
Was destined to the empire for 't ; sso
And from a scavenger did come
To be a mighty prince in Rome :
And why may not this foul address
Presage in love the same success ?
Then let us straight, to cleanse our wounds, 883
Advance in quest of nearest ponds ;
And after (as we first design'd)
Swear I've perform'd what she enjoin'd.
868 VAR. ' T' avoid pursuit.'
PART II. CANTO III. 185
PART II. CANTO III.
THE ARGUMENT.
The Knight, with various doubts possest,
To win the Lady goes in quest
Of Sidrophel the Rosycrucian,
To know the Dcst'nies' resolution :
With whom b'ing met, they both chop logic
About the science astrologic ;
Till, falling from dispute to fight,
The Conj'rer's worsted by the Kniglit.
DOUBTLESS the pleasure is as great
Of being cheated, as to cheat ;
As lookers-on ffeel most delight
That least perceive a juggler's sleight,
And still, the less they understand, 5
The more they admire his sleight of hand.
Some with a noise and greasy light
Are snapt, as men catch larks by night,
Ensnar'd and hamper'd by the soul,
As nooses by the legs catch fowl. 10
Some with a med'cine and receipt
Are drawn to nibble at the bait ;
And though it be a two-foot trout,
'Tis with a single hair pull'd out.
Others believe no voice t' an organ is
So sweet as lawyer's in his bar-gown,
Until with subtle cobweb- cheats
They're catch'd in knotted law like nets :
In which, when once they are imbrangled,
186 HUDIBRAS.
The more they stir the more they're tangled ; 20
And while their purses can dispute,
There's no end of th' immortal suit.
Others still gape t' anticipate
The cabinet-designs of Fate,
Apply to wizards to forage 25
What shall and what shall never be ;
And, as those vultures do forebode,
Believe events prove bad or good :
A flam more senseless than the roguery
Of old auruspicy and aug'ry, so
That out of garbages of cattle
Presag'd th' events of truce or battle ;
From flight of birds, or chickens' pecking,
Success of great'st attempts would reckon :
Though cheats, yet more intelligible 35
Than those that with the stars do fribble.
This Hudibras by proof found true,
As in due time and place we'll shew.
For he, with beard and face made clean,
Being mounted on his steed agen, 40
(And Ralpho got a-cock-horse too
Upon his beast, with much ado),
Advanc'd on for the Widow's house,
T' acquit himself and pay his vows :
When various thoughts began to bustle, 45
And with his inward man to justle.
He thought what danger might accrue,
If she should find he swore untrue ;
Or if his Squire or he should fail,
And not be punctual in their tale, 60
It might at once the ruin prove
25 VAE. ' Run after wizards.'
PART II. CANTO III. 187
Both of his honour, faith, and love.
But if he should forhear to go,
She might conclude h' had broke his vow ;
And that he durst not now for shame 55
Appear in court to try his claim :
This was the penn'worth of his thought,
To pass time, and uneasy trot.
Quoth he, In all my past adventures
I ne'er was set so on the tenters, eo
Or taken tardy with dilemma
That ev'ry way I turn does hem me,
And with inextricable doubt
Besets my puzzled wits about :
For though the Dame has been my bail, 65
To free me from enchanted jail,
Yet as a dog, committed close
For some offence', by chance breaks loose,
And quits his clog ; but all in vain,
He still draws after him his chain : 70
So, though my ankle she has quitted,
My heart continues still committed ;
And, like a bail'd and mainpriz'd lover,
Although at large, I am bound over ;
And wjien I shall appear in court 75
To plead my cause and answer for 't,
Unless the judge do partial prove,
What will become of me and love ?
For, if in our account we vary,
Or but in circumstance miscarry ; so
Or if she put me to strict proof,
And make me pull my doublet off
To shew, by evident record
Writ on my skin, I've kept my word,
188 HUDIBRAS.
How can I e'er expect to have her, 85
Having demurr'd unto her favour ?
But, faith and love and honour lost,
Shall be reduc'd t' a Knight o' th' Post ?
Beside, that stripping may prevent
What I'm to prove by argument, PO
And justify I have a tail,
And that way too my proof may fail.
Oh, that I could enucleate,
And solve the problems of my fate !
Or find by necromantic art 95
How far the dest'nies take my part !
For if I were not more than certain
To win and wear her and her fortune,
I'd go no farther in this courtship,
To hazard soul, estate, and worship : 100
For though an oath obliges not
Where any thing is to be got
(As thou hast prov'd), yet 'tis profane
And sinful when men swear in vain.
Quoth Ralph, Not far from hence doth dwell
A cunning man, hight Sidrophel, 100
That deals in Destiny's dark counsels,
And sage opinions of the Moon sells ;
To whom all people, far and near,
On deep importances repair : 1 10
When brass and pewter hap to stray,
And linen slinks out o' the way ;
When geese and pullen are seduc'd,
toe \\TiHiam Lilly, the famous astrologer of those times,
•who in his yearly almanacks foretold victories for the
Parliament with as much certainty as the preachers did in
their sermons.
PART II. CANTO III. 189
And sows of sucking pigs are chous'd ;
When cattle feel indisposition, 115
And need th' opinion of physician ;
When murrain reigns in hogs or sheep,
And chickens languish of the pip ;
When yeast and outward means do fail,
And have no pow'r to work on ale ; 120
When butter does refuse to come.
And love proves cross and humoursome ;
To him with questions, and with urine,
They for discov'ry flock, or curing.
Quoth Hudibras, This Sidrophel i-j
I've heard of, and should like it well,
If thou canst prove the Saints have freedom
To go to sorc'rers when they need 'em.
Says Ralpho, There 'a no doubt of that ;
Those principles I quoted late iso
Prove that the Godly may allege
For anything their privilege,
And to the dev'l himself may go
If they have motives thereunto :
For, as there is a war between 135
The dev'l and them, it is no sin
If they by subtle stratagem
Make" use of him, as he does them.
Has not this present Parl'ament
A ledger to the devil sent, ' HO
Fully empower'd to treat about
Finding revolted witches out ?
And has not he, within a year,
Hang'd threescore of 'em in one shire ?
Some only for not being drown'd, 145
And sorna for sitting above ground,
190 HUDIBRAS.
Whole days and nights, upon their breeches,
And feeling pain, were hang'd for witches ;
And some for putting knavish tricks
Upon green geese and turkey-chicks, iso
Or pigs that suddenly deceast
Of griefs unnat'ral, as he guess'd ;
Who after prov'd himself a witch,
And made a rod for his own breech.
Did not the dev'l appear to Martin 155
Luther in Germany, for certain ;
And would have gull'd him with a trick,
But Mart, was too, too politic ?
Did he not help the Dutch to purge,
At Antwerp, their cathedral church? ieo
Sing catches to the Saints at Mascon,
And tell them all they came to ask him ?
Appear in divers shapes to Kelly ?
And speak i' th' Nun of London's belly ?
Meet with the Parl'ament's Committee, 165
At Woodstock, on a pers'nal treaty ?
At Sarum take a cavalier, .
I' th' Cause's service, prisoner ;
As Withers in immortal rhyme
Has register'd to aftertime ? no
Do not our great Reformers use
This Sidrophel to forbode news ;
To write of victories next year,
And castles taken, yet i' th' air ?
Of battles fought at sea, and ships 175
Sunk, two years hence, the last eclipse ?
A total o'erthrow giv'n the King
169 This Withers was a Puritanical officer in the Parlia
ment army, and a great pretender to poetry, as appears from
his poems enumerated by A. Wood.
PART II. CANTO III. 191
In Cornwall, horse and foot, next Spring ?
And has not he point-blank foretold
Whats'e'er the Close Committee would? iso
Made Mars and Saturn for the Cause,
The Moon for fundamental laws ?
The Ram, the Bull, and Goat, declare
Against the Book of Common 'Pray'r ?
The Scorpion take the Protestation, ISG
And Bear engage for Reformation ?
Made all the Royal stars recant,
Compound, and take the Covenant ?
Quoth Hudibras, The case is clear.
The Saints may 'mploy a conjurer, 190
As thou hast prov'd it by their practice :
No argument like matter of fact is ;
And we are best of all led to
Men's principles by what they do.
Then let us straight advance in quest 195
Of this profound gymnosophist,
And, as the fates and he advise,
Pursue or wave this enterprise.
This said, he turn'd about his steed,
And eftsoons on th' adventure rid ; 200
Where leave we him and Ralph a while,
And-to th' conj'rer turn our style,
To let our reader understand
What's useful of him beforehand.
He had been long t'wards mathematics, 205
Optics, philosophy, and statics,
Magic, horoscopy, astrology,
And was old dog at physiology ;
But as a dog that turns the spit
Bestirs himself, and plies his feet aio
192 HUDIBRAS.
To climb the wheel, but all in vain,
His own weight brings him down again,
And still he's in the self-same place
Where at his setting out he was ;
So in the circle of the arts ais
Did he advance his nat'ral parts,
Till falling back still, for retreat,
He fell to juggle, cant, and cheat.
For as those fowls that live in water
Are never wet, he did but smatter ; 220
Whate'er he labour'd to appear,
His understanding still was clear ;
Yet none a deeper knowledge boasted,
Since old Hodge Bacon, and Bob Grosted.
Th' intelligible world he knew, I'-'fi
And all men dream on't to be true,
That in this world there's not a wart
That has not there a counterpart ;
Nor can there on the face of ground
An individual beard be found 230
That has not in that foreign nation
A fellow of the self-same fashion ;
1124 Roger Bacon, commonly called ' Friar Bacon,' lived in
the reign of our Edward I. and, for some little skill he had
in the mathematics, was by the rabble accounted a conjuror,
and had the sottish story of the Brazen Head fathered upon
him by the ignorant Monks of those days.
Ib. Bishop Grosted was Bishop of Lincoln, 20th Henry
III. A.D. 1235. "He was suspected by the clergy to be a
conjurer ; for which crime he was deprived by Pope Inno
cent IV. and summoned to appear at Rome." But this is a
mistake ; for the Pope's antipathy to him was occasioned by
his frankly expostulating with him (both personally and by
letter) on his encroachments upon the English church and
monarchy. He was persecuted by Pope Innocent, but it is
not certain that he was deprived, though Bale thinks he was.
PART II. CANTO III. 193
So cut, so colour'd, and so curl'd,
As those are in th' inferior world.
H' had read Dee's prefaces before 235
The Dev'l, and Euclid, o'er and o'er ;
And all th' intrigues 'twixt him and Kelly,
Lascus and th' Emperor, would tell ye :
But with the moon was more familiar
Than e'er was almanack well-wilier ; 240
Her secrets understood so clear,
That some believ'd he had been there ;
Knew when she was in fittest mood
For cutting corns or letting blood ;
When for anointing scabs or itches, 215
Or to the bum applying leeches ;
When sows and bitches may be spay'd,
And in what sign best cyder 's made ;
Whether the wjjne be, or increase,
Best to set garlic or sow pease ; 250
Who first found out the man i' th' moon,
That to the Ancients was unknown ;
How many Dukes, and Earls, and Peers,
Are in the planetary spheres ;
Their airy empire, and command ; 255
Their sev'ral strengths by sea and land ;
What factions they 've, and what they drive at
In public vogue, or what in private ;
With what designs and interests
Each party manages contests. 200
He made an instrument to know
135 Dee was a Welshman, and educated at Oxford, where
he commenced Doctor, and afterwards travelled into foreign
parts in quest of chemistry, &c.
238 Albertus Lascus, Lasky, or Alasco, Prince Palatine of
Poland, concerned with Dee and Kelly.
YOL. I. 0
194 HUDIBRAS.
If the moon shine at full or no ;
That would, as soon as e'er she shone, straight
Whether 'twere day or night demonstrate ;
Tell what her d'ameter to an inch is, 265
And prove that she's not made of green cheese.
It would demonstrate that the man in
The moon's a sea Mediterranean ;
And that it is no dog nor bitch
That stands behind him at his breech, 270
But a huge Caspian sea or lake,
With arms, which men for legs mistake ;
How large a gulf his tail composes,
And what a goodly bay his nose is ;
How many German leagues by th' scale 275
Cape Snout 's from Promontory Tail.
He made a planetary gin,
Which rats would run their own heads in,
And come on purpose to be taken,
Without th' expense of cheese or bacon. 290
With lutestrings he would counterfeit
Maggots that crawl on dish of meat ;
Quote moles and spots on any place
0' th' body, by the index face ;
Detect lost maidenheads by sneezing, 285
Or breaking wind of dames, or pissing ;
Cure warts and corns with application
Of med'cines to th' imagination ;
Fright agues into dogs, and scare
With rhymes the toothache and catarrh ; 290
Chase evil spirits away by dint
Of sickle, horse-shoe, hollow flint ;
Spit fire out of a walnut-shell,
Which made the Roman slaves rebel ;
PART II. CANTO III. 195
And fire a mine in China here 295
With sympathetic gunpowder.
He knew whats'ever 's to be known,
But much more than he knew would own.
What med'cine 'twas that Paracelsus
Could make a man with, as he tells us ; aoo
What figur'd slates are best to make
On wat'ry surface duck or drake ;
What bowling-stones, in running race
Upon a board, have swiftest pace ;
Whether a pulse beat in the black 305
List of a dappled louse's back ;
If systole or diastole move
Quickest when he 's in wrath, or love ;
When two of them do run a race,
Whether they gallop, trot, or pace ; 310
How many scores a flea will jump
Of his own length from head to rump,
Which Socrates and Cheerephon
In vain assay'd so long agone ;
Whether his snout a perfect nose is, 315
And not an elephant's proboscis ;
How many diffrent specieses
Of maggots breed in rotten cheese ;
And-which are next of kin to those
Engender'd in a chandler's nose ; 320
Or those not seen, but understood,
That live in vinegar and wood.
A paltry wretch he had, half-starv'd,
That him in place of zany serv'd,
Hight Whachum, bred to dash and draw, 325
3J5 « Whachum,' journeyman to Sidrophel, who -was one
' Tom Jones,' a foolish Welshman. In a key to a poem of
196 HUDIBRAS.
Not wine, but more unwholesome law ;
To make 'twixt words and lines huge gaps,
Wide as meridians in maps ;
To squander paper and spare ink,
Or cheat men of their words, some think. soo
From this, by merited degrees,
He'd to more high advancement rise,
To be an under conjurer,
Or journeyman astrologer :
His bus'ness was to pump and wheedle, r>5
And men with their own keys unriddle ;
To make them to themselves give answers,
For which they pay the necromancers ;
To fetch and carry intelligence
Of whom, and what, and where, and whence, sio
And all discoveries disperse
Among th' whole pack of conjurers ;
What cut-purses have left with them
For the right owners to redeem,
And what they dare not vent, find out, r,io
To gain themselves and th' art repute ;
Draw figures, schemes, and horoscopes,
Of Newgate, Bridewell, brokers' shops,
Of thieves ascendant in the cart,
And find out all by rules of art : 350
Which way a serving-man, that's run
With clothes or money away, is gone ;
Who pick'd a fob at Holding-forth,
And where a watch for half the worth
Mr. Butler's, Whachum is said to be one ' Richard Green,'
who published a pamphlet of about five sheets of base ribaldry,
and called ' Hudibras in a snare.' It was printed about the
vear 1667.
PART II. CANTO III. 107
May be redeem'd ; or stolen plate SJG
Restor'd at conscionable rate.
Beside all this he serv'd hjs master
In quality of poetaster,
And rhymes appropriate could make
To ev'ry month i' th' almanack ; SP»
When terms begin and end could tell,
With their returns, in doggerel ;
When the Exchequer opes and shuts,
And sow-gelder with safety cuts ;
When men may eat and drink their fill, aw
And when be temp'rate if they will ;
When use, and when abstain from, vice,
Figs, grapes, phlebotomy, and spice.
And as in prison mean rogues beat
Hemp for the service of the great, 370
So Whachum beat his dirty brains
T* advance his master's fame and gains ;
And, like the devil's oracles,
Put into dogg'rcl rhymes his spells,
Which, over ev'ry month's blank page :no
1' th' almanack, strange bilks presage.
He would an elegy compose
On maggots squeez'd out of his nose ;
In lyric numbers write an ode on
His mistress eating a black pudden ; ?,so
And when imprison'd air escap'd her,
It puft him with poetic rapture :
His sonnets charm'd th' attentive crowd,
By wide-mouth'd mortal troll'd aloud,
That, circled with his long-ear'd guests, nsr.
Like Orpheus look'd among the beasts :
A carman's horse could not pass by,
198 HUDIBRAS.
But stood ty'd up to poetry ;
No porter's burthen pass'd along,
But serVd for burthen to his song : 890
Each window like a pill'ry appears,
With heads thrust through, nail'd by the ears ;
All trades run in as to the sight
Of monsters, or their dear delight
The gallow-tree, when cutting purse 395
Breeds bus'ness for heroic verse,
Which none does hear but would have hung
T' have been the theme of such a song.
Those two together long had liVd
In mansion prudently contriv'd, 400
Where neither tree nor house could bar
The free detection of a star ;
And nigh an ancient obelisk
Was rais'd by him, found out by Fisk,
On which was written, not in words, 405
But hieroglyphic mute of birds,
Many rare pithy saws concerning
The worth of astrologic learning :
From top of this there hung a rope,
To which he fasten'd telescope, 410
The spectacles with which the stars
He reads in smallest characters.
It happen'd as a boy one night
Did fly his tarsel of a kite,
404 Mr. Butler alludes to one ' Fisk,' of whom Lilly oo-
serves, that he was a licentiate in physic, and born near
Framlingham in Suffolk ; was bred at a country-school, and
designed for the university, but went not thither, studying
physic and astrology at home, which afterwards he prac
tised at Colchester; after which he came to London, and
practised there.
PART II. CANTO III* 199
The strangest long-wing'd hawk that flies, 415
That, like a bird of Paradise,
Or herald's martlet, has no legs,
Nor hatches young ones, nor lays eggs ;
His train was six yards long, milk-white,
At th' end of which there hung a light, 420
Enclos'd in lantern made of paper,
That far off like a star did appear :
This Sidrophel by chance espy'd,
And, with amazement staring Avide,
Bless us ! quoth he, What dreadful wonder 425
Is that appears in heaven yonder ?
A comet, and without a beard !
Or star that ne'er before appear'd ?
I'm certain 'tis not in the scroll
Of all those beasts, and fish, and fowl, 430
With which, like Indian plantations,
The learned stock the constellations ;
Nor those that drawn for signs have bin
To th' houses where the planets inn.
It must be supernatural, 43,")
Unless it be the cannon-ball
That, shot i' th' air point-blank upright,
Was borne to that prodigious height
That learn'd philosophers maintain,
It ne'er came backwards down again, 440
But in the airy region yet
Hangs, like the body of Mahomet :
For if it be above the shade
That by the earth's round bulk is made,
'Tis probable it may from far 445
Appear no bullet, but a star.
This said, he to his engine flew,
200 HUDIBRAS.
Plac'd near at hand, in open view,
And rais'd it till it levell'd right
Against the glow- worm-tail of kite, 450
Then peeping through, Bless us ! (quoth he)
It is a planet now, I see ;
And, if I err not, by his proper
Figure, that's like tobacco-stopper,
It should be Saturn : yes, 'tis clear 455
'Tis Saturn, but what makes him there ?
He's got between the Dragon's tail
And farther leg behind o' th' Whale ;
Pray Heav'n divert the fatal omen,
For 'tis a prodigy not common, 4GO
And can no less than the world's end,
Or Nature's funeral, portend.
With that he fell again to pry
Through perspective more wistfully,
When, by mischance, the fatal string, 465
That kept the tow 'ring fowl on wing,
Breaking, down fell the star. Well shot,
Quoth Whachum, who right wisely thought
H' had levell'd at a star, and hit it ;
But Sidrophel, more subtle-witted, 470
Cry'd out, What horrible and fearful
Portent is this, to see a star fall !
It threatens Nature, and the doom
Will not be long before it come !
When stars do fall, 'tis plain enough 475
The day of judgment's not far off;
As lately 'twas reveal'd to Sedgwick,
«7 William Sedgwick, a whimsical enthusiast, sometimes
a Presbyterian, sometimes an Independent, and at other
times an Anabaptist ; sometimes a prophet, and pretended to
PART II. CANTO III. 201
And some of us find out by magic :
Then since the time we have to live
In this world's shorten'd, let us strive 430
To make our best advantage of it,
And pay our losses with our profit.
This feat fell out not long before
The Knight, upon the forenam'd score,
In quest of Sidrophel advancing, 485
Was now in prospect of the mansion ;
Whom he discov'ring, turn'd his glass,
And found far off 'twas Hudibras.
Whachum (quoth he), Look yonder, some
To try or use our art are come : 490
The one 's the learned Knight ; seek out,
And pump 'em what they come about.
Whachum advanc'd with all submiss'ness
T' accost 'em, but much more their bus'ncss :
He held a stirrup, while the Knight 495
From leathern Bare-bones did alight ;
And taking from his hand the bridle,
Approach'd, the dark Squire to unriddle.
He gave him first the time o' the day,
And welcom'd him as he might say : r.oo
HeTask'd him whence they came, and whither
Their bus'ness lay ? — Quoth Ralpho, Hither. —
foretell things, out of the pulpit, to the destruction of ignorant
people ; at other times pretended to revelations ; and, upon
pretence of a vision that Doomsday was at hand, he retired
to the house of Sir Francis Russel, in Cambridgeshire ; and
finding several gentlemen at bowls, called upon them to
prepare for their dissolution; telling them that he had
lately received a revelation that Doomsday would be some
day the week following. Upon which they ever after called
him ' Doomsday Sedgwick.'
202 HUDIBRAS.
Did you not lose — Quoth Ralpho, Nay —
Quoth Whachum, Sir, I meant your way.
Your knight — Quoth Ralpho, is a lover, 505
And pains intol'rable doth suffer ;
For lovers' hearts are not their own hearts,
Nor lights, nor lungs, and so forth downwards. —
What time — Quoth Ealpho, Sir, too long ;
Three years it off and on has hung. — sio
Quoth he, I meant what time o' th' day 'tis. —
Quoth Ralpho, Between seven and eight 'tis. —
Why then (quoth Whachum) my small art
Tells me the dame has a hard heart,
Or great estate. — Quoth Ralph, A jointer, .115
Which makes him have so hot a mind t' her. —
Meanwhile the Knight was making water,
Before he fell upon the matter ;
Which having done, the Wizard steps in,
To give him suitable reception ; 620
But kept his bus'ness at a bay,
Till Whachum put him in the way ;
Who having now, by Ralpho's light,
Expounded th' errand of the Knight,
And what he came to know, drew near, PM
To whisper in the conj'rer's ear,
Which he prevented thus : What was 't,
Quoth he, that I was saying last,
Before these gentlemen arrived ?
Quoth Whachum, Venus you retriev'd, sso
In opposition with Mars,
And no benign and friendly stars
T' allay the effect. Quoth Wizard, So !
In Virgo ? Ha ! Quoth Whachum, No.
Has Saturn nothing to do in it? 535
PART II. CANTO III. 203
One tenth of 's circle to a minute.
'Tis well, quoth he. — Sir, you'll excuse
This rudeness I am forc'd to use ;
It is a scheme and face of heaven,
As th' aspects are dispos'd this even, f>40
I was contemplating upon
When you arriv'd ; but now I've done.
Quoth Hudibras, If I appear
Unseasonable in coming here
At such a time, to interrupt 545
Your speculations, which I hop'd
Assistance from, and came to use,
'Tis fit that I ask your excuse.
By no means, Sir, quoth Sidrophel,
The stars your coming did foretell ; 550
I did expect you here, and knew,
Before you spake, your bus'ness too.
Quoth Hudibras, Make that appear,
And I shall credit whatsoe'er
You tell me after, on your word, 555
Howe'er unlikely or absurd.
You are in love, Sir, with a widow,
Quoth he, that does not greatly heed you,
And for three years has rid your wit
And passion without drawing bit ; 560
And now your bus'ness is to know
If you shall carry her or no.
Quoth Hudibras, You're in the right,
But how the devil you come by 't
I can't imagine ; for the stars 666
I 'm sure can tell no more than a horse ;
Nor can their aspects (though you pore
Your eyes out on them) tell you more
204 1IUDIBRAS.
Than th' oracle of sieve and shears
That turns as certain as the spheres : s:o
But if the devil 's of your counsel
Much may be done, my noble Donzel ;
And 'tis on his account I come,
To know from you my fatal doom.
Quoth Sidrophel, If you suppose, 575
Sir Knight, that I am one of those,
I might suspect, and take th' alarm,
Your bus'ness is but to inform ;
But if it be, 'tis ne'er the near,
You have a wrong sow by the ear ; sso
For I assure you, for my part,
I only deal by rules of art,
Such as are lawful, and judge by
Conclusions of astrology ;
But for the devil know nothing by him, 5S5
But only this, that I defy him.
Quoth he, Whatever others deem ye,
I understand your metonymy ;
Your words of second-hand intention,
When things by wrongful names you mention ; £90
The mystic sense of all your terms,
That are indeed but magic charms
To raise the devil, and mean one thing,
And that is downright conjuring;
And in itself 's more warrantable cgr.
Than cheat, or canting to a rabble,
Or putting tricks upon the moon,
Which by confed'racy are done.
Your ancient conjurers Avere wont
To make her from her sphere dismount, GOO
And to their incantations stoop ;
PART II. CANTO III. 205
They scorn'd to pore through telescope,
Or idly play at bo-peep with her,
To find out cloudy or fair weather,
Which ev'ry almanack can tell 005
Perhaps as learnedly and well
As you yourself. Then, friend, I doubt
You go the farthest way about.
Your modern Indian magician
Makes but a hole in th' earth to piss in, eio
And straight resolves all questions by 't,
And seldom fails to be i' th' right.
The Rosycrucian way 's more sure
To bring the devil to the lure ;
Each of 'em has a sev'ral gin cis
To catch intelligences in.
Some by the nose with fumes trepan 'em,
As Dunstan did the devil's grannam ;
Others with characters and words
Catch 'em, as men in nets do birds ; (20
And some with symbols, signs, and tricks,
Engrav'd in planetary nicks,
With their own influences will fetch 'em
Down from their orbs, arrest, and catch 'cm :
Make 'em depose and answer to 625
All questions ere they let them go.
Bumbastus kept a devil's bird
Shut in the pummel of his sword,
That taught him all the cunning pranks
il8 St. Dunstan was made Archbishop of Canterbury anno
061. His skill in the liberal arts and sciences (qualifica
tions much above the genius of the age he lived, in) gained
him first the name of a Conjurer, and then of a Saint; he
is revered as such by the Romanists, -who keep a holiday iu
honour of him yearly, on the 19th of May.
206 HUDIBRAS.
Of past and future mountebanks. eso
Kelly did all his feats upon
The devil's looking-glass, a stone,
Where, playing with him at bo-peep,
He solv'd all problems, ne'er so deep.
Agrippa kept a Stygian pug ess
I' th' garb and habit of a dog,
That was his tutor, and the cur
Read to th' occult philosopher,
And taught him subtly to maintain
All other sciences are vain. 640
To this quoth Sidrophello, Sir,
Agrippa was no conjurer,
Nor Paracelsus, no, nor Behmen ;
Nor was the dog a cacodaemon,
But a true dog, that would shew tricks 645
For th' Emperor, and leap o'er sticks ;
Would fetch and carry, was more civil
Than other dogs, but yet no devil ;
And whatsoe'er he 's said to do,
He went the self-same way we go. eso
631 This Kelly was chief seer, or, as Lilly calls him,
Speculator, to Dr. Dee; was born at Worcester, and bred
an apothecary, and was a good proficient in chemistry, and
pretended to have the grand elixir, or philosopher's stone,
which Lilly tells us he made, or at least received ready made
from a Friar in Germany, on the confines of the Emperor's
dominions. He pretended to see apparitions in a crystal or
beryl looking-glass (or a round stone like a crystal). Alasco,
Palatine of Poland; Pucel, a learned Florentine; and Prince
Eosemberg of Germany, the Emperor's Viceroy in Bohemia ;
were long of the society with him and Dr. Dee, and often
present at their apparitions, as was once the King of Poland
himself. But Lilly observes that he was so wicked that the
angels would not appear to him willingly, nor be obedient
to him.
PART II. CANTO III. 207
As for the Rosy-cross philosophers,
Whom you will have to be but sorcerers,
What they pretend to is no more
Than Trismegistus did before,
Pythagoras, old Zoroaster, 655
And Apollonius their master,
To whom they do confess they owe
All that they do, and all they know.
Quoth Hudibras, Alas ! what is 't t' us
Whether 'twere said by Trismegistus, eoo
If it be nonsense, false, or mystic,
Or not intelligible, or sophistic ?
'Tis not antiquity, nor author,
That makes truth truth, although time's daughter;
'Twas he that put her in the pit 665
Before he pulTd her out of it ;
And as he eats his sons, just so
He feeds upon his daughters too.
Nor does it follow, 'cause a herald
Can make a gentleman, scarce a year old, 570
To be descended of a race
Of ancient kings in a small space,
691570 Such gentry were Thomas Pury, the elder, first
a weaver in Gloucester, then an ignorant solicitor; John
Blackston, a poor shopkeeper of Newcastle ; John Birch, for
merly a carrier, afterwards Colonel ; Richard Salway, Colonel,
formerly a grocer's man ; Thomas Rainsborough, a skipper
of Lynn, Colonel and Vice-Admiral of England ; Colonel
Thomas Scot, a brewer's clerk; Colonel Philip Skippon,
originally a waggoner to Sir Francis Vere ; Colonel John
Jones, a serving-man ; Colonel Barkstead, a pitiful thimble
and bodkin goldsmith ; Colonel Pride, a foundling and dray
man ; Colonel Hewson, a one-eyed cobbler ; and Colonel
Harrison, a butcher. These and hundreds more affected to
be thought gentlemen, and lorded it over persons of the first
rank and quality.
203 HUDIBRAS.
That we should all opinions hold
Authentic that we can make old.
Quoth Sidrophel, It is no part 67,
Of prudence to cry down an art,
And what it may perform deny
Because you understand not why ; ,
(As Averrhois play'd but a mean trick
To damn our whole art for eccentric) ; eso
For who knows all that knowledge contains ?
Men dwell not on the tops of mountains,
But on their sides or rising's seat ;
So 'tis with knowledge's vast height.
Do not the hist'ries of all ages eso
Relate miraculous presages
Of strange turns in the world's affairs
Foreseen b' astrologers, soothsayers,
Chaldeans, learn'd Genethliacks,
And some that have writ almanacks ? roo
The Median Emp'ror dream'd his daughter
Had piss'd all Asia under water,
And that a vine, sprung from her haunches,
O'erspread his empire with its branches ;
And did not soothsayers expound it crs
As after by th' event he found it ?
When Caesar in the senate fell,
Did not the sun eclips'd foretell,
And in resentment of his slaughter
Look'd pale for almost a year after ? 700
Augustus having, b' oversight,
. Put on his left shoe 'fore his right,
Had like to have been slain that day
By soldiers mutin'ing for pay.
Are there not myriads of this sort 7<w>
PART II. CANTO III. 209
Which stories of all times report ?
Is it not ominous in all countries
When crows and ravens croak upon trees ?
The Roman senate, when within
The city walls an owl was seen, 710
Did cause their clergy, with lustrations
(Our Synod calls Humiliations),
The round-fac'd prodigy t' avert
From doing town or country hurt.
And if an owl have so much pow'r, 715
Why should not planets have much more,
That in a region far above
Inferior fowls of the air move,
And should see further, and foreknow
More than their augury below? 720
Though that 6"hce serv'd the polity
Of mighty states to govern by ;
And this is what we take in hand
By powerful Art to understand ;
Which, how we have perform'd, all ages 725
Can speak th' events of our presages.
Have we not lately in the moon
Found a new world, to th' old unknown ?
Discover'd sea and land, Columbus
And Magellan could never compass ? 730
Made mountains with our tubes appear,
And cattle grazing en 'em there ?
Quoth Hudibras, You lie so ope
That I, without a telescope,
Can find your tricks out, and descry 735
Where you tell truth and where you lie :
For Anaxagoras, long agone,
Saw hills, as well as you, i' th' moon,
VOL. i. r
210 HUDIBRAS.
And held the sun was but a piece
Of red-hot ir'n as big as Greece ; 740
Believ'd the heav'ns were made of stone,
Because the sun had voided one ;
And, rather than he would recant
Th' opinion, suffer'd banishment.
But what, alas ! is it to us 745
Whether i' th' moon men thus or thus
Do eat their porridge, cut their corns,
Or whether they have tails or horns ?
What trade from thence can you advance
But what we nearer have from -France? 700
What can our travellers bring home
That is not to be learnt at Rome ?
What politics or strange opinions
That are not in our own dominions ?
What science can be brought from thence 755
In which we do not here commence ?
What revelations or religions .
That are not in our native regions ?
Are sweating-lanterns or screen-fans
Made better there than th' are in France ? 7so
Or do they teach to sing and play
0' th' guitar there a newer way ?
•Can they make plays there that shall fit
The public humour with less wit ?
Write wittier dances, quainter shows, 7G5
Or fight with more ingenious blows ?
Or does the man i' th' moon look big,
And wear a huger periwig ?
Shew in his gait or face more tricks
Than our own native lunatics ? 770
But if w' outdo him here at home,
PART II. CANTO III. 211
What good of your design can come ?
As wind i' th' hypocondries pent
Is but a blast if downward sent,
But if it upward chance to fly 775
Becomes new light and prophecy ;
So when your speculations tend
Above their just and useful end,
Although they promise strange and great
Discoveries of things far set, 730
They are but idle dreams and fancies,
And savour strongly of the ganzas.
Tell me but what's the natural cause
Why on a sign no painter draws
The full-moon ever, but the half? 785
Resolve that -with your Jacob's staff;
Or why wolves raise a hubbub at her,
And dogs howl when she shines in water ?
And I shall freely give my vote
You may know something more remote. 790
At this deep Sidrophel look'd wise,
And, staring round with owl-like eyes,
He put his face into a posture
Ofsapience, and began to bluster ;
For having three times shook his head, 795
To stir his wit up, thus he said :
Art has no mortal enemies
Next ignorance, but owls and geese ;
Those consecrated geese in orders
That to the Capitol were warders, soo
And, being then upon patrol,
With noise alone beat off the Gaul ; •
Or those Athenian sceptic owls
That will not credit their own souls,
212 HUDIBRAS.
Or any science understand 805
Beyond the reach of eye or hand,
But, meas'ring all things by their own
Knowledge, hold nothing 's to be known ;
Those wholesale critics, that in coffec-
Houses cry down all philosophy, sio
And will not know upon what ground
In Nature we our doctrine found,
Although with pregnant evidence
We can demonstrate it to sense,
As I just now have done to you, 815
Foretelling what you came to know.
Were the stars only made to light
Robbers and burglarers by night?
To wait on drunkards, thieves, gold-finders,
And lovers solacing behind doors, 620
Or giving one another pledges
Of matrimony under hedges ?
Or witches simpling, and on gibbets
Cutting from malefactors snippets,
Or from the pill'ry tips of ears 825
Of rebel saints and perjurers?
Only to stand by and look on,
But not know what is said or done ?
Is there a constellation there
That was not born and bred up here, eso
And therefore cannot be to learn
In any inferior concern ?
Were they not, during all their lives,
Most of them pirates, whores, and thieves ?
And is it like they have not still sso
In their old practices some skill ?
Is there a planet that by birth
PART II. CANTO III. 213
Does not derive its house from earth,
And therefore probably must know
What is and hath been done below ? sio
Who made the Balance, or whence came
The Bull, the Lion, and the Ram ?
Did not we here the Argo rig,
Make Berenice's periwig?
Whose liv'ry does the Coachman wear ? 545
Or who made Cassiopeia's chair?
And therefore, as they came from hence,
With us may hold intelligence.
Plato deny'd the world can be
Govern'd without geometry, 8.50
(For money b'ing the common scale
Of things by measure, weight, and tale,
In all th' affairs of church and state
'Tis both the balance and the weight) ;
Then much less can it be without 855
Divine astrology made out,
That puts the other down in worth
As far as heaven 's above the earth.
These reasons (quoth the Knight) I grant
Are something more significant 860
Than any that the learned use
Upon this subject to produce ;
And yet th' are far from satisfactory
T' establish and keep up your factory.
Th' Egyptians say, the sun has twice 865
Shifted his setting and his rise ;
Twice has he risen in the west,
As many times set in the east :
But whether that be true or no
The devil any of you know. 870
214 HUDIBRAS.
Some hold the heavens, like a top
Are kept by circulation up,
And, were 't not for their wheeling round,
They'd instantly fall to the ground ;
As sage Empedocles of old, 575
And, from him, modern authors hold.
Plato believ'd the sun and moon
Below all other planets run.
Some Mercury, some Venus, sea
Above the sun himself in height. sso
The learned Scaliger complain'd,
'Gainst what Copernicus maintain'd,
That, in twelve hundred years and odd,
The sun had left its ancient road,
And nearer to the earth is come gss
'Bove fifty thousand miles from home ;
Swore 'twas a most notorious flam,
And he that had so little shame
To vent such fopperies abroad
Deserv'd to have his rump well claw'd ; soo
Which Monsieur Bodin hearing, swore
That he deserv'd the rod much more
That durst upon a truth give doom
He knew less than the Pope of Rome.
Cardan believ'd great states depend efs
Upon the tip o' th' Bear's tail's end,
That, as she whisk'd it t' wards the sun,
Strow'd mighty empires up and down ;
Which others say must needs be false,
Because your true bears have no tails. 900
675 VAR. ' And, 'twere not.'
894 VAR. ' He knew no more,' &c.
PART II. CANTO III. 215
Some say the Zodiac constellations
Have long since chang'd their antique stations
Above a sign, and prove the same
In Taurus now, once in the Ram ;
Affirm the Trigons chopp'd and chang'd, 905
The wat'ry with the fiery rang'd :
Then how can their effects still hold
To be the same they were of old ?
This, though the art were true, would make
Our modern soothsayers mistake, 910
And is one cause they tell more lies
In figures and nativities
Than th' old Chaldean conjurers
In so many hundred thousand years ;
Beside their nonsense in translating, 915
For want of Accidence and Latin,
Like Idus and Calenda3, Englisht
The Quarter-days, by skilful linguist :
And yet with canting, sleight, and cheat,
'Twill serve their turn to do the feat ; 020
Make fools believe in their foreseeing
Of things before they are in being ;
To swallow gudgeons ere they're catch'd,
And count their chickens ere they 're hatch'd ;
Make them the constellations prompt, 925
And give them back their own accompt ;
But still the best to him that gives
The best price for 't, or best believes.
Some towns, some cities, some, for brevity,
" YAP. ' Some say the stars i' th' Zodiac
Are more than a whole sign gone back
Since Ptolemy ; and prove the same
In Taurus now, then in the Ram.'
216 HUDIBRAS.
Have cast the 'verskl world's nativity, 930
And made the infant-stars confess,
Like fools or children, what they please.
Some calculate the hidden fates
Of monkeys, puppy-dogs, and cats ;
Some running-nags and fighting- cocks ; 035
Some love, trade, law-suits, and the pox ;
Some take a measure of the lives
Of fathers, mothers, husbands, wives,
Make opposition, trine, and quartilc,
Tell who is barren and who fertile. 910
As if the planet's first aspect
The tender infant did infect
In soul and body, and instil
All future good and future ill ;
Which, in their dark fatal'ties lurking, 915
At destin'd periods fall a-working,
And break out, like the hidden seeds
Of long diseases, into deeds,
In friendships, enmities, and strife,
And all th' emergencies of life : 950
No sooner does he peep into
The world but he has done his do,
Catch'd all diseases, took all physic
That cures or kills a man that is sick,
Marry'd his punctual dose of wives, 953
Is cuckolded, and breaks or thrives.
There's but the twinkling of a star
Between a man of peace and war,
A thief and justice, fool and knave,
A huffing officer and a slave, 980
A crafty lawyer and pick-pocket,
956 VAK. 'Cookolded.
PART II. CANTO III. 217
A great philosopher and a blockhead,
A formal preacher and a player,
A learn'd physician and man-slayer ;
As if men from the stars did suck 965
Old age, diseases, and ill-luck,
Wit, folly, honour, virtue, vice,
Trade, travel, women, claps, and dice,
And draw, with the first air they breathe,
Battle and murder, sudden death. 970
Are not these fine commodities
To be imported from the skies,
And vended here among the rabble
For staple goods and warrantable ?
Like money by the Druids borrow'd, 975
In th' other world to be restored.
Quoth Sidrophel, To let you know
You wrong the art and artists too,
Since arguments are lost on those
That do our principles oppose, 980
I will (although I've done 't before)
Demonstrate to your sense once more,
And draw a figure that shall tell you
What you perhaps forget befell you,
By way of horary inspection, 985
Which some acco.unt our worst erection.
With that he circles draws and squares,
With ciphers, astral characters,
Then looks 'em o'er to understand 'em,
Although set down hab-nab at random. 990
Quoth he, This scheme of th' heavens set
Discovers how in fight you met
At Kingston with a May-pole idol,
And that y' Avere bang'd both back and side well ;
218 HUDIBRAS.
And, though you overcame the Bear, f.v,
The dogs beat you at Brentford fair,
Where sturdy butchers broke your noddle,
And handled you like a fop-doodle.
Quoth Hudibras, I now perceive
You are no conj'rer : by your leave : 1000
That paltry story is untrue,
And forg'd to cheat such gulls as you.
Not true ! quoth he ; Howe'er you vapour,
I can what I affirm make appear ;
Whachum shall justify 't t' your face, 1005
And prove he was upon the place :
He play'd the saltinbancho's part,
Transform'd t' a Frenchman by my art ;
He stole your cloak, and pick'd your pocket,
Chous'd and caldes'd you like a blockhead, 1010
And what you lost I can produce,
If you deny it, here i' th' house.
Quoth Hudibras, I do believe
That argument 's demonstrative ;
Ralpho, bear witness, and go fetch us 1015
A constable to seize the wretches :
For though th' are both false knaves and cheats,
Impostors, jugglers, counterfeits,
I'll make them serve for perpendic'lars
As true as e'er were us'd by bricklayers. 1020
They're guilty, by their own confessions,
Of felony, and at the Sessions,
Upon the bench, I will so handle 'em,
That the vibration of this pendulum
Shall make all tailors' yards of one 1025
Unanimous opinion ;
1010 VAR. ' Caldes'd.' Put the fortune-teller on him.
PART II. CANTO III. 219
A thing he long has vapour 'd of,
But now shall make it out by proof.
Quoth Sidrophel, I do not doubt
Tt> find friends that will bear me out ; 1030
Nor have I hazarded my art
And neck so long on the State's part
To be exposed i' th' end to suffer
By such a braggadocio huffer.
Huffer ! quoth Hudibras, this sword 1035
Shall down thy false throat cram that word.
Ralpho, make haste, and call an officer
To apprehend this Stygian sophister ;
Meanwhile I'll hold 'em at a bay,
Lest he and Whachum run away. 1040
But Sidrophel, who from th' aspect
Of Hudibras, did now erect
A figure worse portending far
Than that of most malignant star,
Believ'd it now the fittest moment 1045
To shun the danger that might come on 't,
While Hudibras Avas all alone,
And he and Whachum two to one.
This being resolv'd, he spy'd by chance
Behind the door an iron lance, 1050
That many a sturdy limb had gor'd,
And legs, and loins, and shoulders bor'd ;
He snatch'd it up, and made a pass
To make his way through Hudibras.
Whachum had got a fire-fork, 105.5
With which he vow'd to do his work ;
But Hudibras was well prepar'd,
And stoutly stood upon his guard :
He put by Sidrophello's thrust,
220 HUDIBRAS.
And in right manfully he rusht; IMO
The weapon from his gripe he wrung,
And laid him on the earth along.
Whachum his sea- coal prong threw by,
And basely turn'd his back to fly ;
But Hudibras gave him a twitch, IOGJ
As quick as lightning, in the breech,
Just in the place where honour 's lodg'd,
As wise philosophers have judg'd.
Because a kick in that part more
Hurts honour than deep wounds before. 1070
Quoth Hudibras, The stars determine
You are my prisoners, base vermin :
Could they not tell you so, as well
As what I came to know foretell ?
By this what cheats you are we find, 1075
That in your own concerns are blind.
Your lives are now at my dispose,
To be redeem'd by fine or blows ;
But who his honour would defile
To take or sell two lives so vile ? ioso
I'll give you quarter ; but your pillage,
The conqu'ring warrior's crop and tillage
Which with his sword he reaps and ploughs,
That 's mine, the law of arms allows.
This said in haste, in haste he fell loss
To rummaging of Sidrophel.
First he expounded both his pockets,
And found a watch, with rings and lockets,
Which had been left with him t' erect
A figure for, and so detect ; 1000
'A. copper-plate, with almanacks
Engrav'd upon 't, with other knacks
PART II. CANTO IIL 221
Of Booker's, Lilly's, Sarah Jimmers',
And blank schemes to discover nimmers ;
A moon-dial, with Napier's bones, 1095
And several constellation-stones,
Engrav'd in planetary hours,
That over mortals had strange powers
To make them thrive in law or trade,
And stab or poison to evade, 1100
In wit or wisdom to improve,
And be victorious in love.
Whachum had neither cross nor pile,
His plunder was not worth the while.
All which the conqu'ror did discompt, 1105
To pay for curing of his rump.
But Sidrophel, as full of tricks-
As Rota-men of-politics,
Straight cast about to overreach
Th' unwary conqu'ror with a fetch, mo
And make him glad at least to quit
His victory, and fly the pit,
Before the secular prince of darkness
Arriv'd to seize upon his carcass :
And as a fox, with hot pursuit ins
Chas'd through a warren, casts about
To save his credit, and among
Dead vermin on a gallows hung,
And while the dogs run underneath,
1093 John Booker was born in Manchester, and was a
famous astrologer in the time of the civil wars. He was a
great acquaintance of Lilly's ; and so was this Sarah Jimmers,
whom Lilly calls ' Sarah Shelhorn,' a great speculatrix. He
owns he was very familiar with her (' quod nota'), so that it
is no wonder that the Knight found several of their knick-
knacks in Sidrophel's cabinet.
222 BTTDIBKAS.
Escap'd (by counterfeiting death), 1120
Not out of cunning, but a train
Of atoms justling in his brain,
As learn'd philosophers give out ;
So Sidrophello cast about,
And fell t' his wonted trade again 112.:
To feign himself in earnest slain.
First stretch'd out one leg, then another,
And, seeming in his breast to smother
A broken sigh ; quoth he, Where am 1 ?
Alive or dead? or which way came I mo
Through so immense a space so soon ?
But now I thought myself i' th' moon.
And that a monster, with huge whiskers
More formidable than a Switzer's,
My body through and through had drill'd, 1135
And Whachum by my side had kill'd ;
Had cross-examin'd both our hose,
And plunder'd all we had to lose :
Look ! there he is ! I see him now,
And feel the place I am run through ! IHO
And there lies Whachum by my side
Stone dead, and in his own blood dy'd !
Oh ! oh ! — With that he fetch'd a groan,
And fell again into a swoon,
Shut both his eyes, and stopp'd his breath, 1145
And to the life outacted death,
That Hudibras, to all appearing,
Believ'd him to be dead as herring.
He held it now no longer safe
To tarry the return of Ralph, iif-o
But rather leave him in the lurch :
Thought he, He has abus'd our Church,
PART II. CANTO III.
Refus'd to give himself one firk
To carry on the Public Work ;
Despis'd our Synod-men like dirt,
And made their discipline his sport ;
Divulg'd the secrets of their Classes,
And their Conventions prov'd high-places ;
Disparag'd their tithe-pigs as Pagan,
And set at nought their cheese and bacon ;
Rail'd at their Covenant, and jeer'd
Their rev'rend Parsons to my beard ;
For all which scandals to be quit
At once this juncture falls out fit.
I'll make him henceforth to beware,
And tempt my fury if he dare :
He must at least hold up his hand,
By twelve freeholders to be scann'd,
Who, by their skill in palmistry,
Will quickly read his destiny,
And make him glad to read his lesson,
Or take a turn for "t at the Session,
Unless his Light and gifts prove truer
Than ever yet they did, I'm sure :
For ifjie 'scape with whipping now,
'Tis more than he can hope to do ;
And that will disengage my conscience
Of th' obligation, in his own sense.
I'll make him now by force abide,
What he by gentle means deny'd,
To give my honour satisfaction,
And right the Brethren in the action.
This being resolv'd, with equal speed
And conduct he approach'd his steed,
And, with activity unwont,
nco
1105
1170
liso
nss
224 IIUDIBRAS.
Assay'd the lofty beast to mount ;
Which once achiev'd, he spurr'd his palfrey
To get from th' enemy and Ralph free ;
Left danger, fears, and foes behind,
And beat, at least three lengths, the wind. nw>
AN HEROICAL EPISTLE*
OF HTTDIBRAS TO SIDBOPHEL.
Ecce iterum Crispinus. . . .
WELL, Sidrophel, though 'tis in vain
To tamper with your crazy brain,
Without trepanning of your scull
As often as the moon 's at full,
Tis not amiss, ere y' are giv'n o'er, 5
To try one desp'rate med'cine more ;
For where your case can be no worse
* This Epistle was published ten years after the Third
Canto of the Second Part, to which it is now annexed,
namely, in the year 1674 ; and is said in a key to a Burlesque
Poem of Mr. Butler's, published 1706, p. 13, to have been
occasioned by Sir Paul Neal, a conceited virtuoso, and mem
ber of the Royal Society, who constantly affirmed that Mr.
Butler was not the author of Hudibras, which gave rise to
this Epistle ; and by some he has been taken for the real
Sidrophel of the poem. This was the gentleman, who, I am
told, made a great discovery of an elephant in the moon,
which, upon examination, proved to be no other than a mouse
which had mistaken its way, and got into his telescope. See
The Elephant in the Moon.' vol. ii.
HUDIBRAS TO SIDROPHEL. 225
The desp'rat'st is the wisest course.
Is 't possible that you, whose ears
Are of the tribe of Issachar's, 10
And might (with equal reason) either
For merit or extent of leather,
With William Pryn's, before they were
Retrench'd and crucify'd, compare,
Should yet be deaf against a noise is
So roaring as the public voice ?
That speaks your virtues free and loud,
And openly in every crowd,
As loud as one that sings his part
T' a wheelbarrow or turnip-cart, 20
Or your new nick-nam'd old invention
To cry green hastings with an -engine,
(As if the vehemence had stunn'd
And torn your drum-heads with the sound) ;
And 'cause your folly 's now no news, 25
But overgrown and out of use,
Persuade yourself there 's no such matter,
But that 'tis vanish'd out of nature ;
When Folly, as it grows in years,
The more extravagant appears ; 30
For'who but you could be posscst
With so much ignorance and beast,
That neither all men's scorn and hate,
Nor being laugh'd and pointed at,
Nor bray'd so often in a mortar, 35
Can teach you wholesome sense and nurture,
But (like a reprobate) what course
Soever us'dj grow worse and worse ?
Can no transfusion of the blood,
That makes fools cattle, do you good ? 40
VOL. I. Q
226 HUDIBRAS TO SIDROPHEL.
Nor putting pigs t' a bitch to nurse,
To turn them into mongrel curs,
Put you into a way at least
To make yourself a better beast ?
Can all your critical intrigues 45
Of trying sound from rotten eggs ;
Your sev'ral new-found remedies
Of curing wounds and scabs in trees ;
Your arts of fluxing them for claps,
And purging their infected saps ; 50
Recov'ring shankers, crystallines,
And nodes and blotches in their rinds ;
Have no effect to operate
Upon that duller block, your pate ?
But still it must be lewdly bent 55
To tempt your own due punishment ;
And, like your whimsy'd chariots, draw
The boys to course you without law ;
As if the art you have so long
Profess'd, of making old dogs young, eo
In you had virtue to renew
Not only youth but childhood too.
Can you, that understand all books,
By judging only with your looks,
Resolve all problems with your face, 65
As others do with B's and A's ;
Unriddle all that mankind knows
With solid bending of your brows ;
All arts and sciences advance
With screwing of your countenance, 70
And with a penetrating eye
Into th' abstrusest learning pry ;
Know more of any trade b' a hint
HUDIBRAS TO SIDROPHEL. 227
Than those that have been bred up in 't,
And yet have no art, true or false, 75
To help your own bad naturals ?
But still the more you strive t' appear
Are found to be the wretcheder :
For fools are known by looking wise,
As men find woodcocks by their eyes. go
Hence 'tis that 'cause y' have gain'd o' th' college
A quarter share (at most) of knowledge,
And brought in none, but spent repute,
Y' assume a pow'r as absolute
To judge, and censure, and control, 85
As if you were the sole Sir Poll,
And saucily pretend to know
More than your dividend comes to.
You'll find the thing will not be done
With ignorance and face alone ; 90
No, though y' have purchas'd to your name
In history so great a fame ;
That now your talent 's so well known
86 Sir Politic Would-be, in Ben Jonson's ' Volpone.'
91 92 These two lines, I think, plainly discover that Lilly,
and not Sir Paul Neal, was here lashed under the name of
' Sidrophel ;' for Lilly's fame abroad was indisputable. Mr.
Strickland, who was many years agent for the Parliament in
Holland, thus publishes it : "I came purposely into the com
mittee this day to see the man who is so famous in those
parts where I have so long continued : I assure you his name
is famous all over Europe. I came to do him justice." Lilly
is also careful to tell us, that the King of Sweden sent him a
gold chain and medal, worth about fifty pounds, for making
honourable mention of his Majesty in one of his almanacks,
which, he says, was translated into the language spoken at
Hamburgh, and printed and cried about the streets, as it was
in London. Thus he trumpets to the world the fame he ac
quired by his infamous practices, if we may credit his own
history.
228 HUD1BRAS TO SIDROPHEL,
For having all belief outgrown,
That ev'ry strange prodigious tale 95
Is measur'd by your German scale —
By which the virtuosi try
The magnitude of ev'ry lie,
Cast up to what it does amount,
And place the bigg'st to your account : 100
That all those stories that are laid
Too truly to you, and those made,
Are now still charg'd upon your score,
And lesser authors nam'd no more.
Alas ! that faculty betrays 105
Those soonest it designs to raise ;
And all your vain renown will spoil,
As guns o'ercharg'd the more recoil ;
Though he that has but impudence
To all things has a fair pretence ; 110
And put among his wants but shame,
To all the world may lay his claim :
Though you have try'd that nothing 's borne
With greater ease than public scorn,
That all affronts do still give place us
To your impenetrable face ;
That makes your way through all affairs,
As pigs through hedges creep with theirs :
Yet as 'tis counterfeit, and brass,
You must not think 'twill always pass ; 120
For all impostors, when they're known,
Are past their labour and undone ;
And all the best that can befall
An artificial natural,
Is that which madmen find as soon 125
105 VAK. 'Dostrovs.'
PART III. CANTO I. 229
As once they're broke loose from the moon,
And, proof against her influence,
Relapse to e'er so little sense,
To turn stark fools, and subjects fit
For sport of boys and rabble-wit^ iso
PART III. CANTO I.
THE ARGUMENT.
The Knight and Squire resolve at once,
The one the other to renounce ;
They both approach the Lady's bower,
The Squire t' inform, the Rnight to woo her.
She treats them with a masquerade,
By Furies and Hobgoblins made ;
From which the Squire conveys the Kniglit,
And steals him from himself by night.
TIS true no lover has that pow'r
T' enforce a desperate amour,
As he that has two strings t' his bow,
And burns for love and money too ;
P6r then he 's brave and resolute,
Disdains to render in his suit ;
Has all his flames and raptures double.
And hangs or drowns with half the trouble ;
While those who sillily pursue
The simple downright way and true,
Make as unlucky applications,
And steer against the stream, their passions.
Some forge their mistresses of stars,
And when the ladies prove averse,
230 HUDIBRAS.
And more untoward to be won 15
Than by Caligula the moon,
Cry out upon the stars for doing
111 offices, to cross their wooing,
When only by themselves they're hind'red,
For trusting those they made her kindred, 20
And still the harsher and hide-bounder
The damsels prove, become the fonder ;
For what mad lover ever died
To gain a soft and gentle bride ?
Or for a lady tender-hearted, 25
In purling streams or hemp departed ?
Leap'd headlong int' Elysium,
Through th' windows of a dazzling room ?
But for some cross ill-natur'd dame,
The am'rous fly burnt in his flame. so
This to the Knight could be no news,
With all mankind so much in use,
Who therefore took the wiser course,
To make the most of his amours,
Resolv'd to try all sorts of ways, 35
As follows in due time and place.
No sooner was the bloody fight
Between the Wizard and the Knight,
With all th' appurtenances, over,
But he relaps'd again t' a lover, 40
As he was always wont to do
When h' had discomfited a foe,
And us'd the only antique philters
Deriv'd from old heroic tilters.
But now triumphant and victorious, 45
He held th' achievement was too glorious
For such a conqueror to meddle
43 VAS. ' And us'd as.'
PART III. CANTO I. 231
With petty constable or beadle,
Or fly for refuge to the hostess
Of th inns of Court and Chancery, Justice ; 50
Who might perhaps reduce his cause
To th' ordeal trial of the laws,
Where none escape but such as branded
With red-hot irons have past bare-handed ;
And, if they cannot read one verse 55
F th' Psalms, must sing it, and that 's worse.
He, therefore, judging it below him
To tempt a shame the dev'l might owe him,
ResolvM to leave the Squire for bail
And mainprize for him to the jail, eo
To answer, with his vessel all
That might disastrously befall,
And thought -it now the fittest juncture
To give the Lady a rencounter,
T' acquaint her with his expedition, 65
And conquest o'er the fierce magician ;
Describe the manner of the fray,
And shew the spoils he brought away ;
His bloody scourging aggravate,
The number of the blows, and weight ; 70
All which might probably succeed,
And gain belief h' had done the deed :
Which he resolv'd t' enforce, and spare
No pawning of his soul to swear ;
But rather than produce his back, 75
To set his conscience on the rack;
And, in pursuance of his urging
Of articles perform'd, and scourging,
And all things else, upon his part
Demand deliv'ry of her heart, so
232 IIUDIBRAS.
Her goods, and chattels, and good graces,
And person, up to his embraces.
Thought he, The ancient errant knights
Won all their ladies' hearts in fights,
And cut whole giants into fritters, 85
To put them into am'rous twitters ;
Whose stubborn bowels scorn'd to yield,
Until their gallants were half kill'd ;
But when their bones were drubb'd so sore,
They durst not woo one combat more, 90
The ladies' hearts began to melt,
Subdu'd by blows their lovers felt.
So Spanish heroes with their lances,
At once wound bulls and ladies' fancies ;
And he acquires the noblest spouse 95
That widows greatest herds of cows ;
Then what may I expect to do,
Wh' have quell'd so vast a buffalo ?
Meanwhile the Squire was on his way,
The Knight's late orders to obey ; 100
Who sent him for a strong detachment
Of beadles, constables, and watchmen,
T' attack the cunning-man, for plunder
Committed falsely on his lumber ;
When he who had so lately sack'd 105
The enemy, had done the fact;
Had rifled all his pokes and fobs
Of gimcracks, whims, and jiggumbobs,
Which he by hook or crook had gather'd,
And for his own inventions father'd ; nc
And when they should, at gaol delivery,
Unriddle one another's thievery,
Both might havo evidence enough
PART III. CANTO I. x 233
To render neither halter-proof:
He thought it desperate to tarry, us
And venture to be accessary ;
But rather wisely slip his fetters,
And leave them for the Knight, his betters.
He call'd to mind th' unjust foul play,
He would have offer'd him that day, 120
To make him curry his own hide,
Which no beast ever did beside
Without all possible evasion,
But of the riding dispensation :
And therefore much about the hour 125
The Knight (for reasons told before)
Resolv'd to leave him to the fury
Of Justice, and an unpack'd jury,
The Squire co"hcurr'd t' abandon him,
And serve him in the self-same trim ; 130
T' acquaint the Lady what h' had done,
And what he meant to carry on ;
What project 'twas he went about,
When Sidrophel and he fell out :
His firm and steadfast resolution, 133
To^swear her to an execution ;
To pawn his inward ears to marry her,
And bribe the devil himself to carry her ;
In which both dealt, as if they meant
Their party-saints to represent, uc
Who never fail'd upon their sharing
In any prosperous arms-bearing,
To lay themselves out, to supplant
Each other cousin-german saint.
But ere the Knight could do his part, 145
The Squire had got so much the start,
234 HTJDIBRAS.
H' had to the Lady done his errand,
And told her all his tricks aforehand.
Just as he finish'd his report,
The Knight alighted in the court, 150
And having ty'd his beast t' a pale,
And taking time for both to stale,
He put his band and beard in order,
The sprucer to accost and board her :
And now began t' approach the door, iss
When she, wh' had spy'd him out before,
Convey'd th' informer out of sight,
And went to entertain the Knight ;
With whom encount'ring, after longees
Of humble and submissive congees, ieo
And all due ceremonies paid,
He strok'd his beard, and thus he said :
Madam, I do, as is my duty,
Honour the shadow of your shoe-tye ;
And now am come to bring your ear 165
A present you'll be glad to hear ;
At least I hope so : the thing 's done,
Or may I never see the sun ;
For which I humbly now demand
Performance at your gentle hand ; 170
And that you 'd please to do your part
As I have done mine, to my smart.
With that he shrugg'd his sturdy back,
As if he felt his shoulders ache :
But she, who well enough knew what 175
(Before he spoke) he would be at,
Pretended not to apprehend
The mystery of what he mean'd.
And therefore wish'd him to expound
PART III. CANTO I. 235
His dark expressions less profound. iso
Madam, quoth he, I come to prove
How much I've suffer'd for your love,
Which (like your votary) to win,
I have not spar'd my tatter'd skin :
And, for those meritorious lashes, iss
To claim your favour and good graces.
Quoth she, I do remember once
I freed you from th' inchanted sconce,
And that you promis'd for that favour
To bind your back to 'ts good behaviour ; 190
And, for my sake and service, vow'd
To lay upon 't a heavy load,
And what 'twould bear t' a scruple prove,
As other knights do oft make love ;
Which, whether"you have done or no, 195
Concerns yourself; not me, to know;
But if you have, I shall confess
Y' are honester than I could guess.
Quoth he, If you suspect my troth,
I cannot prove it but by oath ; 200
And if you make a question on 't,
I '11 pawn my soul that I have done 't :
And he that makes his soul his surety,
I think, does give the best security.
Quoth she, Some say the soul 's secure 205
Against distress and forfeiture ;
Is free from action, and exempt
From execution and contempt ;
And to be summon'd to appear
In th' other world 's illegal here, 210
And therefore few make any account
Int' what incumbrances they run 't ;
236 HUDIBRAS.
For most men carry things so even
Between this world, and hell, and heaven,
Without the least oft'ence to either, 215
They freely deal in all together,
And equally abhor to quit
This world for both, or both for it ;
And when they pawn and damn their souls,
They are but pris'ners on paroles. 220
For that, quoth he, 'tis rational,
They may b' accomptable in all :
For when there is that intercourse
Between divine and human pow'rs,
That all that we determine here 225
Commands obedience every- where ;
When penalties may be commuted
For fines, or ears, and executed,
It follows nothing binds so fast
As souls in pawn and mortgage past ; 230
For oaths are th' only tests and scales
Of right and wrong, and true and false ;
And there 's no other way to try
The doubts of law. and justice by.
Quoth she, What is it you would swear ? 23o
There 's no believing till I hear :
For till -they 're understood, all tales
(Like nonsense) are not true nor false.
Quoth he, When I resolv'd t' obey
What you commanded th' other day, 240
And to perform my exercise
(As schools are wont) for your fair eyes,
T' avoid all scruples in the case,
I went to do 't upon the place ;
But as the castle is inchanted 215
PART III. CANTO I. 237
By Sidrophel the witch, and haunted
With evil spirits, as you know,
Who took my Squire and me for two,
Before I 'd hardly time to lay
My weapons by, and disarray, 2*0
I heard a formidable noise,
Loud as the Stentrophonic voice,
That roar'd far off, — Despatch, and strip,
I 'm ready with th' infernal whip,
That shall divest thy ribs of skin, 2o5
To expiate thy ling'ring sin ;
Th' hast broke perfidiously thy oath,
And not perfbrm'd thy plighted troth,
But spar'd thy renegado back,
Where th' hadst so great a prize at stake, 200
Which now the Fates have order'd me,
For penance and revenge to flea,
Unless thou presently make haste ;
Time is, time was : — and there it ceas'd.
With which, though startled, I confess, 265
Yet th' horror of the thing was less
Than th' other dismal apprehension
Of interruption or prevention ;
And therefore snatching up the rod,
I laid upon my back a load, 270
Resolv'd to spare no flesh and blood,
To make my word and honour good :
Till tir'd, and taking truce at length,
For new recruits of breath and strength,
I felt the blows still ply'd as fast 275
As if th' had been by lovers plac'd
In raptures of Platonic lashing.
And chaste contemplative bardashing ;
238 HTTDIBRAS.
When facing hastily about,
To stand upon my guard and scout, 280
I found th' infernal cunning-man,
And th' under-witch, his Caliban,
With scourges (like the Furies) arm'd,
That on my outward quarters storm'd.
In haste I snatch'd my weapon up, 286
And gave their hellish rage a stop ;
Call'd thrice upon your name, and fell
Courageously on Sidrophel ;
Who now transform'd himself t' a bear,
Began to roar aloud and tear ; 290
When I as furiously press'd on,
My weapon down his throat to run.
Laid hold on him, but he broke loose,
And turn'd himself into a goose,
Div'd under water in a pond, 2%
To hide himself from being found.
In vain I sought him ; but as soon
As I perceiv'd him fled and gone,
Prepar'd, with equal haste and rage,
His under-sorcerer t' engage ; 300
But bravely scorning to defile
My sword with feeble blood, and vile,
I judg'd it better from a quick-
Set hedge to cut a knotted stick ;
With which I furiously laid on, yv?
Till in a harsh and doleful tone
It roar'd, 0 hold, for pity, Sir !
I am too great a sufferer,
Abus'd, as you have been, b' a witch,
But conjur'd into a worse caprich : sio
Who sends me out on many a jaunt,
PART III. CANTO I. 239
Old houses in the night to haunt,
For opportunities t' improve
Designs of thievery or love ;
With drugs convey'd in drink or meat, 315
All feats of witches counterfeit,
Kill pigs and geese with powder'd glass,
And make it for inchantment pass ;
With cow-itch measle like a leper,
And choke with fumes of Guinea-pepper ; 320
Make lechers, and their punks, with dewtry,
Commit phantastical advowtry ;
Bewitch Hermetic-men to run
Stark staring mad with manicon ;
Believe mechanic virtuosi 325
Can raise them mountains in Potosi ;
And, sillier than the antic fools,
Take treasure for a heap of coals ;
Seek out for plants with signatures,
To quack off universal cures ; 330
With figures ground on panes of glass,
Make people on their heads to pass ;
And mighty heaps of coin increase,
Reflected from a single piece ;
To draw in fools, whose nat'ral itches 335
Incline perpetually to witches,
And keep me in continual fears,
And danger of my neck and ears ;
When less delinquents have been scourg'd,
And hemp on wooden anvils forg'd, ?.io
Which others for cravats have worn
About their necks', and took a turn.
I pity'd the sad punishment
The wretched caitiff underwent,
240 HUDIBRAS.
And held my drubbing of his bones 345
Too great an honour for pultroons ;
For knights are bound to feel no blows
From paltry and unequal foes,
Who, when they slash and cut to pieces,
Do all with civilest addresses : 350
Their horses never give a blow,
But when they make a leg and bow.
I therefore spar'd his flesh, and prest him
About the witch with many a question.
Quoth he, For many years he drove sos
A kind of broking-trade in love :
Employ'd in all th' intrigues and trust,
Of feeble speculative lust ;
Procurer to th' extravagancy
And crazy ribaldry of fancy, seo
By those the devil had forsook,
As things below him, to provoke ;
But b'ing a virtuoso, able
To smatter, quack, and cant, and dabble,
lie held his talent most adroit, 36o
For any mystical exploit,
As others of his tribe had done,
And rais'd their prices three to one :
For one predicting pimp has th' odds
Of chaldrons of plain downright bawds. 370
But as an elf (the devTs valet)
Is not so slight a thing to get,
For those that do his bus'ness best,
In hell are us'd the ruggedest,
Before so meriting a person 375
Could get a grant, but in reversion,
He serv'd two prenticeships, and longer,
PART III. CANTO I. 241
I' th' rayst'ry of a lady-monger.
For (as some write) a witch's ghost,
As soon as from the body loos'd, sso
Becomes a puisney-imp itself,
And is another witch's elf.
He, after searching far and near,
At length found one in Lancashire,
With whom he bargain'd before-hand, sss
And, after hanging, entertain'd :
Since which h' has play'd a thousand feats,
And practis'd all mechanic cheats ;
Transform'd himself to th' ugly shapes
Of wolves, and bears, baboons, and apes, 390
Which he has vary'd more than witches,
Or Pharaoh's wizards, could their switches ;
And all with whom h' has had to do,
Turn'd to as monstrous figures too ;
Witness myself, whom h' has abus'd, 395
And to this beastly shape reduc'd,
By feeding me on beans and pease
He crams in nasty crevices,
And turns to comfits by his arts,
To make me relish for desserts, 400
And one by one, with shame and fear,
Lick up the candy 'd provender.
Beside — But as h' was running on,
To tell what other feats h' had done,
The Lady stopt his full career, 400
And told him now 'twas time to hear.
If half those things (said she) be true —
They 're all (quoth he), I swear by you : —
Why then (said she) that Sidrophel
Has damn'd himself to th' pit of hell, «o
VOL. i. w
242 HUDIBRAS.
Who, mounted on a broom, the nag
And hackney of a Lapland hag,
In quest of you came hither post,
Within an hour (I 'm sure) at most,
Who told me all you swear and say, 415
Quite contrary another way ;
Vow'd that you came to him, to know
If you should carry me or no ;
And would have hir'd him and his imps,
To be your match-makers and pimps, 420
T' engage the devil on your side,
And steal (like Proserpine) your bride ;
But he disdaining to embrace
So filthy a design and base,
You fell to vapouring and huffing, 425
And drew upon him like a ruffin ;
Surpris'd him meanly, unprepar'd,
Before h' had time to mount his guard,
And left him dead upon the ground,
With many a bruise and desp'rate wound : wo
Swore you had broke and robb'd his house,
And stole his talismanic louse,
And all his new-found old inventions,
With flat felonious intentions;
Which he could bring out where he had, 435
And what he bought them for, and paid :
His flea, his morpion, and punese,-
H' had gotten for his proper ease,
And all in perfect minutes made,
By th' ablest artist of the trade ; 4«
Which (he could prove it) since he lost
He has been eaten up almost ;
And altogether might amount
PART III. CANTO I. 243
To many hundreds on account :
For which h' had got sufficient warrant 445
To seize the malefactors errant,
Without capacity of bail,
But of a cart's or horse's tail ;
And did not doubt to bring the wretches
To serve for pendulums to watches ; 450
Which, modern virtuosis say,
Incline to hanging every way.
Beside, he swore, and swore 'twas true,
That ere he went in quest of you,
He set a figure to discover 455
If you were fled to Rye or Dover ;
And found it clear that, to betray
Yourselves andjne, you fled this way ;
And that he was upon pursuit,
To take you somewhere hereabout. 4«o
He vow'd he had intelligence
Of all that pass'd before and since,
And found that, ere you came to him,
Y' had been engaging life and limb
About a case of tender conscience, 46r>
Where both abounded in your own sense,
Till Ralpho, by his light and grace,
Had clear'd all scruples in the case ;
And prov'd that you might swear and own
Whatever 's by the Wicked done ; 470
For which, most basely to requite
The service of his gifts and light,
You strove t' oblige him, by main force,
To scourge his ribs instead of yours ;
But that he stood upon his guard, 475
And all your vapouring out-dar'd ;
244 HUDIBRAS.
For which, between you both, the feat
Has never been perform'd as yet.
While thus the Lady talk'd, the Knight
Turn'd th' outside of his eyes to white, 480
(As men of inward light are wont
To turn their optics in upon't) ;
He wonder'd how she came to know
What he had done, and meant to do :
Held up his affidavit-hand, 435
As if h' had been to be arraign'd ;
Cast towards the door a ghastly look,
In dread of Sidrophel, and spoke :
Madam, if but one word be true
Of all the wizard has told you, 490
Or but one single circumstance
In all th' apocryphal romance,
May dreadful earthquakes swallow down
This vessel, that is all your own ;
Or may the heavens fall and cover 495
These reliques of your constant lover.
You have provided well (quoth she),
(I thank you) for yourself and me,
And shewn your Presbyterian wits
Jump punctual with the Jesuits' ; 500
A most compendious way and civil,
At once to cheat the world, the devil,
And heaven and hell, yourselves, and those
On whom you vainly think t' impose.
Why then (quoth he), may hell surprise — 503
That trick (said she) will not pass twice :
I've learn 'd how far I'm to believe
Your pinning oaths upon your sleeve ;
But there 's a better way of clearing
PART III. CANTO I. 245
What you would prove, than downright swearing ;
For if you have perform'd the feat, oi i
The blows are visible as yet,
Enough to serve for satisfaction
Of nicest scruples in the action ;
And if you can produce those knobs, rn
Although they're but the witch's drubs,
I'll pass them all upon account,
As if your nat'ral self had done 't ;
Provided that they pass th' opinion
Of able juries of old women ; 530
Who, us'd to judge all matter of facts
For bellies, may do so for backs.
Madam (quoth he), your love 's a million,
To do is less than to be willing,
As I am, were it in my power 525
T' obey what you command, and more ;
But for performing what you bid,
I thank you as much as if I did.
You know I ought to have a care
To keep my wounds from taking air ; 530
For wounds in those that are all heart,
Am dangerous in any part.
I find (quoth she) my goods and chattels
Are like to prove but mere drawn battles ;
For still the longer we contend, KS
We are but farther off the end ;
But granting now we should agree,
What is it you expect from me ?
Your plighted faith (quoth he) and word
You pass'd in heaven on record, 510
Where all contracts, to have and t' hold,
Are everlastingly cnroll'd ;
246 HUDIBRAS.
And if 'tis counted treason here
To raze records, 'tis much more there.
Quoth she, There are no bargains driv'n, 545
Nor marriages clapp'd up in heav'n,
And that 's the reason, as some guess,
There is no heav'n in marriages ;
Two things that naturally press
Too narrowly, to be at ease ; 550
Their bus'ness there is only love,
Which marriage is not like t' improve ;
Love, that 's too generous t' abide
To be against its nature ty'd ;
For where 'tis of itself inclin'd, 555
It breaks loose when it is confin'd,
And like the soul, its harbourer,
Debarr'd the freedom of the air,
Disdains against its will to stay,
But struggles out and flies away ; 860
And therefore never can comply
T' endure the matrimonial tie,
That binds the female and the male,
Where th' one is but the other's bail ;
Like Roman gaolers, when they slept scs
Chain'd to the prisoners they kept.
Of which the true and faithful'st lover
Gives best security to suffer.
Marriage is but a beast some say,
That carries double in foul way, 570
And therefore 'tis not to b' admir'd
It should so suddenly be tir'd :
A bargain, at a venture made,
Between two partners in a trade ;
(For what 's inferr'd by t' have and t' hold, 575
PART III. CANTO I. 247
But something past away, and sold ?)
That, as it makes but one of two,
Reduces all things else as low ;
And at the best is but a mart,
Between the one and th' other part, sso
That on the marriage-day is paid,
Or hour of death, the bet is laid ;
And all the rest of better or worse,
Both are but losers out of purse :
For when upon their ungot heirs 685
Th' entail themselves, and all that 's theirs,
What blinder bargain e'er was driv'n,
Or wager laid at six and sev'n ?
To pass themselves away, and turn
Their children's tenants ere they're born ? 590
Beg one another idiot
To guardians, ere they are begot ;
Or ever shall, perhaps, by th' one
Who 's bound to vouch 'em for his own,
Though got b' implicit generation, 595
And gen'ral club of all the nation :
For which she's fortify'd no less
Than all the island, with four seas ;
Exacts the tribute of her dower,
In ready insolence and power, eoo
And makes him pass away, to have
And hold, to her, himself, her slave,
More wretched than an ancient villain,
Condemn'd to drudgery and tilling :
While all he does upon the by, 005
She is not bound to justify,
Nor at her proper cost and charge
Maintain the feats he does at large.
248 HUDIBRAS.
Such hideous sots were those obedient
Old vassals, to their ladies regent, eio
To give the cheats the eldest hand
In foul play, by the laws o' th' land ;
For which so many a legal cuckold
Has been run down in courts, and truckled :
A law that most unjustly yokes 615
All Johns of Stiles to Joans of Noakes,
Without distinction of degree,
Condition, age, or quality;
Admits no pow'r of revocation,
Nor valuable consideration, . 620
Nor writ of Error, nor reverse
Of judgment past, for better or worse ;
Will not allow the privileges
That beggars challenge under hedges, 624
Who, when they're griev'd, can make dead horses
Their sp'ritual judges of divorces,
While nothing else but rem in re
Can set the proudest wretches free ;
A slavery beyond enduring,
But that 'tis of their own procuring. 6?o
As spiders never seek the fly,
But leave him of himself t' apply ;
So men are by themselves employ'd,
To quit the freedom they enjoy'd,
And run their necks into a noose, 6>*
They'd break 'em after to break loose.
As some whom death would not depar!,
Have done the feat themselves by art :
Like Indian widows, gone to bed,
In flaming curtains, to the dead ; 640
And men as often dangled for 't,
PART III. CANTO I. 249
And yet will never leave the sport.
Nor do the ladies want excuse
For all the stratagems they use,
To gain th' advantage of the set, 645
And lurch the amorous rook and cheat.
For as the Pythagorean soul
Runs through all beasts, and fish, and fowl,
And has a smack of ev'ry one,
So love does, and has ever done ; 650
And therefore though 'tis ne'er so fond,
Takes strangely to the vagabond.
'Tis but an ague that 's reverst,
Whose hot fit takes the patient first,
That after burns with cold as much ess
As iron in Greenland does the touch ;
Melts in the furnace of desire
Like glass, that 's but the ice of fire ;
And when his heat of fancy's over,
Becomes as hard and frail a lover : ceo
For when he 's with love-powder laden,
And prim'd and cock'd by Miss or Madam,
The smallest sparkle of an eye
Gives fire to his artillery,
And off the loud oaths go, but, while 665
They're in the very act, recoil :
Hence 'tis so few dare take their chance
Without a sep'rate maintenance ;
And widows, who have try'd one lover,
Trust none again till they've made over ; CTO
Or if they do, before they marry
The foxes weigh the geese they carry ;
And ere they venture o'er a stream,
Know how to size themselves and them.
250 HUDIBRAS.
Whence wittiest ladies always choose 675
To undertake the heaviest goose :
For now the world is grown so wary,
That few of either sex dare marry,
But rather trust on tick t' amours,
The cross and pile for bett'r or worse ; 680
A mode that is held honourable,
As well as French and fashionable:
For when it falls out for the best,
Where both are incommoded least,
In soul and body two unite 685
To make up one hermaphrodite ;
Still amorous, and fond, and billing,
Like Philip and Mary on a shilling,
They've more punctilios and capriches
Between the petticoat and breeches, 690
More petulant extravagances
Than poets make 'em in romances;
Though when their heroes 'spouse the dames,
We hear no more of charms and flames ;
For then their late attracts decline 695
And turn as eager as prick'd wine ;
And all their caterwauling tricks,
In earnest to as jealous piques :
Which th' ancients wisely signify'd
By th' yellow manteaus of the bride; 700
For jealousy is but a kind
Of clap and grincam of the mind,
The natural effects of love,
As other flames and aches prove :
But all the mischief is the doubt 705
On whose account they first broke out.
For though Chineses go to bed
PART III. CANTO I. 251
And lie-in, in their ladies' stead ;
And, for the pains they took before,
Are nurs'd and pamper'd to do more ; 710
Our green-men do it worse, when th' hap
To fall in labour of a clap ;
Both lay the child to one another,
But who 's the father ? who the mother ?
"Tis hard to say in multitudes, 715
Or who imported the French goods.
But health and sickness b'ing all one,
Which both engag'd before to own,
And are not with their bodies bound
To worship, only when they're sound ; 720
Both give and take their equal shares
Of all they suffer by false wares ;
A fate no love^ can divert
With all his caution, wit, and art :
For 'tis in vain to think to guess 725
At women by appearances ;
That paint and patch their imperfections,
Of intellectual complexions,
And daub their tempers o'er with washes
As artificial as their faces : 730
Wear, under vizard-masks, their talents
And mother- wits, before their gallants ;
Until they're hamper'd in the noose,
Too fast to dream of breaking loose :
When all the flaws they strove to hide 735
Are made unready with the bride,
That with her wedding clothes undresses
Her complaisance and gentilesses ;
Tries all her arts to take upon her
The government from th' easy owner ; 740
252 HUDIBRAS.
Until the wretch is glad to wave
His lawful right, and turn her slave ;
Find all his having and his holding
Reduc'd t' eternal noise and scolding ;
The conjugal petard, that tears 7ir>
Down all portcullises of ears,
And makes the volley of one tongue
For all their leathern shields too strong ;
When only arni'd with noise and nails,
The female silk- worms ride the males ; TOO
Transform 'em into rams and goats
Like Syrens, with their charming notes ;
Sweet as a screech-owl's serenade,
Or those enchanting murmurs made
By th' husband mandrake, and the wife, 7.rs
Both bury'd (like themselves) alive.
Quoth he, These reasons are but strains
Of wanton, over-heated brains,
Which ralliers in their wit or drink
Do rather wheedle with, than think. ;eo
Man was not man in Paradise,
Until he was created twice ;
And had his -better half, his bride,
Carv'd from th' original, his side,
T' amend his natural defects, 7C5
And perfect his recruiting sex ;
Enlarge his breed at once, and lessen
The pains and labour of increasing,
By changing them for other cares
As by his dried-up paps appears. 770
His body, that stupendous frame,
Of all the world the anagram,
Is of two equal parts compact,
PART III. CANTO I. 253
In shape and symmetry exact ;
Of which the left and female side <io
Is to the manly right a bride ;
Both join'd together with such art,
That nothing else but death can part.
Those heav'nly attracts of yours, your eyes,
And face, that all the world surprise,, 780
That dazzle all that look upon ye,
And scorch all other ladies tawny;
Those ravishing and charming graces,
Are all made up of two half faces, ^
That, in a mathematic line, 785
Like those in other heavens, join :
Of which, if either grew alone,
'Twould fright as much to loot upon :
And so wouldthat sweet bud, your lip,
Without the other's fellowship. 790
Our noblest senses act by pairs,
Two eyes to see ; to hear, two ears ;
Th' intelligencers of the mind,
To wait upon the soul design'd :
But those that serve the body' alone 795
Are- single and confin'd to one.
The world is but two parts, that meet
And close at th' equinoctial fit ;
And so are all the works of Nature,
Stamp'd with her signature on matter ; soo
Which all her creatures, to a leaf,
Or smallest blade of grass, receive.
All which sufficiently declare
How entirely marriage is her care,
The only method that she uses 805
In all the wonders she produces ;
254 HUDIBRAS.
And those that take their rules from her
Can never be deceived, nor err :
For what secures the civil life,
But pawns of children, and a wife ? sio
That lie, like hostages, at stake,
To pay for all men undertake ;
To whom it is as necessary,
As to be born and breathe, to marry ;
So universal, all mankind sis
In nothing else is of one mind ;
For in what stupid age or nation
Was marriage ever out of fashion ?
Unless among the Amazons,
Or cloister 'd Friars and vestal Nuns. 820
Or Stoics, who, to bar the freaks
And loose excesses of the sex,
Prepost'rously would have all women
Turn'd up to all the world in common.
Though men would find such mortal feuds 825
In sharing of their public goods,
'Twould put them to more charge of lives
Than they're supply'd with now by wives,
Until they graze, and wear their clothes,
As beasts do, of their native growths ; 830
For simple wearing of their horns
Will not suffice to serve their turns.
For what can we pretend t' inherit,
Unless the marriage-deed will bear it?
Could claim no right to lands or rents, 835
But for our parents' settlements ;
Had been but younger sons o' th' earth,
Debarr'd it all, but for our birth.
What honours, or estates of peers,
PART III. CANTO 1. 255
Gould be preserv'd but by their heirs ? 840
And what security maintains
Their right and title, but the banns ?
What crowns could be hereditary,
If greatest monarchs did not marry,
And with their consorts consummate 815
Their weightiest interests of state ?
For all th' amours of princes are
But guarantees of peace or war.
Or what but marriage has a charm,
The rage of empires to disarm ? 850
Make blood and desolation cease,
And fire and sword unite in peace ;
When all their fierce contests for forage
Conclude in articles of marriage,
Nor does the genial bed provide 855
Less for the int'rests of the bride,
Who else had not the least pretence
T' as much as due benevolence ;
Could no more title take upon her
To virtue, quality, and honour, 860
Than ladies errant unconfin'd,
And femme-coverts to all mankind.
All women would be of one piece,
The virtuous matron, and the miss ;
The nymphs of chaste Diana's train, 865
The same with those in Lewkner's lane ;
But for the difference marriage makes
'Twixt wives and ladies of the Lakes :
Besides the joys of place and birth,
The sex's paradise on earth, 870
A privilege so sacred held
That none will to their mothers yield,
250 HUDIBRAS.
But, rather than not go before,
Abandon heaven at the door :
And if th' indulgent law allows 675
A greater freedom to the spouse,
The reason is, because the wife
Runs greater hazards of her life ;
Is trusted with the form and matter
Of all mankind, by careful Nature ; sso
Where man brings nothing but the stuff
She frames the wondrous fabric of;
Who therefore, in a strait, may freely
Demand the clergy of her belly ;
And make it save her the same way ess
It seldom misses to betray,
Unless both parties wisely enter
Into the Liturgy indenture.
And though some fits of small contest
Sometimes fall out among the best, 590
That is no more than every lover
Does from his hackney-lady suffer ;
That makes no breach of faith and love,
But rather sometimes serves t' improve :
For as, in running, every pace 895
Is but between two legs a race,
In which both do their uttermost
To get before and win the post,
Yet, when they're at their races' ends,
They're still as kind and constant friends, 900
And, to relieve their weariness,
By turns give one another ease ;
So all those false alarms of strife
Between the husband and the wife,
And little quarrels, often prove 905
PART III. CANTO I. 257
To be but new recruits of love,
When those who 're always kind or coy
In time must either tire or cloy.
Nor are their loudest clamours more
Than as they're relish'd sweet or sour ; 910
Like music, that proves bad or good
According as 'tis understood.
In all amours a lover burns
With frowns, as well as smiles, by turns ;
And hearts have been as oft with sullen, 915
As charming looks, surpris'd and stolen :
Then why should more bewitching clamour
Some lovers not as much enamour?
For discords make the sweetest airs,
And curses are a kind of pray'rs ; 920
Two slight alloy's for all those grand
Felicities by marriage gain'd :
For nothing else has power to settle
The interests of love perpetual.
An act and deed that makes one heart 935
Become another's counterpart,
And passes fines on faith and love,
Inroll'd and register'd above,
To seal the slippery knots of vows,
Which nothing else but death can loose. 930
And what security 's too strong
To guard that gentle heart from wrong
That to its friend is glad to pass
Itself away and all it has,
And, like an anchorite, gives over 935
This world for th' heaven of a lover ?
I grant (quoth she) there are some few
Who take that course, and find it true,
VOL. I. s
258 HUDIBRAS.
But millions whom the same does sentence
To heav'n b' another way, repentance. 940
Love's arrows are but shot at rovers,
Though all they hit they turn to lovers,
And all the weighty consequents
Depend upon more blind events
Than gamesters, when they play a set 845
With greatest cunning at Piquet,
Put out with caution, but take in
They know not what, unsight, unseen.
For what do lovers, when they're fast
In one another's arms embrac'd, 150
But strive to plunder, and convey
Each other, like a prize, away ?
To change the property of selves,
As sucking children are by elves ?
And if they use their persons so, 955
What will they to their fortunes do ?
Their fortunes ! the perpetual aims
Of all their ecstasies and flames.
For when the money 'a on the book,
And ' All my worldly goods ' but spoke i eo
(The formal livery and seisin
That puts a lover in possession),
To that alone the bridegroom 's wedded,
The bride a flam that 's superseded :
To that their faith is still made good, 965
And all the oaths to us they vow'd ;
For when we once resign our pow'rs,
We've nothing left we can call ours ;
Our money 's now become the Miss
Of all your lives and services, 970
And we, forsaken and postpon'd,
PART III. CANTO I. 259
But bawds to what before we own'd ;
Which, as it made y' at first gallant us,
So now hires others to supplant us,
Until 'tis all turn'd out of doors 975
(As we had been) for new amours.
For what did ever heiress yet,
By being born to lordships, get ?
When, the more lady she 's of manors,
She 's but expos'd to more trepanners, oso
Pays for their projects and designs,
And for her own destruction fines ;
And does but tempt them with her riches,
To use her as the dev'l does witches,
Who takes it for a special grace 985
To be their cully for a space, ,
That, when the time 's expir'd, the drazels
For ever may become his vassals ;
So she, bewitch'd by rooks and spirits,
Betrays herself and all sh' inherits ; 990
Is bought and sold, like stolen goods,
By pimps, and match-makers, and bawds ;
Until they force her to convey
And steal the thief himself away.
These are the everlasting fruits 995
Of all your passionate love-suits,
Th' effects of all your am'rous fancies
To portions and inheritances ;
Your love-sick rapture, for fruition
Of dowry, jointure, and tuition ; 1000
To which you make address and courtship,
And with your bodies strive to worship,
That th' infant's fortunes may partake
Of love too for the mother's sake.
260 HUDIBRAS.
For these you play at purposes, 1005
And love your loves with A's and B's ;
For these at Beste and L'Ombre woo,
And play for love and money too :
Strive who shall be the ablest man
At right gallanting of a fan ; 1010
And who the most genteelly bred
At sucking of a vizard-bead ;
How best t' accost us in all quarters,
T' our question-and-command new garters ;
And solidly discourse upon 11,15
All sorts of dresses pro and con :
For there 's no mystery nor trade
But in the art of love is made ;
And when you have more debts to pay
Than Michaelmas and Lady-day, 1020
And no way possible to do 't
But love and oaths, and restless suit,
To us y' apply to pay the scores
Of all your cully'd past amours ;
Act o'er your flames and darts again, 1025
And charge us with your wounds and pain,
Which others' influences long since
Have charm'd your noses with and shins,
For which the surgeon is unpaid,
And like to be without our aid. 1030
Lord ! what an am'rous thing is. want !
How debts and mortgages enchant !
What graces must that lady have
That can from executions save !
What charms that can reverse extent, 1035
And null decree and exigent !
What magical attracts and graces
PART III. CANTO I. 261
That can redeem from Scire facias !
From bonds and statutes can discharge,
And from contempts of courts enlarge ! 1040
These are the highest excellences
Of all your true or false pretences ;
And you would damn yourselves, and swear
As much t' an hostess dowager,
Grown fat and pursy by retail 1045
Of pots of beer and bottled ale,
And find her, fitter for your turn,
For fat is wondrous apt to burn ;
Who at your flames would soon take fire,
Relent, and melt to your desire, io;,o
And, like a candle in the socket,
Dissolve her graces int' your pocket.
By this time 'twas grown dark and late,
When they' heard a knocking at the gate,
Laid on in haste, with such a powder, 105:.
The blows grew louder still and louder ;
Which Hudibras, as if they 'd been
Bestow'd as freely on his skin,
Expounding by his inward light,
Or rather more prophetic fright, loeo
To be the Wizard come to search,
And take him napping in the lurch,
loss 1054 TI^ pe,.sons -who knocked at the gate were, pro
bably, two of the lady's own servants : for as she and Ralpho
(who all the ti:ne lay in ambuscade) had been descanting
on the Knight's villanies, so they had undoubtedly laid this
scheme to be revenged of him : the servants were disguised,
and acted in a bold and hectoring manner, pursuant to the
instructions given them by the Widow. The Knight was
to be made believe they were Sidrophel and Whachum, which
made his fright and consternation so great that we find him
falling into a swoon.
262 HUDIBRAS.
Turn'd pale as ashes or a clout,
But why or wherefore is a doubt ;
For men will tremble, and turn paler, ioes
With too much or too little valour.
His heart laid on, as if it try'd
To force a passage through his side,
Impatient (as he vow'd) to wait 'em,
But in a fury to fly at 'em ; 1070
And therefore beat and laid about,
To find a cranny to creep out.
But she, who saw in what a taking
The Knight was by his furious quaking,
Undaunted cry'd, Courage, Sir Knight, 1075
Know I 'm resolv'd to break no rite
Of hospital'ty to a stranger,
But, to secure you out of danger,
Will here myself stand sentinel
To guard this pass 'gainst Sidrophel. ioso
Women, you know, do seldom fail
To make the stoutest men turn tail,
And bravely scorn to turn their backs
Upon the desp'ratest attacks.
At this the Knight grew resolute loss
As Ironside or Hardiknute ;
His fortitude began to rally,
And out he cry'd aloud to sally :
But she besought him to convey
His courage rather out o' th' way, 1090
And lodge in ambush on the floor,
Or fortify'd behind a door,
That, if the enemy should enter,
lose fwo famou3 an<| valiant princes of this country, the
one a Saxon, the other a Dane.
PART III. CANTO I. 263
He might relieve her in th' adventure.
Meanwhile they knock'd against the door 1095
As fierce as at the gate before ;
Which made the renegado Knight
Eelapse again t' his former fright.
He thought it desperate to stay
Till th' enemy had forc'd his way, 1100
But rather post himself, to serve
The Lady for a fresh reserve.
His duty was not to dispute,
But what sh' had order'd execute ;
Which he resolv'd in haste t' obey, 1105
And therefore stoutly march'd away,
And all h' encounter'd fell upon,
Though in the dark, and all alone ;
Till fear, thairbraver feats performs
Than ever courage dar'd in arms, mo
Had drawn him up before a pass,
To stand upon his guard, and face :
This he courageously invaded,
And, having enter'd, barricaded ;
Ensconc'd himself as formidable 1115
As^could be underneath a table,
Where he lay down in ambush close,
T' expect tb' arrival of his foes.
Few minutes he had lain perdue,
To guard his desp'rate avenue, 1120
Before he heard a dreadful shout,
As loud as putting to the rout,
With which impatiently alarm'd,
He fancy5 d th' enemy had storm'd,
And, after ent'ring, Sidrophel 1125
Was fall'n upon the guards pell-mell :
1.04 HUDIBRAS.
He therefore sent out all his senses
To bring him in intelligences,
Which vulgars, out of ignorance,
Mistake for falling in a trance ; 1130
But those that trade in geomancy
Affirm to be the strength of fancy,
In which the Lapland Magi deal,
And things incredible reveal.
Meanwhile the foe beat up his quarters, 1135
And storm'd the outworks of his fortress ;
And as another of the same
Degree and party in arms and fame,
That in the same cause had engag'd,
And war with equal conduct wag'd, luo
By vent'ring only but to thrust
His head a span beyond his post,
B' a general of the Cavaliers
Was dragg'd through a window by the ears ;
So he was serv'd in his redoubt, 1145
And by the other end pull'd out.
Soon as they had him at their mercy,
They put him to the cudgel fiercely,
As if they scorn to trade or barter,
By giving or by taking quarter ; mo
They stoutly on his quarters laid,
Until his scouts came in t' his aid :
For when a man is past his sense,
There 's no way to reduce him thence
But twinging him by th' ears or nose, 1155
Or laying on of heavy blows ;
And, if that will not do the deed,
To burning with hot irons proceed.
No sooner was he come t' himself,
PART III. CANTO I. 2G5
But on his neck a sturdy elf noo
Clapp'd, in a trice, his cloven hoof,
And thus attack'd him with reproof :
Mortal, thou art betray'd to us
B' our friend, thy evil genius,
Who, for thy horrid perjuries, 1165
Thy breach of faith, and turning lies,
The Brethren's privilege (against
The Wicked), on themselves, the Saints,
Has here thy wretched carcass sent
For just revenge and punishment, 1170
Which thou hast now no way to lessen
But by an open, free confession ;
For if we catch thee failing once,
'Twill fall the heavier on thy bones.
What mad& thee venture to betray 1175
And filch the Lady's heart away,
To spirit her to matrimony ? —
That which contracts all matches, money.
It was th' enchantment of her riches
That made m' apply t' your crony witches ; iiso
That in return would pay th' expense,
The wear and tear of conscience,
WHlch I could have patch'd up and turn'd
For th' hundredth part of what I earn'd. —
Didst thou not love her then ? speak true. —
No more (quoth he) than I love you. — use
Howwould'st th'have us'd her and her money? —
First turn'd her up to alimony,
And laid her dowry out in law
To null her jointure with a flaw, 1190
Which I beforehand had agreed
T' have put on purpose in the deed,
266 HUDIBRAS.
And bar her widow's making over
T' a friend in trust, or private lover. —
What made thee pick and choose her out 1195
T' employ their sorceries about ? —
That which makes gamesters play with those
Who have least wit, and most to lose. —
But didst thou scourge thy vessel thus,
As thou hast damn'd thyself to us ? 1200
I see you take me for an ass :
'Tis true, I thought the trick would pass
Upon a woman well enough,
As 't has been often found by proof,
Whose humours are not to be won 1205
But when they are impos'd upon ;
For love approves of all they do
That stand for candidates, and woo. —
Why didst thou forge those shameful lies
Of bears and witches in disguise ? — 1210
That is no more than authors give
The rabble credit to believe ;
A trick of following their leaders
To entertain their gentle readers :
And we have now no other way 1215
Of passing all we do or say ;
Which, when 'tis natural and true,
Will be believ'd b' a very few,
Beside the danger of offence,
The fatal enemy of sense. — 1220
Why didst thou choose that cursed sin,
Hypocrisy, to set up in ?
Because it is the thriving'st calling,
The only saints'-bell that rings all in ,
In which all Churches are concern'd, 1225
PART III. CANTO I. 267
And is the easiest to be learn'd :
For no degrees, unless they employ 't,
Can ever gain much or enjoy 't :
A gift that is not only able
To domineer among the rabble, 1330
But by the laws impower'd to rout
And awe the greatest that stand out ;
Which few hold forth against, for fear
Their hands should slip and come too near ;
For no sin else, among the Saints, 1235
Is taught so tenderly against. —
What made thee break thy plighted vows ? —
That which makes others break a house,
And hang, and scorn you all, before
Endure the plague of being poor. 1240
Quoth he, 1 see you have more tricks
Than all our doting politics,
That are grown old and out of fashion,
Compar'd with your new Reformation ;
That we must come to school to you UMO
To learn your more refin'd and new.
Quoth he, If you will give me leave
To^tell you what I now perceive,
You'll find yourself an errant chouse
If y3 were but at a Meeting-house. 1250
'Tis true (quoth he), we ne'er come there,
Because w' have let 'em out by th' year.
Truly (quoth he), you can't imagine
What wondrous things they will engage in ;
That as your fellow fiends in hell 1255
Were angels all before they fell,
So are you like to be agen
Compar'd with th' angels of us men.
268 IIUD1BKAS.
Quoth he, I am resolv'd to be
Thy scholar in this mystery ; 1260
And therefore first desire to know
Some principles on which you go.
What makes a knave a child of God,
And one of us ? — A livelihood. —
What renders beating out of brains . 1265
And murther godliness ? — Great gains.
What's tender conscience ? — "Tis a botch
That will not bear the gentlest touch ;
But, breaking out, dispatches more
Than th' epidemical'st plague-sore. 1270
What makes y* encroach upon our trade,
And damn all others ? — To be paid. —
What 's orthodox and true believing
Against a conscience ? — A good living.
What makes rebelling against kings 1275
A good old Cause ? — Administ'rings.
What makes all doctrines plain and clear ? —
About two hundred pounds a-year.
And that which was prov'd true before
Prove false again ? — Two hundred more. 1230
What makes the breaking of all oaths
A holy duty ? — Food and clothes.
What laws and freedom, persecution? —
B'ing out of power and contribution.
What makes a church a den of thieves ? — IJSE
A Dean and Chapter and white sleeves.
And what would serve, if those were gone,
To make it orthodox ? — Our own.
What makes morality a crime
The most notorious of the time ; 1-90
Morality, which both the Saints
PART III. CANTO I. 200
And Wicked too cry out against ? —
'Cause grace and virtue are within
Prohibited degrees of kin ;
And therefore no true Saint allows 1295
They shall be suffer'd to espouse ;
For Saints can need no conscience
That with morality dispense ;
As virtue 's impious when 'tis rooted
In nature only, and not imputed : 1300
But why the Wicked should do so
We neither know, nor care to do.
What 's liberty of conscience,
I' th' natural and genuine sense ? —
'Tis to restore with more security 1305
Rebellion to its ancient purity ;
And Christian-liberty reduce
To th' elder practice of the Jews :
For a large conscience is all one,
And signifies the same with none. 1310
It is enough (quoth he) for once,
And has repriev'd thy forfeit bones :
Nick Machiavel had ne'er a trick
(Though he gave his name to our Old Nick)
Buf was below the least of these 1315
That pass i' th' world for holiness.
This said, the Furies and the light
In th' instant vanish'd out of sight,
And left him in the dark alone,
With stinks of brimstone and his own. 1.320
The Queen of Night, whose large command
Rules all the sea and half the land,
And over moist and crazy brains,
In high spring-tides, at midnight reigns,
270 HUDIBRAS.
Was now declining to the west, 1325
To go to bed and take her rest ;
When Hudibras, whose stubborn blows
Deny'd his bones that soft repose,
Lay still, expecting worse and more,
Stretch'd out at length upon the floor ; isso
And, though he shut his eyes as fast
As if h' had been to sleep his last,
Saw all the shapes that fear or wizards
Do make the devil wear for vizards,
And, pricking up his ears to hark 1335
If he could hear too in the dark,
Was first invaded with a groan,
And after, in a feeble tone,
These trembling words : Unhappy wretch !
What hast thou gotten by this fetch, 1340
Or all thy tricks, in this new trade,
Thy holy Brotherhood o' th' blade ?
By saunt'ring still on some adventure,
And growing to thy horse a Centaur ?
To stuff thy skin with swelling knobs 1345
Of cruel and hard- wooded drubs ?
For still th' hast had the worst on 't yet,
As well in conquest as defeat.
Night is the sabbath of mankind,
To rest the body and the mind, 1350
Which now thou art deny'd to keep,
And cure thy labour'd corpse with sleep.
The Knight, who heard the words, explain'd
As meant to him this reprimand,
Because the character did hit 1355
Point-blank upon his case so fit ;
BelievM it was some drolling spright
PART III. CANTO I. 27J
That stay'd upon the guard that night,
And one of those h' had seen, and felt
The drubs he had so freely dealt ; i.seo
When, after a short pause and groan,
The doleful Spirit thus went on :
This 'tis t' engage with Dogs and Bears
Pell-mell together by the ears,
And, after painful bangs and knocks, isai
To lie in limbo in the stocks,
And from the pinnacle of glory
Fall headlong into purgatory —
(Thought he, This devil 's full of malice,
That on my late disaster rallies ;) — 1.370
Condemn'd to whipping, but declin'd it,
By being more heroic-minded >
And at a ridiag handled worse,
With treats more slovenly and coarse ;
Engag'd with fiends in stubborn wars, 1375
And hot disputes with conjurers ;
And, when th' hadst bravely won the day,
Wast fain to steal thyself away —
(I see, thought he, this shameless elf
Would fain steal me too from myself, isso
That impudently dares to own
What I have suffer'd for and done) —
And now, but vent'ring to betray,
Hast met with vengeance the same way.
Thought he, How does the devil know isss
What 'twas that I design 'd to do ?
His office of intelligence,
His oracles are ceas'd long since ;
And he knows nothing of the Saints,
But what some treach'rous spy acquaints. 1390
272 HUDIBRAS.
This is some pettifogging fiend,
Some under door-keeper's friend's friend,
That undertakes to understand,
And juggles at the second-hand,
And now would pass for Spirit Po, 1395
And all men's dark concerns foreknow.
I think I need not fear him for 't ;
These rallying devils do no hurt.
With that he rous'd his drooping heart,
And hastily cry'd out, What art ? uoo
A wretch (quoth he) whom want of grace
Has brought to this unhappy place. —
I do believe thee, quoth the Knight ;
Thus far I 'm sure thou 'rt in the right,
And know what 'tis that troubles thee 1405
Better than thou hast guess'd of me.
Thou art some paltry blackguard spright,
Condemn'd to drudg'ry in the night ;
Thou hast no work to do in th' house,
Nor halfpenny to drop in shoes ; mo
Without the raising of which sum
You dare not be so troublesome,
To pinch the slatterns black and blue,
For leaving you their work to do.
This is your bus'ness, good Pug-Robin, HIS
And your diversion dull dry bobbing,
T' entice fanatics in the dirt,
And wash 'em clean in ditches for 't ;
Of which conceit you are so proud,
At ev'ry jest you laugh aloud, 1420
As now you would have done by me,
But that I barr'd your raillery.
Sir (quoth the Voice), y' are no such sophy
PART III. CANTO I. 273
As you would have world judge of ye.
If you design to weigh our talents 1425
F th' standard of your own false balance,
Or think it possible to know
Us ghosts, as well as wre do you,
We who have been the everlasting
Companions of your drubs and basting, 1430
And never left you in contest,
With male or female, man or beast,
But prov'd as true t' ye, and entire,
In all adventures as your Squire.
Quoth he, That may be said as true us5
By th' idlest pug of all your crew :
For none could have betray'd us worse
Than those allies of ours and yours.
But I have sefft him for a token
To your low country Hogen-Mogen, mo
To whose infernal shores I hope
He'll swing like skippers in a rope :
And if y' have been more just to me
(As I am apt to think) than he,
I am afraid it is as true 1 145
What th' ill-affected say of you ;
Y' have 'spous'd the Covenant and Cause,
By holding up your cloven paws.
Sir (quoth the Voice), 'tis true I grant.
We made and took the Covenant j 1450
But that no more concerns the Cause,
Than other perj'ries do the lawrs,
Which, when they 're prov'd in open court,
Wear wooden peccadilloes for 't :
And that 's the reason Covenantors 1455
Hold up their hands, like rogues at bars.
VOL. I. T
274 I1UDIBIIAS.
I sec (quoth Hudibras) from whence
These scandals of the Saints commence,
That are but natural effects
Of Satan's malice and his sects. neo
Those spider-saints that hang by threads
Spun out o' th' entrails of their heads.
Sir (quoth the Voice), that may as true
And properly be said of you,
Whose talents may compare with either, 1465
Or both the other put together :
For all the Independents do
Is only what you forc'd 'em to ;
You, who are not content alone
With tricks to put the devil down, u?o
But must have armies rais'd to back
The gospel- work you undertake ;
As if artillery and edge-tools
Were th' only engines to save souls :
While he, poor devil, has no pow'r 1475
By force to run down and devour ;
Has ne'er a Classis, cannot sentence
To stools, or poundage of repentance ;
Is ty'd up only to design
T' entice, and tempt, and undermine : uso
In which you all his arts outdo,
And prove yourselves his betters too.
Hence 'tis possessions do less evil
Than mere temptations of the devil,
Which all the horrid'st actions done uss
Are charg'd in courts of law upon ;
Because, unless they help the elf,
He can do little of himself ;
And therefore where he 's best posscst
\
PART III. CANTO I. 275
Acts most against his interest ; uoo
Surprises none but those who 've priests
To turn him out, and exorcists,
Supply'd with spiritual provision.
And magazines of ammunition ;
With crosses, relics, crucifixes, H95
Beads, pictures, rosaries, and pixes ;
The tools of working out salvation
By mere mechanic operation :
With holy water, like a sluice.
To overflow all avenues : 1500
But those who 're utterly unarm'd,
T' oppose his entrance if he storm'd,
He never offers to surprise,
Although his falsest enemies ;
But is content to be their drudge, 1.^05
And on their errands glad to trudge :
For where are all your forfeitures
Intrusted in safe hands, but ours ?
Who are but jailors of the holes
And dungeons where you clap up souls ; isio
Like under-keepers, turn the keys
T' your mittimus anathemas,
And never boggle to restore
The members you deliver o'er,
Upon demand, with fairer justice 1515
Than all your covenanting Trustees ;
Unless, to punish them the worse,
You put them in the secular pow'rs,
And pass their souls, as some demise
The same estate in mortgage twice ; 1520
When to a legal utlegation
You turn your excommunication,
276 IIUDIBRAS.
And for a groat unpaid that 's due,
Distrain on soul and body too.
Thought he, 'Tis no mean part of civil if 2?.
State-prudence, to cajole the devil,
And not to handle him too rough,
When h' has us in his cloven hoof.
'Tis true (quoth he), that intercourse
Has pass'd between your friends and ours, isso
That, as you trust us, in our way,
To raise your members and to lay,
We send you others of our own,
Denounc'd to hang themselves or drown,
Or, frighted with our oratory, 1535
To leap down headlong many a story ;
Have us'd all means to propagate
Your mighty interests of state,
Laid out our sp'rittial gifts to further
Your great designs of rage and murther : 15-10
For if the Saints are nam'd from blood,
We only 've made that title good ;
And, if it were but in our power.
We should not scruple to do more,
And not be half a soul behind i.-,4,-.
Of all Dissenters of mankind.
Right (quoth the Voice), and, as I scorn
To be ungrateful, in return
Of all those kind good offices,
I '11 free you out of this distress, 1550
And set you down in safety, where
It is no time to tell you here.
The cock crows, and the morn draws on,
When 'tis decreed I must be gone ;
And if I leave you here till day, i,r.s:>
PART III. CANTO I. 277
You '11 find it hard to get away.
With that the Spirit grop'd about
To find th' enchanted hero out,
And try'd with haste to lift him up,
But found his forlorn hope, his crup, iseo
Unserviceable with kicks and blows
Receiv'd from harden'd-heartcd foes.
He thought to drag him by the heels,
Like Gresham-carts with legs for wheels ;
But fear, that soonest cures those sores, ises
In danger of relapse to worse,
Came in t' assist him with its aid,
And up his sinking vessel weigh'd.
No sooner was he fit to trudge,
But both made ready to dislodge ; is;o
The Spirit hors'd him like a sack,
Upon the vehicle his back,
And bore him headlong into th' hall,
With some few rubs against the wall ;
WThere, finding out the postern lock'd, 1575
And th' avenues as strongly block'd,
H7 attack'd the window, storm'd the glass,
And-in a moment gain'd the pass;
Through which he dragg'd the worsted soldier's
Fore-quarters out by th' head and shoulders, isso
And cautiously began to scout
To find their fellow-cattle out ;
Nor was it half a minute's quest
Ere he retriev'd the champion's beast,
Ty'd to a pale, instead of rack, 1535
But ne'er a saddle on his back,
Nor pistols at the saddle bow,
is7s VAK. ' tli' outer pastern.'
278 HUDIBRAS.
Convey 'd away, the Lord knows how.
He thought it was no time to stay,
And let the night, too, steal away ; 1590
But in a trice advanc'd the Knight
Upon the bare ridge, bolt upright,
And, groping out for Ralpho's jade,
He found the saddle, too, was stray'd,
And, in the place a lump of soap, is?s
On which he speedily leap'd up ;
And, turning to the gate the rein,
He kick'd and cudgel'd on amain ;
While Hudibras with equal haste
On both sides laid about as fast, leoo
And spurr d, as jockeys use to break,
Or padders to secure, a neck :
Where let us leave 'em for a time,
And to their Churches turn our rhyme ;
To hold forth their declining state, ieoi
Which now come near an even rate.
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zh | N/A | N/A | 后喻文化理论视角下的思想教育改进策略研究
**○李明明**
**(海南经贸职业技术学院思想政治理论课教学部海南海口571127)**
**摘 要，随着科学技术的高速发展和信息传播方式的更新换代，社会的文化形态逐渐过渡到了“后喻文化”的时代，这对学生的思维方式师生关系以及高校思想教育都产生了很大的影响针对后喻文化时代大学生思想特点.研究新形势下高校思想教育的改进策略对提高高校思想教育成效有很大的实践意义**
**关键词：后喻文化，思想教育，策略**
**中图分类号， _G41_ 文献标识码：A 夏草编号：1671-0916(2014)05-0021-03**
**自从第三次技术革命以来科学技术的进步在极大地改变人们物质生活的同时也在悄然改变社会中长期以来保持的从上到下的文化传播模式人类社会正在逐步进入…后喻文化，时代由于信息传播方式的革新年青一代可以通过网络获取大量知识和信息在信息的更新速度上远远超过其长辈形成“文化反哺，的现象同时也逐渐形成了他们特有的世界观价值观以及文化意识形态在思维方式和行为习惯上产生一些新的特点这对高校思想教育工作者提出了新的挑战四**
**一后喻文化的产生及特征**
**美国著名社会学家玛格丽特，米德在其研究著作《文化与承诺 一项关于代沟问题的研究，中首次提出了“后喻文化，的概念米德从文化传播方式的角度出发.将人类的整个文化划分为三种类型，即前喻文化并喻文化以及后喻文化前喻文化的特点是知识和信息是从长辈到晚辈进行传播并喻文化是指学习的过程都发生在同辈人当中，而后喻文化是指从知识从年青一代向年长一代传播这是一种反向的自下而上的文化传播方式也被称为“文化反哺，是后喻文化最显著的特点**
**后喻文化的出现是科技和社会发展的必然结果**
**由于条件的差异年轻人比年长者更容易接受新事物学习新知识而长辈的生活经验可能已经无法适用于新环境不可避免的被淘汰而长辈需要获取新的知识和经验又需要向年轻人学习从而打破了自上而下的传统文化传播模式传统和经验的权威受到了前所未有的挑战这是一个张扬个性崇尚平等交流注重主体回归的时代也是一个信息爆炸传统和权威受到挑战的时代是高校思想教育工作者面临的前所未有的新局面**
**二后喻文化影响下大学生思想特点**
**在后喻文化时代对传统的经验主义的思维方式提出了挑战更加强调社会的多样性开放性以及对差异包容性，在人与人的关系上更加强调平等民主与沟通在这样的背景下，青少年更容易解脱传统思维的束缚焕发出蓬勃的朝气形成年青一代特有的思维模式行为特点以及道德观念等要做好思想教育工作首先要了解后喻文化影响下的大学生思想特点**
**1.强烈的自我意识在后喻文化的社会中，文化环境更加宽松，使得年青一代的自我意识逐渐萌发当代大学生普遍具有强烈的自我意识受到自由开放文化的影响.他们普遍具有鲜明的个性.独立的人格，乐于尝试新鲜事务勇于接受挑战同时又具备初步的民**
**收稿日期，** **2013-11-26**
**基金项目，** **海南省教育科学“十二五规划课题阶段性成果(OTY125047)海南经贸职业技术学院优秀中青年骨干教师人才培养项目**
**作者简介，** **李明明(1979-)，女，海南经贸职业技术学院思想政治理论课教学部讲师，硕士，主要研究方向为马克思主义理论思想政治教育**
**主意识渴望得到认可和关注希望拥有发言权提高自己在集体中的参与度和存在感追求个人价值的实现\[\]自我意识被激发可以极大地调动学生的积极性发挥其聪明才智但是单纯强调自我也会导致其他问题在大学生中普遍存在以自我为中心盲目自大不能听取别人意见缺乏团队精神和合作意识等问题同时.青少年思想还不成熟社会经验不足一味强调个性使其容易受到某些非主流价值观的影响导致思想或行为走向极端**
**2鲜明的批判精神后喻文化的主要特点是知识从年青一代向长辈的传递也是对长辈拥有知识和文化的扬弃因此当代大学生普遍具有鲜明的批判精神表现为一种叛逆的特征他们不喜欢传统规矩的约束敢于挑战权威不喜欢教条式的说教反对循规蹈矩的生活方式，相反他们崇尚独立思考关注国内外最新动态勇于对传统文化进行批判虽然这种批判和挑战不是对传统文化的全盘否定但是这种批判精神对传统的思想教育方式是一种很大的考验如果教育方式方法不当很可能会导致师生之间在思想上处于对峙的状态极大影响思想教育成果**
**3多元的价值取向由于文化和知识传播方式的改变新一代的年轻人有更多的机会接触到不同的思想传统文化继承的单一性逐渐消融特别是在大学生群体中对权威的崇拜已经不复存在出现多元化的价值取向传统美德对大学生的影响力日益减少.艰苦朴素等观念正在逐渐被遗忘和长辈相比年青一代普遍缺少崇高的信念更加崇尚享受追逐时尚推崇快餐文化这种现象一方面活跃了大学生的思维.营造出和谐包容的氛围，但是另一方面如果不及时加以科学的引导会导致年青一代信仰的缺失和对传统美德的丢弃\[3\]**
**心理问题更加突出由于社会形式不断变化以及升学求职等压力的不断增加，容易使大学生产生心理上的困扰而大学生都处在青春后期心理尚不成熟遇到问题如果不能及时解决可能会对他们带来压力又因为现在大学生很多都是独生子女从小受到较多的关注.也没有受到过很大的挫折.而在大学中周围都是和自己一样优秀的同学自己不再是话题的中心同时也面临工作学习社交等方面的压力容易产生焦虑烦躁的情绪长此以往可能会导致心理问题的出现**
**三后喻文化时代思想教育改进策略**
**对后喻文化时代大学生思想特点的分析中我们不难看出年青一代正在以其充沛的活力和朝气参与到**
**文化和知识的传播过程中他们自我意识的加强和独立自主能力的提高极大提高了校园的活力但同时世可能会演化成享乐主义和拜金主义批判精神促进青少年进行独立思考的同时正在不断挑战传统文化和权威思想.多元的文化价值提供了更多的选择但也会形成信仰的真空因此高校思想教育工作者正在面临着前所未有的挑战我们需要做的，不是简单的排斥而是需要紧跟时代步伐面对新形势解决新问题1**
**1转变思想观念拥抱时代变化长期以来社会中的文化和知识的传播一直处于前喻模式其影响力不会在短时间内消除而如今文化传递的方向和传播模式发生了变化.以年青一代作为文化传播的主导可能会造成一定程度的无序状态但是这仅仅是文化传播方式的不同并不意味着对传统文化的全盘否定因此在未来，优秀的历史文化传统仍然会对大学生思想道德素质的提高发挥重要的促进作用同时我们必须意识到年青一代超越老一代是历史和社会发展的必然性否则就不会有文化的发展和社会的进步只有充分释放年轻人的活力与激情才能造就更美好的未来**
**另一方面在后喻文化时代传统的教育模式被打破教育者不再是绝对的权威与被教育者之间更多的形成一种平等互利互相学习的关系\[4因此思想教育工作者想要打破与年青一代之间文化上的隔阂获得受教育者的认可首先必须要敢于抛弃传统教育中存在的权威主义思想不能一味要求学生绝对服从的姿态和自己不容置疑的权利，而是用一种平等的眼光看待受教育者，用开放的心态拥抱变化认识到年轻人身上也有很多值得自己学习的地方虚心接受他们的文化反哺建立起一种平等互动的师生关系以自己的爱心融入学生当中教育学生从被动地接受知识转化为主动学习知识并且通过对学生的价值引导成为其成长的引路人同时教育者应该不断提升自己的日常道德修养提升自己的思想境界塑造自身的人格魅力通过实际行动成为学生的楷模从知识上的权威转化为思想上和道德上的标杆.重塑教师权威\_获得学生的爱戴**
**2促进平等沟通消除话语差异在后喻文化中一个明显的特点就是教育者和受教育者在地位上是平等的因此在进行思想教育的过程中要注重和学生之间的平等交流教育过程更多的是要通过沟通和对话的方式展开教育者可以使用新技术建立和学生之间的沟通渠道充分考虑到和学生之间的双向交流鼓励学生表达自己的想法形成不同观点不同思维之间互相共存互相补充共同进步的和谐局面这样也帮助**
**教师实时掌握学生思想动态有助于及时发现问题开展有针对性地思想教育另外大学生思想教育和普通的知识教育不同教育过程不应该是一个单向灌输的过程.而是一个沟通思想.交流情感的过程。**
**因此在教育方式上应该摒弃传统的说教方式首先肯定学生在思想教育过程中的主体地位鼓励学生说出自己的观念和想法如果观念积极向上就要鼓励学生继续努力，如果思想上有消极或者极端情绪.可以首先帮助其分析利弊得失引起学生更深层次的思考然后通过一些正反实例对学生的思想进行引导通过启发式的教育将学生的思想引导到正确的方向上来**
**对大学生的思想教育很多都是通过对话来实现的在后喻文化时代对思想教育者提出的新要求就是要熟悉青少年使用的话语消除与学生之间的话语差异因为如果教育者对年轻人的表达方式知之甚少在交流过程中就会产生隔阂很难达到与学生平等沟通的目的年青一代在与同龄人的交往过程中创建了大量具有年轻气息的专属话语体系该体系更具有多样性娱乐性与传统较为规范和严肃的话语体系形成了明显的差异特别是最近几年兴起的网络语言表达了年青一代特有的文化与价值取向对于教育者.不能对其持否定态度而是应该了解它熟悉它通过掌握青少年的话语体系来获知他们的思想动态，才能在交流中贴近学生思想走进他们的内心才能获得学生在思想上和感情上的认可对学生的思想教育也能更有针对性**
**3提倡终身学习，优化知识结构在知识经济时代学习已经成为每个人的终生需要作为教育工作者学习更应该成为促进自身业务能力的重要手段作为思想教育者首先应该养成自我更新和主动学习的习惯时常省视自身知识的不足把学习作为自己的需求开放心态关注社会新闻和科技动态了解年轻人当前最关注的资讯并且及时总结评估自己的学习效果这样才能和学生之间有更多的共同语言掌握其思想特征其次在和年轻人的交流中以开放的心态接受他们的文化反哺正视自己和年轻人之间的差距不要对他们的观点和思维感到不屑而是要兼容并包在需要的时候可以做到不耻下问从他们那里吸收最前沿最活跃的知识和信息另外思想教育工作者还需要注重对教育学管理学心理学等相关理论知识的学习和研究提升自己的理论水平探索新形势下的进行思想教育的新方法用逻辑和思维的力量对当前最新出现的现象进行合理的解释做出正确的判断和分析只有这样，才能在思想教育的过程中，帮助学生**
**对其面对的问题进行理性分析和科学的阐释做到以理服人使受教育者更容易接受教育者的观点**
**4改革教育方式注重工作实效思想教育的效果.很大程度上取决于思想教育过程中采用的方式方法日由于现在的大学生普遍具有鲜明的个性和较强的叛逆性枯燥单调的说教很容易激起学生的反感产生师生之间的对立使思想教育的效果大打折扣因此在后喻文化时代思想教育工作者在进行教育过程中必须注重方式方法的改革丰富教育手段根据受教育者的思想和行为特点有针对性地对其进行教育避免对其进行灌输式的说教尽可能采用情景教学榜样教学或者是现场教育，引起学生兴趣启发他们的思考让学生可以从真实的事例中获得感悟将教育者需要传达的思想内化为自身的理念教育工作者要深入到学生当中充分了解学生的所思所想也要掌握学生的社会家庭背景分析他们的思维特征以及产生的原因及时发现学生思想中存在的问题并且主动帮助其解决困惑**
**在教育形式上还可以建立学生自主管理机制鼓励学生参与到班级日常管理中来通过平等民主的方式制订健全的规章制度将思想教育的过程融入日常的生活和学习中扩展思想教育的时间和空间使之成为长期的制度化的行为更有利于在潜移默化中对学生的思想和行为进行教育**
**四结束语**
**后喻文化时代的到来是一种不可逆转的趋势高校思想教育工作也面临了新的形势为此在未来的思想教育过程中要把握后喻文化时代的特点和本质以教育者和受教育者之间的平等沟通为基础不断丰富和改革现有的思想教育方式方法把后喻文化时代作为重构民主型师生关系的新起点以培养身心健康的人才为目标不断推动思想教育进程**
**参** **考** **文** **献**
**\[1\]** **宋晔赵丽萍后喻文化时代教师权威论教育科学研究，2009(8).**
27 **陈妙娥“后喻文化，视角下高校教师课堂教学语言的转变m.江苏高教，2011(5).**
**\[3\]** **蔡琼吕改玲后喻文化背景下导师与研究生之间的和谐关系探讨rn.中国高教研究，2008(3).**
「47 **鲍伯军后喻文化时代背景下大学生思想政治教育的应对性分析\[j.东京文学，2012(3).**
**责任编辑** **徐海生** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 国家哲学社会科学学术期刊数据库
ial Soclal Scie
**论滥用市场支配地位行为中的正当理由**
**徐丽枝**
**(山东财经大学法学院，山东济南250014)**
**摘 要：我国反垄断法以不具备“正当理由”作为构成滥用市场支配地位行为的限定条件。利用自己市场支配地位的企业行为是否具备“正当理由”成为判断此行为是合法利用还是违法滥用的重要标志。对“正当理由”地认定应该贯彻合理原则，符合反垄断法的目的，提高经济效率和消费者福利已经成为世界各国反垄断法的主要目的，所以应以提高经济效率与社会公共利益和促进社会公平与竞争为考查要素。被指控滥用市场支配地位的企业可以用“正当理由”进行抗辩并负有举证义务，由反垄断执法机构或法院予以认定。**
**关键词：反垄断；市场支配地位；滥用；正当理由**
**中图分类号：D922.294 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1008-2670(2013102-0085-07**
**一、引 言**
**对滥用市场支配地位的行为进行规制，是各国反垄断法”的核心内容。《中华人民共和国反垄断法》(以下简称《反垄断法》)立法起步较晚，在规制滥用市场支配地位领域的立法并不成熟，一些重要的概念没有得到充分而完整的定义，如“市场支配地位”“滥用”等，更由于濫用市场支配地位行为的形式多种多样且纷繁复杂，不可能有一个具体而简单的量化标准，《反垄断法》以不具备“正当理由”作为构成滥用市场支配地位行为的限定条件，但并未对“正当理由”进行规定，导致法律规范的不明确以及执法者自由裁量过大等问题。2011年2月1日起施行的《工商行政管理机关禁止滥用市场支配地位行为的规定》对“正当理由”进行了解释，明确以经济运行效率和社会公共利益及经济发展为考查因素来判断企业是否具有正当理由②。这符合反垄断法的目的，也与发达国家的立法相一致，但是与欧美等国相比还显粗糙，且没有对“正当理由”的举证与认定程序作出明确规定。因此，必须对滥用市场支配地位中的“正当理由”进行认真全面地分析，以增强法律**
**收稿日期：2012-12-09**
**基金项目：山东省软科学计划项日(2012RKB01365)。**
**作者简介：徐丽枝，女，山东曲阜人，山东财经大学法学院讲师，研究方向：民商法。**
**①反垄断法在不同国家有着不同的习惯名称：美国称之为“反托拉斯法”，日本称之为“公正交易法”(义称“禁止垄断法”)，德国称之为“卡特尔法”(又称为“反限制竞争法”)，更多的国家称之为“竞争法”，本文在行文过程中使用的“反垄断法”“反托拉斯法”和“竞争法”均具有同一语意。**
**②《工商行政管理机关禁止滥用市场支配地位行为的规定》第八条规定：“工商行政管理机关认定本规定第四条至第七条所称的正当理由，应当综合考虑下列因素：()有关行为是否为经营者基于自身正常经营活动及正常效益而采取；(二)有关行为对经济运行效率、社会公共利益及经济发展的影响。”**
**实践的可操作性，这对我国反垄断法的完善及其作用地发挥具有重要的实践意义和理论价值。**
**美国反托拉斯法和欧盟竞争法是世界上最有影响力的两大竞争法体系。美国反垄断法贯彻合理原则，相关研究非常丰富。理查德.A.波斯纳不但从法学的角度而且从经济学原理分析反垄断问题，认为经济效率可以成为企业主张行为正当的理由；还有一些著作@通过美国法院审理的有关案例具体分析了滥用市场支配地位的问题，认为促进消费者福利和经济民主是考查合理性的重要因素。欧盟竞争法中关于滥用市场支配地位行为的规定集中在《欧盟职能条约》第102条中，《适用欧共体条约第82条查处市场支配地位企业滥用排他性行为的执法重点指南》2通过对欧共体委员会和欧共体法院处理的有关滥用市场支配地位行为的案例分析，认为应从经济效率、对市场竞争的影响和消费者利益三个方面来考查企业行为的合理性。国内对滥用市场支配地位进行研究的著作很多，但是，相关的理论研究主要集在市场支配地位的界定及对滥用行为的法律规制等问题上，对于如何清晰地辨别“正当理由”，却没有给出清晰可行的方法。**
**本文从禁止滥用市场支配地位的法学和经济学理论基础着手，认为“正当理由”是判断--个企业对其具有的市场支配地位是合法利用还是违法滥用的重要标志，对正当理由的界定应运用合理原则，从经济民主和经济自由的角度看，企业行为的正当性应体现为对市场竞争地促进和经济效率地提高上；从法的价值和社会本位思想角度看，正当理由体现为促进社会公平与维护社会公共利益上；从程序上看，被指控滥用市场支配地位的企业可以有“正当理由”进行抗辩并负有举证义务，由反垄断执法机构予以认定。**
**二、正当理由与滥用市场支配地位的关系**
**对是否存在滥用市场支配地位的行为进行评估，一般有三个步骤：一是界定相关市场；二是证明在相关市场上，涉案企业具有市场支配地位；三是证明涉案企业的行为属于滥用了其支配地位的行为。只具备前两个条件并不会受到反垄断法的规制，即反垄断法并不禁止市场支配地位本身，而是禁止滥用市场支配地位的行为，因此，界定滥用行为将是影响市场主体行为性质的至关重要的问题。**
**“滥用”一词有“过度使用”“无节制使用”和“不正当地使用”等多重含义。在反垄断法上则有“不适当、不正当甚至违法”之意。德国法学家狄特瑞希·霍夫曼认为“‘滥用’本身并无道德上或刑事上的因素，一种行为若由其他企业实施则可能是正常的竞争，但若由拥有市场支配地位的企业实施就构成‘滥用'并受到禁止，因为在第二种情况下该行为对市场结构将产生充分影响并将威胁到有效竞争”3\]。可见，滥用行为的主体必须是具有市场支配地位的企业，其采用的手段有垄断定价、掠夺性定价、价格歧视、拒绝交易、搭售行为等；因其行为会导致降低效率、损害竞争对手、损害消费者利益和削弱市场竞争等不利后果，所以具有违法性。**
**竞争的本质就是优胜劣汰，自利和利益最大化是竞争的驱动力。作为一个独立的市场主体，企业有权自主决定其经营行为，并对其决策承担全部后果。如果从市场整体看，企业利用自己市场支配地位的行为对经济发展及生产效率的提高更为有益，或者对提高社会总体福利及消费者福利更为有利，就不能认为它“滥用”。进人二十一世纪以后，越来越多的国家和地区将反垄断法的目标定位于提升经济效率并借以实现消费者福利。以拒绝交易为例，一个企业无论是否具有市场支配地位，都有权自主选择自己的交易对象，只有在特殊情况下，优势企业才有义务与其对手进行交易。所以，德国竞争法规定，认定具有市场支配地位的企业行为构成拒绝交易需要满足两个条件：该拒绝交易行为必须造成阻碍或排除竞争的影响；该行为不具有客观合理性。《反垄断法》的第17条第1款列举了六类滥用市场支配地位的行为并设定了认定滥用市场支配地位**
**①参见： Antitrust Analysis： Problems，Text，and Cases/Philip Areeda，Louis Kaplow；\[美\]基斯.N.希尔顿.反垄断法：经济学原理和普通法演进，赵玲译，北大出版社，2009.**
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**的限定条件@，明确以“不公平的”“无正当理由”作为认定滥用市场支配地位的要件之一。还有很多国家的立法在规定滥用市场支配地位的构成要件时，有类似的限定条件。如日本《不公正的交易方法》中的“不公正”“不正当”或者价格“不公平”；俄罗斯《保护竞争法》中的“不合理”；巴西《反垄断法》中的“不合理”、“无正当理由”等等。在反垄断中，“不合理”是一个艺术术语，仅为表达某一行为是非法的另一种方式。如果具备正当理由就是合法的“利用”，没有正当理由，则是违法、应当予以禁止的“滥用”，则是否具备“正当理由”就成为判断一个企业对其具有的市场支配地位是合法利用还是违法滥用的重要标志。**
**三、正当理由的界定**
**既然“正当理由”成为企业承担法律责任的一个标准，那么何谓正当理由，理由是否确实正当，应该有个清晰的界定。不同语境下，“正当理由”的内涵也迥然不同，但对于反垄断法规制下的企业而言，“正当理由”应该是指企业的某些行为虽然在客观上有造成不利于市场经济之自由竞争的特征，但这些行为又具有经济上的正当性和法律上的合法性，因而企业可以以这种正当性和合法性作为抗辩事由，主张不承担法律责任。**
**(一)界定的原则**
**利用自己市场支配地位的企业行为是不是有正当理由，应以合理原则进行分析。合理原则始于1911年的标准石油公司诉美国一案，对其著名的论述是布兰迪法官在芝加哥证券交易案中作出的②。它指市场上某些被指控为反竞争的垄断行为不被视为必然非法，而需要通过对企业或经营者在商业或贸易领域的行为及其相关背景进行合理地分析，以是否在实质上损害有效竞争、损害整体经济、损害社会公共利益为违法标准的一项法律确认原则。根据这一原则，只有那些“不合理”地限制竞争行为才是反垄断法所禁止的。这条原则成为反垄断法领域应用最广泛的基本原则。**
**首先，合理原则要求正确看待市场中的竞争行为于社会、政治、经济发展目标和对公平、效益等价值准则所发生的作用和影响，而不是以市场结构、市场集中、市场份额为绝对标准。它需要借助于经济学利益权衡的分析方法，杈衡垄断或限制竞争行为对竞争本身及社会整体利益产生的积极影响或消极影响；平衡生产者、销售者和消费者利益；权衡公平与效益、个人利益、公共利益和社会整体利益等等，最终对涉嫌滥用的行为给出予以豁免还是规制的结果。在信息时代，涉及滥用市场支配地位的案件大都与知识产权相关9，一家企业如果能够长期垄断一种技术，就能在市场上长期占据技配地位，获得垄断性利润，若政府予以干预会损害企业创新的动力。如欧洲法院在微软案中，对微软“正当理由”进行客观合理性审核，就分析了采取反垄断措施可能对微软的创新积极性带来的消极影响，及对整个行业创新带来的积极影响，最终衡量企业行为产生的消极**
**①《反垄断法》第17条规定：“禁止具有市场支配地位的经营者从事下列滥用市场支配地位的行为：(一)以不公平的高价销售商品或者以不公平的低价购买商品；(二)没有正当理由，以低于成本的价格销售商品；(三)没有当理由，拒绝与交易相对人进行交易；(四)没有正当理由，限定交易相对人只能与其进行交易或者只能与其指定的经营者进行交易；(五)没有正当理由搭售商品，或者在交易时附加其他不合理的交易条件；(六)没有正当理由，对条件相同的交易相对人在交易价格等交易条件上实行差别待遇；(七)国务院反垄断执法机构认定的其他滥用市场支配地位的行为。”**
**②“合法性的正确检验是，强加的这一限制是否仪仅规制竞争，并且很可能促进竞争，或者这一限制是否抑制，乃至破坏竞争。为了确定这一问题，法院必须通常考虑这一限制所针对的行为，针对这·行为的详细事实；限制施加前后的条件；限制的性质及其实际上的或可能的影响。”Board of Trade of City of Chicago v. Inited States，246 U. S.231，238(1918).**
**③如微软反垄断案件，1997年10月美国司法部指控微软垄断操作系统，2001年11月，双方达成过渡性协议不再对微软进行拆分。此案的处理结果体现了美国政府在新经济时代维护竞争、鼓励创新的产业竞争政策意图，将对今后信息经济产业的企业市场行为产生巨大的影响。2008年10月百度因"竞价排名”被诉滥用市场支配地位，我国法院分析了百度行为的“正当理由”判决驳回原告的诉讼请求。**
**影响与积极效应及对宏观产业的效果。**
**其次，合理原则适应了垄断的二重性，具有对复杂经济行为进行具体问题具体分析的审慎性，这种审慎性能克服反垄断法的不确定性。反垄断法的不确定性是指在各种利益、各种价值之间进行权衡和选择的政策导向性。这与反垄断规则的模糊性有关。综观各国反垄断法，没有一个国家或地区的反垄断法对滥用行为下过一般性的定义，各国通常采取概括性列举的方法，并采用“兜底条款”来囊括法律未加列举的其他行为。其中所包含的“不正当”“不合理”“无实质上合理的理由”、“无正当理由”等主观性很强的法律概念，是运用合理原则的充分理由，也恰恰体现了合理原则的本质要求：注重对竞争的实际状况的具体分析，以求实现利益的平衡和整体效益的最大化，做到既不会打击竞争的合理性，也不会放纵限制竞争的行为。可以说，合理原则是反垄断中区分合法与非法的“度”和“量”的原则。**
**最后，合理原则可以保护竞争，追求经济效率，是反垄断制度实现社会整体利益价值目标的一项重要原则。其重要意义还体现为对公权力地限制。反垄断法作为政府于预市场的措施和手段，是国家公权力对企业私权利地干预。规制滥用市场支配地位行为不能违背客观经济规律，政府充当的是“守夜人”的角色。但是，随着国家监管市场部门地不断膨胀和权力地扩大，政府部门本身的效率下降，与被监管企业的矛盾也会增加。运用合理原则能够使得这种干预不会超过必要的限度，以限制反垄断惩罚措施的滥用，保证政府部门不会成为企业通过正常发展模式做大做强的障碍。**
**(二)考查的因素**
**反垄断法在行为和责任的认定中一般不考虑故意或过失，因为垄断行为是经营者的市场行为，经营者是以营利为目的的组织或个人，其市场行为都应当符合经济理性，是有意识的行为。更何况滥用是主观对客观行为地评价，对行为者在主观上是善意还是恶意无法用准确的概念来表示。反垄断法的目的在于通过市场竞争实现经济效率、消费者利益和经济民主，经济民主关注的核心是经济自由和经济平等。由此考察企业利用其市场支配地位的行为客观上能不能达到反垄断的目标，判断其是不是具有“正当理由”，可以考查以下几个因素：**
**一是效率上具有正当性。经济效率包括生产效率和配置效率，其最完美的状态就是以最小的投入获得最大的产出，使有限的资源得到最大化利用，从而生产出更多可以用于社会分配的利益。20世纪70年代后，经济效率成为美国反托拉斯法的重要价值目标。芝加哥学派@认为，企业的经济效率是建立在扩大企业规模的基础上的，只有规模生产，才能显著改善企业的经济效率，所以效率是可以作为抗辩理由和豁免原因的181。保护低效率竞争者不利于经济地增长和福利地增加，美国前财政部长萨默斯曾在媒体上指出竞争只是手段而不是目的，最终的目标是要有效率。波斯纳也认为“如果我们假定反托拉斯政策要根据对垄断问题的经济分析来制定，那么，对于那些虽然是垄断性的而不是竞争性的，但是却比竞争性的做法更有效率的行为，如何对待他们才是正确的?.…既然允许该垄断时代的社会福利大于禁止该垄断时的社会福利，并且，在经济分析中，我们重视竞争是因为它提高了效率，那么，看来只要垄断可以增进效率，就应该容忍垄断，甚至鼓励垄断.”可见，如果企业实施了利用自己市场支配地位的行为，但此行为可以确保资源被高效率地利用，从而有利于提高社会整体福利，我们就应认定此行为具有效率上的正当理由。我国市场经济发展的水平与城乡二元结构的社会背景，决定了目前的重心应以提高经济效率，促进经济发展为主。**
**二是公平上具有正当性。公平原则是法的正义价值所蕴涵的内容，它要求实现社会利益地公平分配，维护社会个体利益。生产者、经营者相对于消费者，大企业、垄断集团相对于中小企业都是处于明显的优势地位。因而不同的利益立场和观察角度，衡量公平与否时便会得出不同的结果。在认定滥用市场支配地位行为**
**①芝加哥学派是美国20世纪50年代发展起来的一个关于反托拉斯政策和反托拉斯法的学派。对美国的反托拉斯政策产生着显著的影响，其观点·定程度上已成为美国政府反托拉斯政策的基本原则。**
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**时，考察企业行为理由的正当性，关键在于能否实现其自身利益与他人利益、公共利益地共生和互利。反垄断法要禁止少数大企业凭借其经济优势限制他人的活动，使弱小企业获得在市场上竞争的机会，在垄断者和弱小企业之间实现机会公平。如美国《克莱顿法》对大小企业的价格歧视行为采取同样的禁止，这是一种形式上的公平，因为它不区别企业的大小而制定同样的规则，事实上忽视了大企业驾驭市场的能力从而导致实际上的适用规则的不平等。《罗宾逊一帕特曼法》则是禁止大企业的价格歧视、一定条件下承认小企业的价格歧视，以让弱的经营者与大企业拥有同样的能力以平等地适用市场规则，这是一种实质公平。同样，如果企业不是通过非合理的手段来获取市场支配地位，或者没有借助通过合理的手段获得的垄断优势对竞争机制进行扭曲和蹂躏，而是通过公平竞争而发展起来，那么对具有市场支配地位企业的反垄断制裁恰恰是不公平的。企业利用自己市场支配地位的行为是为了取得投资回报，或者为了减少将来继续投资中的风险，或是为了减少对其创新机制的负面影响等，此时就应该认定企业具有正当理由，因为不管任何情况，让一个企业以自身的损失为代价而为其竞争者牟取好处是不合理的，也是不公平的。保护市场支配地位之下的合理，才能真正实现实质公平。对滥用市场支配地位的行为进行反垄断，应该是通过利益机制地矫正，实现机会公平与结果公平、形式公平与实质公平的统一。**
**三是竞争上具有正当性。竞争是市场经济的核心内容和内在运行机制。竞争机制是市场经济的效率和公平优势之所在。反垄断法通过对滥用市场支配地位的行为进行规制，维护的是市场的有效竞争机制。美国经济学家克拉克认为如果一种竞争在经济上是有益的，而且根据市场的现实条件是可以实现的，这种竞争就是有效竞争。只有当社会在一种有效竞争的模式下运行时，才会达到资源的有效配置，才能保证真正具有竞争实力的企业可以做大做强，进而带动整个行业的发展。因为经济进步必须要和垄断因素相连，那就有必要在竞争自由和经济进步的冲突中决定，哪个目标占优先地位。因此，不是所有凭借市场地位的企业行为会因限制竞争而予以禁止，发达国家反垄断法确立了“实质性减少竞争”标准，在美国反托拉斯法中称为“实质性减少竞争”，③在欧盟竞争法中称为“显著地阻碍有效竞争”④，日本反垄断法称之为“实质性竞争限制”，我国反垄断法没有这种强调竞争限制效果和程度的限定⑤，部分学者认为我国反垄断法确立的“排除、限制竞争”的违法标准等同于“实质性减少竞争”标准\[11.12\]。可见，企业为了克服市场缺陷，减少交易成本，防范市场风险所导致的福利损失等等，利用自己的支配地位进行进攻性地竞争，即以反击竞争对手为目的而不是将他人排挤出市场，且此行为有利于提高市场效率，那么这种竞争行为就起到了推动有效竞争的作用，此时，企业形式上限制竞争的行为应被视为合法而不是滥用行为。在欧共体的竞争法中，企业可以证明其行为系应对竞争的需要，以存在客观必要性来进行抗辩。**
**四是公共利益上具有正当性。公共利益是独立于个体但又为历史地处于该社会中的每一个个体成员需求和意欲的，又能同时在一定程度上给予这些需求和意欲以满足的存在13。主要表现为消费者利益和社会**
**①第2条(a)规定：“从事商业的人在商业过程中，直接或间接地对同一等级和质量商品的买者实行价格歧视，如果价格歧视的结果实质上减少竞争或旨在形成对商业的垄断，或妨害、破坏、阻止同那些准许或故意接受该歧视利益的人之间的竞争，或是同他们的顾客之间的竞争，是非法的。**
**②第2条(b)款恒书规定：“如果卖主证明它的低价销售或向买主提供服务或设备是真诚地为了适应竞争对手的低价或竞争对手提供的服务或设备，那么它就可以据此对因此而提出的初步指控进行反驳”。**
**③参见美国《克莱顿法》第2条，38 Stat. 730(1914)，15U. S. C. A. P12-27.**
**④Guidelines on the Assessment of Horizontal Mergers under the Council Regulation on the Control of Concentrations between Under-takings”，Official Journal of the European Union，2004/C 31/03.**
**⑤2011年施行的《工商行政管理机关禁止滥用市场支配地位行为的规定》第2条规定：“禁止具有市场支配地位的经营者在经济活动中滥用市场支配地位，排除、限制竞争。**
**整体经济效率。在各国反垄断法实践中，社会公共利益已经成为判定市场主体的行为是否违反反垄断法的准据。如果企业利用市场支配地位的行为能提高经济效率，从整体上使得产品质量提高、价格降低或就业机会增加等等，可以让消费者获得福利即实现消费者福利的最大化，从而有助于社会总福利或社会公共利益地提高，则此行为不应当被看作违法而予以制裁。随着新产业组织理论在美国的兴起，经济效率和消费者福利已经成为美国政府在反托拉斯执法和可法方面的核心目标；欧共体将“提高消费者利益”作为反垄断法的新使命，现在，无论是在欧共体水平上，还是在各个成员国的水平上，在相关的(反垄断)报告和政策声明中已经很难找到不提消费者利益的内容了\[14\]；在澳大利亚、加拿大等国的反垄断法上，社会公共利益标准也成为了垄断的豁免理由，**
**四、正当理由的举证与认定**
**美国《克莱顿法》、俄罗斯《保护竞争法》等许多国家的法律明确规定“正当理由”的提出者是行为人(被告)，被指控的企业负有举证义务，需要提供相关证据。企业提出“正当理由”的时机有两个：事前申请许可和事后抗辩。事前申请许可是指为了防范利用自己市场支配地位的行为可能带来的法律风险，企业可以提出此行为的“正当理由”，并通过主管机关地认可以获得合法性。企业必须依照法律，事先向反垄断主管机构或相关行政主管部门提出申请。只有获得核准或履行必要登记手续后，方可行为从面免除或减轻对自身行为责任的承担。如瑞士《反对卡特尔及其他限制竞争法》规定：具有市场支配地位的经营者如果为了实现公共利益而有必要实施利用市场支配地位的行为和其他垄断行为，可以向主管部门提出申请。即使主管部门宣布其行为不被允许，联邦委员会亦可根据相关经营者的申请，作为例外予以准许。事前申请许可的方式依靠对企业事先行为的审查，能够有效降低行为风险，将社会整体预期损失降到最小。**
**当企业被起诉或被反垄断执法机构立案查处时，企业可以用“正当理由”进行抗辩，由反垄断主管机构或法院进行事后审查，判定其行为是否具有合理性，这就是事后抗辩。在欧盟，将滥用行为具有客观合理性作为一项申辩理由，原则上可以被法院接受。按照合理原则，厂商可以通过辩称其行为产生了更高的经济效益，从而设法摆脱对其从事反竞争活动的指控。在这种情况下，法院常常必须判定限制性做法潜在的效益是否大于其潜在的反竞争影响115\]。《反垄断法》也允许企业对滥用市场支配地位行为地指控进行抗辩，虽然条文中没有明确企业的抗辩权，但从条文的结构来看，“没有正当理由”地表述恰恰是给予了企业提供抗辩理由的空间。**
**被指控有滥用市场支配地位行为的企业提出抗辩后，对“正当理由”的认定权只能由反垄断法执法机关和法院所拥有，二者分别是行政权和司法权的体现，这是由反垄断的公法属性所决定的。如欧盟竞争法的执法机构是欧盟委员会，其下设的竞争总局设置了听审官职位，以维护被告的正当权益，保证被告有权获得听证并且提供证据，委员会需要证明企业所提出的“正当理由”不具有合法性，是无法被接受的，对客观合理性的验证成为行政程序的一部分。但最终的举证义务及对违法行为进行认定的责任属于欧盟委员会。在以美国为首的多数国家，法院的认定具有终局性。法院的认定内容既包括对被告提出的“正当理由”②的认定，也包括对反垄断执法机构认定行为的再认定。《反垄断法》并没有对“正当理由”的提出与认定程序作出明确规定，将来在制订与反垄断法配套的法规、规章时应予以完善。**
**①如我国反垄断法第1条；匈牙利《禁止不公平和限制性市场行为法》前言；印度竞争法第 20条；德国《反对限制竞争法》第42条。**
**②2一般有六个层层递进的证明步骤：第一步，被质疑的行为是否预示着产出下降或价格上涨；第二步，被质疑行为是否是赤裸裸的；第二步，企业是否具有市场支配地位；第四步，被质疑行为是否产生了足够的效率；第五步，以上效率是否可以通过较少损害竞争的方式获得；第六步，分析实现了均衡。**
**参考文献：**
**\[1\]\[美\]理查德.A.波斯纳.反托拉斯法(第二版)\[M\].孙秋宁译，北京：中国政法大学出版社，2003：30-31.**
**\[2\]王晓晔.反垄断法\[M\].北京：法律出版社2011：113.**
**\[3\]DIETRICH H. The German Competition Law\[M\]. Germany：Kluwer Law and Taxation Publishers，1982：147.**
**\[4\]\[德\]本哈德.海策尔.德国禁止滥用市场支配地位的基本原则和案例\[M\]//反垄断法实施中的重大问题，王晓晔.北京：社会科学文献出版社，2010：137.**
**\[5\]\[美\]赫伯特.霍温坎普.反垄渊事业：原理与执行\[M\].吴旭亮等译，大连：东北财经大学出版社，2011：104.**
**\[6\]肖江平.滥用市场支配地位行为认定中的“正当理由”\[J\].法商研究，2009(5).**
**\[7\]王晓晔.反垄断法\[M\].北京：法律出版社2011：207.**
**\[8\]AUDRETSCH D B. Divergent Views in Antitrust Economies\[C\]. The Antitrust Bulletin，1988，33：151.**
**\[9\]CLARK J M.Towards Concept of Workable Competition\[J\]. American Economic Review，1940(30)：241-256.**
**\[10\]戴龙.滥用市场支配地位的规制研究\[M\].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2012：7.**
**\[11\]曹康泰.中华人民共和国反垄断法解读-理念、制度、机制、措施\[M}.中国法治出版社，2007：144.**
**\[12\]史际春.反垄断法理解与运用\[M\].中国法治出版社，2007：237.**
**\[13\]刘水林.反垄断法的观念基础和解释方法\[M\].北京：法律出版社，2011：28.**
**\[14\]MICHAEL H. Consumer Interest in Competition Law Cases\[J1. Consumer Poliey Review，2006(16)：182.**
**\[15\]\[美\]斯蒂格例茨.经济学(第2版)\[M\].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2000：377.**
**\[16\]\[美\]赫伯特.霍温坎普.反垄渊事业：原理与执行\[M\].吴旭亮等译.大连：东北财经大学出版社，2011.**
**On the Justification in Abusing Market Dominant Position**
**XU Li-zhi**
**_(School of law， Shandong University of Finance and Economics， Jinan 250014， China)_**
**Abstract： In Anti-monopoly Law of People’s Republic of China，lack of justification is the qualification in the affirmation of abusing market dominant position. So whether the action of using the market dominant position has a justification is the key to judge whether the action is legal or illegal. And the affirmation of “justification” should ad-here to the principle of sufficient reason and conform to the Ant-monopoly Law. Now， with the improvement of eco-nomic efficiency and the raise of consumers’ interests having become the main objectives of Anti-monopoly Law， Such four factors as economic efficiency， equity， fair market competition and the interests of the society should be re-ferred to as a whole in the affirmation. The industries accused of abusing the market dominant position could counter-plead and give proof or evidence， and whether there is an abuse action should be identified by the courts and anti-monopoly authorities.**
**Key words：anti-monopoly； market dominant position； abuse； justification**
**(责任编辑** **刘小平)** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **苏教版小学语文课堂口语交际教学浅探**
**朱菊芳**
**(苏州市吴江区盛泽镇坛丘小学，江苏苏州 215227)**
**摘 要：小学语文课堂口语交际教学是学生综合素质提升的一个重要渠道，从当前的苏教版的小学语文课堂口语交际教学来看，多种形式的教学手段，可以促进小学生在各方面综合技能的提升，有利于小学生素质的整体优化。本文将围绕当前小学语文课堂口语交际教学中存在的问题进行深入剖析，并通过实例分析口语交际教学的侧重点和注意点，进而从多方面强化小学语文课堂口语交际的教学模式，提高小学生在口语交际方面的综合能力。**
**关键词：苏教版 小学语文课堂口语交际教学 存在问题 教学模式**
**小学语文课堂口语交际教学是一项综合性的教学，通过对学生综合素质、整体技能的培养，采用全新的教学手段，对小学生个性思维、语言表达能力、思维能力等都有很大的促进作用，因此，要从多方面强化对口语交际的教学创新，提高整体教学质量。**
**一、当前小学语文课堂口语交际教学中存在的问题**
**1.主题方向的偏离**
**在当前的一些小学口语交际教学中，由于受到教师主观思想的影响，有些教师在具体的教学过程中，没有紧扣口语教学主题，在口语训练中偏离主题，交际技巧、交际方法、交际策略、交际心理的过程运用偏离教学实际的需要，造成学生主题认识的模糊，不能实实在在地掌握相应的知识结构，对于口语交际学习只是一种盲目、机械化的表达和学习，没有实现综合实践能力的整体提升。**
**2.教学行为缺乏创新**
**在当前的小学口语交际中，有些教师受考试成绩的制约，过于追求应试教育的结果，对于口语交际没有引起足够的重视，不能创造性地使用苏教版口语交际教材，不重视交际习惯、交际目标的整体实现。譬如，在教学《过生日，请同学吃饭好不好》一课时，教师要求学生通过讨论，说清好与不好的理由。学生通过交际，能更全面地分析问题。但是农村孩子很少过生日，更谈不上请客吃饭，所以他们往往无话可说，更没有交际的兴趣，从而降低学生口语交际学习的兴趣，影响整体知识的学习力度。**
**3.互动性教学存在不足**
**在小学口语交际中，教师对于学生的整体参与还存在一定的迷糊认识，指导也不够，尤其是在具体的教学过程中，整个口语交际缺乏一定的教学互动性。整个教学过程中呈现听和说的简单相加，多是一人说，众人听，语言信息呈单向传递状态，思想交流、思维碰撞较少。即便有一些表面看似双向的交流，如教师提问，学生回答；这人说一句，那人说一句等，也没有建立在倾听的基础上，学生的语言都没有**
**内在的联系，并不能算是真正意义上的言语交互。没有互动和合作，口语交际就失去了它的本质属性。**
**4.评价机制的相对模糊**
**在小学语文课堂口语交际教学中，没有相对鲜明的评价机制，对口语交际能力的评价偶见于课堂上随意的、模糊的、凭整体印象的评价。而现今考试的指挥棒的作用依然很大，因为语文口语交际不考试，不评价，老师不愿教，学生不愿学，所以许多老师觉得在此方面再累也白搭，学生则认为自己天天使用母语，可以在日常学习和生活中自然习得，不必费神去学，再加上考试义不考，自然把精力都投人到阅读和写作的训练中。**
**二、口语交际教学的侧重点和注意点**
**1.交际目标的设定**
**小学口语交际是一项综合技能的全面运用，离不开整体目标的设定。从当前的教学侧重点来看，口语交际要围绕学生的个性化特点与整体表现，在学生的语言综合表达及口语训练中找到更多的知识亮点，将学生从枯燥无味的肖课文、背成语、被句子中解脱出来，采用活动方式的综合应用，将每一项口语交际的目标运用到综合教学的实践之中，尤其是细化每一个口语交际的侧重点，构建素质化的教育模式。因此，强化口语交际的目标教学是一个重点。在具体的教学过程中，教师要突出发展目标与交际目标的实现，根据不同年段目标，结合口语交际的话题，形成具体的语言目标和交际目标。**
**2.自主探究空间的综合运用**
**在小学语文课堂口语交际教学中，学生会针对特定情景中的事物仔细观察，并且提出问题；针对所探究的问题，形成简单的探究思路，并以自己的方式实施探究；学会使用简单的工具和设备，收集基本的信息、数据，运用信息和数据对问题做出简单合理的解释或回答。我们必须真正把学习的自由、权利、空间还给学生，让学生有充分的条件去自主探究，去真正实现自我发现和发展。如在教学《小白兔运南瓜》一课时，就“小白兔会用什么办法将南瓜运回家"这个**
三
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如晶趣面用用用带
Database
**问题，让学生开动脑筋，组内讨论办法，然后选择自己认为最好的一种办法，编一个小故事，看看谁编得最合理，办法最好。学生在想象的空间中，形成情感交流的方式，学生相互之间将优美的句子进行阅读、理解，教师多次引导学生进行有情感的朗读。此时此刻，学生纷纷发言，跃跃欲试，这样在教师的指导下营造一种有利于学生学习的环境氛围，使课堂上产生融洽的师生情感，积极的情绪体验，让学生在知识的探索、能力的发挥方面达到最佳状态。**
**三、加强小学语文课堂口语交际的教学模式**
**1.细化不同梯度的教学方法**
**在具体的教学过程中，要针对学生的个性特点，尤其是在综合口语交际教学目标的细化方面，将不同的目标展示在具体的教学过程中，并融人苏教版教材的实际内容，在突出主题的前提下，注重不同知识点的融合教育。从整体的梯度教学来看，第一个梯度要关注学生在学会说普通话、复述讨论故事情节、交谈讨论表达态度等方面的知识，让学生在语言理解、语言表达上有一定的进步，采用讲故事、转述故事等方式，形成口语交际的初步运用。第二个梯度是关注学生自我思考的能力培养，主要培养学生在交谈、倾听、请教等方面的口语运用能力，全面理解他人讲话的整体意思，并进行详细的讲述等多方面的能力培养。第三个梯度是要关注学生的情感态度及知识融合，突出对小学生在尊重、感恩、理解、即兴发言等多方面的表达，形成自我思索的语言组织能力，能抓住语言要点，形成口语交际的综合管理方式。**
**2.兴趣引导的整体活动能力**
**在口语交际教学的活动开展中，通过教师巧妙组织，从课堂教学开始抓，采用示范引导等方式，可以先让学生进行模拟示范，然后引导学生观察活动的实施步骤、方法、注意事项等，并融人学生感兴趣的活动主题，从而更好地激发学生参与的兴趣。譬如，在开展《童年的游戏》这一实践活动时，组织学生对不同年龄不同职业的人进行调查，各小组按自己的方案开展活动，确定不同的调查形式和目的。让学生在活动开展中，一方面按已有分工去完成，另一方面，将有相类问题的小组进行合作，互相补充完善调查结果。这样学生在相互合作中便感受到力量，增强自信，更好地融人到生动有趣的综合实践活动之中。**
**3.注重习惯与修养的培养**
**在小学语文课堂口语交际教学中，要让学生在养成良**
**好口语交际习惯的同时，注重自我修养的提升。因此，在具体的口语交际教学过程中，要采用言语与非言语的复合行为教学模式，让学生在自我能力强化的标准下养成良好的口语交际习惯，形成自主、自信、自强的优秀品质，实现口语交际教学的日标。同时，将口语交际活动与各种社会实践活动相结合，让学生在各种有趣的活动中感受到口语交际的运用效果，在生活中学会观察自然、体会自然界的神奇之处，并观察社会、做好生活方面的知识积累，从而有效提升学生在日常行为方面的修养，增强学生使用口语交际的个性魅力。譬如，在教学《说话要注意姿势》这一课时，通过情境图展示三种不同的姿势表现，告诉学生，图画中所描绘的都是自己在生活中见到过、经历过、体验过的，有利于将自己已有的生活经验与要学习的内容建立起新的联系，收到更好的教学效果。**
**4.评价内容的多样化**
**在小学语文课堂门语交际教学中，要构建全面化的评价机制，充分利用评价激励的功能，进一步开发学生交际的潜能。在激励中帮助学生树立口语交际的信心，在多元评价中推进学生口语交际的发展。在具体的运用中，可以采用教师点评、学生自评、学生互评等方式，重视形成性评价，评价重点不仅在于成果的形式和水平，而且包含学生在口语运用过程中的情感态度、探究欲望、创新能力、合作能力等，更加鲜活地促进学生整体素质的全面提升。**
**四、结语**
**小学语文课堂口语交际教学是一项综合性的教学，尤其是要突出口语交际的启智效果，采用灵活多变的教学方式，在小学生的童趣表现中强化对知识点的综合运用，让学生在口语交际学习与使用中感受到无穷的乐趣与力量，激活心中的学习热潮，增强口语交际的整体效果，适应新课程改革的整体需要。**
**参考文献：**
**\[1\]王少云.浅谈小学语文口语交际教学策略.新课程(教育学术版)，2009(12).**
**\[2\]陈林林，任文娟.浅谈言语在语文教学中的应用—以《春》为例\[J\].安徽文学(下半月)，2010(05).**
**\[3\]韦凤玲.创设情境，提高小学生语文阅读能力\[J\].时代教育(教育教学版)，2009(05)** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **汤文选水墨人物画探析**
◇顾 月
摘 要：纵观古今，中华文明源远流长，各类艺术作品不胜枚举，其中最具代表性的一定是国画。国画随着时间的更迭不断发生着改变，其取百家之所长，绘大国之气韵，寄情思于纸墨，，一笔画出千年时光荏苒。国画也有不同流派，有善花鸟者，有喜虫鱼者，更有能够将一个个鲜活的人物故事封于纸上者。因此，对水墨画的概念进行介绍，并从当代水墨画的形、笔墨、、色彩三个方面分析其发展趋势，具有重要意义。
关键词：汤文选；水墨人物画；笔墨；色彩
**DOI：10.16129/j.cnki.mysdz.2022.04.056**
水墨人物画在画面的结构处理上，多用繁复之技法，取笔墨之精巧，寄思于眼，以眼控笔，手握三尺狼毫，书人心于纸上。当起笔之时，亦是作品完成之刻。此中律动的节奏，便与所描绘之人一同跳动。所用之笔法、墨法乃至水法等技法，皆是心之所致。久而久之，水墨人物画的艺术性不断提高。
**一、当代水墨人物画的不可替代性与表现性**
(一)当代水墨人物画的不可替代性
当代水墨人物画不断发展，在多元又新奇的新时代中，默默打磨自己。在当代年轻人和老一辈的水墨人物画画家的共同努力下，将水墨人物画的笔墨技法细致分类，又在绘画的工具之中、材料之上，融人更加全面的类型，以新时代的新观念，配以自己的情感表达，促进了水墨人物画的发展。现代化的推进，使绘画所用的工具材料超越以往，使水墨画如油画一般经久不衰，熠熠生辉。社会形式的变更，让艺术作品呈现大繁荣的发展趋势，一个个勇于探索、勇于创新的年轻人，为当代水墨人物画的发展注人了活力。水墨画作为中国国画，它承载了我国的历史与传承，继承了中华魂，是中国人民自己的艺术。现在的水墨人物画，正在以一种遗世独立的姿态，缓缓登上时代艺术的中心位置，在世界的舞台上彰显出中华民族的精气神。
(二)现当代水墨人物画的表现性
1.以传统为主的现当代水墨人物画
以传统为主的现当代水墨人物画的特点是在下笔着墨之时，采用最为传统的挥毫手法与泼墨技法，以古为鉴，使古老的传承不会消失于世间。在西方画派的冲击下，水墨人物画画家要坚守本心，不受外来文化的影响，强调中华民族特色，并不断开拓创新，顺应时代潮流，为传统水墨人物画的发展贡献一份力量。
**2.以表现为主的现当代水墨人物画**
表现型水墨人物画从整体上看，画家都比较重视对个人内心世界与个性的表达，画面追求张力与刺激，追求精神表现与自由，画家的思维得到了极大的释放，想象的世界里住着想象的人，是天才也是疯子，更是不可多得的艺术。画家在作画之时使用了新的艺术符号与画面构成方式，恰如国外后现代的艺术作品，更加重视表达内心情感和各种喷薄而出的情绪。
3.以抽象为主的现当代水墨人物画
抽象型水墨人物画有的是将书写性的笔法带人抽象型的结构，用笔带有传统笔墨的成分，而有的是消解了书法用笔，全用大泼大染大制作的手法来营造画面结构，也有将二者加以结合的。总体的特征是，大多数作品都以一些象征性的手法和符号概念来表达作者的主题思想，或是运用几何形态，或是对人物进行变形、扭曲，或者将人形、动物形、植物形进行组合，以此来对应时下文明。在石果的作品《团块、阴阳同体NO.7》与其另一画作《土著的幽灵 NO.4》中，不用或极少用色，画面有种扭动的感觉，画面黑白分明，给人坚凝、沉重的感觉。
**二、汤文选水墨人物画相关概述**
(一)汤文选简介
汤文选为当代水墨画的发展作出了非常突出的贡献。就职于湖北美术学院的尚扬教授就是汤文选的学生 _之一。_
在一次偶然的机会中，笔者有幸观摩了汤文选的艺术作品，那是一次心灵上的震撼，在他的画作中，仿佛能读出他的人生。画与艺术家在某些时刻是共通的，画中所讲，不也是艺术家的心声吗?那一张张画作，正如汤文选的一个个人生片段，酸甜苦辣，五味杂陈，在油
盐酱醋中回味生命。嬉笑怒骂，提笔当歌，又是谁在放声高吟人生几何。下笔莲花生，精美的艺术作品背后，更多的是汤文选的真挚与澄澈。以己之力，将世间万物复刻升华，其鲜活质朴，使人深受启迪。
(二)汤文选作品特点
1.笔墨语言协调一致
在方增先后期的作品上，我们看到了诸多的创新，方增先在研究中国水墨画之前，最早是将西方油画作为启蒙。在接触水墨画时，也是用基础的结构性素描为水墨画人物的造型做铺垫，然后逐步去素描化。他在国画的笔墨语言中巧妙融人了造型技巧。汤文选亦是如此。西方画派的写生方法影响了很多人，在黄胃的部分画作中，亦不难看出西方写实画派的影子。笔墨语言是不分国界的，艺术更是不分国界的。从不同的角度来营造水墨人物画的艺术氛围，笔墨语言的协调一致必不可少。协调好笔墨语言，需要几代人的不断坚持探索，他们的努力，推动了中国水墨人物画的发展进步。
汤文选在1962年到1976年这段时间里，创作了很多令人难忘的艺术作品。他对人物的描绘是那么淳朴而又真诚，点点墨斑下流露出的是汤文选对这片大地的热爱。1976年后，汤文选的水墨人物画创作达到顶峰，但他并不满足现状，便把精力投入水墨花鸟画的创作中来，著名的《春晓》为中国第五届全国美术展增添了一抹亮丽的色彩。此后，他对花鸟画的热情不减，其创作题材的广度在当代画家中是少见的。他除了描绘传统的梅、兰、竹、菊与鸟和虫外，还描绘常见的家畜家禽。为了画好这些，汤文选深人乡间，与老者攀谈，与山川为伴，与鸟兽同行。乡里人的踏实和淳善也让汤文选为之动容，乡间的动物更是其创作的对象，从他的作品中能够捕捉到汤文选对人和万物的深情。汤文选用拟人化的手法创作了《酣梦》 《晒场上》等以猪为主题的作品，这些作品出现在这个时候绝非巧合。汤文选贴近生活的真谛和烟火的气息，以动态的方式书写世间万物，使笔墨流转形成的图像更生动，更人性化，更具观赏性，这就是汤文选的高明之处。
2.富有人情味和幽默感
1973年以后，汤文选又把精力投人了水墨山水画的创作与创新中。 《峡谷新城》这个作品给中国水墨山水画的发展注人了一剂猛药。社会的变革致使山河变化，在汤文选的心中，万里山河无恙，哪怕前方曲折，他也没有丝毫动摇，他用一笔一画，画出了他心中壮美的山河。在这之后，汤文选又深入鄂西，转战房县，游
历恩施、长阳等地，投身于山水之间，不断打磨自己，施展自身的才华与抱负，走一路便画一路，直到1976年，历经风霜雨雪的汤文选绘制出《丹江晨晖》，再次名声大噪。宣纸上描绘的赫然是新时代的水电站，磅礴而又雄伟的水利建筑，是用中国人的汗水浇筑起来的，那显眼又鲜艳的着色，正是中国红。
红日红霞映红花，丹江风景美如花，山若斧劈濕飞流，水过生宣映晨晖。不同于当时流行的时代景观山水画的是，汤文选凭借着自己多年打磨的笔墨技巧，将山水画艺术语言的魅力完完全全彰显了出来，还用笔墨语言将时代的乐观精神传递出来。随着时间的流逝，汤文选置身于山水之间，从自然山水中另辟蹊径，以自己的观察方法和切人角度，来揣摩自然，纵情于山水之间。许多在民族文化史上作出突出贡献的伟大艺术家，都在困难时期经历了风风雨雨，历尽千辛万苦，最终得以成为一代大家，他们饱尽沧桑后依然对生活充满希望，阅尽千帆后更是心系民生，能够从生活的苦中咂摸出点点的甜，能从蜜糖中尝出那点点的苦，只有品味生活，不忘初心，才能寻找到艺术的真谛。唤醒艺术家的除了艺术本身外，与他所处的时代亦是密不可分。
汤文选在经历了大灾难后能够继续在画坛努力奋斗，也得益于他坚定的艺术信仰。在青年艺术思潮来临之时，他从容不迫，不为浮躁的气氛所打扰，只沉浸在不断的创作中。踏踏实实，埋头作画，不断向自己发出挑战，在困境中寻找希望的光，找到自己艺术发展之路。如在创作花鸟画《战正酣》时，汤文选以西方绘画中的现代艺术的构思绘图方法与砌块结构相结合，取其精华去其糟粕，使他的艺术作品保持活力。汤文选晚年的创作心情更加轻松，他随心所欲，但又不违反规则。可以说，他获得了人生阅历和艺术阅历，进人了极度忘我的境界。汤文选是一个有远大理想、怀揣时代热情的人，是一位革命性的伟大画家，是那个满是迷茫和快速变化的时代造就了他，是祖国的包容和广阔，是农民的热情，是树木花朵的荣枯，是华夏大地的山川秀美、物产丰富造就了他，他代表了一代人。那是一代有着自己的追求与向往的人，他们披荆斩棘，为后人留下了最珍贵的历史画卷。汤文选的艺术成就就像他笔下的那座高山，值得仰望。
**三、水墨人物画的演变历程——以汤文选为例**
(一)在形式语言层面的演变
中国传统水墨人物画的演变方向，其倾向性在中国
**图1婆媳上冬学汤文选**
传承下来的文学巨著中表现得非常明显。历史与艺术永远是密不可分的，而艺术的兴衰和演变，也与政治、经济、文化、宗教信仰等息息相关。正因为这样，才造就了中华民族的瑰宝，即独一无二的中国水墨人物画。
水墨人物画所运用的形式语言主要是用线来架构画面，采用独有的中国水墨画用笔方式，整体的线条更加饱满，是中国人含而不露的哲学观在中国画水墨技法中的体现。这里的“骨法”还有用笔的结构法度的意思，谢赫六法从古至今一直照亮着我国的艺术道路，包括美术和书法。这是我国艺术的千年传承，彰显着大国底蕴，也是中华儿女倍感自豪的一点。前人栽树，后人不能只知乘凉，还应悉心呵护，勤拂拭，勿使其埋尘埃。
(二)现代水墨人物画的形式语言特征
现代社会将古今中外的各种艺术形式呈现出来，艺术家们对各种艺术信息的学习和吸收不再受到限制，部分艺术家毫无顾忌
地接纳和引进各种外来艺术形式，以提升自己的艺术境界和艺术品位，找到属于自己的艺术风格。例如，斧劈皴原本是中国水墨山水画的独有技法，但艺术虽有个体性更有共通性，方增先的作品《母亲》就是这种画法的最好体现。除了笔法、墨法外，现代水墨画的绘画工具材料也有所创新。例如，孙初的作品《捣蛋的猫》，就是将西方的丙烯颜料与传统的中国徽墨相结合，创造出的一幅十分成功的“实验水墨画”。在大环境的浪潮中，开拓视野，对水墨人物画的固有形式语言进行小心翼翼的拆解，像是在修一块精密的老式机械表，而尝试着更换一些配件，就能使它重新焕发生机和活力。但是更换的配件多了，就避免不了会改变其外貌和本质，所以，在将西方艺术美学作为参考的前提下进行创作，免不了会使水墨人物画带着些西方现代主义艺术特质。
(三)汤文选水墨人物画浅析
汤文选在1954年创作了一幅人物画《婆媳上冬学》 (图1)，获全国美展一等奖。这幅作品描绘了婆婆和媳妇在一个下雪的夜晚互相帮助，赶着去学习文化的场景。原作被中国美术馆收藏，后人选《世界美术全集》。从这幅作品中不难看出汤文选绘画功底之深厚，思想之特别，寥寥几笔就使画面中两位人物的喜悦之情跃然纸上，用笔老辣，铿锵有力，其中的抑扬顿挫与穿插错落皆是缘法。正所谓落笔如枯枝，画作中人物的形体结构严谨而又和谐，将两位人物的动感与节奏表达得淋漓尽致，仿佛下一秒就要从画中走来。正是这种精湛的技艺和汤文选那颗质朴的内心达到了同步，其才能创作出如此优秀的艺术作品。
**四、结语**
现当代中国水墨人物画是对传统中国画语言和图式的解构和重构，现当代艺术家用非规范的笔墨打破传统文人画和写实人物画的正统，笔墨与结构动荡、跳跃、激烈、灵活自由，与旧时文人写意画的特征形成鲜明对比。最重要的是，抽象的水墨人物画带有象征性的符号，超现实的空间结构和狂野、粗犷、热烈等绘画手法，传递出现代人内心深处的精神世界。现当代艺术家不受中国传统绘画构图规则的约束，对水墨(彩墨)的写意和特殊性进行充分的利用，为现当代中国画的发展创造了新的格局和发展空间，带来了新的活力。
**参考文献：**
**\[l\]汤文选.繁春·中国画\[\]人生与伴侣：下半月，2018(2)：2.**
\[2\]郑汇娴.国画巨匠汤文选：千锤百炼的艺术人生\[\].档案记忆，2017(12)：22-25.
**\[3\]孙美兰.上下千年艺道无终：论汤文选中国画艺术\[\].湖北文史，2017(2)：201-210.**
**\[4\]国画大师：汤文选先生\[\].读写算(教研版)，2012(2)：220.**
**\[5\]汤文选.汤文选画禽鸟\[M.武汉：湖北美术出版社，2013.**
**\[6\]刘明星.怀念国画大师汤文选\[\]中国书画收藏，2010(1)：25-27.**
**\[7\]汤文选.汤文选中国画\[\]. 美术，2007(5)：3.**
**作者简介：** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | National Social Sciences Database
企业师徒非正式指导关系的形成及其对员工职业发展的影响
徐 洁 梁 建
**(1.澳门大学工商管理学院，澳门；**
**2.上海交通大学安泰经济与管理学院，上海200052)**
**摘要：师徒指导关系(导师制)被定义为资深者和资浅者之间的一种关系，通过这种关系资深者向资浅者的职业生涯发展提供引导、支持和反馈。本文分三个阶段追踪调查了中国某高新技术企业处于职业发展早期174名员工。在此基础上，探讨了员工主动性个性特征在师徒非正式指导关系形成中的重要作用，及非正式师徒指导关系的不同功能(如职业指导、心理社会指导、保护与指引)对员工职业成功(包括主观成功及客观成功)的区别影响。基于结构方程模型的研究结果表明：(1)员工主动性个性特征越明显，越容易形成非正式的指导关系；(2)关系及建言两种主动性行为在这一关系中起到了中介作用；(3)一段良好的职业指导关系能显著提高员工的主观与客观职业成功。最后，本文讨论了研究结果的理论贡献以及对中国企业人力资源管理实践的指导意义，并提出了一些可行的未来研究方向。**
**关键词：非正式指导关系；主动性个性特征；关系行为；建言行为；职业成功**
引 言
**近年米，在全球经济逐步复苏、高素质人才需求倍增、社会压力膨胀的背景下，企业如何设计与运用导师制以帮助员工获得职业成功，成为员工、企业及社会都热切关注的问题之一。师徒指导关系，又称为导师制(mentoring)，在中西方均发展已久。在西方，导师词最早源于希腊时期的《荷马史诗》。在我国，春秋时期的孔子就是导师之表。师徒指导关系被定义为资深者(导师)和资浅者(学徒)之间的一种关系，通过这种关系，资深者向资浅者的职业生涯发展提供引导、支持和反馈11.2。师徒指导关系不仅可以为资浅者提供职业上的指导，如提供支持、发展机会、教导和保护等，而且为他/她们提供榜样、认可、咨询以及友谊等情感支持2-4J。师徒指导关系分为正式与非正式两种类型，正式的师徒指导关系(formal mentoring)是指导师和徒弟的配对是由组织所指派的，而非正式的师徒指导关系( informal mentoring)则是一种自然形成的指导关系，不需要公司或人力资源部的介入。研究表明，非正式指导关系中的导师比正式指导关系中的导师更能为学徒提供有效的职业发展指导，学徒在自然形成的指导关系中成长更快，非正式指导关系更能促进组织的长期发展3。因此，非正式指导关系对于我国一些人才培养机制还跟不上跨国组织的企业而言，显得更为重要与实用。。它不仅能帮助企业培养出自身发展所需的人才，有效防止人才流失，还能构建一种良好的学习氛**
**收稿日期：2012-02-19**
**基金项目：国家自然科学基金项目(71222201)：上海市曙光计划(12SG20)。**
**作者简介：徐洁，澳门大学丁商管理学院博士研究生；梁建，上海交通大学安泰经济与管理学院副教授，博士生导师，博士。**
2015利数据库
_折学 数_ 据库
base
**围。因此，我们选择非正式的导师制作为本研究的对象。**
关于师徒指导关系研究近年来取得了长足的进步。但总体而言，现有文献存在以下三点不足：第一、过去关于指导关系形成的研究主要集中于师傅的意愿及特征与徒弟的人口特征(如性别、种族)等，较少探讨徒弟的个性特征及其行为等较深层次的因素对促成一段师徒指导关系的关键作用.2.41。在本研究中，我们探究了主动性个性特征( proactive personality)，一种在工作中不断寻求变革机会的个性倾向18，对师徒指导关系形成的直接影响。之所以选择主动性个性特征，是因为已有学者指出为了弥补正式指导关系中的不足，学徒与导师在自然形成的指导关系中都应更加主动，但迄今直接探究两者间潜在关系的实证研究还尚少。考虑到在中国这样人才竞争激烈、导师少学徒多的现状下，我们将学徒的主动性个性特征作为主要的预测变量来解释非正式指导关系的形成。
**第二、过去关于指导关系的研究多集中于探究影响指导关系形成的各种前因变量，而相对忽略了这一形成过程中的行为机制。但一些研究已表明学徒的个性特征并不会直接影响指导关系的形成，而是通过学徒自发的主动性行为而促成的1。与学徒的主动性特征相匹配，本文选取了两个在中国情景下非常重要的主动性行为(即关系行为、建言行为)进一步了解主动性个性特征是如何促成了一段非正式师徒指导关系的形成。**
**第三、目前师徒指导关系的实证研究主要是在西方企业背景下进行的，国内对这一问题的研究大多仅限于描述性性质17.111，或者研究对象是企业主导的正式师徒关系12.13。而对于非正式的师徒指导关系的形成及其对学徒职业成功的影响均缺乏相关实证研究，尤其是非正式师徒指导关系的不同功能与学徒主观及客观职业成功间潜在的不同关系。而员工个体的职业成功不仅意味着个人潜力及自我价值的实现，最终也能促进组织成功141。**
**为了弥补现有文献的不足，我们在本研究中对一家高新技术企业处于职业发展早期的174名员工进行了三阶段的追踪调查。在此基础上，探究了员工主动性个性特征对一段非正式指导关系形成的影响、其间的关键行为机制，以及师徒指导关系的不同功能对员工主观及客观职业成功的不同影响。通过这一纵向追踪研究，我们不仅揭示了中国背景下非正式师徒指导关系形成的部分规律，而且对员工职业生涯管理及企业人力资源管理实践具有一定的指导价值。**
**理论回顾与假设提出**
**1、主动性个性特征与师徒指导关系的形成**
**为了支持组织持续发展的目标，企业每年都会招聘大量处于职业生涯早期的资浅者作为人才储备，然而其中只有少数人最终能获得职业成功。在当今职场中，资浅者的数量远远大于资深者的数量，因此资浅者能否采取主动对其能否发展并获益于一段指导关系是至关重要的。主动性个性特征是指通过自身影响环境的一种相对稳定的个性，是一种在工作中寻求变革机会的特性8.157。高主动性个性特征的人不容易受到环境的控制。他们往往在达成变革前积极寻找机会、采取行动并坚持不懈直到能在工作场合带来有意义的变革161C相对而言，那些主动性特征较低的人不会主动影响环境，更倾向于适应所处的环境、被动地接受坏境的影响。**
**研究表明，高主动性的人擅于掌控自己所处的环境、积极获得各种资源以实现白己的目标。他们通常被认为是改变组织使命或找到解决问题的开创者，而相对地，主动性较低的员工不能及时辨认环境中的变革或把握机会，往往依赖、忍受或适应于他们所处的环境。大量研究表明高主动性的人往往在职业生涯道路中发展得更好118，19\]。对于职场新人而言，组织中的资深者是提供工作相关信息、知识及经验的重要来源。他们是能够帮助资浅者在组织中获得发展及升迁的重要社会资本。为了有效地完成工作、实现个人发展日标，高主动性个性特征的员工往往能在职场中积极地发现及获取这些资源，并主动地寻求被指导的机会。另一方面，资深者往往以能力与潜力作为其挑选学徒的主要考虑因素1201，相对低主动性的员工，高主动性的员工能够积极地通过在组织中建立良好的社交网络及“自我推销”向资深者展现其潜力与能力，因此更易被挑选为学徒、得到资深者的职业指导。所以学徒自身的主动性高低往往直接影响了指导关系的形成与发展。Parker和 Collins 的研究为这些论断提供了直接的支持。他们发现具备主动性个性特征的员工在进人组织后会不断**
学社会科学学术期刊数据库
**寻求提升自己的职业技能，积极寻求资深者的建议，规划并促成自己的职业生涯发展。在当今导师少学徒多的中国现状下，学徒的主动性对一段师徒指导关系的促成显得额外重要。综合以上的论述，本文提出以下假设：**
假设1：员工主动性个性特征与非正式指导关系呈显著正相关，即员工主动性个性特征越强，越容易形成非正式指导关系。
**2、关系行为与建言行为的中介作用**
**在假设1的基础上，我们进一步提出两种主动性行为以进一步了解主动性个性特征是如何促成一段有益的非正式师徒指导关系：关系行为(networking behavior)和建言行为(voice behavior)主动性行为是一种自发的、以未来为导向的、能够直接为自身或所处环境带来变革的行为1221。其中，关系行为直接影响了资浅者能否与资深者建立并维系良好的人际关系。研究发现员工的关系行为会直接影响其获取职业发展所必需的社会资源，从而影响其信息、资源获取和职场庇护，最终影响其职业成功29。而建言行为则影响了资浅者能否得到资深者关注并向其展现能力的机会。资浅者通过表达其独特观点、创新想法等不仅能向资深者展现其潜力及对工作相关事情的关注，还能获得与资深者互动沟通的机会，进而促成一段有益的师徒指导关系361。**
**(1)关系行为的中介作用**
**关系行为是指个体与能对其工作或职业发展有帮助的人建立并维持良好人际关系的一种行为1691，是一种有意识的、通过构建良好人际关系而改变或改善现状的主动性行为。高主动性个性特征的员工在职场中会积极积累他们的社会资本，发现并主动联系那些能提供他们有价值的信息、资源与职业支持的资深者\[14.231。此外，Gong 等人的进一步研究也发现高主动性个性特征的员工善于在组织中不断与具有社会资本的资深者交换信息以建立相互信任的人际关系。同时，研究发现关系强度(交往频率、亲密和信任度、万惠性、情感深度)与员工得到的职业支持和心理支持呈显著正相关124.。因此，与资深者建立良好的、互信的人际关系，不但能给资浅者提供改善现状的机遇，也能为其带来许多有意义的信息和资源(如资深者在组织中的人脉、对组织战略的及时了解等)。**
**综上所述，关系行为是高主动性员工获得资深者支持以实现职业成功的一种有益行为，不仅能为其带来友谊与社会支持(如心理社会指导关系)，也能提供其与职业发展相关的知识、信息和支持。在中国这个非常强调“圈内人”和“圈外人”的社会，25，26.，初入职场的员工能否主动通过关系行为使自己成为资深者的“圈内人”而获得被指导的机会显得特别重要。综上所述，我们提出以下假设：**
**假设 2a：关系行为在主动性个性特征与非正式指导关系之间起到了中介作用：即员工主动性个性特征越强，越容易表现出关系行为，最终越容易形成非正式指导关系。**
**(2)建言行为的中介作用**
**建言行为是指为了改善工作环境，以变革为目的的一种通过在工作中表达合理性建议的主动性行为271。相对于低主动性员工，高主动性个性特征的员工更有可能为组织变革提出建设性的建议。在现有的研究中，主动性特征一直被认为是影响员工建言行为的主要个性因素之一。例如， Detert 和 Burris128.采用两组样本均发现主动性个性特征与建言行为呈显著正相关。Crant 等人的研究表明在控制大五人格个性特征的效应后，主动性个性特征仍然可以显著地解释员工建言行为。Gong 及其同事的近期研究也表明具有主动性个性特征的人往往在工作场合中积极与他人交流以不断识别工作环境中的问题与机会以改善工作环境。**
**在组织中，员工通常需要将自己的各种观点整合、并以资深者能理解的方式表达出来。这对初入职场的新人而言是非常不容易的但又是至关重要的。虽然建言行为存在一定的个人风险，容易被其他人误解1，但对初人职场的年轻人而言，建言行为往往是他们在工作中获得关注与青睐的重要途径。资深者会通过高主动性员工的建言行为感受其对工作及组织的热忱，并通过其提出的建议的合理性及建设性判断资浅者的工作能力与潜力，从而决定是否给予其相关支持与职业指导。在中国，企业一直以来强调员工要做有责任心的企业公民，鼓励员工“以厂为家”，将在企业中看到的好与不好的现象都表达出来1311。据此，我们认为员工的建言行为使得他们更容易受到资深者的关注，并因此发展出一段指导关系。我们提出以下假设：**
**假设 2b：建言行为在主动性个性特征与非正式指导关系之间中起到了中介作用：即员工主动性个性特征**
学 数据库
**组织行为与人力资源管理**
DaSe
**越强，越容易表现山建言行为，最终越容易形成非正式指导关系。**
**3、师徒指导关系与学徒的职业成功**
职业成功( career suecess) 是指个体在职业过程中所实现或感知的工作成就，分为主观与客观两大类。客观成功(objective success)一般指诸如工资水平、晋升次数等一段时间内可观测的成果，而主观成功( subjective success) 是指个人对职业发展成就的主观感觉以及对职业现状的满意程度3。过去已有大量研究验证了指导关系与职业成功之间的正相关关系。由于指导关系对学徒的职业发展存在不同功能，学者们预期这些功能与主观、客观职业成功可能有着不同的联系或不同的影响13，但目前的实证研究未曾就非正式的指导关系进行系统的研究，因此就这一问题还没有形成共识133.。而学者们普遍认为若能分别研究师徒指导关系的不同功能对职业成功产生的不同影响，则会为处于职业早期的年轻员工有效管理其职业生涯发展提供更多的参考意见\[341。因此，本文尝试在中国样本中进一步探讨非正式师徒指导关系对主观、客观职业成功的区分效应。
**在现有的文献中，研究者一般将师徒指导关系根据其功能分为两大类：职业指导(vocational mentoring)和心理社会指导( psychosocial mentoring)41。其中，职业指导包括导师在工作中向学徒提供工作支持(sponso-ring)、发展机会(exposure-and-visibility)、教导(coaching) 以及保护(protection)等。以职业开发为主导的指导功能如导师在组织中提名学徒的晋升、轮岗，为学徒在对其职业发展有影响的资深员工面前创造表现机会，为学徒完成与工作相关的目标提出战略性建议，保护学徒以避免可能会对其不利的某些人或事，通过指派与工作相关的具有挑战性的任务使学徒具备职业发展的知识与技能等\*。由此可见，导师通过这些职业指导，即通过工作指导、分享经验及布置具有挑战性的工作等，可以帮助年轻学徒在工作中迅速提高工作胜任能力，为其职业发展做好准备，有利于其在职位晋升、工资增长方面取得明显的进步。**
**而心理社会指导则是指导师在日常工作中为学徒树立做事榜样(role modeling)、提供积极评价和认可(acceptance-and-confirmation)、就提供生活咨询( consulting)以及友谊(friendship)等情感支持41。这些工作中的情感支持可以使得导师成为学徒的“角色模范”从而影响其态度、价值观及行为，为学徒创造一个安全的环境以鼓励、支持其在组织中的学习与创新，为学徒消除会影响其发展的个人顾虑，以及在工作中和生活中双方都能保持愉悦的、良好的关系等2.11。由此可见，导师通过这些心理社会指导，即通过关注学徒在组织中的自我认识等，增强学徒在职业发展中的主观成功感。因此我们预期：**
**假设3a：相对心理社会指导，职业指导与客观职业成功的相关性更为显著，即非正式职业指导越多，客观职业成功越大。**
**假设3b：相对职业指导，心理社会指导与主观职业成功的相关性更为显著，即非正式心理社会指导越多，主观职业成功越大。**
**研究方法**
**1、研究被试及过程**
**本文研究对象为中国深圳一家高科技企业的200名技术人员。该企业没有实施正式的导师制项目，不会干扰本文所要测量的非正式指导关系。此外，该企业一直鼓励其员工积极主动地进行创造性的变革，这使得具有主动性个性特征的员工在该企业是受到关注与支持的，有利于本文的研究。**
**本研究分三个时间点进行问卷调研。在第一次调研中，我们要求被试完成关于以主动性个性特征为主的个人特征问卷；3个月后，我们进行了第二次调研，主要测量被试的关系行为、建言行为及其接受到的非正式指导关系；6个月后，我们进行了第三次调研，要求被试报告他们的职业发展情况(如月薪、升职次数及主观成功感)，因为这6个月的时间内刚好跨年度，我们预期员工在此期间有一定的加薪升职，有利于我们本研究关于职业成功的测量。**
**为了减弱同方法误差(common method variance)及保证数据的质量1351，我们不仅分时段收集问卷资料，还到现场发放问卷、告知被试本研究的自愿性、并要求被试现场完成问卷以确保数据的保密性。经过三个阶段的问卷调查，最后回收且有效的问卷为174份，回收率为87.0%。174名技术员工中，绝大多数为男性**
国家哲学社会科学学术期刊数据库
组织行为与人力资源管理Dase(73.8%)，相对年轻(90.1%都在21到30岁之间)，且83.7%接受过职业或技术培训教育，工作经验普遍都小于3年(79.3%)。综合年龄、教育及工作经验来看，我们本次研究的被试均处于他们的职业生涯早期。
学社会科学学术期刊数据库
**2、测量工具**
**本研究所采用的量表均来源于现有文献中的成熟量表。回答方式采用里克特5级量表(1-非常不同意，5-非常同意)。所有的英文量表都遵循标准的程序进行了翻译和回译( translation and back-translation)程序翻译成了中文\[36!。**
**主动性个性特征量表：本研究所采用的是 Bateman 和 Crant 编制的10个测量项目的主动性个性特征量表，其一致性信度( Cronbach alpha=0.78)达满意程度。如：“我一直在寻找提高自己生活质量的新方式”等。**
**师徒指导关系量表：本研究所采用的是 Dreher 和Ash编制的18个测量项目的非正式指导关系量表，包含了对心理社会功能与职业功能的测量，员工根据其接受到的非正式指导的频率进行打分(1-从不，5-总是)。**
**考虑到非正式指导关系的多种成分，我们依据 Turban 和 Dougherty\[10以及 Metzl38.提出的分析程序，对18道项目进行了主成分分析，每个因素中只保留那些负荷大于0.40的项目，最后得到了3个主要因素(在所有项目中共占51.94%的共同差异)。第一个因素为心理社会指导，包含了8个反应指导关系心理社会功能的题目(Cronbach alpha=0.84)，如：“当你谈到自己的忧虑和感觉时，导师会表示理解”；第二个因素为职业指导，是指员工职业发展中的支持性行为，共5个项目(Cronbach alpha=0.80)，如：“导师能给你布置或建议你去做那些能学到新技能的挑战性任务”；第三个因素为保护与指引(protection and guidance)，是指导师为了防止学徒处于危险情境而做出的努力，共3个项目(Cronbach alpha=0.67)，如：“导师保护你，防止你在还不了解你所要共事的人或部门的习性、争议性话题及人际关系前与他们一起工作”。**
**关系行为：本研究综合过去相关研究·39，采用6个项目来测量员工的关系行为，如：“我花了很多时间与其他人在一起”、“我与公司内不同部门的人交往，并交流看法”、“我善于与同事们合作去分析和解决问题”、“我与顾客、供应商、合作伙伴等合作去研究问题的解决方案”“我与同事们有良好的人际关系”，Cronbach al-pha 为0.79。主因素分析结果产生了一个因素(在所有项目中共占50.63%的共同差异)，因此我们将这些项目加总的分数作为关系行为的最后得分。**
**建言行为：本研究所采用的是 Van Dyne 和 LePine 40编制的6个测量项目的建言行为量表，之所以采用该量表是因为其在过去的研究中它都显现了良好的心理测量结果，Cronbach alpha 为0.76。如：“我对会影响工作团队的相关事件提出建议”。**
**职业成功：本研究测量员工的主观与客观的职业成功。与过去研究保持一致141，我们通过月薪及升职次数咪测量员工的客观职业成功。本研究采用 Cattiker 和 Larwoodi2的3个子量表来测量主观职业成功，包括测量工作成功( job success)的5个项目(如“我的业绩受到各方面的正面评价”)，人际关系成功( interpersonal success)的3个项非(如“同事们很尊重我”)以及生活成功(life success)的3个项目(如“总体而言，我满意自己的生活”)，三个子量表的一致性信度系数(Cronbach alpha)均超过 0.70，且整体信度系数为0.81，均达满意程度。**
**控制变量：本研究控制了6个可能影响职业成功的变量1501。其中5个人口统计学变量分别为：年龄、教育水平、相关工作经验、性别及婚姻状况。考虑到一些员工对于生活和工作可能存在的消极情感1101，本研究采用了 Watson 等1431的10项情绪描述，要求员工根据过去6个月的真实感受选择符合自己情绪的描述及程度，从而测量并控制其悲观倾向，其信度( Cronbach alpha=0.78)达满意程度。**
**研究结果与分析**
**1、验证性因素分析(CFA)**
**本文共有主动性个性特征、关系行为、建言行为、职业指导、心理社会指导、保护与指引、主观成功及客观成功8个变量。在研究这些变量间的关系前，我们先通过结构方程建模的方法进行验证性因素分析。如表1所示，本文的研究模型(模型1)相比其他3个替代模型(模型2-4)都有更好的数据拟合度(X=267.62， d.f.=224， RMSEA=0.036， CFI=0.97， TFI=0.97， NNFI=0.96)。**
**一组组织行为与人力资源管理 labase**
**表1 研究变量的结构方程模型比较**
| **模型** | **模型描述** | | **d.f.** | **AX** | **RMSEA** | **CFI** | **TFT** | **SNFT** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **八因子模型：主动性个性特征、关系行为、建言** **行为、职业指导、心理社会指导、保护与指引、267.62 224 0.036 0.97 0.97 0.96** | | | | | | | | |
| | **主观成功及客观成功** | | | | | | | |
| **2** | **七因子模型：将建言行为与关系行为合并为一** **个主动性行为因子** | **338.02** | **209** | **102.11\*\*** | **0.064** | **0.94** | **0.94** | **0.92** |
| **3** | **六因子模型：将职业指导、心理社会指导、保护** | **388.61** | **215** | **152.70\*\*** | **0.073** | **0.92** | **0.92** | **0.91** |
| **3** | **与指引合并为一个师徒指导关系因子** | **388.61** | **215** | **152.70\*\*** | **0.073** | **0.92** | **0.92** | **0.91** |
| **4** | **七因子模型：将主观成功与客观成功合并为一** **个职业成功因子** | **274.40** | **209** | **38.49\*\*** | **0.046** | **0.96** | **0.96** | **0.95** |
**注：“p<0.05，\*\*p<0.01(双尾检验)。**
**2、描述性统计分析**
**从表2我们可以看到，八个变量的信度系数都很高，有良好的内部一致性水平。正如我们所预期，三种形式的指导关系与主动性个性特征、关系行为及建言行为均呈现正相关关系，心理指导关系只与主观职业成功显著正相关，而职业指导关系则与主观、客观职业成功均呈显著正相关。**
**表2平均值、标准差、信度系数和变量间的相关性**
| | **平均值** | **标准差** | | **2** | **3** | **4** | **5** | **6** | | **7** | **8** | | **9** | **10 11** | | **12** | **13** | **\]4** | **\]5** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **1.主观职业成功** | **3.44** | **0.49** | **{0.81)** | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| **2.月薪(人民币)** | **1294.18** | **990.04** | **0.08** | **一** | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| **3.升职次数** | **1.20** | **1.67** | **\-0.08** | **0.17\*** | **一** | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| **4.心理社会指导** | **3.25** | **0.61** | **0.20\*\*-0.09** | | **0.09** | **(0.84)** | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| **5.职业指导** | **2.86** | **0.71 0.17\*0.26\*\*0.19\*\* 0.49\*\*(0.80)** | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| **6.保护与指引** | **2.45** | **0.73** | **0.06** | **0.05** | **0.12** | **0.49\*\*0.41\*\*** | | **(0.67)** | | | | | | | | | | | |
| **7.主动性个性特征** | **3.44** | **0.56** | **0.05** | **0.10** | **0.03** | **0.15\*0.25\*** | | **0.08** | | **(0.78)** | | | | | | | | | |
| **8.关系行为** | **3.83** | **0.50** | **0.15\*** | **0.11** | **\-0.01** | **0.17\*0.25\*\*** | | **0.00** | **0.29\*\*(0.79)** | | | | | | | | | | |
| **9.建言行为** | **3.12** | **0.55** | **0.08** | **0.225** | **0.14t** | **0.19\*\*0.21\*\*0.20\*\* 0.33 \*\* 0.47\*\*(** | | | | | | | **(0.76)** | | | | | | |
| **10.年龄** | **2.20** | **0.94** | **0.07** | **0.40\*** | **0.06-0.20\*\*0.05** | | | **0.01** | **0.15\*中** | | **0.11** | | **0.18\*** | | **一** | | | | |
| **1l.性别** | **0.26** | **0.44** | **\-0.03 0.41\*\*** | | **\-0.07** | **\-0.07** | **0.14T** | **0.00** | | **0.12** | **0.06** | **0.17\*0.38\*\*** | | | | | | | |
| **12.婚姻状况** | **0.72** | **0.45** | **\-0.06** | **\-0.17\*-0.10** | | **0.11** | **\-0.04** | **\-0.04** | | **\-0.10** | **\-0.09** | **\-015\*-0.67-0.22帕** | | | | **一** | | | |
| **13.教育水平** | **3.16** | **0.61** | **0.02** | **0.58\*\*** | **\-0.05** | **\-0.08** | **0.14T** | **\-0.05** | | **0.17\*** | **0.15\*** | | **0.15** | **0.16\*(1.15"** | | **0.03** | **一** | | |
| **14.工作经历** | **1.69** | **0.95** | **0.00** | **0.25\*\*** | **0.11** | **\-0.06** | **0.03** | **Q.01** | | **0.09** | **0.04** | **\[** | **0.2144** | **0.45\*\*0.35\*\*-，033\*\*0.18\*** | | | | | |
| **15.消极情感** | **1.73** | **0.52** | **\-0，18”-0.16\*-0.06** | | | **\-0.02** | **\-0.07** | **0.08** | **\-0.15\*0.01** | | | **\-0.05-0.26\*\*-0.07** | | | | **0.27\*\*** | **\-0.08-0.23\*(0.78)** | | |
**注：N=174。性别：0=女性，1=男性；婚姻状况：0=已婚，1=未婚。p<0.10，\*p<0.05，\*\*p<0.01(双尾检验)，括号中的为信度系数。**
**3、假设验证**
**在本研究中，我们采用了结构方程分析程序来完成假设检验。结构方程在模型估计过程中控制了测量误差，同时可以通过比较替代模型与假设模型之间的优劣来检验中介效应，这是一项适合木研究假设的统计技术。在分析之前，我们首先针对结果变量(指导关系和职业成功)加入各种控制变量进行回归，保存了其残差值，用于随后的假设检验。如表2所示，主动性个性特征对心理指导关系和职业指导关系均有非常显著的影响(r=0.15，p<0.05；r=0.25， p<0.01)，假设1因此得到数据的支持，即员工主动性个性特征与非正式指导关系呈显著正相关。**
**同时我们发现，主动性个性特征与关系行为、建言行为均呈显著正相关(r=0.29， p<0.01； r=0.33， p<0.01)，这是检验这两种行为在主动性个性特征与非正式指导关系间的中介作用的必要条件。为了进一步检验中介关系(假设2)，我们首先构建了4个部分中介模型与本文的完全中介模型进行比较，以确定与数据拟合最优的理论模型。如表3所示，模型1是本文的假设模型，通过增加三条直接从主动性个性特征到三种指导关系的路径构成了模型2，通过分别增加主动性个性特征到心理指导、职业指导及指引与保护的三条路径分别构成了模型3、4、5。如表3所示，本文的假设模型相比其他4种模型有更好的数据拟合度(x’=392.16， d.f.=216， RMSEA=0.07， CFI=0.91， IFI=0.91，NNFI=0.90)，卡方差异也表明了模型2至5中增加的路径并末显著地改善本研究假设模型的数据拟合度。根据模型简化原理，我们认为模型1的数据拟合程度较好。**
iunal Social Sciences Database
**考虑到其它结构关系的可能性，我们又构建了一个替代模型(模型6)，该模型并不是上述五种结构模型的嵌套，它测试了非正式指导关系在主动性个性特征与员工主动性行为(如关系、建言行为)间的潜在中介作用。研究结果表明，模型6的数据拟合度(x=434.05， d.f.=217； RMSEA=0.08， CFl=0.90， IF1=0.90， NNFI=0.88)也不如模型1。因此，我们认为模型1即本文的假设模型与数据的拟合程度最好。**
**表3 结构方程模型的比较**
| **模型** | **描述** | **X** | **d.f.** | **AX²** | **RMSEA** | **CFI** | **IFI** | **NNFI** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **1** | **假设的中介模型** | **392.16\*\*** | **216** | | **0.073** | **0.91** | **0.91** | **0.90** |
| **2** | **部分中介模型：增加三条直接从主动性个性** **特征到三种指导关系的路径；** | **387.59\*\*** | **213** | **4.57** | **0.074** | **0.91** | **0.91** | **0.89** |
| **3** | **部分中介模型：增加主动性个性特征到心理** **指导的路径；** | **390.08\*\*** | **215** | **2.08** | **0.072** | **0.91** | **0.91** | **0.89** |
| **4** | **部分中介模型：增加主动性个性特征到职业** **指导的路径；** | **391.57\*\*** | **215** | **0.59** | **0.074** | **0.91** | **0.91** | **0.89** |
| **5** | **部分中介模型：增加主动性个性特征到保护** **与指引的路径；** | **390.64\*\*** | **215** | **1.52** | **0.073** | **0.91** | **0.91** | **0.89** |
| **6** | **替代模型：非正式指导关系在主动性个性特** **征与员工主动性行为(如关系、建言行为)间** **的潜在中介作用** | **434.05\*\*** | **217** | | **0.081** | **0.90** | **0.90** | **0.88** |
**注：“p<0.05，\*\*p<0.01(双尾检验)。**
**图1描述了 LISREL 对于模型1结构路径的预测。可以看到，主动性个性特征与关系行为、建合行为分别呈显著正相关(y=0.48， p<0.01；y=0.34，p<0.01)。关系行为与心理指导及职业指导均呈显著正相关(3=0.22， p<0.05； p=0.47，p<0.01)，但关系行为到指引与保护关系路径的系数因子没有显著性，部分验证了假设2a，即关系行为在员工主动性个性特征与非正式指导关系间起到了中介作用，也就是说，员工主动性个性特征越强，越容易表现出关系行为，最终越容易形成非正式指导关系；类似地，建言行为与心理指导及指引和保护呈显著正相关(β=0.19， p<0.05；3=0.27，p<0.01)，与职业指导也稍有显著关系(B=0.15， p<0.10)，验证了假设2b，即建言行为在员工主动性个性特征与非正式指导关系间起到了中介作用，也就是说，员工主动性个性特征越强，越容易表现出建言行为，最终越容易形成非正式指导关系。综上，假设2得到了部分支持。**
**如图1所示，职业指导与客观职业成功显著正相关(B=0.27， p<0.05)，而心理社会指导与客观职业成功不显著相关(β=-0.05， n.s.)，因此假设3a得到支持，即相对心理社会指导，职业指导与客观职业成功的相关更为显著，也就是说，职业非正式指导越多，客观职业成功越大。但是我们同时发现，主观职业成功与职业指导显著正相关(β=0.23，p<0.05)，却与心理社会指导没有显著关系(B=0.11，n.s. )，因而假设 3b没有得到支持。**
**注：图中系数为未标准化的系数，括号中的数字为相应的参数估计的标准差； p<0.10，\*p<0.05，\*\*p<0.01(双尾检验)。**
**图1 LISREL 关于模型1结构路径的预测**
**讨 论**
**1、本研究的贡献**
**师徒指导关系的有效运用，是对企业内部资深者丰富技能、经验与人脉的充分利用。从学徒角度来看，不仅能从导师那里感受企业文化、愿景并学习专业知识，还能满足自身职业、心理发展的需求；从导师角度来看，一段良好的师徒指导关系能显著提高处于职业高原期和中年危机的导师的工作满意度，且通过向学徒传授知识经验时也获得新知识的学习，并获得徒弟的人际支持\[2：19；从企业角度来看，师徒指导关系是一种快速、有效的人才培养机制，促进组织与员工间心理契约的形成且能有效降低员工离职率。本文深入探究了如何促进一段非正式师徒指导关系的形成及其对学徒职业成功的影响。**
**首先，本文提出了主动性个性特征对于非正式指导关系形成与发展的重要性。我们发现，具有主动性个性特征的员工会在组织中主动地表达其富有建设性的想法以获得资深者的关注，并主动地与资深者建立良好的人际关系，从而更加容易与资深者形成非正式的指导关系，获得指导和帮助。近期的研究表明正式指导关系给员工带来了包括不恰当匹配、距离感、及导师的主导控制等负面影响，而这些负面影响直接导致了员工的高工作压力、高离职率和低工作满意度441。因此，为了避免这些由正式指导关系带来的负面影响，组织需要通过重建组织奖励体系、营造良好的组织氛围及道德观去鼓励员工积极主动地寻求与其匹配的非正式指导关系。**
**其次，基于主动性个性特征的行为描述，本文进一步提出了关系行为及建言行为在主动性个性特征与非正式指导关系间的行为机制，这一结果补充了主动性个性特征对非正式指导关系形成的相关理论。具体来说，关系行为解释了具有主动性个性特征的员工如何从资深的同事处获得心理社会及职业的指导，而建言行为解释了具有主动性个性特征的员工如何从资深的同事处获得心理社会指导及保护与指引。这一研究结果帮助处于职业生涯早期的员工更明确他/她在组织中应该积极主动地与资深者建立良好关系，并在适当的时机表现其能力，以期得到资深者对于其职业及心理社会的指导。其中，关系行为对非正式指导关系的影响与大家普遍对于像在中国这样以关系为导向的社会中所期望的结果也是一致的。中国社会中人们更倾向于以不同的方式对待不同的个体27，因此在中国，员工在组织中积极积累人脉，特别是与能够对其职业及心理社会产生指导的资深者建立良好的人际关系以期被区别对待，是至关重要的。**
**第三，本研究中有关指导关系的主因素分析中除了常见的职业指导、心理社会指导，还有“保护与指引”这一因素，我们认为在中国这样的家长式文化背景下，资深者(如导师)往往觉得有义务保护资浅者(如学徒)131，45\]，因此当导师发现由于其学徒的言论而导致人际问题或潜在危机的时候，他们倾向于承担类似父母的角色，采取行动以保护与指引其学徒，这与在一个家长式文化背景下对于导师行为的预期是一致的。同时，本研究的结果部分支持了非正式指导关系对于主观、客观职业成功的区另影响，即职业指导相对心理指导更能帮助员工获得客观职业成功，而心理指导与主观、客观职业成功均没有显著相关性，这可能是因为当今社会市场竞争白热化，个体与组织都更强调职业上的胜任力与资质。与传统的预期不同，新一代的员工更加关注于从指导关系中获得职业指导和帮助，以增强其适应能力，进而获得职业成功。而来自于情感和社会支持的心理社会功能并不能显著地影响学徒的职业成功，特别是主观成功。因此，我们需要根据新生代员工的价值取向为其提供有效的指导和帮助。**
**2、本研究对于组织管理的启示**
**美世咨询的“2012年中国人才吸引及留用调研”结果表明，“职业发展道路不畅”已成为年轻员工最主要的离职原因，如何培养并留用这些处于早期职业发展阶段的人才是当代企业不得不面临的挑战。此外，“枕头大战”、发泄尖叫壶”等各种白领发泄工具的大卖都可以看到当今职场人所面临的各种压力，当代企业如何帮助员工找到适当的宣泄途径、树立健康的职场心态也是迫在眉梢的艰巨任务。因此，非正式师徒指导关系作为兼具职业指导功能和心理社会功能的一种内部指导关系在这一背景下显得尤为重要。但是师徒指导关系的有效与否不仅取决于师徒的有效匹配，更有赖于组织制度与文化的积极支持。首先，学徒自身的高主动性、学习能力对指导关系的形成有直接主要的影响。因此，在组织中应鼓励资浅者的主动性行为(如建言**
学社会科学学术期刊数据库
**行为、关系行为)；同时，组织中应鼓励那些具有高学历、高技能、德高望重、心胸豁达的资深者成为导师；此外，企业要塑造互帮互助的企业文化，鼓励资浅者积极主动，支持员工间的自由组合以形成非正式的指导关系；最后，组织还可以尝试建立有效的激励机制，例如给予有学徒的导师一定补贴(如增加年假)，将徒弟的绩效一定程度与导师的绩效、荣誉、奖励等挂钩，从而激励导师辅助学徒实现健康的心理发展及成功的职业发展。**
**3、本研究的局限及今后的研究方向**
**首先，本文采用了 Dreher 禾 Ash3的量表去测量指导关系，该量表是根据 Kram 提出的指导关系两大功能而开发的，而本文中却发现了“保护与指引”是一个独立于其他职业指导关系的因子。由于过去的研究都是在西方背景下进行的，而本研究是在中国背景下进行的，因而我们无法确定该因子作为一个独立因子的出现是由于其确实是不同于其他职业指导关系的因子，还是只是由于在中国这样的家长式文化背景下而显得特别重要，这有待未来更多的实证研究的探究。**
**第二，本文探究了关系及建言行为在主动性个性特征对非正式指导关系影响中的中介作用。虽然本文从概念上和实证中阐述了由于员工的主动性个性特征引起的非正式指导关系的形成，然而研究是同时测量关系行为、建言行为和非正式指导关系的，因而我们不能排除有可能是因为员工得到非正式指导从而才有主动性行为。今后的研究应考虑这种可能性，通过不同时间点的测量来理清其中的因果关系。**
**第三，未来研究还可以考虑其他主动性行为的中介作用。例如，在组织中，员工可以现有工作流程提出改进建议(促进性建言； promotive voice)，也可以指出现有工作流程中的不足(抑制性建言； prohibitive voice)\[46)。但是这两种行为可能对师徒指导关系的形成会有不同的促进作用、产生不同的职业成果，今后的研究可以对这两种不同的建言行为作区分探索。又如，资浅者初人职场时的主动社会化行为( proactive social-ization behavior)，信息及反馈寻求行为( information and feedback seeking behavior)等主动性行为都有可能会影响其能否获得资深者的关注与指导。**
**最后，未来的研究可以探究职场新人的其他个体特征(如自我效能感及学习意愿)或组织情境特征在本研究框架中所起到的调节作用。例如，在一个心理安全高的氛围下(psychological safety climate)，具有主动性个性特征的员工更倾向于表现其主动性行为。又或者，今后的研究也可以考虑在什么样的组织情境下，员工的关系、建言行为更易影响其与资深者的关系或获得的关注度，从而影响其获得资深者指导的可能性。比如，高政治氛围( political climate)可能会影响资深者对职场新人主动性行为动机的诠释，从而降低他们提供职业指导与支持的意愿。**
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**_The Development of Informal Mentoring and Its Influence on Employee Early Career_**
**_Xu Jie and Liang Jian_**
**(1.Faculty of Business Administration， University of Macau， Macau；2. Antai College of Economics and Management， Shanghai Jiao Tong University， Shanghai 200052)**
**Abstract： Mentoring is defined as a persomal relationship between a more experienced senior employee (mentor) and a less experienced junior one (protege) in which the mentor provides support， direction， and feedback regarding the proteges career plans and personal development. Using a sample of 174 junior employees in China， we exauine the role of proactive personality in the receipt of different furms of early career informal mentoring， the mediating roles of networking and voice behaviors between this relationship， and the differ-ential relationships that different functions of informal mentoring (i.e.， psychosocial mentoring， vocational mentoring， prolection and guidance) have with subjective and objective career success. Structural equation modeling results indicate that proactive personality is positively related to both psychosocial and vocational mentoring， and that the relationships are mediated by networking and voice behav-iors. Vocational mentoring is positively related to both subjective and objective career success. None of the other forms of menturing is re-lated to career success. At the end， we discuss implications for menturing theories and research， as well as the management of the Chi-nese work force. We also provide some promising directions for future researches on mentoring.**
**Key words： informal mentoring， proactive personality， networking behavior， voice behavior， career success** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 《使女的故事》中女权主义思想研究
季燕
(淮北职业技术学院，安徽淮北235000)
摘 要：阿特伍德擅长站在女性立场来描述男权社会下广大女性被欺凌、剥削的现实奴役生存状态，体现了作者强烈的生态女性意识。《使女的故事》这部未来小说，是阿特伍德生态女性意识的代表作，她以倒叙的方式，通过磁带中的录音，将基列国专权统治下一位不幸沦为使女并成功逃脱的女性经历向读者娓娓道来。在专权统治下女性沦为受害者到她们对自我身份的醒悟，再到最后重新构建新身份的转变历程中，淋漓尽致地表现了作者鲜明的女权主义思想。
关键词：使女的故事；女权主义思想；男权专制
中图分类号：1106.4 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1672-5646(2020)01-0064-03
阿特伍德是加拿大生态主义思想作家，有着强烈的女权意识，她的文学作品通常以女权思想、生态主义为主。特别重视女性在男权与父权的统治下始终处在边缘化的问题，注重男性支配和操控下的女性实际生活境况，以及男权统治下男女两性的生态伦理等方面。阿特伍德用独特敏锐的女性视角，在文学创作中深人探索人类、自然间的内在逻辑关系，并对人类与自然、与社会的联系加以剖析，深刻反思生态系统中这些核心要素的关系，以此来揭露真实社会环境中人与社会、男女不平等身份地位与亲疏关系。《使女的故事》便是一部围绕女权主义思想来创作的未来小说，出版后引发广泛关注，吸引大量文学爱好者拜读，迅速占领各大文学作品榜单之首。
一、、专制统治社会下的女性受害者所处的社会现实
(一)自然生态沦为社会发展的工具与背景
漫长的工业化建设与发展进程，逐渐让自然生态失去了原本的主体地位，沦为人类社会及自我成长的“实用工具”成为时代进步和社会发展的汲取对象，自然与人类之间相互依赖的关系转变为利用和改造的“工具”。在《使女的故事》中，外在大环境和自然生态环境质量的急转直下，对人
们生活的各个方面都造成了不同程度的影响，唤醒了人们对环保的意识。有害物质有机进入到女性体内，在她们各个部位的脂肪层安家落户。任何人都无法感同身受，更无人知晓，身体从内到外深度被染，污浊得如同侵入油脂的河水，无一例外，全都在劫难逃。甚至连喜欢夜晚突袭的雄鹰也有可能因误食带有毒气的尸骨而丧命。
《使女的故事》不仅详细列举人类社会对自然生态资源的种种破坏行为，同时还以具体动物的不幸遭遇来撕开人类社会虚伪、卑鄙的面具。《使女的故事》带有鲜明的批判性色彩，通过女主人公奥弗瑞得对人类残忍伤害动物的过程描述，让人感到震惊的同时也不禁陷人沉思。“为了更好地增强圈养猪的肌肉，使其更具张力，人类专门设计生产了圈养猪可踢的个性游戏玩具。从表面上看，是为了圈养猪的考虑，事实却是无所不用其极、想方设法地从动物身上获取更多利润。77
(二)男权主义对女性身体和意识的操纵
鲁瑟在个人代表作《新女性与新世界》中写道：“一个存在着统治者与被统治者的等级森严的社会结构，使得人类对自然的摧毁和男人对女人的压迫合法化和永久化。”《使女的故事》中，基列国专权统治者在拜读《圣经》后，要求全体社会成
作者简介：季燕(1981-)，女，安徽淮北人，硕士，讲师，研究方向：英美文学、语言学、教育学。
员应充分相信上帝安排，坚信上帝能解决所有问题，擅长使用非此即彼的二元思想判断事物。此外，为了更好地延续基列国专权管制，在实施战略性、统一性、军事化以及科学化的过程中，坚决不能出现多样化思想，从女性穿着、女性社交语言，包括女性饮食需求都要制定严格的标准。在教育方面，女性被剥夺受教育权利，希望借此能够让女性彻底失去自由和梦想，使其完全听从于男性。
《使女的故事》中，作者充分揭示了父权统治对广大女性思想观念的消极影响，并控诉了男性对女性造成了身体迫害。女性在男权社会中处在最低的位置，基列国的广大女性一般会根据身份地位选择相匹配的服饰，主要有麼、使女、管家、夫人以及经济太太等，女性个人财产被剥夺时，这些不同身份地位的女性的主要作用是满足家中男性需求，一切以男性为主导，只能抚条件服从。使女的悲惨命运衬托了其他身份地位女性的优越感。既没有生活，也没有姓名，自己的无权掌管与支配，大主教是使女命运发展的把控者与决定者。正像他们所讲：“我们这样的身份和地位是不配和其他女性享有通道同等权益，生育是主要也是唯一的作用，随时随地都面临着被丢弃的风险。。”另一位使女补充道：“使女大多都受人尊重，可却完全不同于歌姬和舞蹈表演者，每日都活在大主教的阴暗下随时待命，没有说不的资格和权利，只能听从与忍受。077
二、女性自我身份的醒悟与重构
(一)精神思想的醒悟
女性主义思想家认为：“因自身创新性与哺育性的能力特点，女性始终较男性要更靠近自然。她们的心理状态更适合探索人与自然生态之间的逻辑关系。”在阿特伍德《使女的故事》中，女主人公奥弗瑞得亲身经历了从思想觉醒到行动觉醒的整个过程。
对《使女的故事》这部未来小说，在女主人公回想以往经历的过程中，为广大读者呈现了基列国自然环境系统惨遭核污染、有毒垃圾破坏与严重威胁下，生化武器、杀虫药、除草剂等化学产品的随意使用，严重降低了新生儿出生率，并在一定程度上加剧了出生障碍恐慌场景。男性的主要目的是严格统治，而广大女性则长期生活在男性的虐待和强制要求下。不具有生育能力的女性、年龄偏高的女性以及同性恋女性，会将他们视为工厂废弃边角料加以处理；具备生育能力的女性，会将其带到殖民区进行监禁和管理，定期传播洗脑内
容，以此来转变女性的以往认知，最终将这些具有生育能力的女性统一运送给大主教，成为代孕中的一员，均称为“使女”。这些代孕女性自身的基本权益受到损害，被强制夺走了一切权利。她们失去了家人，个人财产被非法占据，既不能外出务工和学习文化知识，更不准使女阅读、写作及交流等。这主要是为了进一步从经济、财政、意识及文化等维度对使女进行严格监管。虽然使女在这种专制性的监管虐待下，但她们却从未放弃自己的梦想，追求自由的信念更加坚定，拼尽全力、尝试各种方法，积极勇敢地与残暴专制的基列国做斗争。
辽辽
宁宁
经经
院院
《使女的故事》女主人公奥弗瑞得也是众多代孕女性中的一员，其自我醒悟与自我重新建设带有鲜明的标志性色彩，具有典型案意义。女主人公不断尝试利用多种渠道与方式去挑战大主教的一切旨意，以此来强调自我存在。奥弗瑞得的奋起抗争精神实际上是在担忧、恐慌、绝望等情绪转变后被激发出来的。在《使女的故事》开篇，女主人公奥弗瑞得充当的是近似献祭者身份，她委曲求全地听从大主教的安排，忍受非人类的性虐待，如没有情感的机器，麻木地屈服于基列国惨绝人寰的统治秩序。奥弗瑞得住在极其隐蔽的地方，她办没主动和其他使女交流过，确切地说，这些使女中还没有完全让她信任的人。对待任何事物和人都有着较强的戒备心，情绪两极分化严重，会偶尔陷到消沉、烦闷、悲伤的情绪中无法自拔。在她一个人独处时，经常会反问自己，在质疑和否定中萌生过自杀的想法，可又不想草率地结束一生，不甘心就这样放弃。麽麽们在日常生活中，不断地向使女灌输“代孕使女是一个高尚的职业，是壮大基列国的重要贡献者。成为国家的繁衍者，是上帝的安排”。奥弗瑞得及身边使女对此厌恶至极，用蔑视的眼光看着和小丑一样的麼麽自圆其说，内心时常跳跃着远离基列国独裁统治，真正摆脱使女悲惨命运的强烈愿景，努力夺回原本属于自己的姓名、性格、服装等。
(二)实际行动的觉醒
作品中的莫伊拉与奥弗格林、詹妮三名女性的自我醒悟和勇敢对抗带给女主人公巨大的震撼，可以说她们的实际行动点燃了奥弗瑞得内心熄灭已久的希望之光，也是她思想觉醒化为具体行动的关键转折点。在奥弗瑞得心中，莫伊拉是一位自由勇敢、全力抗争且幸运逃走的伟大女性。虽在这一过程中，历经数次失败，惨遭追捕毒打，即便双脚被鞭打得血肉模糊，也从未萌生过放弃的
c念头，反而更坚定了莫伊拉对自由向往的信念。相比之下，奥弗格林的种种表现则带有鲜明的神秘色彩，使其具有双重身份角色和性格。平日里她是z谨小慎微、逆来顺受的普通使女，可私下却是帮助他人挣脱牢笼、远离苦海的善良天使，最终被人发r现并以自杀的方式终结了自己无权支配的卑微生买3命，实际上这个决定与她自身的信仰也有一定关系。其中，詹妮的抗争最为悲壮，是对女主人公奥033弗瑞得影响最大的一位女性。在詹妮完全丧失生育能力后，受到超出常人想象的折磨与迫害，并将其按照非女性方式进行处理，精神与肉体不断吞3噬着詹妮日渐虚弱的呼吸。她们的真实境遇，让奥弗瑞得对基列国惨绝人寰、灭绝人性的统治手段有了更进一步的认知。所有女性都应明确地意识u到，在一个被限制、被强迫的中社会环境下，绝不会让你们找到任何解放自由、拯救自然的机会。正是长期受到这种影响，才会促使女主人公采取行动：“通过司机尼克的好心帮助，奥弗瑞得顺利逃到了加拿大，重新恢复自由之身，并将自己的真实遭遇完整记录下来，成为日后指控基列国凶残暴力政治行为的有力证据。
生态女性主义思想的代表卡伦曾表示：“女性在灵魂上靠近自然能够为身在父权社会下的她们和生态治愈提供疗伤的避难所。”其中，女性靠近自然实质是在父权与男权统治下女性得以继续生活的一种和平有效途径。在该部作品中，不管是大主教的妻子乔伊，还是女主人公奥弗瑞得，她们都对女性成为生育工具的存在价值感到痛恨。失去了繁衍能力的大主教妻子乔伊，在每月按时举办的受精仪式上，要独自承受丈夫毫不忌讳的出轨行为，这让她陷人了无尽的痛苦中。而对于女主人公来说，她虽具备所需的生育能力，但建立在爱情基础上的性爱关系也终将是内心的美好愿景和奢
求。在表示自然的花海中，乔伊与奥弗瑞得都寻求到了精神的寄托与安慰。作品中绚烂无比、多姿多彩的自然景色与压抑、低沉的氛围构成了鲜明对比，象征新的人生、新的生活即将开启。
三、结语
《使女的故事》再现了女性与自然之间独特的联系，即女性在被污染的环境中要承受更大的伤害，女性对自然的天然亲近也可以被解读为女性幸存于男权社会的一种策略。虽然讲述未来，但其主题却反映了当下社会深刻的自然和现实环境，人与自然的不和谐关系已成为全人类面临的核心问题。从根本上说，自然既不单是雄性的也不单是雌性的，它是包含两性的、复杂的、神秘的和多方面的统一体。可以说，阿特伍德在《使女的故事》创作中，坚持了她一贯的生态关怀和女权关怀，回应了20世纪80年代开展的生态女性主义运动，同时也再现了她对人类前途的深切关注。通过想构建一个恐怖的未来世界来警示世人：如果人类继续破坏与污染自然，继续坚持原有的思维及生活模式，人类将走上不归路。
参考文献：
〔1〕赵乙霖.边缘化女性意识的压迫与反抗——《使女的故事》中女性生存解读\[J\].新闻研究导刊，2018，(9)：7.
〔2\]姜媛.论女权主义反乌托邦小说《使女的故事》中的“他者”形象〔J\].安徽文学(下半月)，2017，(9)：54-55.
\[3\]刘辉.“驯顺的肉体”——《使女的故事》中女性权力斗争解析\[J\].南华大学学报(社会科学版)，2015，(5)：114-117.
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zh | N/A | N/A | 统筹城乡教育综合改革与农民主体性的构建
Educational Synthetic Reform and Construction of Peasants’ Main Reality in the City-town Planning
李涛
内容提要 以全国统筹城乡综合配套改革试验区重庆和成都的若干乡镇调研为例，从农民对统筹城乡教育的总体性视角扫描、统筹城乡教育概念的农民主体性解读、统筹城乡教育制因的农民主体性困惑、统筹城乡教育对策的农民主体性建构、统筹城乡教育原则的农民主体性预设、统筹城乡教育目标的农民主体性展望六个角度展开论述。
关键词 农民视角 统筹城乡教育 教育公平治理 调研
作者单位 西南政法大学政治与公共事务学院 重庆400031
Li Tao
Abstract： From the peasants’ perspective， this paper focused on investigation of education experiments in Chongqing and Chengdu to discuss educational synthetic reform in rural area， review education in the city-town planning， ana-lyzed peasants' confusing of educational system， and mention the construction of peasants main reality in the eity-town planning.
Key words： peasants' perspective， education in the city-town planning， education justice， investigation
建构城乡统筹的社会治理框架来解决“三农”问题是城乡社会结构良性升级的理性调整和培育，是现代政府善治理论的实践运用，是我国社会结构转型和现代化持续推进的内在动力，是汇集改革合法性资源加快发展步伐的动态生产力。
教育作为社会公共服务领域的核心元素，其治理难点主要是改革涉及面较广统筹标准与内涵多元、教育公平界定模糊、教育统筹的城乡定位与预期缺乏逻辑实证、教育效率的凸显点难以寻找、城乡教育统筹制度突围的可能性边界难以把握等。同时，在教育改革的政策设计中，各方利益主体诉求都比较强烈，可是作为统筹城乡教育综合改革的直接受益者-—-农民，却在这样一场利益博弈中缺位。基于此，重建农民主体地位"，扩大政策文本设计的主体体验和参与，从农民视角思考和研究教育改革的预期和走向，才是真正意义上的统筹城乡教育综合改革。在此，以全国统筹城乡综合配套改革试验区——-重庆、成都两地(其中重庆是国家统筹城乡教育综合改革试验区)的部分乡镇实地调研为主要依据，同时结合在重庆市统筹城乡教育综合改革“一圈两翼”(渝西片区和渝东北、渝东南片区)两次调研会上的考查情况，力图从客观的角度，展现农民视角下的统筹城乡教育综合改革治理诉求。调研共涉及38个乡镇，其中，成都6个，重庆32个.在对两地被调研乡镇选择上均充分考虑了区域分布的平衡性，成都
区域相对较小，被调研乡镇的选择比较简单；而重庆区域较大，因此在选择上较为复杂。成都近郊乡镇3个，远郊乡镇3个，重庆渝西乡镇11个(主要分布于合川、永川和潼南)，渝东南乡镇6个(主要分布于黔江和秀山)，渝东北乡镇9个(主要分布于忠县、万州和梁平)，主城区乡镇6个(主要分布于九龙坡区、沙坪坝区、渝北区和巴南区)，被调研对象的职业身份均为农民(这些被调研者都是在农村中对教育具有一定了解或兴趣的人，有的甚至以前是代课教师或其家人是代课教师)，其年龄、地域、性别、文化层次等因素的各分布段相对比较均衡，以问卷调查法和访谈法相结合的调查方法对共计435名被调研者进行了相关调查。
一、农民对统筹城乡教育的总体性视角扫描
教育是农民最为关心的社会问题之一。在调查中发现，教育改革是仅次于土地改革的农民最为关注的事情，即便从2008年9月开始，城市和农村都已经全部免除了义务教育阶段的学费和杂费，但农民仍旧非常关注统筹城乡教育综合改革。总体而言，农民对于统筹城乡教育综合改革的期待和建议还是比较理性和务实的，很多价值诉求有助于地方政府进一步明确改革的方向和趋势。
自2002年党的十六大提出统筹城乡经济社会发展以米，围绕“三农问题”而进行的统筹治理实践已逐步展开。2003年，十六届四中全会提出“五个统筹”，随后十七大又进一步深人提出统筹城乡发展、推进社会主义新农村建设。2007年6月，中央批准重庆和成都两地成为全国统筹城乡综合配套改革试验区。应该说农民，特别是重庆和成都两地的农民对统筹城乡改革这一语词并不陌生。事实上，成渝两地的农民确实将自身的发展与统筹城乡综合改革自觉地联系在了一起，大部分的农民认为统筹城乡是他们实现新农村建设的核心路径，是实现生产发展、生活宽裕的现实保障。同时，针对教育要素的城乡综合性统筹而言，农民站在自己的立场，拥有诸多与政府有关部门、学者不同的解读方式和内涵。尽管大部分农民对统筹城乡教育都只是一两句简单的感性描述，但理性归纳起来，也初步从实质上反映了农民到底需要什么样的教育城乡治理。
二、统筹城乡教育概念的农民主体性解读
占57%的被调查者认为统筹城乡教育就是均衡城乡教育，针对吕前农村教育与城市教育的巨大差
距，统筹就是要使这个差距缩小，实现城乡教育绝对一致和均等，包括义务教育、职业教育、高等教育以及农村劳动力转移培训、城乡文化水平等方面的绝对均衡。占24%的被调查者认为统筹是整合城乡教育，认为目前教育的差距通过统筹可以缩小，但是不可能真正达成城乡教育的完全一致。其中，58%的人认为义务教育可以达成一致，但是职业教育、高等教育等非义务教育不可能达成城乡一致；32%的人认为基础教育，即学前教育、义务教育、高中教育(含中职教育)应该达成城乡一致，而高等教育以及其他终身教育则可以不一致；7%的人认为除临时培训以外，其他教育都应该达成城乡一致，而有3%的人没有回答。15%的被调查者认为统筹是协调城乡教育，认为无所谓城乡教育某个阶段的城乡一致与否，只要将城乡教育差距控制在合理的比例之内都算是统筹城乡教育；男外还有4%的被调查者不清楚统筹城乡教育，因此没有回答。
数据调研显示，农民视角下的统筹城乡教育概念与学者和政府有关部门所理解的统筹城乡教育尽管在价值执行手段上具有很大的相似性，例如将统筹主要等同于均衡、整合或者协调，但在统筹的实践界定上仍然存有较大的分歧，例如到底哪些教育阶段应该城乡均等、哪些应该城乡协调、哪些允许城乡差异等。政府有关部门一般认为义务教育阶段是城乡均等，高中教育、职业教育是城乡协调，而高等教育、终身教育以及其他短期培训则是城乡差异。大部分研究教育公平和教育统筹的学者则认为基础教育应该实现城乡均等，而非基础教育则允许而且必须城乡差异，但这个差异仅仅是量上的差异，而非质上的差距，且此差异必须被合理控制在协调的总体框架之内。这里的基础教育应该指学前教育、小学教育、初中教育以及高中教育(含中职)。可见，农民、学者、政府有关部门对统筹城乡教育概念均存有不同的解读，但其背后的解读逻辑实际上是很明朗的，即农民对于统筹城乡教育的期望值较高，参与性较强，但没有考虑到宏观全局、条件局限以及教育发展规律，大部分对概念的解读带有浓厚的理想主义色彩；学者从学理和价值应然的层面出发厘定了统筹的阶段可能性，从教育规律的角度出发明确了城乡教育均等、协调和差异的边界，但是缺乏具体实践操作性指导，没有也不能提出现实措施规避和防止三者在教育统筹实务操作中被混乱运用的可能性；而政府有关部门则囿于各项制约因素，尚未能满足包括农民在内的全体公民最基本的应得的教育公平北，因此在实然与应然的张力裂断中
总是选择改革的保守，统筹的高位总是设在农民和学者满意的低线。
三、统筹城乡教育制因的农民主体性困惑
在成渝两地的具休调研中，通过与农民的访谈式对话，大致归纳提炼了以下十八点制约统筹城乡教育发展的农民主体性困惑，这些困惑或许正是农民对当前教育公平所进行的素朴考问：一是教育总体投人不足，城乡教育经费分配不均，教育欠债(如普九欠债、高中欠债)等问题还普遍存在，农村生均教育资源不足，学校布局结构不合理，农村中、小学校的校舍场地建设规模明显低于城市等。
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二是城镇中心学校容量不足，大班额现象突出，存在超负荷运行，扩容压力大，部分农村学校存在设施的闲置浪费。。3三是职业教育发展与经济社会发展相比较滞后，职业教育与农村劳动力转移结合不够，农村职业教育较弱。四是择校现象比较严重，生均资源分布不合理，重点校和非重点校的区分仍然存在且不断固化，省级教育行政部门难以促成教育资源的区域均衡。五是教育资源配置不均衡，师生比标准配备不统一，农村低于城市。六是农村教师总体老龄化现象较为明显，教师学科结构不合理，存在结构性缺编现象，教师建设结构失衡(职称、学历、学科、流失补充)，教师平均待遇较低，代课教师问题的解决还有待深人。七是学校管理和队伍建设需要进一步加强，部分农村校长和教师素质不够高，培训效果欠佳。八是目前教育督导室的设置方式不利于督导，学校，尤其是高中学校债务负担较重，影响学校发展。九是教师职称设置不够合理，教师特别是青年教师稳定性不强，普遍存在教职工配备不齐，学科教师不配套，居住条件较差等问题，城乡教师的制度性流动较差，很多城乡帮扶没有考虑到城市学校帮扶成本补偿和农村学校接受的问题。十是进城农民工子女仍存在“上学难”现象，留守儿童现状堪忧，表现在亲情缺失、心理健康堪忧、引导错位、监护乏力、成长状况欠佳、管理弊端较多、行为偏差、道德出现滑坡、人身安全存在隐患等方面。十一是优质教育分布失衡，教育统一规划、整体规划不够，教育本身对教育规划的调整灵活性不够。十二是教育管理不畅，教师借调现象较为严重。十三是高校服务地方、服务农村、支持城乡统筹的力度不足。十四是区域差距在当前以县为主的管理体制下难以统筹。十五是农村教育到底应该是以农村为基点，立足农村和服务农村；还是应该让农村学生学习现代城市文明，将来远
离农村，即离农性与为农性之间的内在悖论。十六是教育统筹应该是以便于教育管理，降低教育成本，实现集约办学为先呢；还是应该充分考虑人的发展和需求为先?即寄宿制学校到底要不要办，办多少和如何办?十七是统筹城乡教育有没有一个让农民参与设计并予以检验的标准，这个标准如何运行，农民自身对改革同意与否的诉求在何处体现?十八是如何设计有效制度把统筹的各项主体都纳入对话和协商的理性机制中，减少弱势者的改革损失。应该说，这些是统筹城乡教育过程中必须踏踏实实解决的核心问题，解决了上述困惑，就增强了改革推进的合法性资源，本质上也就是解决了城乡统筹的难题。
四、统筹城乡教育对策的农民主体性建构
统筹城乡教育对策的农民主体性建构具有多样性。被调研农民针对其所认为的各项教育困惑，提出了各自的应对思路，主要表现在：
(一)教育经费投入与分配的问题
98%的被调查者认为当前教育经费投人总体不足，尽管城乡义务教育的学费和杂费已经免除，但是农村学校的发展经费(诸如标准化学校、寄宿制学校等项目建设)、贫困学生的支助经费仍然比较欠缺。他们希望能够继续增加农村教育投人，这和学者所呼吁的进一步扩大教育免费的项目和范围是一致的。53%的被调查者认为城乡生均公用经费的配置应该一致，其中42%的被调查者认为生均公用经费的配置标准农村应该优先于城市，实现农村应得的补偿。55%的被调研者认为当前农村教师待遇太低，城乡教师收人差距很大，影响农村教育质量，有27%认为当前农村教师待遇较低，城乡教师收人差距较大，共有89%的调研对象认为应该统一。城乡教师津补贴，实现城乡教师收入的统一在问到如果在非义务教育阶段探索城乡教育股份合作制度，实现城市教育资金投人农村教育相关收益的提成分红是否同意时，78%的被调研者认为这个思路是可以的。同时许多被调研者还围绕教育统筹经费的问题，提出了很多具体措施和办法，例如，应该设立城镇教师流动支教的专项资金、应该设立针对农村优秀校长和教师的专门奖励资金、对在农村工作20年以上的农村优秀教师和支教工作在5年以上的特殊贡献教师单独开设统筹城乡教育贡献奖，并专门颁发统筹城乡教育奖章等。
(二)城乡教育布局调整与办学改善的问题
就教育布局调整和办学改善这两个方面的问题，76%的被调研者大致是认可和同意的：一是加大各级各类学校布局结构调整。城乡幼儿园布局结构调整要坚持“就近人园、扩大规模、保大放小、保好放差、大村独办、小村联办”的总体原则，努力在统筹城乡教育发展中形成“一个乡镇一所中心园，下设若干个村级成型园”的服务网络；城乡基础教育布局调整应以区县为主，省级要加大宏观统筹力度，省级相关部门尽快科学制定《城乡统筹总体规划》，区县在此总规下启动新一轮城乡人口结构调研，区县政府统一规划辖区内基础教育学校布局，按照“小学就近人学、初中相对集中”的原则，调整城乡义务教育学校布局，针对城市学校“大班额”和“扩容难”的问题，适度改扩建和新建城区义务教育学校；职业教育同产业布局配套，坚持“组团式”教育发展模式；高等教育应凸显地域发展特色，做好特殊区域高等教育发展空白的填补，注重区域办学平衡和提高校地整合能力。
二是探索教育资源“结构优化型”开发工程。针对农村部分学校"校产闲置”的问题，适度撤并部分生源不足的边远村级校点，适当的地区可以建立小学、初中寄宿制学校，国家和省级财政对相应增加的住宿费用、生活费用予以补贴，区县配套。条件适当的地区可以探索义务教育九年一贯制学校建设，实现小学、初中的“链式”教学。在城市新区开发和旧城改造中必须规划和建设好普通中小学校级幼儿园，由规划部门和教育部门共同协商处理，防止一些地方政府规划与建设部门在规划和建设学校时所采用的封闭运行方式I.根据普及高中阶段教育需求，新建和改扩建普通高中学校；结合城镇化发展和新农村建设需求，规划建设规模适当的区域性初级中学、乡镇寄宿制小学和中心幼儿园，有条件的地区可以布局九年一贯制学校；乡镇闲置校产主要用于举办农村寄宿制小学、农村成人学校、农村社区幼儿园，加快城乡标准化学校的建设，加快包括黑板、桌椅等教学设备设施在内的办学条件的改善。调研中发现有57%的被调查者希望在农村学校和城市学校推进标准化建设的过程中，标准设计向农村倾斜，其中有农民建议应将中小学食堂、厕所以及图书馆建设都纳人农村学校标准化建设的工程指标之中，同时开展农村学校的特色建设，在新开发的特色培育中，农村教育应该优于城市。有32%的被调研者提出应该进一步扩大农村学校办学自主权，让农村学校在管理体制、办学规模、机构设置、人事管理、招生考试、教学安排、教材开发、教学评
估等方面拥有自主权。
(三)城乡教育人事改革与教师培训的问题
教育人事改革即城乡教师制度改革，57%的被调查对象认为日前城乡教师编制配置不合理，在城镇应该按照生师比配置教师，而在农村则应该根据实际情况按照班师比配置教师。有67%人认为教师评定职称时应适当提高农村学校名额的投放比例，建议在全市城乡中小学专业技术高级、中级、初级的岗位结构比例应该一致，不应该分市属中小学和区县中小学来确定岗位结构比例，同时为了稳定农村中小学教师队伍，职称评定比例应更多向农村中小学倾斜。针对农村代课教师问题，调研中发现成渝两地具有一定的不同点，重庆2007年基本招录的方式基本解决了代课教师问题，因此大部分被调研者认为应该做好代课教师转正后的培训提升问题和解聘代课教师，而在成都，76%的被调研者则认为应该尽快解决农村代课教师的转正问题。56%的被调研者表达了希望农村教师作为农村教育公务员的想法，并希望有关部门制定和落实优惠政策鼓励和吸引师范类优秀大学生到农村任教。针对教师培训券图问题所进行的相关调研发现，87%的人认为这可以增强农村教师培训的自主性和积极性，可以在一定程度上解决农村教师培训形式化和农村教师主体积极性不高的问题。当被问到在农村教师继续教育和培训工作中应该以学历提升为主还是以业务提升为主时切，有84%的人认为应该选择后者，他们希望高等院校、教师教育机构、教育科研单位等在农村设立固定的教育咨询服务站，希望能够制度化地送教下乡，为农村教师和农民提供实际的教育帮助，有79%的人认为当前的城乡教师交流制度应该改革，认为存在诸如交流程序不规范、制度不完善、交流教师积极性不高，且多为谋取晋升的手段、交流指向仅仅是城对乡，形式单一等缺陷。他们还认为城乡教师交流主要应该依靠政府的宏观调控作用。认为城乡教师交流制度应该改革的被调研者有80%以上认为应该打破教师的学校隶属，分年限根据实际情况统一由政府调控分配。
(四)城乡教育帮扶与协调的问题
关于教育帮扶与协调问题，农民有如下思考和建议：一是建立城市学校支援农村学校、超编学校支援缺编学校、重点学校支持薄弱学校的对口支教和轮流支教制度，进一步广泛开展“城镇支持农村、强校支持弱校"的送教下乡活动；二是建立城乡教育管理经验定期交流制度，定期可以举办有农民代表参与的校
长、教师论坛，提高农村学校教育的管理水平和透明度；三是建立和落实城乡一体的贫困家庭子女就学救助制度，特别是帮助高中及高中以上的贫困家庭学生；四是应该建立帮扶教师、帮扶教育管理者的激励机制，考虑设立机动编制，注意帮扶中与区县原有模式的冲突，建立政府主要导向的统筹激励机制；五是建立农村学校选派教师到城镇学校学习培训、挂职锻炼的制度，探索试行城乡中小学中层以上管理人员互派挂职制度；六是探索试点区域内城乡学校"捆绑”发展制度，探索试点区域内城乡学校“两个法人单位、一个法定代表人”的管理模式，实现城镇学校和农村学校优质资源共享，在考评学校时，两个城乡学校捆绑考核。
(五)城乡教育教学改革与教育评价的问题
关于城乡教育教学改革主要涉及两个方面，一是教育教学质量；二是教学课程改革。90%的被调查者认为当前的城乡教育没有各自的区域特色，存在“低效趋同"的问题。超过半数的调査对象认为应该实施学校特色发展战略，并认为可以进一步向多元化发展。有65%以上的人表达了建立城乡教育教研机制的意思，主要谈到建立区域学校共同教研的制度、完善教师进修学校统筹区域教育指导机制的制度、建立与其他省份或发达地区合作教研的制度等等。在涉及农村教学课程改革方面，关于课本设计应该以服务农村为主还是以升学为主时，超过50%的人认为这并不矛盾，升学也是为了更好地服务农村，关键是怎么能把人才引入和留到农村。在教育评价方面，有70%的人认为农民应该加人到教育评价的主体当中。这是教育统筹改革实现多中心治理，推动教育统筹出单一主体向包括民间主体在内的多社会主体共同治理成功转向的重要推动。
五、统筹城乡教育原则的农民主体性预设
统筹城乡教育不是架构教育空想主义和虚无主义的载体，而是要通过实实在在的改革实践，建构良性持续互动的城乡教育链。统筹城乡教育发展一定要以科学发展观为总体理论武器，坚持统筹改革的理性整体视角，立足于社会发展和构建社会主义和谐社会的总体要求，切实办好满意教育。在调研中，农民主体对统筹城乡教育的提出具有普遍性的意见，现概括如下：
一是以人为本原则。农民普遍认为“以人为本”这个原则是统筹城乡教育发展的根本归属，教育发展必须要满足农民的教育需求，改革成效如何，最根本的
检验标准是农民是否满意教育统筹改革。
二是系统推进原则。45%的被调研者认为统筹城乡教育发展过程中应该要坚持整体性的改革思路，注重改革的层次性，即要更新教育统筹改革理念、创新发展方式、优化教育结构、加快改革速度，同时还应该遵循教育改革和人力培育之问的规律性和科学性，合理把握教育发展跨越式诉求与渐进式推进的关系，注重从全体要素的视角和全体社会系统视角去分析统筹城乡教育发展，特别应该在现阶段优先考虑农村。
三是开放创新原则。57%的被调研者认为统筹城乡教育改革没有固有的模式，也没有可以直接运用的经验，改革的内涵体系十分丰富，其分析框架内的要素选择也是多元化的。在不同的教育发展阶段地区，因为其所处的历史条件和时代背景不同，统筹的具体操作手段也有很大不同。因此寄望于其他地区的教育统筹经验来直接指导本地教育统筹改革，从根本上是不可能的，必须要坚持实事求是的态度，根据自身情况，开放创新，才能有所成就，这是统筹城乡教育改革可以借鉴和提供的最佳指导经验。事实上综观全球化下的教育统筹改革，如日本的教师流动制度、美国的“教育券”制度与学区教育改革、巴西的教育支助计划，芬兰的个性化教学辅导、韩国的平准化教育等等，其教育统筹模式都各具特色。尽管改革路径不同，但都针对本地教育发展采取了科学的统筹方式，其共同点就是充分调动社会系统教育改革的积极性，集智创新，开放探索。从调研中，发现，有多半的农民具有创新意识或者认识到统筹城乡改革是需要开放创新和凸显区域特色的。
四是重点突破原则。36%的被调研者表达了需要重点突破这个观点。统筹城乡教育发展是长期性和阶段性的统一，是总体性和重点性的结合。当前统筹城乡教育发展时间不长，处于总体改革试验的初期，很多具体方案尚待研究解决，改革更赋予了纵向的探索空间，在资源有限和基础一定的前提下，坚持重点突破这个原则，实际上就是坚持统筹城乡教育发展必须要有核心突破口的思路。
通过以上原则的归纳，可以了解到农民对于统筹城乡教育一些宏观的原则性看法，这对于统筹政策的科学制定和措施的实施具有一定的借鉴。
六、统筹城乡教育目标的农民主体性展望
教育当前存在较大的城乡软硬件差距，这个差距事实上是在不断扩大，教育改革必须正视这个问题，
统筹必须弥合差距，必须在新分配教育资源上平均，在旧分配教育资源Ⅰ弥补农村，消除差距，逐步将差距转变为办学特点的差异，以特色化和多元性逐步满足农村人的不同教育需求。这里的教育应该突破狭义的局限，同时包括文化、科技、农业、法律等领域的培训，这和学者所呼求的农村教育的重点应包纳维权意识教育、文明乡风教育、在农村建设农村社区文化站、建设文化教育型小城市的主张具有内在一致性。少部分被调研者甚至还提出统筹城乡教育发展不是简单的几个政府发展理念的组合，而是需要实在地构建起层次分明，结构优化、体系健全、内涵科学的统筹城乡教育发展体系，从根本上解决和处理好农民最关心和最关注的教育发展问题。通过改革，凝练城乡教育全新的创造力、凝聚力、影响力、发展力和吸引力，理性培育社会发展的要素增长点，增进教育对于社会发展的贡献率。
从微观阶段目标角度，在此，设计了前期发展目标、中期发展目标和远期发展目标，最后在力图还原农民自主话语的基础上，整理梳理出以下能基本代表农民自身诉求的三阶段的目标展望：
前期月标是以(区)县域内部统筹为重点，以(区)县辖区(区域内)义务教育均衡发展、非义务教育协调发展为月标，大胆创新，弥合城乡差距，保留城乡差异。形成教育特色创新初步培育体系和教育互动协调机制，努力将学前一年教育纳人义务教育保障范畴，提高幼儿园人园率，逐步实现幼儿教育国家办，保证人民教育起点处的平等权，推进“高质量、高水平(简称双高)"普九，初步全面普及高中阶段教育，职业教育。真正意义上成为推进城乡统筹改革的动力，高等教育采取多种形式合作模式，推进产学研、农科教的高位结合，引擎力得以形成，从2008年到2012年统筹城乡教育改革试验进入重点突围阶段。
中期目标是以(区)县域外部统筹为重点，以(区)县域间(区域间)义务教育联动发展，非义务教育优化发展为目标，勇于突破，消除城乡差距，提炼城乡差异，形成教育特色创新健全培育体系和教育动态一体发展机制。基本普及学前三年教育，进一步提高幼儿园人园率，基本实现幼儿教育国家办。城乡九年义务教育从办学、管理、师资等方面都全面实现现代化，“双高”普及高中阶段教育，职业教育基础能力建设全面提高，发展成果覆盖城乡所有人口，高等教育统筹城乡制度研究
基地和统筹城乡人才、科技培植中心的社会功能全面凸显，引擎力全面拉动，统筹城乡发展的教育生产力水平明显促进社会增速。从2012年到2018年统筹城乡教育改革试验可进入综合整体突围阶段。
远期目标是以(区)县域内外部统筹巩固和发展为重点，以(区)县域内外部义务教育合理进度发展，非义务教育和谐发展为月标，主要形成城乡教育交融互动的科学发展链条。在(区)县域内形成教育统筹环，环内乡镇与县区教育形成连锁化经营，在(区)县域外形成省域教育圈，全面提高省级统筹能力，同时以省为聚点，建设省域人力、产业配套教育合作网，架构起统筹教育“点一链一环一圈一网”立体动态循环模式，形成农民自由选择，联动灵活的循环统筹教育动态体系结构。远期目标是一个发展型的动态追求，具有长期性。鉴此，远期目标不宜设置固定的时限，应运用动态评估的方式推进改革远期发展。
参考文献
\[1\]李涛严加银：《农民主体地位重建——“后税费时代”乡镇政府职能转变的角度》，《重庆工商大学学报(西部论坛)》2008年第6期
\[2\]王勇鹏：《我们需要怎样的城乡教育公平?---兼谈对我国“城乡教育均衡发展”公平性的一点思考》，《湖南师范大学教育科学学报》2007年第5期，第 45~47页
\[3\]邬志辉
杨卫安：《“离农”抑或“为农”———农村教育价值选择的悖论及消解》，《教育发展研究》2008年第3、4期
\[4\]高书国：《中国城乡教育转型模式》，北京师范大学出版社，2006年
\[5\]徐兴旺：《“大盘+名校”办学模式的思考》，《教育发展研究》2008年第18期，第 45~47页
\[6\]李涛
余世琳：《均衡城乡资源凸显统筹特色——对重庆基础教育统筹发展的思考》，《教育发展研究》2007年第10期，第70~73页
\[7\]教育研究编辑部：《2006中国教育研究前沿与热点问题年度报告》，《教育研究》2007年第3期，第3~16页
\[8\]李涛：《对统筹城乡教育综合改革试验的若千建议——基于试验区重庆之微观视角》，《重庆邮电大学学报(社会科学版)》2008年第6期
\[9\]袁桂林：《新农木建设中农民教育的重点和实施途径》，《社会科学战线》2006年第2期，第238~242页 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **·高职高专教学·**
**线性代数在微积分课程教学中的应用**
魏 莹
**(武汉职业技术学院计算机与软件工程学院，湖北武汉430074)**
**摘 要：本文列举了线性代数在求积分、微分方程组求解及函数最值等方面的应用，说明在微积分中巧妙运用线性代数的思想和方法，可以使问题大大简化。**
**关键词：微积分；线性代数；矩阵对角化；二次型**
**中图分类号：G642 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1006-7353(2012)06一0061-03**
**微积分教学中有些问题，如果仅用微积分的知识去求解是相当困难的，如果将线性代数的相关理论与微积分理论有机结合起来，充分利用线性代数中的线性变换、矩阵对角化及二次型等知识解决微积分问题，往往会收到意想不到的效果。**
**1利用线性变换求积分**
**例1 求下列不定积分：**
**这组积分可以用分部积分来求解，但是非常繁琐。如果利用这些被积函数的导数与被积函数之间的线性关系，运用线性变换的有关理论求解可使问题简化。**
**解 将被积函数求导得**
**(ze"cos pe)’=are"cos fr - pice"sin px +e"cos pz**
**(xe"sin pr)'= pire"cos pe +axe sin px +e“sin pe**
**则上述式子可写为**
**计算逆矩阵，可得(f，farfasf)用(f， farf's，f)T**
**线性表示为：**
**_f=of：+阻_**
**&十产**
**将上述各式两端积分得到**
**收稿日期：2012-08-20.**
**基金项目：湖北省高等学校省级教学改革研究项目“基于工学结合教育模式的高职数学课程改革研究"(2012412).**
**作者简介：魏莹(1963一)，女，湖北武汉人，副教授，研究方向：应用数学教学.**
**利用矩阵对角化求解常系数线性齐次微分方程组**
**设有n个变量的常系数线性齐次微分方程组**
**记**
**则方程组(1)可写为矩阵方程1y=A dxy (2)**
**如果A为可对角化阵，则有可逆矩阵P=(pi)x使**
**入得，， _dz_ \=Dz，即**
**从而有=A；z：，可得 z；= ce(i=1，2，**
**于是原方程组的通解为**
**其中 61，c2，……，c，为任意常数。**
**例2 求下列微分方程组**
**2)(1一4)**
**A的特征值为A1=2=-2，A3=4，**
**A1=2=-2对应的线性无关的特征向量为**
**八3=4对应的特征向量为=(1，1，2)，令**
**y=Pz，原方程组可写为 _dz=Dz_**
**分离变量并积分得**
**3利用二次型理论求函数的最大值、最小值**
**求u=f(z)在附加条件x"x=x{+试+…+x=1下的最大值、最小值。**
**设实对称阵A的特征值(都是实数)按大小排列为A1≥A2≥…≥入，则存在正交矩阵P=(P，P2，…，P，)，使得P'AP=D= diag{Ai，Az，**
**当y=(1，0，…，0) ，u可以取到最大值入1，这时**
**工三Py=(P，P2…，P)(1，0，…，0)T 二P**
**即x取A所对应的单位特征向量P时，u取得最大值Ai。**
**类似地，u=11y²+A2+…+1y≥1.(+y+…+)=A.**
**当y=(0，0，…，1)T，u可以取到最小值入这时x=Py=P(0，0，…，1)T=P.，即z取入所对应的单位特征向量P.时，u取得最小值入m。**
**例3 求函数f(x，y，z)=6x²+5y\*+7z²-4.xy +4zz在附加条件x\*+y+z=1下的最大值与最小值。**
_办_ _一_
**(上接第78页)**
**交线，空间关系复杂，在黑板上作图效果不理想，而借助于多媒体，则有利于学生从直观上把握抽象复杂多变的空间几何关系。通过计算机提供数据，做出曲线或曲面的动态表现，从而使学生了解定积分思想的实质和二重积分的几何意义，也可使学生有了更多观察探索实验与模拟的机会，缩短了客观事物与学生的距离，使学生容易理解。**
**则A的特征多项式为**
**根据上述讨论，最大值为 f(2/3，-1/3，2/3)=f(-2/3，1/3，-2/3)=9**
**最小值为 f(2/3，2/3，-1/3)=f(-2/3，一2/3，1/3)=3**
**数学的各个分支是相互渗透。通过本文的几个实例，不仅可以体会到线性代数理论在解决微积分问题中的优势，同时也丰富了线性代数理论，加深了对矩阵的认识。**
**参考文献**
**\[1\]蔡光兴.线性代数\[M\].北京：科学出版社，2002：126-203，**
**\[2\]朱永银、郭文秀.组合积分法\[M.科技资讯，2002：159-180.**
**\[3\]周国清.矩阵运算与应用\[\].重庆职业技术学院学报，2005(2).**
**参考文献**
**\[1\]廖代喜.《高等数学》的框架及部分章节脉络\[J\].黑龙江科技信息，2010(18).**
**\[2\]李金田.从习题中出现的错误谈多元函数极限的教学\[J\].孝感学院学报，2004(6).**
**\[3\]甘浪舟，用《高等几何》方法解决《解析几何》问题一例\[J\].玉林师范学院学报，2006(5).** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 前全国的跨境贸易人民币结算总额中，超过80%都是境内贸易企业的进口结算。这既有进口企业不牵扯出口退税面市批限制较少，以及在国际贸易的“买方市场”环境下进口方处上议价的有利地位等原因，也有人民币在中长期升值预期的影响。目前人民币升值从预期重新走进现实，在进口贸易中采用人民币进行结算更容易被境外企业接受。预计未来人民币对进口贸易的结算仍将维持较高比例，而且进口结算规模将在升情刺激下有较快增长。
**工具创新正当时**
在人民币短期汇率波动加大、中长期升值趋势确定的环境下，参与跨境贸易人民币结算的境内外企业对冲汇率风险、锁定结算成本、进行人民币资产保值增值等的要求更加迫切。这就需要商业银行加强与人民币跨境结算相关的产品创新.帮助企业优化汇率风险管理.以争取更多优质的国际业务客户
目前，各家试点银行都在积极创新针对跨境贸易人民币结算的国际业务产品。除了传统的电汇(T/T)方式下的汇入汇款和汇出汇款、银行托收以及为企业立即期信用证(L/C at sight ) 等结算方式之外，商业银行还根据不同客户需求，积极开发贸易融资、保值避险和人民币结构性理财等方面的产品，
具体而言，可以通过开立选期人民币信用证(L/C after sight ) 为企业对冲短期汇率风险和锁定结算成本。如在境内企业的进口结算中可开立一年期的人民币信用让，以境内升让银行的信用为基础，向收款方(境外企业)承诺在·年盾的到期日，按照约定的汇率门其支付相应金额的人民币。这样境外企业就能锁定一年内的结算汇率的波动。
针对企业跨境结算周期的特点，商业银行还可以提供史为复杂的结构性跨境结算业务。以人民币进口保付业务为例，在境外贸易企业向境内进口企业发货之后，可将人民单据交给境外参加行，由后者奇给境内代理行，卜境内企业进行承兑并存入保证金：境内代理行问境外参加行发出保寸电文，由境外参加行对境外企业发放相应的外币融资。不保付到期时、境内代理行汇出相应金额的人民币、境外参加得用收到的人民币购汇，用于偿还外币融资本息。在整个结算周期中，镜外企业避免了持有人民币资产的汇率风险，而H在进行外币融资时，还可同时买入相应金额的美元NDF，保付到期时进行NDF的交割以对冲这一期间的汇率风险。露
**作者系中国社科院、交通银行博士后**
T公司是一家民营企业，注册资本4300万元，主营业务包括废钢、废五金的境内外采购、加工以及成品钢材的国内外销售。近年来该公司业务发展迅速，规模扩张较快。通过与木地区大型钢材生产商的合作，公司业务实现了跨越式增长，目前已与众多的国际-流金属材料供应商和国内人型再生金属用户建立了稳定的业务合作关系。
T公司在2010年5月份向华夏银行广州分行提山外汇融资需求。当时市场上外汇资金供给较为紧张，企业所器贷款金额较大，银行难以在短时间内
**专家点评**
**商业银行在跨境贸易人民币结算业务中的角色和作用文/李文贞编辑/干黄**
自2005年汇率改革以不，人民币对美元于值幅度已累计达到20%左右，外贸企业为节省成本，锁定汇率通、银有采取不|-\]的融资方式来观避汇率风险，提高收益。在木推山跨境贸易人民小结算业务时，企业向银行由请外汇资金或通过海外代付对外支付，以延期购汇方式采赚取汇差收益。由于外汗需求量大，银行自身的外汇资金已无法满定企业需求，面且海外代代方式还受到外债额度约限弃。门跨境贸易人民币结算业务的推出，则有效地解决了上透问题。广东省作为全国结算章最大的跨境贸易人民币结算试点地区，截至今年上一年.跨境贸易人民币结算业务累计金额超过430亿元，父易类型涉及法出口货物、贸易从属费等结算。
一般来看，商业银行参上跨境贸易人民币结算业务，在i期内盈利空间不大，甚华费减少一部分中间收入。因为在采用人民币进行结算为企业节省外币汇兑成木的同时，相应地减少了商业银行外汇兑收入。人民节结算的比侯返入，商业银行的汇兑收入减少越多，
但长期而言，人民币的国际化已经起步并会逐步加速，跨境贸易人民三结算是未来的一要发展方向，积
**跨境结算业务之人民币信用证**
**文/华夏银行广州分行国际业务部 编辑：/十莉**
满足企业大额外汇贷款的需求。华夏银行广州分行通过多次与客户的沟通，详细了解了境外供应商资金结算情况，并借动境外代理行银行的合作，最后为该公司设计了跨境人民币信用证结算的解决方案：在5亿元人民币授信额度内按照购货合同逐笔川立人民币远期信用证，用于进口废钢原料。
2010年6月T公司签订进口废钢合同，7月2卜T公司提交开证印请，信用让金额为1364万元。华夏银行广州分行按照合同约定如期为T公司开出了人民币远期信用证，受益人为香港B供货商，议付行
极参与这·进程是我国商业银行面临着的厂人的发展机遇。玉此，从这个意义上讲，人气币跨境结算业务是国内商业银行-项重要的战略发展业务。在当前，国内商业银行应从以下几点寻求突破：
\-是挖掘现有试点企业扩大内部需求的潜力。2009年，全国365家人民币垮境结算试点企业中有41家参与了跨境贸易人民币结算业务，现状表明大部分试点企业对这-业务持观望态度。兰前，商业银行的一个主要!作，应是把这些试点企业、尤其是与本行有业务行咪的试点企业列为重点客户，对其进行深入的培训和宣传，使得企业真正认识跨境贸易人民节结算业务所能带米的切实好处：让企业熟悉柜关政策和办理流程，挖掘企业对跨境结算的需求，以此加深银企合作。司时，国内商业银行应密切关注国际汇率市场情况，为企业提供有效的指导性咨询服务：让企业真工从跨镜贸易人民币结算业务中得到降低成本或捞高收益等好处。
二是扩展国际化服务网络。在跨境贸易人民币结算的过程中，皖内商业银行提供最为关键的人民币垮境文付渠道，需要中资银行和外资银行通过合作完成。当
为香港C银行，华复银行承兑后，B供货商向C银行巾请办理贴现，解决了香港B供货商的融资需求。信用证到期后，华夏银行按时对外支付人民币。
\[述业务通过开立人民币信用证、境外银行办理配套出门融资，有效降低了企业支付成本，简化厂企业进口核销手续；同时，该业务也解决了银行外币资金头寸紧张的问题，在不占用银行外债指标的情况下，为银行带来了一定的收益，实现了银企双赢。器 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **玉米播期试验总结**
**王国军1 谷金洲2**
**(1.黑龙江省双鸭山市友谊县友谊农场第六管理区，黑龙江双鸭山 155800；2.黑龙江省双鸭山市友谊县友谊农场组织部，黑龙江双鸭山 155800)**
**\[摘 要\] 玉米播种期决定能否充分利用生长期内的温度、雨水和光照，以充分发挥当地自然条件和土壤的作用。所以，臣据玉米生长对外界环境条件的要求，准确地决定播种期，把影响玉米产量最大的生育期安排在最适宜的季节内，才能获得高产稳产。本文谨就友谊农场的玉米播期进行了试验。试验结果表明：我地区的覆膜玉米播种时间可提前至4月22日，不覆膜玉米播期在4月27日以后播种容易获得高产。**
**\[关键词\]玉米 播期 产量**
**\[中图分类号1 S513 \[文献标识码\] _13_ \[文章编号\] 1003-1650 (2013)04-0104-02**
**春玉米是对温度比较敏感的作物，尤其是从播种到出苗期间，对上壤温度有较高的需求量，随着今年来的积温越来越高，玉米面积也逐渐的扩大.现有的玉米种植品种及种植方式应有所调整，以适应现代农业的发展"。为了探索我地区玉米适宜播期，充分利用有效积温，适应气候变暖的形式，改变传统玉米种植品种和播种时期，以达到提高玉米产量和品质的目的，提高玉米的综合生产能力。2012年友谊农场在农场第六管理区二站1号地进行了玉米播期试验，旨在探求适合我农场玉米播种的最适日期。**
**一、试验材料与方法**
**1.试验作物与品种**
**玉米，吉单519**
**2.供试材料与来源**
**吉单519：市场常规中晚熟玉米品种**
**3.试验基本情况**
**试验安排在友谊农场第六管理区二站1号地。试验区地土壤类型为草甸黑士，地势平坦，肥力中等。土壤有机质含量为 2.43g/kg土，碱解氮含量 137.4mg/kg 土，速效磷含量24.4mg/kg 土，速效钾含量 159.9mg/kg 土，PH值6.0。前茌大豆。秋翻秋起垄。设计亩施尿素 20kg、铵11.67kg、氯化钾3.33kg。基肥、种肥采用人工侧深施肥，6月20日采用机械追肥。**
**4.试验处理与方法**
**试验处理：**
**从4月7日至5月7日，每5天为一个播期处理，连续播种。**
**试验设计：**
**试验采用对比法，不设重复。每处理面积32.5m(65cm行距x5座×10m长)，亩设计保苗株数5000株；其它措施同大田常规生产。**
**5.气象条件分析**
**2012年玉米播种期至出苗期低温多雨，出苗整齐较为致，有利于幼苗根系发育。抽雄期高温无雨，花粉存活时间缩短，授粉不良，造成秃尖增大，空秆增多。全年气温较平稳，虽然降水少，但光照时数较历年少，光合作用效率低，穗发育不良，干物质积累少，秃尖曾大，玉米产量较受影响，早熟品种产量较好，中晚熟品种受影响严重，产量明显降低。**
**二、试验结果与分析**
**1.播期对玉米生育进程的影响**
**由表l可以看出，在玉米生育期方面，4月7日至4月17日播种的处理生育天数明显延长，究其原因是前期气温低，虽然没有粉籽，但根系始终下扎，且只发根部发芽，种子养分消**
**耗过大，导致出苗后，幼苗瘦弱，发育不良，营养生长期变长图：从4月22日后播种的处理生育天数基本一致，种子养分消耗的程度相似。**
**不同播期的处理，拔节期之前各生育时期的日期存在明显差异，在拔节期之后，各处理的生育时期并未有显著差异。**
**_3_ 玉米生育期调查**
| **处理** | | | **播种期月旦** | **月日** | **发根期茁期** **月其** | | **拔节期月日** | **拙雄期** **月日** | **叶丝期成热期月口 月日** | | **生育日数** **大** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| | | **4月7月** | **4.07** | **4.24** | **5.11** | | **6.22** | **7.21** | **7.23 9.25** | | **137** |
| | | **4月12日** | **4.12** | | **5.11** | **5.13** | **6.22** | **7.21** | **7.23 9.25** | | **135** |
| | **4月17日** | | **4.12** | **5.03** | | **5.18** | **6.20** | **2.18** | **7.21 9.23** | | **128** |
| | **4月22围** | | **4.22** | **5.08** | | **5.21** | **6.20** | **717** | **7.20** | **9.22** | **124** |
| | **4月27日** | | **4.27** | **5.10** | | **5.21** | **6.20** | **7.18** | **7.207.20** **7.22** | **9.229.22** | **121124** |
| | **4月27日** | | **5.02** | **5.13** | | **5.21** | **6.20** | **7.177.19** | **7.207.20** **7.22** | **9.24** | **125** |
| | **5月7日** | | **5.07** | **5.16** | | **5.22** | **6.21** | **7.177.19** | **7.207.20** **7.22** | **9.24** | **125** |
**3.玉米生育性状表现**
**表2 出间调查表**
| | **处理 品苗率%株高cm** | | | **穗位cm** | **萃粗cm** | **1倒伏程度** | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| | **4月7日 70.6** | | | **147.2** | **2.32** | **倒折** | **2.91** | **116** |
| | **4月12日 80.4 328** | | | **138.2** | **2.24** | **倒折** | **4.08** | **8.16** |
| | **4月17日 95.2 338** | | | **132.4** | **2.08** | **倒折** | **4..1** | **4.31** |
| | **4月22口** | **3.5** | **324** | **137.4155.4** | **2.24** | **倒折** | **7.02** | **3.51** |
| **4月27日** **5月2日** | | **89.4** **9L1** | **332344** | **136.0** | **2.342.24** | **倒折** **倒折** | **6.42** | **1.384.05** |
| **4月27日** **5月2日** | | **89.4** **9L1** | **332344** | **136.0** | **2.342.24** | **倒折** **倒折** | **8.11** | **1.384.05** |
| **5月7日** | | **93.1 344** | | **150.2** | **2.18** | **倒折** | **7.05** | **2.64** |
**由表2看出，4月7日及4月12日播种的处理出苗率较低，一部分种子在发育过程中干耗死亡或刚萌动时遇低温粉籽，但由于发根较早，根系发达，倒折比例较其它时间播种的处理低；4月7日、4月27日播种的处理茎秆比较粗，4月7日、4月27日，5月7日播种的处理空杆率较低。**
**4.对压米产量的影响**
**表3 _严_ 产量结果表**
| **处理** | | **株数/商** | **穗数品 长** | | | **长** | **行数** | **行粒数** | **百粒重** | **小区产量KG** | **商产量KG** | **排位** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **4月7日** | | **5.3** | **S2 239** | | | **0.3** | **14-10J** | **426** | **37.9** | **29.7** | **9148.7** | **7** |
| **4月12日** | | **6.0** | **5.5** | | **221** | **12** | **14-16** | **35.3** | **41.3** | **37** | **10057.6** | |
| | **4月17日** | **7.0** | **68** | | | **2.0** | **J4-I6** | **35.2** | **36.5** | **316** | **9420.3** | **6** |
| **4月22日** | | **7.0** | **6.8** | **227** | | **0.9** | **22-18** | **39.8** | **39.0** | **324** | **9969.7** | **5** |
| **4月27日** | | **6.7** | **6.6** | **222** | | **1.2** | **12-16** | **35.4** | **16.1** | **33.7** | **10357.5** | **2** |
| **5月2日** **5月7日** | | **6.87.1** | **6.66.8** | **215** | | **1.4** | **12-1612-16** | **40.0406** | **390 33.1** | | **10193.5** | **3** **1** |
| **5月2日** **5月7日** | | **6.87.1** | **6.66.8** | **215** | | **1.4** | **12-1612-16** | **40.0406** | **33.5** | **34.9** | **107527** | **3** **1** |
**由表3看出，4月27日至5月7日之间播种的处理产量相关性状要明显好于其他处理，产量也相对其他播期的处理要高，品质也相对较好，所以，4月27日至5月7日的播期有助于玉米产量和品质的提高。**
**三、小结与讨论**
**1.当气温较为稳定、回升较早的情况下，友谊农场中晚熟玉米品种可尝试在4月27日以后播种，不影响产量和品质。**
**2.如果栽培方式为大垄行间覆膜，晚熟品种可尝试在4月22日以后播种。**
**3.玉米不宜过早种植，过早种植会导致种子养分消耗过**
**大量元素水溶肥料在轮台县棉花上施用肥效**
**茹先古丽·力提甫1艾拜杜拉·吾斯曼?**
**(1.轮台县农业技术推广中心，新疆轮台 841600：**
**2.轮台县阳霞镇农技站，新疆轮台 841600)**
**\[中图分类号\] S562 \[文献标识码\] _B_ \[文章编号\] 1003-1650 (2013)04-0105-01**
**一、试验目的**
**通过试验，验证大量元素水溶肥料在轮台县棉花上施用的效果，为大面积推广应用提供科学依据和配套技术。**
**二、试验材料与方法**
**1.试验执行时间和地点**
**2010年4月至11月，在轮台县哈尔巴克乡四村一组艾和买提.艾则孜的五亩地里进行。**
**2.供试作物**
**棉花、品种中棉43.**
**3.供试肥料**
**韩女士(N+P：O；+K0≥50%，Fe+Mn+Zn≥0.5%)由乌鲁木齐丝路春雨肥业有限公司提供。价格3600元/吨。**
**4.试验地情况**
**试验地为肥力中等的沙壤上，前茬作物为棉花、2009年平均单产310公斤/籽棉。**
**5.试验方法**
**5.1试验设计和处理**
**试验设计：试验设A、B、C三个处理，A为大量元素水溶肥料处理，B为清水对照处理，C为空白对照。试验采用随机区组设计，重复三次；小区面积44m²，试验地总面积264m²、试验小区四周设置了保护行。**
**5.2施用方法及用量：**
**处理A：磷酸二铵 25kg/亩、尿素10kg/亩作基肥，追肥时大量元素水溶肥料每次喷施 100g/亩，稀释500倍，共三次。蕾期第一次喷施于6月21口；花铃期第二次喷施于7月14日；第三次喷施于8月2日。**
**喷施等量清水共3次，分别为6月21日，7月14日，8月2日。**
**处理B：磷酸二铵25kg/庄、尿素 10kg/由作基肥，尿素20kg/亩作追肥。**
**处理C：空白对照，没有喷任何肥料和水**
**三、田间管理**
**4月11口播种、4月24日出苗、全生育期管三次水、第一**
**ECEEECECEEEEECECECECECLEEEEEEEEECCESEC卡ECCCCSCCCEEESECEEECECLECEEECEELCECCECECEEEGECEE**
**快，且在萌动时宜粉籽，不利于高产。**
**参考文献**
**\[1\]刘浪.玉米直播不同模式与播期的对比分析们农技服务.** 2010(04).
**\[2\]刘战东，肖俊夫，南纪琴，冯跃华.播期对夏玉米生育期、形态指标**
**次为6月21口、第二次为7月14日第三次为8月2日、两次中耕除草、化控用缩节胺5次、9月3日吐絮，收获时每个小区单打单收，记载产量。**
**四、试验结果与分析**
**1.不同处理对棉花生物学性状影响**
**通过对田间观测记录和考种的主要数据可以看出该大量元素水溶肥料对单铃重和棉花品质较好的影响，改善产量结构。同常规对照相比单铃重增加0.07g，衣分率提高0.12%。**
**2.不同处理对棉花产量及产值影响**
**通过对产量进行统计分析，结果表明该肥料，对棉花产量有较好的增产效果。平均单产 330.5kg/亩，增产 10.6kg，增产率为3.3%。**
**3.不同处理的投入产出比**
**今年棉花收购价平均 12元/kg， 该肥料价格3600元/吨，全生育期该肥料共喷施3次，每次 100g/亩，共 300g，肥料成本0.8元、常规区撒施尿素两次、每次10公斤、共20公斤、今年尿素价格1.9元/公斤、肥料成本38元。每亩增收 126.4元，经济效益很明显。**
**4.试验数据统计分析与检验**
**方差分析表巾可以看出，处理间的值F值为9.51，人于F0.05 的6.94，说明该施用大量元素水溶性肥料处理与空白对照之间差异达到显著水平，各重复间无显著差异。通过对田间观测记录和考种的主要数据可以看出，该大量元素水溶型肥料处理与空白对照产量有极显著差异，该大量元素水溶型肥料处理与清水对照之间有显著差异，清水对照和空白对照之间无显著差异。**
**五、肥效评价及结论**
**试验结果表明增产10.6kg，增产率为 3.3%，每公斤棉花按12元算可以说增收 126.4元，肥料成本低(0.2元/由)，有很好的推广和利用价值。两处理间产量数据极显著水平，表明的大量元素水溶型肥料对棉花增产效果明显。同当地常规施肥相比有增产效果，但能改善土壤结构，环保能力强。**
**及产量的影响\[J\].西北农业学报.2012(06).**
**作者简介：姓名：王国军，籍贯：黑龙江/出生年月：1973年04月13日/研究方向：作物栽培/职称：助理农艺师.**
**谷金洲，籍贯：黑龙江/出生年月：1982年09月08日/研究方向：作物栽培/职称：助理农艺师。** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **对底线公平理论的辩证思考**
**袁方 梅哲**
**摘 要：底线公平理论是对我国社会建设模式选择的理论探讨之一。本文通过对底线公平理论的提出根据、基本内涵、运行机制和制度基础的辩证分析，指出底线公平理论体现了辩证思维的本质特征、逻辑与历史的统一，探索了底线公平理论作为社会建设模式的现实基础和制度保障。**
**关键词：底线公平；辩证思维；社会建设**
**中图分类号：C913.7 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1002-4409(2010)02-0044-05**
**党的十七大报告提出“加快推进以改善民生为重点的社会建设”，明确了我国社会建设的方向。理论界围绕如何开展社会建设，如何选择社会建设机制等问题，展开了深入的研究。中国社会科学院景天魁研究员提出的底线公平理论，是社会建设模式选择的理论探讨之一。所谓“底线公平”是指“所有公民在这条底线面前所具有权利一致性”\](P133)，即政府保障社会公平的责任底线和公民实现社会公平的基本权利底线的同一性。底线公平理论体现了研究者运用辩证思维研究社会建设问题的方法自觉。**
**一、底线公平理论体现辩证思维的逻辑与历史的统一**
**目前中国正广泛开展的以民生为重点的社会建设，面临许多亟待解决的难题，迫切需要理论思考。底线公平理论正是在这种背景下，总结党执政六十年社会建设的基本经验作出的应答。**
**马克思主义认为，经验或理论的逻辑总是要与历史的逻辑相一致，经验是历史的总结，理论是对经验的升华。思维或理论的逻辑进程应当与客**
**观现实的历史发展进程相一致、-与思维或理论的发展历史相一致。中国目前已步人经济社会高速发展期和矛盾凸显期，经济快速发展和社会机制相对滞后引发的民生问题尤为突出。利益关系的复杂性、利益主体的多样性、价值取向的多元性、利益结构的分化性交织在一起，以前所未有的态势深刻地呈现在人们面前，历时态社会发展进程在中国同时态展开。社会建设机制选择的价值基础何在?社会建设能否保持适度张力?多元利益主体诉求何以表达?政府、社会、个人责任与权利边界是否明晰?各种利益主体行为如何协调等，社会建设的诸多理论问题引发人们争论。当前，伴随经济快速增长而来的是城乡收入差距不断扩大。据中国发展研究基金会的研究数据显示：我国农村居民收人差距的基尼系数从1979年的0.24上升到2005年的0.38；城镇居民收入差距基尼系数从1979年的0.16左右上升到2005年的0.35；全国的基尼系数从1978年的0.3左右上升到2007年的0.48。\[2\](P11)这足以引起我们高度警惕。底线公平理论指出，收入差距问题不仅是表象的收人差距大小问题，它与现行的分配秩序、差距形**
**成过程的透明化、公开化、合法化问题，差距的认可度、致富的合法性、先富和共同富裕原则等问题都有极大相关性。底线公平理论运用辩证思维，遵循既能保持发展活力又能实现社会公平的基本原则，从三方人手，调控富裕者收入，理顺中产者收入，提高困难群体的收入，保障无收人者的基本生活，并从改革税收制度、完善社会救助体系、扩大社会保障覆盖面、理顺公务员的工资结构等具体政策层面调整利益结构，缩小收入差距，以期实现社会建设的根本目标，即“保障人民各项权益，走共同富裕道路，促进人的全面发展，做到发展为了人民、发展依靠人民发展成果由人民共享”3(\*15)可见，底线公平理论不仅是开拓社会建设理论的新视野，也是对社会建设的实践总结，体现了辩证思维的逻辑与历史的统一。**
**二、底线公平理论体现辩证思维的本质特征**
**辩证思维是对事物或要素的内在联系及其运动的本质规律进行宏观把握或细微分析的思维方式，在不同国度不同民族不同领域其表现形式呈现出多样化的特征。底线公平理论作为中国特色的社会建设的理念、模式和机制，带有强烈的辩证思维色彩，充分体现出辩证思维在社会建设理论研究和实践推进中的独特智慧。**
**(一)底线公平与社会公平**
**“民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、充满活力、安定有序、人与自然和谐相处”是社会主义和谐社会的基本特征，也是公平社会的具体体现。从现阶段看，尽管我国取得了举世瞩目的发展成就，从生产力到生产关系、从经济基础到上层建筑都发生了意义深远的重大变化，但我国仍处于并将长期处于社会主义初级阶段的基本国情没有变，因此，社会主义初级阶段这个基本国情应是一切理论创新的逻辑起点和实践基点。社会公平是人类追求美好社会的一个永恒主题，是社会主义社会追求的价值目标，也是我们党的一项政治主张和奋斗目标，它不应仅停留于理论的抽象和逻辑的论证，要在实践中实现“思维的现实性和力量，自已思维的此岸性”\[4J(P55)。底线公平理论的提出，就**
**是“为了确立社会公平的基点，明确政府责任的边界，寻求全社会可以共同接受和维护的价值基础，确定当前实际可以达到的起码的公平”1\](F148)可见，底线公平是社会公平的现实性理念。实现社会公平在现阶段就体现为致力于底线公平的实现。**
**底线公平是社会公平的现实根基，没有底线公平，社会公平的实现就是一种海市蜃楼般的空想。社会公平意味着社会的政治利益、经济利益和其他方面的利益在全体社会成员之间合理面公平地分配，不同利益主体享有权利平等、机会均等和司法公正。社会公平作为一种理念、一种制度设计、一种政治主张是历史的具体的，是通过人们不断争取社会公平的现实社会实践活动体现出来的，就此意义而言，底线公平也可理解为现阶段的与中国基本国情相适应的社会公平的具体化和现实化。因而，底线公平的提出不是对社会公平的否定、替代或背离，更不会“降低社会公平的价值”，因为它们不是非此即彼的关系，更不是片面与全面、部分与整体的关系。社会公平蕴含在底线公平之中并通过底线公平得以体现，底线公平是具体的现实性的社会公平的表达，是人们对社会公平理念在现实中的主观认知和客观实现程度。**
**(二)底线公平是质量统一的适度公平**
**“底线公平是一个确定和描写社会公平度的概念。，\[T\] (P146)社会公平度是建立在一定公平质的基础上量的限度。社会公平度在现实生活中如何体现?首先底线公平是以一定量的规定性表现出来。就民生而言，它是一个社会成员如何从社会和政府那里获得自己生存和发展的社会资源和社会机会，以支撑自己物质生活和精神生活的问题。党的十七大报告所提出的“学有所教、劳有所得、病有所医、老有所养、住有所居”是我们构建和谐社会要实现的民生基本目标，而当前影响基本目标实现的主要障碍就是社会不公现象。所以，政府根据各地具体情况设定的城乡居民最低生活保障费、社会基本养老金等，都是从量的规定性上体现人们获得社会保障的公平性，但是这些量的规定性并不表征底线公平的全部内涵，因为这些量的规定性都是建立在一定质的基础之上，底线公平的质就是政府保障社会公平的责任底线和人们获**
**得基本权利的底线。政府对保障人们生存和发展的基本权利方面应负首责，这是由社会主义制度及中国共产党的执政理念决定的。在社会主义初级阶段，在现有生产力发展水平基础上，政府要满足人们最基本的生存需求、发展需求、安全需求，因为这些需求的满足不仅是对人们基本权利的保障，更是使人过上有尊严的生活的基本条件。满足人们最基本需求的底线是一条人人可以达成共识的权利底线，也是政府必须做到保证公平的责任底线，是政府、社会、个人责权利的结合。随着经济水平的提高，社会进步的加快，人们的基本需求也必然提升，底线公平设定的量的规定性乃至整个社会公平度也必然随之改变，但公民最基本的权利和责任则是社会发展到任何一个阶段都需要加以维持和巩固的。总之，与现有基本国情相适合的底线公平是质量统一的适度公平。**
**(三)底线公平是有重点的相对公平**
**正如社会公平在特定条件下有其特定的表现形式一样，底线公平既有其确定的内涵，又具有相对性。从词源学的意义讲，“底线”的“底”与“低”有一定的关联，“底”的含义之一就是“物体的最下面的部分”，即是最底下的部分。但是“低”是与“高”相对而言，而“底线”则强调的是一种界限，也作“底限”，指的是最低的条件或最低的限度。因而，底线是一种可以设定的边界，跟它的位置水平高低无关，只与它的性质和划定的标准相关。可见，底线公平不是绝对意义上的抽象公平，而是一种相对的现实公平，是相对于政府的责任和公民的权利而言的公平底线。底线公平的“底线”，并非一成不变或平均着力，而是稳中有变，在社会发展的不同阶段，其侧重点也不同。我国各地经济发展的不平衡性决定政府在实施底线公平时决不能采取一刀切的做法，要根据各地突出矛盾的性质、冲突的程度等确定底线公平的侧重点。现阶段，民生问题是政府要着力解决的突出问题，如社会贫富差距加大，困难群体对社会资源和社会机会存在强烈被剥夺感，干群关系对立等问题。因而，底线公平要求政府一定将重点放在公平“底线”的设定上，优先解决在改革中利益不断遭到损害或没有分享到改革成果成为社会困难群体的基础需求，特别是贫困地**
**区人口的基本生存需求，如温饱问题、教育问题、健康问题。这个最基础的需求底线，政府的责任是不能含糊的，是“必须做到的公平”(?9)当然也是目前政府能够做到的起码的公平。**
**(四)底线公平是刚柔相济的矛盾统一体**
**如前所述，底线公平不是绝对的抽象的公平，是具体的现实的公平，是包含一致与差异的公平。底线公平的一致性体现在政府设定的责任底线之下部分，这是每个社会成员基本权利的一致性部分，即拥有基本权利的共同性部分。比如，每个社会成员的基本生存权利、教育权利、健康权利等，这是每个社会成员应该享有而政府必须负责保障的部分，这就是刚性的体现。底线公平的差异性体现在政府设定的底线之上部分，即每个社会成员在基本需求满足基础上更高的或其他的需求的满足是允许存在差异的。毕竟每个社会成员的经济条件、社会地位、文化结构、价值取向不同，对权利的认知和实现要求存在差异，这决定了底线公平以上部分不可能做到绝对统一，必然存在差别，这就是柔性的体现，也是可调控的部分。由此可知，底线公平的底线之下是刚性的一致的权利，底线之上是柔性的差异的权利。底线之下是由政府必须负责的，而底线之上是由市场调节或由政府和市场共同调节的。底线公平是在承认人的天赋、权利、能力有差异前提下的刚柔相济的矛盾统一体。**
**三、底线公平理论体现辩证思维动态性特征**
**底线公平理论的提出，不仅是一种理论创新，而且是开展社会建设实践的社会运行机制。“底线公平理论的假设是，在底线公平基础上可以最大限度地形成共同性、找到均衡点，提高协调的效果。”>\[1\](P155)作为社会建设的机制，底线公平就是一种追求利益共同性、寻找利益均衡性，增强利益协调性的社会运行机制。**
**(一)追求利益共同性的机制**
**当前我国利益关系格局错综复杂，呈现出利益关系不公平、利益差别敏感性、利益矛盾复合型、利益诉求联动性、利益冲突易发性、利益获取即期性等特征，\[1(PIS3-195)每个利益主体都致力于实**
**现自身利益最大化，而构建社会主义和谐社会就是要寻求不同利益主体之间的利益共同性。**
**底线公平作为社会成员对公平理念及其社会规范的主观认可，对自身基本权利的理性认知，可以使多元利益主体的多样性诉求基于理念认同基础，通过底线公平机制寻求并扩大同质性利益基础，从而展开和谐有序的竞争。同时，底线公平作为现代社会行为的基本准则，可以规范社会不同利益主体的行为模式。通过底线公平机制，调整社会关系和规范利益主体的行为，使其对不同利益主体的行为具有普遍的约束力和权威性。底线公平机制的导向功能，规范、引导不同利益主体按照底线公平的要求，采取同向行动，在“异”中实现“求同”最大化，不断提高社会关系的和谐度。**
**在追求并扩大利益共同性的同时，政府作为底线公平机制的制定者和实施者，要深刻认识到社会不公是影响并制约政府进行社会管理的重要障碍。实施底线公平机制，从一定程度上可缓解不同社会利益主体对社会分配不公的不满情绪，在底线公平基础上取得社会各个阶层的广泛共识和认同，获得最广泛的社会支持，从而增强社会凝聚力，减少社会冲突。**
**(二)寻求利益均衡性的机制**
**社会生活中多元利益主体存在多样化利益诉求，随着社会开放广度和深度的拓展，利益主体权利意识和维权能力的不断提升，个性自由发展的社会氛围已被营造，利益诉求的差异性成为各种社会矛盾的重要根源。底线公平在保障人们最基本最迫切的刚性需求即人们基本权利的共同性的同时，也保障利益主体不同需求的差异性。对于差异性，底线公平机制要通过寻求不同利益诉求的均衡点，在不同的利益主体中尽可能做到一视同仁，既能维护他们获得社会资源的机会均等、制定的规则同一，也能保证起点的公平和结果的合理。当利益主体无法形成共同利益的时候，底线公平机制要使他们之间力求达到一种均衡的关系。城市和乡村、东部与西部、不同社会阶层之间、政府、社会、个人之间等都存在着差异，通过底线公平机制缩小差距，不至于顾此失彼，造成社会不均衡发展，而政府、社会、个人之间的责权利之间的差异也可通过底线公平**
**机制达到一个彼此制约的均衡点，形成人与人、人与社会、个人与政府、社会与政府之间的均衡态势。**
**(三)促进利益协调性的机制**
**底线公平机制在各利益主体之间难以形成共同性，也无法找到差异的均衡点时，就发挥其协调功能，促进利益主体为实现彼此的利益而让渡自己的部分利益。现阶段，社会主义市场经济尚处在初步建立并不断完善过程中，作为一种人类历史上前所未有的经济体制，社会主义制度与市场经济的结合不仅是一种理论创新，更是一种巨大的实践挑战。政府传统的统一管理模式面临转型，政府调控与市场机制之间始终存在着利益冲突，并充斥于社会生活的各个领域。从表面上看是政府与市场的分工问题，但其实质“是利益的归结性问题”(P1569)。改革开放三十年，在一定意义上讲，也是探索政府与市场关系如何协调的三十年。底线公平理论的提出，为解决二者关系提供新的理论和实践路径。底线公平机制在政府的责任底线与市场机制之间找到一个界限，底线之下，政府负责，底线之上，市场机制可充分发挥作用。底线公平机制充分发挥协调政府责任与市场责任关系，底线一旦明确，政府责·任与市场责任关系就会明晰，即使社会发展水平提高，社会保障水平调整，政府与市场的责任底线也会保持相对稳定。底线公平机制的协调功能推动政府与市场充分发挥各自独特作用。\[\](P150~-153)**
**四、坚持以公有制为主体的经济制度，是实现底线公平理论的制度基础和保证**
**实现社会公平是社会主义制度的本质要求，社会主义社会的本质是解放生产力，发展生产力，消灭剥削，消除两极分化，最终达到共同富裕。社会公平与社会主义本质是内在统一的。社会主义的分配制度必然体现社会公平，这是由生产资料的社会主义公有制决定的。**
**马克思主义认为，在人类全部经济活动中，生产、分配、交换、消费“构成一个总体的各个环节，一个统一体内部的差别”“一定的生产决定一定的消费、分配、交换和这些不同要素相互间的一定关系。”\[51(Pi7)而"所谓分配关系，是同生产过程的历**
**史规定的特殊社会形式，以及人们在他们的人类生活的再生产过程中互相所处的关系相适应的，并且是由这些形式和关系产生的。这些分配关系的历史性质就是生产关系的历史性质，分配关系不过表示生产关系的一个方面。>\[6\](P999~1000)正是由于生产资料所有制对分配、交换和消费关系的这种决定性作用，马克思和恩格斯才把生产资料所有制从一般的财产关系或产权关系中分离出来、把它作为整个社会生产关系和经济制度的基础。这是马克思主义政治经济学的一个核心命题。**
**在马克思主义看来，社会公平是历史的、具体的、相对的和有阶级性的，不存在任何超越特定历史条件、超越特定阶级的抽象的永恒公平，“在国和国、省和省、甚至地方和地方之间总会有生活条件方面的某种不平等存在，这种不平等可以减少到最低限度，但是永远不可能完全消除。”\[7\](PB)社会公平作为道德观念，体现出处于不同经济地位的人们对待利益调节关系的基本价值取向和价值态度，其性质和内容必然而且只能由经济基础来决定，最终取决于生产资料的占有形式。因此，以按劳分配为主体的分配制度所追求的社会公平不是永恒的抽象的社会公平，也不是表象的纯而又纯的平等主义，而是有着特定内涵的相对的社会公平。**
**在社会主义市场经济体制逐步确立和不断完善的过程中，新自由主义的论调甚嚣尘上，“只有市场经济才能实现社会公平”等杂音不绝于耳，其实质是认为商品经济关系的公平才是社会主义的公平。其实，这根本不是什么新观点，早在一百多年前，马克思在批判小资产阶级社会主义和无政府主义的创始人普鲁东时就指出，普鲁东说商品生产形式像公平一样也是永恒的观点，是“给一切庸人提供了一个使他们感到宽慰的论据··....如果有人说，‘高利贷’违背‘永恒公平\*、永恒公道'、永恒互助'以及其他种种‘永恒真理’那末这个人对高利贷的了解比那些说高利贷违背‘永恒恩典'、永恒信仰'和\*永恒精神'的教父的了解又高明多少呢?”\[8\](P102)可见，商品经济关系的平等不仅不是实现社会主义公平的样板，更不是抽象的永恒的存在。我们国家建立的社会主义市场经济与资本主义市场经济有着本质的区别，公有制为主体的**
**社会主义经济制度决定了社会在进行一次或二次分配过程中必然要体现出社会主义公平，在多种所有制并存的前提下，社会公平的实现只能从底线公平着手。政府首先要保障每一个公民获得生存和发展的最基本权利的一致性，即最基本权利的公平性；作为一种刚柔相济的机制，底线公平既反映社会主义公有制为主体的经济制度的客观要求，又体现多种所有制形式并存的多样性需求。以公有制为主体多种所有制形式并存的社会主义经济制度是底线公平理论实现的制度基础和实现保障。**
**中国共产党人从未停止探索社会公平科学理念和现实道路的脚步，从毛泽东提出人民民主专政、实现人民当家作主的政治公平和生产资料占有形式上的经济公平，到邓小平把实现社会公平纳人社会主义本质要求之中；从江泽民强调要把社会公平问题作为涉及全社会的重要战略问题加以解决，将满足最广大人民的最根本的利益作为“三个代表”重要思想的出发点和落脚点，到胡锦涛总书记把促进社会的公平和正义作为社会主义和谐社会的基本特征和重要目标，在科学发展观统领下构建社会主义和谐社会。底线公平理论作为社会建设基础理念的提出，无疑彰显出一种巨大的理论勇气和可贵的实践精神。**
**参考文献：**
**\[1\]景天魁：《底线公平：和谐社会的基础》，北京师范大学出版社，2009.**
**\[2\]中国发展研究基金会编：《中国发展报告2008/2009：构建全民共享的发展型社会福利体系》，中国发展出版社，2009.**
**\[3\]胡锦涛：《高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜为夺取全面建设小康社会新胜利而奋斗》，人民出版社，2007.**
**\[4\]《马克思恩格斯选集》第1卷，人民出版社，1995.**
**\[5\]《马克思恩格斯选集》第2卷，人民出版社，1995.**
**\[6\]马克思：《资本论》第3卷，人民出版社，2004.**
**\[7\]《马克思恩格斯全集》第19卷，人民出版社，1963.**
**\[8\]《马克思恩格斯全集》第23卷，人民出版社，1972.**
**作者单位：中国社会科学院社会学所100732**
**责任编辑：王** **婧** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **Aspen 模拟软件在裂解装置甲烷化单元的优化应用**
张健杰(中国石油化工股份有限公司茂名分公司，广东茂名525000)
摘要：采用 Aspen HYSYS 对某基于 Stone & Webster 乙烯生产工艺的裂解装置甲烷化单元进行建模，并通过 Aspen Energy Analyzer绘制总复合曲线对换热网络进行分析，从而提出优化建议并模拟优化流程，再联动 Aspen EDR 进行换热器设计，提供选型参考。
关键词：甲烷化； AspenTech；换热网络
中图分类号：TQ221.211 文献标志码：A 文章编号：1008-4800(2021)33-0092-03
DOI：10.19900/j.cnki.ISSN1008-4800.2021.33.043
Application of Aspen Software on Optimization of Methanation Unit in Ethylene Plant
ZHANG Jian-jie (China Petrochemical Corporation Ltd. Maoming Branch， Maoming 525000， China)
Abstract： Aspen HYSYS is used to model the methanation unit in the ethylene plant based on Stone & Webster ethylene production process， and the grand composite curve is drawn by Aspen energy analyzer to analyze the heat-exchange network， so as to put forward optimization suggestions as well as the simulation of the proposal process of the methanation unit， lastly transmitting simulation data to Aspen EDR to design heat exchangers for references.
Keywords： methanation； AspenTech； heat-exchange network
**0引言**
随着 AspenTech 系列等商用计算机模拟软件的成熟与普及，化工生产单元模拟与应用已逐渐成为生产技术人员管理与优化装置运行的重要技能之一。通过应用过程模拟软件根据实际生产情况搭建装置单元模型，一方面能够充分梳理生产装置的当前运行情况，另一方面也能够通过修改参数模拟生产变化。鉴于某裂解装置在前工段扩能改造后，甲烷化单元存在优化空间，故采用 AspenTech 系列模拟软件对该单元进行分析优化。Aspen HYSYS 作为成熟的行业标准模拟软件，具有全面的热力学基础数据，丰富的单元操作模块库，能够实现对化工生产过程的模拟；Aspen Energy Analyzer 是进行换热网络优化的概念设计包，能够实现夹点分析和换热网络优化设计的环境；Aspen EDR 能够实现对换热器的热力设计、机械设计、成本估算以及绘图等功能，并且在 AspenONE 7.0后实现了与 Aspen HYSYS的无缝对接，能够在流程模拟工艺计算后转入换热器设计计算。文章通过对某采用 Stone & Webster 乙烯生产工艺的裂解装置甲烷化单元进行流程模拟，结合 Aspen Energy Analyzer 进行换热网络分析并对流程进行优化设计，再通过将优化流程的参数导入 Aspen EDR 进行模拟计算后得到换热器的参考型式。
**1换热网络优化理论简介**
换热网络分析与优化方面采用夹点技术分析，以达到节能的效果。夹点技术是英国学者 Linhoff于20世纪70年代在总结前人研究基础之上提出的，并逐渐发展成为一整套换热网络的优化设计方法。
该技术是以热力学为基础，从宏观的角度分析过程系统中能量流沿温度的分布，从中发现系统用能的“瓶颈”所在，并给以解“瓶颈”的一种方法。夹点技术适用于换热网络的设计和节能改造。当有多股热流和多股冷流进行换热时，可将所有的热流合并成一根热复合曲线，所有的冷流合并成一根冷复合曲
线，然后将两者一起表示在温-焓图上。
总复合曲线 (grand composite curve， 后简称为 GCC) 表示温位与热通量的关系，可以从冷热复合曲线获得：将冷复合曲线上移半个夹点温差，将热复合曲线下移半个夹点温差，然后再由同温度下两曲线上的横坐标相减即得该温度下总复合曲线的横坐标值。总复合曲线表明了整个系统所需与外界交换的热量和温位，反映系统需要的加热公用工程和冷却公用工程的情况。
**在夹点之上，为了减少加热公用工程的费用，根据总复合曲线应选择尽量接近净热阱的加热公用工程级别。常用的加热公用工程有两种形态：一种是有相变的介质，常用蒸汽；**
另一种是无相变的介质，例如热油、烟道气等。夹点之下冷却公用工程的选择，分两种情况考虑。
第一种，夹点温度较低。在这种情况下，低温段的冷法，要用到低温冷量。为减少操作费用，应尽量选择环境介质的冷却公用工程，以减少低温冷量的用量。
第二种，夹点温度较高。在这种情况下，净热源的温位足够高，应考虑用来发生蒸汽，以仓造经济效益。
**2工艺流程简介**
裂解装置的炉区裂解石脑油、加氢尾油、轻烃等裂解原料后，经过急冷、压缩、分离等工段获得多种精制的产品。该过程中，深冷分离后的富氢馏分则是甲烷化单元的原料，一般称作粗氢。粗氢中主要含有氢气、甲烷与一氧化碳。模拟采用的甲烷化单元进料组分如表1所示。
表1甲烷化进料与产品组分一览表
| **项目** | **进料/%(mol)** | **出料/%(mol)** |
| --- | --- | --- |
| **H** | **95.06** | **95** |
| **CH** | **4.55** | **5** |
| **CO** | **0.39** | |
| **HO** | | **(** |
**其中一氧化碳来自上游裂解炉炉管中稀释蒸汽与碳的水煤气反应：**
作为杂质在深冷分离系统中无法与氢气冷凝分离，从而影响氢气的纯度。氢气作为下游聚乙烯装置的重要原料，为避免影响聚合反应催化剂的活性，劣化聚乙烯产品的性能，需要脱除其中的一氧化碳。最常见的脱除方法之一是甲烷化法，即为通过在氧化镍催化剂作用下使物料中一氧化碳与氢气发生反应转化为甲烷与水，从而脱除杂质：
**该反应是放热反应，但由于一氧化碳在气体中含量不高，可在绝热的反应器中进行。**
某基于 Stone & Webster 乙烯生产工艺的裂解装置的甲烷化单元流程简述如下：粗氢在甲烷化反应器进出料换热器E-01进行预热后，再通过甲烷化反应器进料加热器E-02以中压蒸汽为热源加热后进入甲烷化反应器R-01。甲烷化反应器R-01中一氧化碳和氢气在镍催化剂的作用下发生强放热的甲烷化反应转化为甲烷和水。甲烷化反应器R-01 的出料首先在甲烷化反应器进出料换热器E-01冷去，然后在甲烷化反应器出料冷却器E-03用丙烯冷剂进一步冷法，再送入甲烷化气液分离罐 V-01 进行气液分离。罐底部排出游离水，顶部氢气送入氢气干燥器 V-02进行干燥后脱除微量水后作为氢气产品外送。
**3模拟流程分析及优化**
基于原甲烷化单元流程搭建的 Aspen HYSYS 模拟模型如图1所示。
图1甲烷化单元模拟流程
运行模拟运算后将关键换热器参数代入Aspen Energy Analyzer 进行能量分析，实际工况下单元内换热设备的主要工艺参数表，实际工况 GCC 曲线如表2、图2所示。
**表2实际工况甲烷化单元换热设备参数**
| **设备名称** | **热端进口温度/** **出口温度/℃** | **冷端进口温度/** **出口温度/℃** | **总热负荷** **/(kJ/h)** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **进出料换热器E-01** | **174/109.1** | **23/87.7** | **1.253E+06** |
| **进料加热器E-02** | **275/202** | **87.7/165** | **1.496E+06** |
| **出料冷却器E-03** | **109.1/12** | **7/7** | **1.969E+06** |
图2甲烷化单元实际工况GCC
实际工况下，甲烷化单元进料(粗氢)进入甲烷化反应器进出料换热器E-01与甲烷化反应器R-01出料换热回收反应热后预热升至88℃左右，再经过甲烷化反应器进料加热器E-02被中压蒸汽加热到165℃后进入甲烷化反应器R-01。甲烷化反应器R-01出料温度为174℃，在甲烷化反应器进出料换热器E-01中回收余热后被冷却至约109℃，然后进入甲烷化反应器出料冷却器E-03被7℃的丙烯冷剂冷去，物料温度降到12℃左右。由实际工况 GCC 曲线可知，甲烷化单元的夹点在109℃附近。由此分析可得，一方面可以考虑利用甲烷化反应器进出料换热器E-01中甲烷化反应器出料物料作为低温位用户的热源进行热量回收；另一方面可以考虑提升甲烷化反应器进出料换热器的热量回收能力。
结合装置实际，提出优化建议如下：一是可以考虑增设减是升级甲烷化反应器进出料换热器，从而提升换热能力，更大化回收甲烷化反应热。一方面提高甲烷化反应器进料预热温度，减少甲烷化反应器进料加热器E-02的中压蒸汽消耗量；另一方面，能够进一步降低甲烷化反应器出料温度，减少甲烷化反应器出料冷却器E-03丙烯冷剂负荷。二是原本夹点以下直接使用丙烯冷剂冷却较不合理。优化流程中，甲烷化反应器出料冷去器E-03前考虑增设循环水冷却器进行降温，优化冷剂分配。
按照以上优化思路，更换原进出料换热器E-01为新进出料换热器E-01\*，增设循环水冷却器E-03\*，优化流程后如图3所示。
**Dry-H2**
图3甲烷化单元优化模拟流程
**表3优化工况甲烷化单元换热设备参数**
| **设备名称** | **热端进口温度/** | **冷端进口温度/** | **总热负荷** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **设备名称** | **出口温度/℃** | **出口温度/℃** | **/(kJ/h)** |
| **新进出料换热** **器E-01\*** | **174/95.2** | **23/101.7** | **1.524E+06** |
| **进料加热器E-02** | **275/202** | **101.7/165** | **1.225E+06** |
| **出料冷却器E-03** | **95.2/57.0** | **33.0/43.0** | **7.343E+05** |
| **新增出料冷却** | **57/12** | **7/7** | **9.637E+05** |
| **器E-03\*** | **57/12** | **7/7** | **9.637E+05** |
优化工况下，甲烷化单元进料通过新进出料换热器E-01\*更大化回收反应热后预热至101.7℃，从而实现甲烷化反应器进料加热器E-02能够较实际工况减少0.13 t/h中压蒸汽的用量将进料升温至165℃。由于甲烷化反应器出料温度降低，加上增设了出料循环水冷却器E-03\*，甲烷化反应器出料冷却器E-03在7℃的丙烯冷剂用量减少3 t/h的情况下能够满足物料温度降到12℃的要求。优化工况 GCC 曲线如图4所示。
图4甲烷化单元优化工况GCC
根据《乙烯装置单位产品能源消耗限额(GB 30250—2013)》内乙烯装置能源及耗能工质折算值，公用工程能耗变化如表4所示。
**表4能量折算系数表**
| **公用工程介质** | **能量折** | **数目/** | **能耗量/MJ(年操作** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **公用工程介质** | **算系数** | **(t/h)** | **时间8000h计)** |
| **循环冷却水(^t=10℃)/(MJ/t)** | **4.19** | **16.56** | **5.55E+05** |
| **中压蒸汽/(MJ/t)** | **3 182** | **\-013** | **\-3.31E+06** |
| **合计** | | | **\-2.75E+06** |
优化工况下，公用工程能耗实现年降2.75×10°MJ。
通过将 Aspen HYSYS模拟的优化工况中新进出料换热器E-01\*的运行参数直接导入 Aspen EDR中，并通过“设计模式”进行换热器设计。该模式中，在满足各流体最大压降的情况下，基于输入的换热器整体结构参数与管路信息，以最小成本或者最小面积为目标确定完成规定热负荷的一个或多个换热器上。
对于新进出料换热器 E-01\*， Aspen EDR 的“优化路径”提供了23种方案。出于最小成本考虑，结合实际与经验得出较优方案的部分情况如表5所示。
结构参数：新进出料换热器E-01\*的换热器型式为NEN，材质为 1-1/4Cr-1/2Mo，管程数2，壳径(内径)307mm，管长2250 mm，光管，管数112，管外径16 mm，管壁厚1.5 mm，正三
表5新进出料换热器E-01\*设备设计总体性能
| **项目** | **壳侧** | | | **管侧** | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **流体流量，总流量/(kg/hr)** | **1827** | | | **1827** | | |
| **汽(进/出)/kg/hr)** | **1827** | **1827** | | | **1827** | **1827** |
| **液(进/出)/(kg/hr)** | **0** | **0** | | | **0** | **0** |
| **温度/℃** | **23** | **102** | | | **174** | **95** |
| **操作压力/kPa** | **329033284.5** | | | **3280.33269.6** | | |
| **污垢热阻(min)/(m²·K/W)** | **0.000 09** | | | **0.000 09** | | |
| **最大流速/(m/s)** | **13.58** | | | **27.42** | | |
| **压降(允许/计算)/kPa** | **7/6.8** | | | **21/10.7** | | |
| **热负荷/kW** | | | **4233** | | | |
| **总传热系数(清洁/结垢)/(W/(mK))** | | **821.2/704.9** | | | | |
| **有效面积/m²** | | | **12** | | | |
| **有效传热平均温差/℃** | | | **54.2** | | | |
角形排列，管中心距 22 mm，单弓形折流板，窗口区不布管，圆缺率16.2%。
**面积余量：10%。**
流速：壳侧平均流速 5.25 m/s，管侧平均流速 24.85 m/s，两侧最大流速见表5，平均流速与最大流速均在合理范围。窗口流速与错流流速于靠近进口与靠近出口的比值分别为2.29、2.29，对于窗口区不布管的设计，满足比值小于3：1。
压降：壳侧与管侧的压降分别为6.8 kPa 与 10.7 kPa，均小于允许压降。
流路分析：B流路分数为0.57，无须采取额外措施提高。
温度分布：冷热流体之间无温度交叉。
热阻分布：如图5所示，热阻分布基本均衡。
**FHeat Transter Resistance Shell side / Fouling /Wall /Fouling / Tube side Shell Side**
**Tube Side**
图5新进出料换热器E-01\*热阻分布图
**成本费用：18.9万元(仅供参考，实际价格需咨询产家)。**
对于新增出料循环水冷去器 E-03"，采取类似的模拟计算与分析可得到适合优化工况的参考设计，此处不再赘述。
**4结语**
文章对某裂解装置甲烷化单元采用 AspenTech 系列软件中Aspen HYSYS、 Aspen Energy Analyzer， Aspen EDR 等模块的联动应用探讨与实现了实际工况流程模拟、换热网络分析、优化工况流程模拟以及相应换热器设计等装置单元优化应用场景，为其他装置单元优化提供思路与借鉴。该过程中一是通过模拟分析实际工况换热网络挖掘优化潜力，提出优化建议；二是实现优化工况下公用工程能耗年降2.75×10°MJ；三是提出建议变更的新进出料换热器E-01\*的选型参考。
**参考文献：**
\[1\]孙兰义，刘立新，薄守石，等.过程模拟实训-Aspen HYSYS 教程 \[M\]. 北京：中国石化出版社，2019.
\[2\]冯霄.化工节能原理与技术\[M\].北京：化学工业出版 **社，2015.**
\[3\]孙兰义，刘立新，马占华，等.换热器工艺设计\[M\].北京：中国石化出版社，2020. | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 案例教学法在《财务管理学》课程教学中运用的利弊分析
许秀梅
青岛农业大学，山东青岛
266024
\[摘要\]案例教学作为一种新兴的教学方式，以其独特的优势获得了人们的普遍关注。但是案例教学并不仅仅是一种教学实践的方式或教学模式，更是一种学习方式的变革。本文论述了案例教学法在《财务管理学》课程教学中运用的利与弊，即应用价值与缺陷，并提出了相应的改进措施。
\[关键词\]案例教学；财务管理学；运用价值；利弊
\[中图分类号\]F275-42\[文献标识码\]B\[文章编号\]1008-9055-(2008)03-0027-02
The Advantages and Disadvantages of Case Teaching in Financial Management Course
XU Xiu-mei
(Qingdao Agriculture University， Shandong Qingdao 266024)
\[Abstract\] Case teaching is a new teaching method and access to people’s attention with its u-nique advanlage. It is not only a way of leaching practicc or teaching mode， but also a reform of learn-ing mode. This article discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the case teaching method in the“financial management， that is， the practical value and shortcomings， and the corresponding improve-ment measuires.
\[Key Words\] case teaching；financial managcmeni；practical valuc；advantage and disadvanage
一、案例教学在《财务管理学》课程教学中运用的可行性
案例教学作为一种新兴的教学方式，以其独特的优势获得了人们的普遍关注。但是案例教学并不仅仪是一-种教学模式，更是一种学习方式的变革。根据教育界对案例教学法含义的共识，结合财务管理专业课程特点，笔者将财务管理学课程中运用案例教学法的含义界定为以一些典型公司财务现象为中介，通过体验再现的，真实的公司财务情境，将教与学有机结合，引导学生进行讨论，从面提高学生分析问题、解决问题实际能力的教学方法，即一种以学生为主体展开的白主学习、合作学习、研究性学习的开放式教学方法。
《财务管理学》是研究如何对企业财务活动进行规划和控制的一门应用性管理学科。它是高等院校管理类和经济类专业的专业核心课，其内容是组织财务活动，处理财务关系，财务活动包括筹资活动、投资活动、资金营运活动以及收益分配活动，它涵盖了企业再生产过程中的全部生产经营活动的价值方面，是企业管理活动中最具综合性的活动：财务关系是指由企业财务活动所引起的经济利益关系。财务管理的内容米自于生产实际，表现出很强的实践性，这就决定了《财务管理学》必须重视实践教学，培养学生综合运用所学财务知识解决实际问题的能力。该课程在教学方法及手段的设计上应尽量体现其实践性特征，才符合教学规律与特点。因此笔者认为，在《财务管理学》课堂教学中引入案例教学，是非常必要也是可行的，
二、案例教学在《财务管理学》课程教学中的运用价值
(一)案例教学既可巩固学生所学的财务管理理论和方法，又可增强学生财务预测，决策、预算、控制和分析的实际能力。财务管理是企业为了达到既定的生产经营目标，对生产经营过程中所需资金的筹集、投资、运用、收回和分配，以及贯穿于全过程的财务预测、决策、预算控制和分析考核等等所进行的全面管理工作，是以价值形式对企业经济资源所进行的一项综合性管理。作为管理学的分支，它包括丰富的管理价值观念、管理内容和多样化的管理方法，具有一定的抽象性和综合性。如果我们仍然采用传统的教学方法，在课常限于理论讲授、布置一定量的课外练习要求学生按期完成、期末通过考试考核和检验学生掌握财务管理理论知识的程度，其教学效果难以达到培养目标的要求。学生即使诞过死记硬背一时记住一大堆的概念、原则和计算方法，在面临实际问题时仍然不懂该如何解决问题、高分低能的学生，社会是不欢迎的。若使用案例教学法，组织学生进行案例讨论，有针对性地运用财务管理理论和方法去分析问题，可加深学生对课堂教学内容的理解。另外在案例讨论中，学生还会发现自己学习时的薄弱环节，以便在平时学习中加以弥补。
(二)财务管理案例教学注重在案例中设置问题，有利于激发学生创新性思维，培养学生独立思考，提高自学能力。案例教学法作为一种独特的教学方法，它不仅要在课堂上传播已有的经济管理理论知识，更重视培养学生独立思考，开
\[收稿日期\]2008-04-06
\[作者简介\]许秀梅(1978一)，女，汉族，山东青岛人，青岛农业大学讲师。研究方向：财务管理。
子性园子子朋利噼
发学生的创新思维。在案例中设置各种问题，让学生经过独立思考，充分考虑公司的约束性条件，创造性地提出解决问题的方案和措施。这样学生在积极参与句讨论和分析案例的过程中，创新性思维能力将不断得到锻炼和强化。例如，提供公可进行项目投资决策的案例，在案例中涉及投资项目的物理寿命周期和经济寿命周期的预测资料、投资项目在寿命周期内每年现金流量的顶测资料、资本市场利率的未来发展趋势预测、项目投资风险的顶测资料、项目融资规模与公司资本结构变动对财务风险的影响等，上述资料的预测方法是否科学合理，需要学生独立思考，认真分析评价，创造性地提出多种备选方案，然后利用学过的项目投资决策分析方法从不同角度评价，选出合理满意的投资方案。学生在讨论分析过程中，使学过的理论知识得到深化，同时又增强了创新思维能
(三)财务管理案例教学是互动式的教学，教与学紧密配合，要求学生必须积极参与，有利于调动学生积极性和主动性。传统的财务管理教学万法主要注重于传授理论知识，强调理论的系统性。在课堂教学中，知识是一种单向的流动，学生处于被动接受知识的地位，虽然有些教师在讲授进程中也采用提问式和启发式教学法，但在整个教学环节中所古的比重还是比较低。“满堂灌”的教学模式难以调动学生学习积极性。案例教学是互动式的教学，在课堂教学中强调教师和学生的知识、观念的互动交流，学生在进行案例讨论时，身临其境，思考企业在特定环境下面临的问题，提出解决问题的方案。学生在学习中有了成就感，这样能够有效地调动学生学习的积极性和主动性。
(四)财务管理案例教学不仅要求学生参与讨论，而且要撰写案例分析报告，有利于提高学生语言表达能力和财经写作能力，学生在案例讨论之前，必须进行充分准备，要求写出发言提纲，在案例讨论结束之后，要求写出案例分析报告。例如，公司筹资案例，最后要求学生写出筹资计划分析报告项目投资案例，要求写出项日投资可行性分析报告。综合财务案例要求学生写出年度财务分析报告等，这些都有利于提高学生的财经写作能力。
(五)这有利于教师知识结构的发展。财务管理案例教学注重案例选编的针对性、启发性、客观性和实践性，要求授课教师不仅要具有较高的财务管理理论水平，而且要有相当的管理实践经验，这有利于教师知能结构的发展。教师在选择和编写案例过程中，要考虑课程培养目标的要求，注重通过案例教学提高学生分析问题和解决问题的能力，每个案例的设计，应该体现财务管理课程的重点和难点，让学生在案例讨论中得到启发，加深对课程内容的理解。
三、财务管理案例教学的缺陷及改进
(一)应用缺陷
财务管理案例教学并非万能，它存在许多限制。当所要学的东西是一种个性化的、不能明确表达的知识的时候，案例教学可能会失效，案例教学通常要求老师和学生付出更大的努力，只有双方投入才能够达到学习的效果，没有投入就不可能学到知识，学生常常会发现他们自己的想法在与别人讨论时发生改变，这种改变正是学习进步的标志。案例教学法有时会使一些学生望而生畏，他们很难习惯主动思考并参与全班讨论，因而更喜欢恢复到传统的被动的课堂教学方
28家哲学社会科学学术期刊数据库
式，总的说来，案例教学的优点是十分突出的，而且应用的广度和深度与日俱增。
(二)改进建议
1.案例教学要与理论教学、讲授教学相结合
根据本科生的具体特点，实行理论教学与案例教学相结合理论教学应该为案例教学作准备。适当地调整教学内容，精讲知识。同时案例教学应根据理论教学的内容选择合适的案例，二者相辅相成才能达到良好的教学效果。案例教学尽管有很多优点，但并不意味着就可以取代讲授教学。课堂讲授应该是诱导式的、启发式的，而不是灌注式的、填鸭式的，讲授教学应该与问题讨论、案例教学结合起来，才能收到良好的效果。
2.实施案例教学法对教师提出了新要求
实施案例教学法要求教师具备现代的教育观念和教育理念，具备一专多能的知识结构以及多维立体的能力结构。《财务管理学》课程实施案例教学对授课教师的综合素质要求更高。要求教师的知识面要广博，不仅要具有丰富的财务管理专业理论知识，还要了解会计、审计、税法、资产评估和应用统计等相关方面的知识。教师的实际工作经验要丰富，不仅要熟悉财务管理的实际运作，还要熟悉国家相应的政策法规，具备较强的分析和解决实际问题的能力，实施案例教学法还要求教师转换角色。要求教师从传统的教学支配者，控制者转变成学生学习的组织者、促进者和指导者，从讲授者转变为学习兴趣激发者、学习的辅导者，从知识提供者转变为学生的学习伙伴、信息资源的设计者和查询者。
3.案例教学的时问与效益不一定成正比
案例教学以学生的积极参与为前提，以教师的有效组织为保证，以精选出来的能说明一些问题的案例为材料，而要做到这些方面的有机结合往往较为困难，有时会产生耗费时间较多而收效甚微的结果。案例教学在时间和效益上存在着矛盾，案例教学需要耗费的时间较多，它要求教师和学生都要花费比较多的时间和精力去做好一系列准备工作，但教师和学生的精力和时间毕竟有限，
4.不断开发案例，保证案例供应源
案例的开发，案例库的建设，是案例教学发展的长远战略。教师应积极参与企业实践，开发企业的管理案例，积累撰写案例的经验及技巧，设计好教学案例。随着财务理论与实务的不断发展变化，对财务管理案例还要及时进行补充和调整，课程的案例要统筹安排、系统设计，形成体系。
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院学报，2001，(2)：99~100.
\[2\]杨庆英.案例教学法及其应用\[.中国职业技术教育，1998，
(4)：42~43.
\[3\]张海慧.案例教学法在财务管理教学中的应用中国成人教
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\[4\]刘洪波，财务管理案例教学法操作\[平原大学学报，2003，
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责任编辑：单鸿恩
王远 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 颂销和反倾销过程中不同集团利益及其关系的经济分析
小涛
(河南财经学院国际贸易与经济系，河南郑州450011)
0.02元元災xX处必05-X-2-2-2-22.00200000收-5-5-5-2-父元X30005-以--外吮M5
摘要：倾销与反倾销过程涉及到多个利益集团的利益。除倾销企业和被倾销企业两个主要当事方外，受这一过程影响的还包括进口国倾销商品的消费者和相关的非倾销企业等，从而形成了出口国倾销企业与进口国被倾销企业之间、进口国被倾销企业与进口国消费者之间以及出口国倾销企业与出口国或第三国非倾销企业之间的多重矛盾关系。本文以一般经济理论为基础，分析了倾销和反倾销对上述四个主要集团利益的影响，并在此基础上揭示了存在于这一过程中的主要矛盾。
关键词：倾销企业；被倾销企业；倾销国家；反倾销国家
中图分类号：F740 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1006-1096(2005)03-0042-04 收稿日期：2004-12-24
一、倾销与反倾销过程涉及的主要利益集团及其利益分析
一起倾销和其事后的反倾销会通过社会经济的各种关联渠道影响到多个利益集团或层面。其中，受影响最大的是倾销企业、被倾销企业、进口国消费者和有关的非倾销企业。为讨论的严密性，本文对以上各方的界定如下：倾销企业指出口国实施倾销行为的企业；被倾销企业指进口国与倾销企业有直接竞争关系的企业，也是进口国政府实施反倾销措施的动议者；进口国消费者(以下简称消费者)特指进口国进口倾销产品的消费者，它可以是消费者个人，也可以是企业；非倾销企业指出口国或第二国与倾销企业具有相同目标市场国家，但却没有倾销行为的企业。需要指出的是，对当事方的界定是针对一起单一倾销过程而言的，这意味着不同过程角色的转换、关联产品的倾销不在考虑之列。
(一)出口国倾销企业
出口国企业以倾销价格向其他国家出口自己的商品，从而成为倾销的主体，它是整个倾销过程的始作俑者。倾销利益的存在是倾销企业进行倾销的惟一原因。根据倾销企业对倾销利益追求的直接性或间接性，倾销可以分为二类：直接追求倾销收益的倾销(图2)，间接追求倾销收益的倾销。后者根据倾销对倾销企业直接影响的不同又分为两类：仅具有机会成本的倾销(图3)以及同时具有机会成本和实际成本的倾销(图4)。倾销是不完全竞争企业扩大市场规模的重要手段，企业之所以用价格策略去争取另外一个市场，往往是因为产品在这个市场上具有比原市场更大的需求弹性。图1至图4表明了倾销企业产品在两个市场上的需求和供给情况以及不同程度倾销的利益状况。图中AC、MC分别表示厂商在两个市场上的平均成本曲线和边际成本曲线，D.MR分别表示该产品的需求曲线和边际收益曲线，下标d和f分别表示国内市场和国际市场，图左半部阴影部分为厂商在国内市场上的净利润。图1指企业在不实施倾销手段条件下的市场扩大.其产品在国外市场上的售价P等于其国内售价，这时国外市场的收益为该图右半部阴影部分的面积。图2是指该商对国际市场实施倾销于段，但在国际市场上达到利益最大
化的状态，此时在国外的销售价格为低于国内价格的P，并且边际成本等于边际收益，这种倾销便是直接追求倾销收益的倾销。图3为偏离最佳倾销利益的倾销，这种情况下，倾销价格P，比P更低，虽然厂商仍然获得直接倾销利益，但却没有使其最大化，说明这种倾销存在着机会成本。图4情况下的倾销价格为P，.在此低价格下.厂商在外国市场上处于亏损状态，亏损总额为阴影表示的面积.这就是平常所指的掠夺式倾销。
图1
图2
作者简介：孙
涛(1963-)，男，河南郑州人，河南财经学院副教授，主要从事国际贸易与区域经济研究。
图4
由此看，厂商在外国市场上的倾销利益状况随倾销程度的不同而有所不同。对于存在机会损失(图3)和实际损失(图4)的倾销而言，整个倾销的利益过程实际上可以分为两个环节，一为“降价损益”环节，一为“市场扩充”环节。前者是低价倾销过程，该过程造成了机会成本损失或实际损失，对此倾销企业必须找出补偿的出路，而后者正是对倾销前期过程的补偿环节，所以这两种倾销都属于牺牲现在利益以换取未来收益的倾销。
当倾销迫使其他竞争者退出市场以后、倾销企业的产品在进口国获得了更多的需求(如图5：需求曲线由D右移至D')。此外，由于垄断的加强，致使产品需求的替代性下降，从而需求弹性会有所下降(如图：需求曲线由D'转为D”)。这使倾销企业可以通过事后提高价格来获得更多的垄断利润。出口价格的一升和一降，体现了出口倾销企业力图扩大市场份额，垄断市场的动机：而需求曲线的变化体现了在这一动机支配下的行为效果。
图5 实施倾销后倾销产品在进口国市场上的需求变化
这一环节给倾销企业带来的效果还与产品在东道国市场上的需求弹性及弹性结构有关。产品的需求弹性取决于其替代性和收人效应的大小。二者决定了倾销之前需求曲线的倾斜幅度。如果倾销企业产品较高的需求弹性是出于其他国家或进口国产品对本国产品的高替代性.通过倾销若成功地实现市场扮额的显著扩大，甚至绝对垄断(表现为图中D至D'的显著扩大)，则有可能使倾销产品的需求弹性明显缩减(表现为D'至D”的显著旋转)，为以后的提价(价格回归)获得更大的垄断收益奠定基础。如果倾销产品的高弹性来自产品本身的消费特性(即其收人效应较明显)，倾销后需求弹性变化不明显。对于这类商品而言，倾销的效果将主要依赖"踢出”效应。若倾销所带来的市场扩大不明显，即使东道国的反倾销压力不大，倾销的总体效果也是不明显的，对此类产品的倾销是不明智的。
需要指出的是，上述是在几乎孤立状态下对倾销利益做出的分析。实践中这种孤立假设是站不住脚的。随着经济全球化的日益发展，一个市场几乎不可能只有一个倾销国企业和进口国企业的角逐。这意味着倾销者要实现自己的倾销目的，即要挤垮竞争对手，获得垄断地位，获取垄断利润，不仅要打败倾销地产业，而且要打败其他所有国家竞争对手，以获得全球垄断地位，这在实践中几乎是不可能的。理论界因此有这种认识：既然反倾销的前提不存在(或不能长久存在)，普遍存在的反倾销法律也就成为多余的了。另外.更重要的是，东道国对倾销产品的反倾销行为可以断送这一过程。
(二)进口国被倾销企业
被倾销企业是外国商品倾销的直接受害者。这类企业构成的产业可以是竞争力不强的弱势产业，或者是劳动生产举日渐衰落，市场日益萎缩的“夕阳”产业，也可以是东道国比较成熟的产业。然而无论是哪一类产业，如果它们在成本、效率、规模等各方面不具备竞争优势，国外企业的倾销无疑于雪上加霜。这些实力不强的企业面对倾销价格的打压，会率先出现亏损，最终会因实力不济，停业而退出市场。或许一个产业的发育过程可能会就此中断。当然，进口国企业的被迫退出或产业的成长受阻，其直接原因是成本与国外企业的显著差异及市场低价格的存在。而产生这两个关键条件的因素还有要索禀赋、劳动生产率差异等其他一些方面，也就是说，在正常竞争中，进口国产业或企业的发展也会受到来自国外的威胁，出现“退出”或“成长中断”的结局，不同的是，倾销作为-种正常竞争过程的中断，其效应会来得非常之快，它往往不给进口国企业(包括其他非倾销外国企业)以调整，提高的时间或机会，所以若没有相应的手段，其结果是不难预料的。因此，与其说是倾销剥夺了进口国企业或产业生存的权利，还不如说倾销剥夺了进口国企业或产业拥有充足的时间来降低成本、提高竞争力的权利。反倾销只不过是将这种被剥夺的机会或时间重新夺了回来，它给被倾销企业带来的利益也莫过于此。这类企业最终还要靠自身的不断努力发展、壮大，把成本降下来。进口国企业成本下降越多，抵御国外倾销的能力就越强，国外倾销企业的倾销成本就越大，倾销的成功率就越低。被倾销企业是反倾销的直接受益者，这里"直接”的意义是指考察的范围局限在进口国国内.若从整个国际市场范围看，被倾销企业未必就是反倾销的最终受益者。·一个例子是1999年美国独立石油生产商向政府提出针对委内瑞拉、墨西哥、伊拉克和科威特的石油产品实行反倾销和征收补偿税
的请求，但最终末获成功，因为美国国内一些大的石油公司，如 Exxon 公司和 Texaco 公司等都对此持反对态度，它们担心这将会导致四国在国际石油市场上大量销售其产品，使世界原油价格大幅度下跌，进而影响这些公司在国际石油市场上的利益。在多方利益综合考虑下，美国商务部最终否决了这一反倾销的请求，从而避免了全球原油市场价格的波动，维护了美国某些生产商和国内消费者的利益。
(三)进口国消费者
进口国消费者是倾销的直接受益者，自然也是反倾销的直接受害者。若把消费者作为一个整体来看，进口产品的倾销无疑扩大了消费者剩余，提高了消费者的福利水平。进口国消费者对所涉及产品的需求弹性越大，倾销带来的福利扩大效应亦越突出；反之产品的需求弹性越小，低价给消费者带来的实惠有可能会是昙花一现。如前分析，倾销者可能为自己的倾销行为付出了机会成本或直接亏损。当倾销者实现了对市场的控制之后，倾销企业要实现市场归位。价格会出现一个回归过程，其终点是实现倾销者最大收益的点。如果倾销者在实施倾销过程中成功地扩大了生产规模，提高了规模经济效益，倾销就有可能成为长期性的行为。生产者可以从生产规模扩大和市场规模扩大中补偿前期的机会损失。对进口国消费者来讲，这是一种比较好的结局，因为这种倾销所带来的福利扩大将会长期存在，前期扭曲性倾销价格的回归是相对舒缓的。而如果相应产品缺乏需求弹性，则倾销企业的“两步”意识就会趋于明显，倾销之后价格的回归将是剧烈的价格上涨，前期倾销给消费者带来的福利将会受到变本加厉的侵害。在这种情况下，倾销对消费者无疑于一个陷阱。若从动态上看，倾销过程造成的负面影响有时会更大。当进口品在进口国经济中是重要的上游产品时，倾销降价的效应会沿着纵向经济链条向下传递，这有可能诱使不同环节生产部门扩大投资，并且可能增加社会经济的辽回程度。在这种情况下，倾销企业提价极有可能形成“回波”而将经济拖人严重的局部衰退甚至是总体衰退。总之，倾销企业在东道国市场上的“一降”和“一涨”，无论在静态上还是动态上，都将给东道国消费者带来实际的损失，并导致东道国经济发展的不稳定性，增加进口国经济发展的风险。当然，这一过程的严重程度最终要看倾销产品在进口国应用的普遍性和重要程度。需要指出的是，上述分析是建立在进口国没有做出抵抗反应的前提下。实际上在国与国竞争口益激烈的今天，进口国往往会利用反倾销手段来阻止这一过程的发展和延续。
要分析反倾销对消费者利益造成的影响，必须区别近期和远期，长期性倾销和掠夺性倾销的不同。短期内，倾销给消费者带来了消费者剩余的增加，而反倾销则是对这种福利机会的剥夺。从长期看，反倾销对消费者的影响取决于倾销的方式。对于以低价为市场战略的长期性倾销而言，消费者仍是反倾销的受害方；而对于掠夺性倾销而言，反倾销实际上为消费者填补了一个陷阱。再进一步看，无论是长期性倾销还是掠夺性倾销，其结果都将增加市场的垄断程度，这给进口国消费者利用市场竞争的好处提高福利增长是不利的。所以，上述的“受益”和“受害”分析都是从直接意义上而言的。
二、倾销与反倾销过程中的矛盾关系
(一)出口国倾销企业与进口国被倾销企业的关系
这是整个过程最主要的矛盾。与国内市场不同，国际市场上的竞争更倾向于不完全竞争。并且出口国各种出口促进
手段和进口国各种进口壁垒的存在，使国际市场存在着复杂的多重扭曲。暂时的竞争均衡是各种扭曲的结果。在此情况下，倾销作为一个额外的扭曲变量，使竞争双方的平衡格局被打破。倾销企业通过倾销手段，迫使进口国企业离开或缩小市场。在加入倾销变量的综合扭曲下，新的平衡有可能得到确立。但当平衡点的移动达到一定的阀值时，最后的结果则可能是国外企业挤垮进口国的同类企业，从而形成对进口国市场的垄断。不过，倾销的结果还与进口国企业或产业的发展状态或进程有关。当进口国企业尚处于幼稚阶段时，倾销可能会使其夭折，产业形成受阻；当进口国企业经过长期发展达到成熟阶段，成本已充分降低，竞争能力已达到相当水平时，此时倾销的结果往往是二者市场份额的重新划分。而对于“夕阳”产业来讲，国外的倾销有可能是致命的，因为这时进口国企业的发展会受到双重的打击，长期的”日落”趋势和短期的倾销打击。
当然，倾销过程并非一帆风顺。这一矛盾因倾销而激化，其结果往往会演变为多部门过程。当进口国企业或产业在本国国民经济中的现实地位或潜在地位非常重要时，进口国政府会实施反倾销过程，其结果会使该矛盾关系回复到初始状态。这种情况下，倾销有可能成为一种徒劳的举措。如前所述，倾销企业在倾销环节中有可能并没有获得额外的利益，相反它是一个付出成本的过程。倾销企业需要未来的补偿。进口国政府的反倾销无疑断送了这一妄想，非但使竞争力量对比回到了起点，而且倾销者也白白付出了代价。
现实经济生活中，倾销企业一经实施倾销，对东道国企业的损害就开始了，对此进口国在实施反倾销时会加以考虑的。通常东道国希望对倾销企业实施超额反倾销，以使倾销方的倾销行为得不偿失。在乌拉圭回合之前、反倾销国家对反倾销税的征收虽然做出了不超过倾销幅度的规定，但在时间上却有很大的弹性。长时期的反倾销有可能把倾销企业逐出东道国市场。乌拉圭回合后新的反倾销协议中，虽然加进了“口落”条款，但国际市场的竞争风云变幻，市场角逐日益激烈，一旦放弃市场，再重返市场就很困难了.
当东道国不存在与进口品类似的生产企业或产业时，即使倾销行为存在，但“实质性伤害”却无从谈起。此时的倾销行为所引发的矛盾主要发生在国外不同出口国企业之间。
(二)进口国国内被倾销企业与消费者的关系
从纯粹经济关系上看，产品的消费者与提供该产品的企业之间的关系并不因该企业是国外企业还是本国企业而改变。但当倾销和其后的反倾销发生时，情况就会有所不同。本国消费者与国外倾销企业及本国被倾销企业的关系开始分化，表现为进口国消费者与被倾销企业之间的矛盾开始出现。作为矛盾一方的生产企业希望通过反倾销来维持一个较高的市场价格，而消费者当认识到存在国外竞争企业倾销压价的机会时，则希望争取这一机会，以扩大自身的福利、反倾销使国内价格得到了提高或维持，生产企业得到了保护，但却剥夺了消费者提高或维持福利的机会，损害了消费者的利益。有时这种得失是非对称的。例如某年美国裁定对从挪威进口的马哈鱼征收反倾销税后，美国相同产业每增加1美元的收人，消费者要多支出23~27 美元，直接的利益对立非常明显：由于进口品既有可能是最终消费品，也有可能是原料、中间产品等，进而消费者既有可能是个人消费者，也有可能是企业，所以进口国被倾销企业与消费者的关系既有可能表现为消费者个人与企业之间的矛盾，也有可能表现为企业与企业之间的
关系。倾销和反倾销在进口国内部引起了利益的多重分化，增加了国民经济系统内部各局部之间的矛盾。
反倾销对消费者利益有直接的侵犯，所以在反倾销问题上，企业与消费者(还包括经营相应进口品的经销商)的态度往往是对立的。消费者有可能是政府实施反倾销的主要反对力量。进口国这两种利益集团对立的程度，将随着经济全球化或国家开放程度的提高而加剧。理由如下：在国家较封闭的情况下，国内各经济部分的关联距离较短而且较明显，关联时间迅速。短期利益的暂时对立往往会为长期的利益共存所淡化。例如，反倾销的实施保护了相应企业和产业，扩大了就业，收人和消费可能会由此被带动起来，这一连锁反应可以蔓延到各行各业的消费者身上。而若不采取反倾销措施、市场的丧失可能会诱发负的乘数效应，这一不良影响迟早会连累到短期内享受到廉价进口商品的各消费层面、而在国家处于相当开放的状态下时，同样的反倾销对相应企业或产业的保护，虽然也可能诱发乘数过程或避免负的乘数过程，但这一连锁反应会突破国界，在一个更大的范围内运行，因此对本国消费者影响的可能性和力度会有所下降.时间也更加滞后，即一个由反倾销而生的演变过程，对进口国消费者的影响更加不明朗了，二者之间的近期矛盾相对就显得更加突出了。
不过，即便如此，从整个倾销和反倾销过程的长远影响中，我们仍能找出二者利益的某些共同点。首先，上述分析基本上是建立在长期倾销的分析基础上的。若国外企业采取掠夺性倾销，则倾销之后的恶意提价将使进口国消费者遭受同样的打击，到那时进口国企业与进口国消费者将同样处在被掠夺的逆境之中。从这一点看，反倾销对二者都是有益的。其次，整个国民经济是一个相互联系的有机整体。用联系的眼光看，在倾销和反倾销的整个过程里，生产企业与消费者之间存在的利益冲突毕竟是短期的，从长远看...者的利益联系是存在的。至于二者利益发生关联的机理或渠道，将是复杂而多变的。然而现实中这种长远利益的共同点并不容易被发现。尤其是对长期以市场扩大为目的的倾销而言，倾销给消费者带来的福利效应将是长期的，而反倾销对这种长期福利的剥夺则是立竿见影的。与反倾销不明朗的远期收益相比，消费者集团更倾向于反对政府采取反倾销。有时这股反对力量极其有利于出口国企业对不公正反倾销的应诉。
(三)出口国倾销企业与出口国或第三国非倾销企业的关系
可将向同一个市场国家提供同一产品的企业划分为两类，一类是实施倾销的企业，另一类是非倾销企业。最初其间有着正常的直接竞争关系，而倾销的产生使这种关系发生了变化。倾销企业的倾销行为对于同一市场上的非倾销企业是不公平的。它打破了市场划分的平衡格局.使非倾销企业的竞争出现相对劣势，这时其命运与进口国国内同类企业并无二致。对这一对矛盾关系的提起还基于这样一个事实：即有些进口国家对进口产品的反倾销采取累计做法。进口国一旦认定倾销及其所导致实质性伤害的存在，就会征收反倾销税。判断是否有实质性损害的简单做法是看进口商品在东道国市场的占有率。由于进口国家不加区别地将不同来源的进口产品视为一个整体，那些没有倾销的出口企业的产品就有可能受到反倾销的不公平待遇。进口国的这种只针对商品而不针对产地的反倾销政策使得那些遵守竞争规则的非倾销企业会受到不遵守竞争规则的倾销企业的连累。在这种情况下，非倾销企业实际上受到了双重的打击，即来自同业的不公平竞争和来自市场国家不公正的制裁。
当非倾销企业与倾销企业实力差距不大时，倾销可能会掀起一轮恶性的价格战。一些非倾销企业在恶性竞争中有可能会因倾销能力不支而被迫退出市场，从而成为不正当竞争的牺牲品。另外，由于二者冲突的结果使非倾销企业加入到倾销的队列中，因此也极有可能加剧进口国企业与国外倾销企业之间的矛盾，使反倾销更快地到来。有时也可能采用如下的解决于段，即非倾销国根据WTO 允许进口国代表第三国进行间接的倾销指控.向进口国政府申请，要求其对倾销国的产品进行倾销调查，征收反倾销税，从而迫使对方回到良性的竞争轨道上来，不过诉讼案件是否受理取决于进口国。
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Analysis on Interests and Conflicts of Different Groups Arising from Dumping and Anti -Dumping
SUN Tao
(Dept. of International Trade and Economics， Henan University of Finance and Economics， Zhengzhou 450011， China)
Abstract：Several interest groups are involved in thr prncess of dumping and anti - dumping. Apart from dumping enterprises and dumped entrrprises， af-fected sides include consumers of import countries and rclative non -dumping rnirrprises， rtr. The main conflicts arising from the prncess of dumping and anti- dumping include that of between dumping enterprises and dumped entrrprises， dumped enterprises and consumers of imporl country， dumping enter-prises and non - dumping enterprises of export country or third country. Based on general economie principles， the gain and loss arising from the process of dumping and anti - dumping are theorrtically analyzed in this paper， along with the analysis on the conllicts of interests among involved interesl groups.
Key words： dumping enterprises； dumped enterprises； dumping country； anti - dumping counlry | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 息技术和信息网络服务于企业，探索合适的应用模式已成为各界关注的焦点。四川目前的信息化程度还相对较低，互联网基础设施水平还有待提高，这将是影响四川现代服务业发展的不利因素，因此大力发展信息产业势在必行。
4.搭建公共信息服务平台，促进各种资源有效配置，是现代生产性的服务业发挥中介作用的重要方式
公共信息服务平台是以网络技术为支撑的信息化、网络化、规范化、集约化的现代技术市场。以买方需求拉动卖方参与竞争，以企业难题招标为龙头，优化科技招投标活动。政府通过科技资源、科技政策的引导和相应的配套措施，促进企业难题招标活动有效实施，把高等院校和科研院所的科技创新活动的注意力引向企业、使企业真正成为科技进步的主体，技术创新的主体和科技投人的主体。
5.培训与培养相结合，造就现代服务贸易复合型人才
现代服务业的竞争，本质上还是人才的竞争。人才的高素质不是在专业技术方面，而是指熟悉现代商业的经营模式、经营环境、法律及国际惯例等，甚至包括对不同国家文化的了解。四川虽具备人才培养的良好条件，省内的大专院校和科研院所在国内名列前茅，但缺乏高端的国际服务贸易人才。要增强服务贸易的国际竞争力，就必须培养服务行业的专门人才，包括-批熟悉服务贸易的研究人员、工商企业家、金融家、会计师、审计师、律师和工程承包商等，尤其要培养熟悉服务贸易的复合型人才、具备符合国际公司标准的人才，以更好的适应现代服务业的发展。
在培养人才方面，可采用对未来人才的培养和对现有在岗人才的培训相结合的方式，以提高服务业从业人员的专业技术水平.将四川的劳动力数量优势逐步转变为质量优势，是服务贸易实现可持续快速发展的必备条件。一是大专院校通过改革教学内容和教学方法，为发展现代服务业培养高层次应用型人才，也为未来服务贸易的发展储备人才。二是服务贸易行业协会应经常组织海内外服务贸易专家或企业家讲学，介绍最新的现代服务贸易的理念和发展趋势，交流企业管理经验，加强服务贸易岗位的经常性的职业培训，这些方式对于开阔在岗人才的国际化视野，保持世界先进的国际服务贸易的理念及建立与相关企业的合作都大有裨益。三是建立健全服务业人才信息库和人才机构，广开渠道，积极创造条件吸引和聘用那些具有国外现代化管理经验、熟悉国际惯例和资本运作方式的海内外专业人才来省内就业，为现代服务业的发展提供智力资源。躅
(作者单位：彭莉，四川商务职业学院国商系：朱明侠，对外经济贸易大学)
金融危机考验高职教育
天津/戴裕崴
金融危机对高职教育的影响
1.影响毕业生就业，高职教育是在高等教育中与经济成长联系最为密切的部分。在我国经济遭受金融危机影响的时候，首当其冲的就是学生就业。金融危机对高职毕业生就业的影响是通过对企业的影响而接产生的。金融危机对企业的影响分为两种：一种是实际影响，一种是心理影响。金融危机使欧洲和美国等经济发达国家的经济大幅度下滑，国际需求下降，直接影响到我国的出口贸易。我国经济的一大特点就是以出口拉动国内投资，从而推动 GDP高速增长，如果出口出现了问题，那么国内的固定资产投资必定会减少，经济毫无疑问也会出现较大幅度的回落，就业岗位和就业机会相对就比过去减少很多，高职院校毕业生的就业也因此更加困难。在金融危机的初期，对大多数企业来说，危机的心理作用远远大于实际产生的作用。大量用人单位的生产本来没有多大问题，市场反应也不明显，只是用人单位招聘趋于谨慎，对用人的需求产生了较大的抑制作用，高职毕业生的就业也因此受到了较大的影响、经过一段时间以后，金融危机将对实体经济产生影响，对企业的心理影响转化为实际影响，这种影响将使毕业生就业更加困难
2.影响校企合作，高职教育的校企合作是以市场和社会需求为导向，以人才、技术、效益为结合点，充分利用学校、企业两种不同的教育环境和资源，以培养高素质技能型人才为主要目标的办学形式。校企合作的基本动因是双方取长补短、共谋发展，合作内容主要包括发展规划，建设专业、课程建设、师资建设、招生就业和学生管理等方面，最高境界是实现学校、企业和学生“三赢”。校企合作是当前高职教育改革的基本方向。目前，我国高职教育中的校企合作还缺乏必要的政策和法律保障，只能由双方根据各自的需求和利益自行
联合。这次金融危机对高职教育校企合作的影响表现在两个方面：一是金融危机使国内经济发展放缓，企业生产效益下降，从而影响到企业与高职院校合作的经济基础和合作的兴趣。金融危机的影响使企业发展面临困难。为了平稳渡过危机时期，很多企业都在调整发展战略，对资金和发展项目也作出一定的调整，与高职院校的合作一般难以在短期内给企业带来较大的经济回报，所以校企合作项目往往就在调整之列。二是金融危机使市场和社会需求发生改变，从而影响到校企合作的方向和内容。金融危机对我国的金融、国际贸易等行业产生了较大的冲击，市场和社会对这些行业的人才需求也随之发生了很大的改变，高职院校的相关专业也需要应时而变。此外，其它一些受冲击较小的专业也要“居安思危”，谋求获得应对金融危机和其它各种危机的能力。因此，校企合作的方向和内容会发生一定的改变。
高职教育应对金融危机的策略
1.进一步推进教育教学改革，提高人才培养质量，提高高职教育人才培养质量是毕业生有效就业的根本保障，涉及人才培养目标、课程、教学、师资、管理等方面。当前，要想提高人才培养质量，高职院校应对金融危机影响下的各专业人才的市场和社会需求进行调研，调整和完善专业人才培养的目标，并结合学校的实际条件和长远发展目标调整课程体系、更新教学内容、加强师资队伍建设和教育教学管理，着力提高学生的就业能力和综合素质，增强毕业生的就业竞争力和自主创业能力。
2.拓展就业渠道，提高就业服务和管理水平。高职毕业生有了较高的学业能力、综合素质和就业能力后，并不意味着就能顺利找到一份满意的工作，因为他们的活动范围和认识能力都很有限，能够展示自己的能力并得到用人单位认可的机会也不多。特别是在金融危机时期，由于用人单位的发展受到影响，这样的机会就更少了。此时，与毕业生就业情况休戚相关的高职院校就应充分利用各种资源，为他们拓展就业渠道，并努力提高就业服务和管理水平，力促他们顺利就业。高职院校应针对各类中小企业、民营企业和岗位需求潜力较大的行业，广开就业信息渠道；与合作企业进行深层次沟通，挖掘可能存在的就业岗位，并积极联系新的合作单位；通过历届毕业生特别是那些已经在就业单位担任一定领导职务的毕业生帮助应届毕业生就业；利用学校领导、教师的个人关系帮助学生就业；通过开展创业教育，提供资金和技术支持、帮助学生通过创业的形式就业，并带动更多学生自主创业。在拓展毕业生就业渠道的同时，高职院校还要提高就业服务和管理水平，以保障毕业生就业工作的成效。
3.主动出击，加强与企业的合作，企业与高职院校进行合
作虽然可以获得一些收益，但是与在其它领域的投资相比，吸引力小得多。由于高职院校培养的毕业生大多与企业的需求并不对路，校企之间没有较深的感情交融，所以在校企合作有关政策和法律缺失的情况下，很多企业都不愿主动与高职院校进行合作。金融危机使企业发展困难，生产“订单”减少使企业出现人员富余和资金周转困难。企业要走出困境，关键是妥善处理危机时期的人员和资金问题，当然，企业可通过采取在岗培训、轮班工作、调整工时等办法稳定员工队伍，还可从社会失业保险基金中得到一些补贴。倘若此时高职院校“雪中送炭”，主动与企业合作，无疑有助于加深与企业的感情，可在金融危机过后获得与企业进行更加深人合作的机会，在金融危机时期，高职院校应积极主动地采取措施帮助企业渡过难关，同时促进自身发展：一是帮助企业特别是中小企业了解和利用政府关于减轻困难企业的负担、稳定就业局势等有关政策，帮助企业解决部分人员安置和资金的困难；二是免费为企业员工提供新技术、新技能培训，为企业短期“分流”部分员工；三是从开工不足的企业聘请部分高技能员工到学校从事实践教学和应用项目研发工作，在聘期内由学校支付员工的工资。
在经济全球化和教育国际化进程越来越快的形势下，我国的高职教育面对包括金融危机在内的各种危机的考验。高职教育若要从容应对各种危机并形成一种具有独特类型的教育，就必须全面推进教育教学改革，不断提高教育质量。器 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 论20世纪中国小说的文化底蕴
骆冬青
(南京师范大学文学院，江苏南京210097)
摘 要：20世纪中国小说在与西方的交流中凸显了文化底蕴一。C中国文化的主要内容和深刻精神在各种形态的小说创作中都有体现。中国文化的自然生态与社会生态，是中国小说叙事中人物心态的生长条件；小说在中国文化的边缘与异端的地位，即使当小说进入文学的中心，也有深刻的作用。不同文化的间性与中国文化的本性，表现了中国小说与异文化的交往中复杂的形态。20世纪中国小说对传统文化的承传与创新，展现了中国文化的永恒价值和生生不息的活力。
关键词：20世纪；中国小说；文化底蕴
中图分类号：I206.7 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1001-4608(2007)06-0128-07
20 世纪，西方的政治、经济、军事以及文化的冲击，把“中国”的存在推置到了“世界”之中，从而成为中国人“世界观”中重要的事件。西方文学观念的输入，将中国传统文学中不登大雅之堂的小说，抬到了文学正宗的地位，并使小说成为中国文学创作实力的重要标志。这对“六经之外无文章”的传统是巨大的冲击。中国小说的文化构成与文化创造，在新的语境下得到重新审视和发展。从“世界”的“观点”来探索、反思、判断中国文化，成为20世纪中国小说的隐在的前提。
小说者，小道也。子曰：“虽小道，亦有可观者焉。”小道也是“道”，也体现着中国文化的“大道”。“道”是文化的核心，是文化的方向和文化的意义体系。20世纪中国小说，还是中国文化的产物，是中国文化的特殊创造。所以，涵茹着中国文化的全部内容，体现出中国文化的深刻精神。小说中活生生的世界，则是深广文化世界的灵动面浑厚的体现。唯其是“活”的，小说本身就成为生生不息的文化创造形式。
中国小说有着经、史之书的传统，小说也是一“家”，也列于王官之学的末尾，故亦作“小道”；中国小说又有依附于历史的习惯，所以小说又是“正史”之外的“野史”“稗史”等另类的“历史”；经过传奇与笔记的文人渲染，经过了“说话”与“写话”的“白
话”文学之锤炼，又诞生了“说部”，接近而不同于西方的“小说”。西方小说从史诗到英雄传奇，从民间传说、故事到罗曼司，再到现代意义上的小说，经历的旅程也是艰难而独特的。只是到了17、18世纪，才有了“小说的兴起”。所以，西方小说所强调的虚构性、修辞性等，以及西方小说的叙事观念，都与中国小说的固有观念不同。
中国小说是独特的“说话”艺术、叙事艺术。中国小说所说的“故事”是中国人生活的万千形态。中国生活的“道路”是中国人“走”出来的。小说在叙述人们“行道”、“走路”的过程中，走过了自己的道路，本身就成为文化之“道”的感性显现。于是，我们从小说中有限的形象世界，通向了无限的文化意识宇宙。
一、文化的生态与心态
“大块噫气，其名为风”。中国文化的生命诞生于中国大地。文化的一切风骨、风华、风采、风神、风度、风范、风情…….都离不开生于斯、长于斯的大地。她是中国文化的“故乡”。文化，总是与自然的生态密切相关。中国古典小说中，《山海经》以关于自然地理的想象，创造出一个奇幻诡异的世界。山，海，经：“山”与“海”经纬着人们的生活世界，也编织着一个超越现实的精神世界。《三国演义》中的战争
收稿日期：2007-06-15
作者简介：骆冬青(1964一)，男，博士，南京师大文学院教授。
地理，《水浒传》中的化外江湖，乃至《西游记》中的“心有天游”，都是对大地的心灵抚摸，都是从自然空间而生发出来的精神空间。是文化地理，也是叙事地理、诗性地理。中华大地的山水自然，是一切胸有丘壑的小说家灵感的源头，也是一切伟大的中国小说成就宏伟气魄的根本。
荷马史诗有《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》，一写“远征”，一写“还乡”。中国文化中，“还乡”是一个几成“情结”的集体意识甚至“集体无意识”。远游的心灵总是有着难以排遣的“乡愁”，执著寻找着“家园”，期盼着灵魂的返乡。 “乡土中国”就是由这样的“集体无意识”构筑起来的。20世纪初期，《老残游记》用悲悯观照已陷人危殆的大地；鲁迅的《故乡》，则成为“还乡情结”荒凉凄怆而又深沉冷静的表现。现代小说在对乡土的眷恋中产生了诸多杰作：沈从文的《边城》、萧红的《呼兰河传》、茅盾的《霜叶红于二月花》……而当代小说中的“山药蛋”派，“荷花淀”派，《红高粱》等等，都是扎根于“故乡”的土地，以乡土中国的生态，表现出了活生生的、变动不居的文化心态。
道法自然，文化生态首先植根于自然生态。中国文化中对自然的依恋与崇拜，在诗歌与小说中都表现得非常突出。诗歌中天籁式的自然歌吟，到了小说中，虽然常常只是一种背景，只是匆匆数笔的点染，但是在崇尚自然的审美心态中，却成为非常重要的艺术成分。很难想象，如果没有“青梅煮酒”的风云突变、赤壁大战前的“横赋诗”，《三国演义》将会失去多少魅力!鲁迅赞扬过《水浒传》中景物的“白描”，郁达夫的小说转向了古典诗歌的自然描写，都说明那种“天人合一”式的自然观在20世纪中国小说家心目中的深刻积淀。
“一方水土养一方人”，“靠山吃山，靠水吃水”，自然生态与生活形态有着密切的关系。所以，我们有了以各种形式书写的“地方志”但只有小说能展现一个活生生的充满“人味”的世界。20世纪中国小说着力撰著的“地方志”已有许多，覆盖了中华大地的许多区域。小说家把许多“地名”变成了风情各异的活的世界。从上面我们简单列举的一些作品已可概见。但更应注意的，则是在生动刻画出来的人的世界中，举凡衣、食、住、行等人类生活的诸种形态与诸种器物，都在小说中成为了活的文化、活的精神。中国文化的诸多重要内容，正是在器物的世界、器物的体系中体现出来。。中国小说从古典到现代，都有以器物为重要“道具”乃至“主角”的作品。从《红楼梦》的“金玉良缘”到张爱玲的“金锁记”，从
古典小说中的神奇兵器传奇到老舍的“断魂枪”，从家国重器到百姓日用不可或缺的柴米油盐酱醋茶，都被小说写出了故事，写出了沧桑，写出了中国的文化。由此而推及中国人的生存形态，则所有这些，都是中国人生活世界的组成部分，都是人活在其中、其中也活着人的创造的文化世界。因此，有陆文夫的“美食家”，用人的最基本欲求写出了精致的苏州文化；有汪曾祺的“异秉”，从人的特殊才能表现特殊的文化生态。这样的例证，也可以推及所有的中国小说。因为，只要小说中写的是真正的中国人的生活，那么，就离不开对生活形态具体而微的刻画，从自然环境到风土人情，直至日用器物，等等，无不在人的生活中、在人物的行为与心态中起着重要的作用。文化，就是如此“化”人小说的每一细节、每一情节之中，在流动不居的生存形态中显现。
“古今多少事，都付谈笑中”。文化的核心还是在“事”中凸显出来的“人”。从“生态”必然走向“心态”。人之为人的精神才是一切文化的真正灵魂。光写出“真相”是不够的，写出“真魂”，才是小说的真正目标。《西游记》写“心猿”，《红楼梦》写“情痴”、写“通灵”的宝玉……无非都是为中华民族写心，为中华民族画魂!因此，当我们说到刘备、关羽、张飞、曹操，孙悟空，贾宝玉、林黛玉、王熙凤等等人物时，几乎从他们的名字就可以认出一种性格，一种特定的文化精神。他们与西方文学中的唐·吉诃德、哈姆莱特、浮士德、安娜·卡列尼娜、伏脱冷、于连·索黑尔……属于不同的文化，不同的“道”，不同的精神。中国文化的内在精神在他们的形象中展示，正如西方文化的重要特征在“浮士德精神”、“唐·吉诃德精神”中体现，是用活生生的人表现活生生的文化精神、文化智慧。
20世纪末，“活着”一度成为小说家的核心话语，这表明，对中国人的“生态”有了更为自觉和清醒的认识。但是，“活着”总要寻求意义，这是“人”的宿命。从“生态”必然走向“心态”。鲁迅对“国民性”的探索，在新的历史条件下又呈现出特别的意义。重建中华民族的生态，仍要求重铸中华民族的心态。中国小说的精神探索，仍然长路漫漫。
二、文化的边缘与异端
“小说”之谓“小”，就在于它是“稗官”所造，上不得台面，进不了庙堂。所以，小说与历史结缘，却只是“正史”外的“野史”、稗史；小说与“大道”结缘，尽管常常努力阐扬“大道”，“演义”什么“明言”“通言”“恒言”却因为总是说“子不语”的
“怪、力、乱、神”而成为“小道”甚至“邪道”；在诗、文强大传统的压制下，“小说家”更难以进人文学正宗，往往成为蔑视与扫除的对象，获得的承认总是在与文学经典的比附中虚张声势地勉强通过的。所以，在中国古代，小说是一种边缘的文体，是“哲学的边缘”“历史的边缘”与“文学的边缘”相结缘的混杂文体。总起来说，小说是挂靠在“文化的边缘”的特殊文化产品。
被排斥到“中心”与“主流”之外，“小说”虽然未免失去了许多发展的机遇与待遇，却获得了别样的自由与可能，从特定的渠道蓬勃兴起，成为一种不容忽视的文化力量。明清小说的繁盛，为“小说”进入文学殿堂，成为“文学之最上乘”1\]208奠定了深厚基础。“小说”从“边缘”走向了“中心”。然而，作为一种文体，“小说”的艺术规定性，要求小说即使是关注“大事”，也要从“小处”入手，深人到生活的细节，触及文化的细微层面，从而滑出了“中心”、“主流”的控制轨道，以别样的眼光来显现世界。
在小说中，历史变成了故事，加进了许多想象、许多情感。中国古代小说中的历史，多与民间文化的渗透有关，是草民心目中的“野史”。所以，哪怕是“正史”中的重大事件，到了“街谈巷语”“道听途说”之中，也被“变形”为“通俗”的“演义”。“通俗”就是与下层民众的心灵沟通，其基础是按照老百姓的生态与心态，按照边缘的文化，去塑造一个个活的世界。所以，“通俗演义”，就是以“边缘”去“演”那些处于“主流”“中心”的“义”，从而把它们改变为“新义”。如此，小说就拥有了一种特殊的文化权力，即与自己特殊的“受众”相沟通而形成的从“边缘”去包围、改造“中心”的权力。
来自世俗的原野，来自平民百姓的心声，是中国古代小说文化的本质特征。在文化的边缘，小说踏上了浑厚坚实的大地，呼吸到的是更为清新也更为浩瀚的生命气息，“对接”了一种更为健康强壮的文化精神。在主流文化的“边”上，获得了自由守望的空间；并未切断主流文化之“缘”，扩充了小说的内在生命动力。“边缘”精神，是“小说”之“小”的重要表现，也是“小说”具备“大气”的必要条件。
“白发渔樵江渚上，笑看秋月春风”，“欲知目下兴衰兆，须问旁观冷眼人”，“料应厌作人间语，爱听秋坟鬼唱时”.……古典小说中的奇人、畸人、怪人、花妖鬼狐……现当代小说中的狂人、零余者、异秉者、傻子……他们其实都是“边缘人”。“边缘”的眼光，“边缘人”的活动，构成了小说叙事的深层结构。从志神到志人，传奇到醒世，中国小说所写的“事”，
也逐渐地靠向世俗生活，或世俗眼中、心中的虚构生活。由“水浒”到“边城”“呼兰河”，由“西游记”、“镜花缘”到“猫城记”……中国小说所写的“地方”，往往象征着文化的取向。“人缘”“地缘”以及小说中各种偶然、必然的“因缘”际会，都是文化之“缘”的具体展现。向着“边缘”的移动，拉动着文化的一切经纬，并编织、构成了新的文化。在“血缘”关系成为文化核心的中国，“边缘”尤其具有特别的意义。
《西游记》中的孙猴儿是从石头缝中蹦出来的，从而切断了一切血缘关系。《红楼梦》的通灵“宝玉”是女娲补天的弃余物，从“大荒”“无稽”的世界到达“花柳繁华地，温柔富贵乡”。在古典小说从“边缘”说起的叙事策略中，分明展示了一种文化原则和小说文化的本质，那就是对文化“主流”和“中心”的怀疑与拆解。“小说”因其“小”而肆无忌惮，因其“俗”而无所顾忌，因其“野”而率性作为，为中国文化灌注了来自原野和草野的感性动力，从“边缘”撕破了窒息人性的文化网罗，用异端的精神掀起了石破天惊的文化狂澜。在这样的背景下，重观“水浒”世界中的“青面兽”“母大虫”等等“凶神恶煞”的野性力量，重观“西游”的“心猿意马”和“聊斋”的花妖鬼狐，我们就可以省察“异端”精神的不同表现形式和功效。文化的“异端”，是中国古典小说中体现出来的“摩罗”之诗。
20世纪中国小说中，虽不乏“载道”之作，更多的却是从“边缘”与“异端”对暮气沉沉、污如死海”2\]64的文化作反抗的篇章。晚清的《孽海花》、《老残游记》，均是以“边缘”的人物进入历史的“中心”；而现代小说中的诸多杰作，由于“五四”掀起的新文化运动已对传统文化作出了总“判决”，更是从中国文化的“吃人”，“家”的腐朽罪恶，以及“子夜”的黑暗肮脏中，深人地解剖了僵冷而残忍的文化结构。希望何在?新文化的创造要回归“蛮野”的生命源泉，就必须走向中国文化由以孕育的“故乡”。在世俗的大地和被文化主流轻视的民众之中，寻找到文化创造的真正活力。，“礼失而求诸野”，如果稍作推衍，则文化萧条之后，应当从“蛮野”之中把她寻找回来。沈从文寻找到湘西的“边城”，萧红回到了“呼兰河”，沙汀、艾芜“南行”......中国文化的新生，在小说的导寻觅觅中，获得了新的源泉与契机。
历经了诸多灾难，历经了多次战争，中国文化需要把那种“蛮野”的力量找回来，把雄壮的力量找回来，把自由之精神、独立之意志找回来。4“蛮野”意味着生命的原初活力，也意味着感性的自由和奋进。
“小说”作为“野史”“稗史”，不妨说正代表了像稗子一样野性地生长而又长生的“蛮野”力量与精神。当代中国小说中，革命历史小说对从农村包围城市的历史画卷的展开，正表现了来自民众、来自原野的力量，是如何战胜那些看来冠冕堂皇、不可一世的“文明”的。到了世纪末的20年，中国作家又有了向着原野寻求文化精魂的创作态势。张承志的《黑骏马》、《北方的河》、《心灵史》，展示了一种特别的精神历程，即使偏执，却有着野性的雄壮与悲怆；莫言在“山东高密乡”那片充满野性与欲望的“红高粱”中，找到了“土匪种”；贾平凹沉人“商州”；张炜“融入野地”……无论他们寻找回来的世界是何等不同，无论他们对中国文化的理解是深是浅，但都是把“小说”当作了向生命源头引来文化活水的力量，为中华民族“招魂”。
墨守成规、循规蹈矩，固然可以把人“文化”，但是却也会把人变成装在文化套子中的木头人。毛泽东曾批判“蠢猪式的仁义道德”，呼唤“万类霜天竞自由”的精神。中国小说所拥有的野性精神，正可以为中国文化增加永恒的活力。
三、文化的间性与本性
小说走人文学殿堂，成为文学正宗，甚至成为一个国家文学实力的标志，是西方文化观念进人中国因缘际会的结果。文化间的冲突与融合，在20世纪小说学中表现得尤为突出。
中国小说很早就具有开放的意识和探奇历险的精神。《西游记》题材是否为外来姑且不论，“西游”的精神“长征”，是为了向异域寻求“真经”。《镜花缘》诞生于江苏的连云港，面向大海的无穷想象，体现了中国文化中充满生机与活力的探索精神。在深沉邈远的宇宙意识升华下，中国小说的世界总是通向无尽的空间。《红楼梦》的“大观园”中，不仅有西洋的器物，更有薛宝琴打开的关于西洋世界的想象。数千年历史中，中国文化与异文化的接触与交流，特别是对异文化的想象与憧憬，都在小说中留下了活的证据。学者对此考据颇多，其中，特别是关于小说母题的溯源，值得我们注意。一个故事的背后，包含着深远的文化背景。其中蕴涵的文化信仰、规则、秩序与理念，随着新奇生动的故事，悄然进入；人们在欣赏别样的“活法”时，理解并接受了其“想法”与“做法”：文化的交流就在不知不觉中形成。
西方人以坚船利炮和飞速发展的经济实力，敲开了中国封闭的大门。。““大棒”与“胡萝卜”之外，是似“软”而实“硬”的文化力量，文化才是军事与经济
发展的内在原因。20世纪初，呼吁以小说来“新民”的启蒙者们，震惊于“物竞天择”原理的国人们，从翻译小说中得到的文化刺激与精神震撼，决非仅仅在于故事，而且是在于西方故事所展示的别样的人生、别样的精神。所以，晚清小说中涌现的大量异域题材的小说，直接把笔尖插入到西方文化的墨水瓶中，用平等、自由、博爱等崭新的观念，唤起国民的现代意识。由此，中、西文化的差异以“差距”的形式凸显了出来。中国文化的衰飒与腐朽，在西方文化的映照之下分外醒目。“别求新声于异邦”，便成为必然的选择。
小说创作由此而主动地接受西方的影响。西方文化中小说的智慧，不仅给中国小说带来了艺术上的震撼，更重要的还带来了西方小说所赖以生成的文化基因。中国现代小说与西方小说的关系，乃是中西文化关系的一个缩影。诸凡西方古典主义、现代主义各种流派的小说在中国的影响，都关联着哲学观念，文化情境与美学潮流。中国小说的模仿与再创作，也是对西方文化的种种“演义”。在相当多的小说家那里，文化的“交流”，变成了强势文化的“直流”乃至“灌注”。文化间的不对等，造成了中国小说创作中的“西化”现象。
中西小说曾在分隔的状态下各自发展，但这空间的阻隔并不能使中西小说长期成为陌路人，它们是“熟悉的陌生人”，一旦相逢，往往相视一笑，莫逆于心。这是文化间的隔地相亲。一种文化内部，时常产生“隔代亲”现象，“萧条异代不同时”的文化潮流及弄潮儿，却会既“恨古人我不见”，亦“恨古人不见我”。异代知音是文化传承最为深刻的脉络。同样，文化的“隔地亲”打破了空间的界限，在茫茫尘世中寻找到遥不可及的沟通“对象”。或许无法对视，或许永难相见，但是，你选择了我，我选择了你，“我们”的“心”相连，这就够了。异代、异地的心心相印，就成为文化间交流的重要现象。于是，王国维从曹雪芹的“红楼”中看到了叔本华，另外的人却从中看到了海德格尔、陀思妥耶夫斯基、塞林格…·牵强附会吗?肯定是有的。但是，你无法否认，这些人物却确实在某些方面、某些层面“相遇”了，超越差异而心灵相通了。这就是文化间的沟通与融合，它具有“天下的水都是相通的”柔情，它具有相互拥抱的热情。软性的文化在流动中相互融合，在流动中汇成新的形态。
然而，这样的理想境界在文化交流中很难出现。不同的文化间往往产生出戒意与敌意。由于陌生，更由于现实利益的冲突，文化间的交流有时演变为
文化间的战争。“物竞天择”的情形在文化领域中也同样存在。战争的征服往往伴随着文化的征服。在历史上，不乏文化落后民族征服文化程度较高民族的事变，但是，征服者却往往在更为发达的文化前成为了被征服者。毕竟，“武力”与“文化”是不同的。可是，文化作为“软力量”，也仍然是一种力量，在特殊的场域中，不仅有着竞争，也隐含着、催生着战争。文化，就成为国家一种重要的力量，是国家的“软实力”。
由于有“西方”这一巨大而沉重的参照系，中国小说创作常常演出集体性地倾倒于异文化的现象。向西方小说致敬，为的是有朝一日获得西方人的承认。在这样的情境中，文化的自信就变成了他信。在西方文化面前，中国文化变得自卑甚至自弃。于是，转向西方变成了崇拜西方，一切都以西方文化为鸽的。在小说创作中，造成了以模仿代替创作的现象，西方话语在相当范围内宰制了中国小说创造和研究。一切只求西方文化体系中的“承认”，会形成一种自卑心态，丧失文化的自信与自立，尤其是丧失文化的创造力。只有平等的“对视”“对话”，不同文化才能真正地走上创造的境界。因为在文化“间”，不同文化的相互激发、相互交融，正是一种特别的创造契机。，“从中间走向无限”，正是在“中间”的交叉与撞击中，中国小说在20世纪才获得了更为广远的空间。
没有“本性”，何来“间性”?文化上的自信、自立与自强，是面对西方文化与其平等对话的首要条件。中国文化长期自足的状态，固然造成了中国文化的诸多弊端，但是，在特定的生存条件与生存状态之中，中国文化创造了举世瞩日的灿烂文明。中国小说的伟大作品，是中国文化的母体中生育出来的，体现了独特的文化精神与文化智慧。因此，为中国小说提供了深厚的文化底蕴，让我们能够从容镇定地面对异文化的创造。有了这种自信，有了这种独立意志，才能有充沛的创造精神。“我之为我，自有我在”，我们在此所说的文化本性，就是指中国文化的“我”。没有“我”，何来独立?何来自由?没有独立、自由的心灵，何来创造?
所以，我们仍然要强调中国小说的文化根源意识和文化创造意识。所谓“根源”，是指小说必须深人到中国人的生活之中，从中国人的生存形态中透视中国文化形态，从真切的生存感受中捕捉中国文化的真正精神。如此，才能拥有中国文化“化”成的“我”，才能以“我”为主，用开放的心态面对西方文化，走向自主、自由的创造。
所以，中国小说的“中国作风和中国气派”展现的是中华民族自古以来就拥有的自信与博大，是虚怀若谷、海纳百川的气派，是立足文化“本性”而统摄文化“间性”的相反而适相成的创造精神。正是这样的胸襟与气度，使我们拥有了《狂人日记》、《阿Q正传》、《子夜》《家》、《围城》《边城》等中国小说的杰作。
伟大的小说属于全人类。阿Q的“精神胜利法”有着深刻的中国文化背景，但是却“似人类的普遍弱点的一种”3\]239。在文化间性之上，是人类文化的普遍性。，“人同此心，心同此理”，从一种特殊的文化出发，最终可以抵达人类文化的共通性。正如宋人陆九渊所说：“宇宙未曾限隔人，人自限隔宇宙”天空和大地，是人类共同的家园。中国小说曾有过“天路历程”般的《西游记》，曾有过“补天”的《红楼梦》，曾有过天马行空般的大精神、大智慧，成为中国文化对人类的伟大贡献。在20世纪，人类的交往前所未有地打破了“宇宙”的“限隔”，小说的传播越来越具有世界性。如何在保持文化本性、积极应对文化间性的同时，用自己的自由探索和独立创造开辟中国小说的高远境界，是小说学思考的重要命题。
四、文化的承传与创新
“遂古之初，谁传道之?”屈原是“疑古”的先锋，一切神话，一切传说，一切构成文化基础的叙事，都在“天问”之中被无情地拷问。鲁迅说《天问》“放言无惮，为前人所不敢言”，正切中了它对文化秩序的反叛精神。由于屈原所“问”多为“故事”，所以我们不妨看作一种独特的叙事批判。他对传统文化的“大话”“大道”说“我不相信”，在中国文化的天空镌上了永久的怀疑。
中国古典长篇小说几乎均是以“天崩地陷”为开头。《三国演义》开头是“天下”的分崩离析，《水浒传》打开了“天罡”“地煞”的封口，《西游记》起首是“石破天惊”，《红楼梦》则是“补天”，《儒林外史》以“贯索犯文昌”预示“一代文人有厄”....“天”，在中国文化中向来是终极价值的象征，“天”的崩裂、“天”的异变，其实是中国文化价值体系的毁坏。“天”变了，“道”也应当随之变化。0“小说”虽为“小道”，却常常担当起阐述“大道”、探求“大道”的重任。当《三国演义》的作者，以一种庄严、苍凉的语调宣布“夫天下大势，分久必合，合久必分”时，当《水浒传》假借道教的仙话探求时代演变时，当《西游记》开辟中华文化的另一种“心路”时……
“小说”，已经把自己放在了“大道”的位置上，俨然有“为天地立心，为生民立命，为万世开太平”的气概。
这是因为原先的“大道”裂为了“术”文化系统产生了深刻的危机。中国古典小说，作为世俗、边缘的文化形式，对文化中心的震荡与巨变，总是具有特殊的感应与反应。小说的兴起本身就与“主流”、“中心”文化的松动和崩溃相关。六朝志人、志怪小说，是在鲁迅拈示的药、酒中发达起来的，本身就是一种特殊的“六朝文章”。知识阶层生活中离不开“药”与“酒”，表明他们的精神中有着难以驱遣的“病”与“痛”。正是这样的病痛中，出现了“情之所钟，正在我辈”的情种情痴，出现了一往情深的放达与放任。六朝小说的灵魂正是由反叛虚伪“礼法”文化、追求个性自由的“玄学”所凝成。唐宋传奇、明清小说，大抵都有文化危机与文化转型的深刻背景。
20世纪中国文化面临的危机儿乎是根本性的。它不再是一个文化内部的自我调节与完善，而是连根拔起式的外部冲击；不是局部的，而是整体的。在民族的生死存亡面前，中国文化到底向何处去?成为一个紧迫而苦痛的问题。因为，中国面临的外来侵略不再是代表着野蛮的弯弓铁蹄，而且拥有坚船利炮也拥有高度发达文化的“洋人”。 “西洋”也好，“东洋”也罢，都是横跨海洋而来的蔚蓝文化。它们和黄河黄土黄种人数千年来创造的文化，不仅在武器、武力上立见高下，而且在精神领域中也显示出极大的优势。中国文化的退败与失落，从未如此触目惊心，从未如此深入到灵魂深处。
我们认为，“五四”时期固然出现了许多激进、极端的主张和实践，但是，中国文化的真正精神在“五四”中并未沦亡，反而在一种综合创造之中获得了新的生命。C“文学革命”的倡导者胡适、陈独秀都是研治国学的大家，在后来的生涯中，对传统学问的研究不断达到新的境界。胡适对中国古典小说的研究和考证，是20世纪中国小说学中里程碑式的著作。鲁迅不仅曾从章太炎问学，在传统学术上有精深造诣。更不必说他的《中国小说史略》，是迄今尚无人企及的成就。郭沫若在甲骨学、史学、诸子学、古典文学等方面的研究成果，征服了多种学科的学者，为世人瞩日。茅盾、郁达夫、周作人……这些“五四”时期涌现出来的大家，都是中国文化精神所凝聚之人，中国文化已“化”到了他们的灵魂与感觉之中。所以，与其说中国文化在他们的“破坏”中“断裂”，不如说，在他们的创造中，中国文化才获得
了新生。
鲁迅的《狂人日记》以文言作小引，新、旧小说形式智慧地接续在一起。《阿Q正传》的“序”，似讽似嘲，但关于“文章的名日”和“立传的通例”所作的议论，却非深通于传统文化者不能办。鲁迅说了那么多与传统文化决绝的话，但是，无论是“中毒”还是承续了中国文化的智慧，鲁迅的小说与杂文都是中国文化的“特产”。鲁迅对传统文化别具慧眼、慧心，从别人忽略的野史笔记等边缘文体中，获取了审察中国文化的特别角度。体现在小说创作和研究中，鲁迅所作出的判断就总是迥出意外，而又深中中国文化的腠理。所以，鲁迅是真正了解中国、了解中国文化的作家。因为他不是只注重那些所谓“抽象理想最高之境”4?12的观念形态、意识形态，而是从中国人的真实生活之中，观察、剖析中国文化的具体精神。在鲁迅的笔下，文化总是与活生生的人分不开，总是与人的生存境域分不开，因此呈现出丰富复杂的形态。从生存的“真相”中审视文化的“真魂”，为新文化催生，是鲁迅成为“民族魂”的重要标志。从鲁迅身上，我们发现，只有深人地研究中国文化的基因，穷源竟委，才能真正具有创造新文化的基础。批判与继承，就在于同一个过程中自然地统一在一起。鲁迅的小说，不仅生长于《中国小说史略》的根基上，而且生长于整个中国文化的土壤上。尽管沐浴过欧风美雨，但归根结底，鲁迅小说是中国文化夫地中的艺术精魂。
鲁迅小说的审美风范，在茅盾、郁达夫、老舍等小说家的创作中，也有深刻的体现。他们都具有相当深厚的中国文化索养，对古典小说有着独到的体会与研究。因此，外来的影响往往能够被消融于中国文化特色的叙事之中。值得注意的是，茅盾晚年于1974年续写《霜叶红于二月花》，在严酷环境中的秘密写作，表现出回归古典的倾向，渗透着中国古典文化特有的韵味与情致。在1980年代一些青年作家提出“寻根文学”前，茅盾早已把小说创作的根深人到中国文化的神奇土壤之中。中国古典文化的魅力在任何时候都无法灭绝。
当然，80年代的“寻根文学”自有其特别的意义。重新接续中国文化的命脉，回归中国文化的母体，是“文革”后小说家共同的心声。中国古典小说的传统在创作中又显示出永久的魅力。汪曾祺、杨绛、孙犁等老作家的新作，展现了古典的韵味。阿城的《棋王》、《遍地风流》，则叙述了中国传统文化的顽强生命力和特别智慧。贾平凹有笔记体的小说，叶兆言写“夜泊秦淮”，金庸的新武侠小说一夜风
行，等等。凡此，都让人们从特别的渠道感受到了传统文化精神的魅力——中国文化“活着”，并且流淌在我们的血液中，渗透在我们的灵魂中，是我们精神的根基，也是我们创造的基础。中国文化中自有其“心灵深处亘古至今的真情实感”\[S\]254，自有其永恒的价值体系。中国小说的文化底蕴，就应当成为创造的源泉和动力。
参考文献：
\[1\]梁启超.论小说与群治之关系\[M//中国历代文论选：
第四卷.上海：上海古籍出版社，1980
\[2\]鲁迅.鲁迅全集：第一卷\[M\].北京：人民文学出版社，1989.
\[3\]茅盾.读《呐喊》\[M
\_
/陈激渝.说不尽的阿Q.北京：中国文联出版公司，1997.
\[4\]陈寅恪.王观堂先生挽辞序//诗集.北京：三联书店，2001.
\[5\]李文俊.福克纳评论集\[M\].北京：中国社会科学出版社，1980.
(责任编辑：陆
林)
Cultural Heritage of the 20th Century Chinese Novels
LUO Dong-qing
(School of Chinese Language and Literature， Nanjing Normal University， Nanjing 210097， China)
Abstract： In the 20" century， Chinese novels highlighted the cultural heritage through the exchange with western no-vels. The entire content and profound spirit of Chinese culture embodied themselves in various forms of novel crea-tion. The natural habitat and social environment of Chinese culture are the growth condition of figure mentality in narrative novels. The novel， which was marginally and heretically positioned for long， though today it has entered the center of literature， plays a very profound role. The mutual influence of various cultures and the nature of Chi-nese novels point to the complex forms in exchange with different cultures. The Chinese novels heritage and innova-tion of traditional culture bear eternal values and endless vitality.
Key words：20" century； Chinese novels； cultural heritage | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | \[帝制中国\]
王莽与博局
叶康宁
提要：：新养前后博局图式尤为盛行，博局在当时的铜镜、货币，甚至建筑中都能看到。经过图文互证，笔者认为新莽前后博局图式的大量出现和王莽篡汉的政治宣传有着密切联系。而王莽笃好谶纬则是当时博局图式和符命祥瑞叠现的主要原因。
关键词：王莽 博局 谶纬 厌胜
王莽是中国历史上一个争议颇多的人物，誉之则为思想家、改革家，谶之则为篡贼、奸雄。博局者，博戏与塞戏之棋局也。王莽与博局之间看似毫不相关却有着诸多联系。是偶然抑或必然，不贤识小，兹述如下，以为管窥蠡测之谈。
一、博局镜和王莽的政治宣传
博局镜，又叫 TLV 镜、规矩镜，是汉代铜镜中较为流行的一种。它的通行纹饰是镜钮外有一个方格，方格四边中点各出一“T”形纹饰，与“T”相对的外圈有“L”形纹饰，与方格四角相对的外圈还有“V”形纹饰，所以西方汉学家通常称其为 TLV 镜 (The TLV mirror 或 The TLV patten of the Han mirrors)。而日本汉学家中山平次郎则称其为“规矩镜”，并认为可能是一种棋盘。较早认为 TLV镜上纹饰同于博局的是杨联陛，此说后来得到了较为普遍的认同。傅举有把博局镜分为7个常见类型，即博局蟠螭纹镜、博局草叶纹镜、博局四纹镜、博局四神镜、博局禽兽纹镜、博局几何纹镜、变形博局纹镜。2
入诸考古资料，目前发现最早的博局镜出土于河北满城窦绾墓。窦绾是中山靖王刘胜的妻子，应葬于武帝太初元年(公元前104年)前。有准确纪年的博局镜不多，笔者所知有3件。其一、上海博物馆收藏的博局四神镜，内圈铭文为十二地支。外圈铭文为：“始建国天凤二年作好镜，常乐富贵壮君上，长保二亲及妻子，为吏高迁位公卿，世世封传于毋穷。”“天凤”是王莽篡汉后的第二个年号，天凤二年即公元15年。其二、简化博局禽兽镜，铭文为：“唯始建国二年新家尊，诏书口下大多
Lien-sheng Yang， “A Note on The So-called TLV Mirrors and The Game Liu-po"， Harvard Journal of Asian Studies， Vol.9，
No.3/4，1947.
”傅举有：《论秦汉时期的博具、博戏兼及博局纹镜》，《考古学报》，1986年第1期，第37页。
3孔祥星、刘一曼：《中国铜镜图典》，北京：文物出版社，1992年，第169页。
1孔祥星、刘一曼：《中国铜镜图典》，第265页。
国家哲学社会科学学术期刊数据库
恩，贾人事市口财啬田，更作辟雍治校官，五谷成熟天下安，有知之上得蒙恩，宜官秩，葆子孙。”“始建国”是王莽篡汉后的第一个年号，始建国二年即公元10年。其三、洛阳五女冢新莽时期墓葬中还出土过件博局四神镜，铭文有：“永始二年五月丙午漏上五工斗造……”2“永始”是汉成帝刘骜的年号，永始二年即公元前15年。其时毛莽31岁， 为新都候。此外，在西汉晚期的墓葬中也曾经发现过博局四神镜，如江苏江姚庄101号西汉墓就出土过2件。综上可见，博局镜在西汉早期就已出现。但它的流行则是在新荞前后。傅举有发现：“新莽至东汉前期和中期，是博局纹镜的繁荣阶段。”\*李学勤也发现博局镜在“王莽前后更为盛行。”笔者认为充当了工莽政治宣传的工具是其盛行的原因之一。
利用博局镜进行政治宣传可谓王荞专利，博局镜镜铭多有为王葬歌功颂德的内容。如：
“新兴辟雍建明堂，然于列土举侯王，子孙复具治中央。”(图1)
“新兴辟雍建明堂，然于举土列侯王，将军令尹民户行，诸王万舍在北方，乐未央。”
“王氏作竟四夷服，多贺新家民息，胡虏殄灭天下复。风雨时节五谷熟，长保二亲子孙力，官位尊显蒙禄食，传告后世乐毋极，大利兮。” (图2)6
“令名之纪七言止，洓冶铜华去无宰，铸成错刀大下喜，安汉保口世毋有，长口口进宜孙子”。7
图1 图2
“新兴辟雍建明堂”体现了王莽的文治。汉平帝元始四年(公元4年)，王莽“奏起明堂，辟雍、灵台，为学者筑合万区，作市，常满仓”\*为废汉自立作准备。王莽重建辟雍明堂，备受群僚尊崇，认为他：“复千载之废，矫百世之失。天下和会，大众方辑。《诗》之灵台，《书》之作雒，镐京之制，商邑之度，于今复兴。”：“夫明堂、辟雍，堕废千载莫能兴，今安汉公起于第家，辅翼陛下，四年于兹，功德烂然。”10
“然于举上列侯王”与“王氏作境四夷服，多贺新家民息，胡虏殄灭天下复”则歌颂王莽当政时，天下承平，四夷来服。“然于”即“单于”，是匈奴君主的称号。“然于举土列侯王”可与《汉书·王
·孔样星、刘一曼：《中国铜镜图典》，第313页。
2
洛阳市第二文物工作队：《洛阳五女家267号新养幕发掘简报》，1996年第7期， 第52页。扬州博物馆：《江苏书江姚儿101号西汉墓》，《文物》，1988年第2期， 第26页。傅举有：《论秦汉时期的博具、博戏兼及博局纹镜》，第37页。
5李学勤：《规矩镜、口异、博周》，载《比较考古学随笔》，桂林：广西师范大学出版社，1997年，第27页。
孔祥星、刘一曼：《中国铜镜图典》， 第271、274、323页。
'土勤金、李久海、徐良玉：《扬州出上的汉代铭文铜镜》，《文物》，1985年第10期， 第94页。
\*班固：《汉书·王菲传》，北京：中华书局，1962年，第4069页。
班周：《汉书·王莽传》第4073页。
10班固：《汉书·王莽传》，第4069页。
国家哲学社会科学学术期刊数据库
莽传》中的记述相印证：“莽念中国已平，唯四夷未有异，乃遣使者资黄金币帛，重赔匈奴单于，使上书言：‘闻中国讥二名，故名囊知牙斯今更名知，慕从圣制。’又遣王昭君女须卜居次入侍。”1
“王氏作竟四夷服”中的“王氏”可能是指王莽，也可能是指王莽的姑母王太后。“四夷服”也可在《汉书·王莽传》中寻得佐证，如：“莽既致太平，北化匈奴，东致海内，南怀黄支，唯西方未有加。乃遣中郎将平宪等多持金币诱塞外羌，使献地，愿内属。”王莽还向太皇太后上书吹嘘：“越裳氏重译献白雉，黄支自三万里贡生犀，东夷王度大海奉国珍，匈奴单于顺制作，去二名，今西域良愿等复举地为臣妾，昔唐尧横被四表，亦亡以加之。”3
此外，为了造成“四海雍雍，万国慕义，蛮夷殊俗，不召自至”“的盛世假象，王莽还“风益州令塞外蛮夷献白雉。”而白雉则是“王者德流四表”的祥瑞。。
“铸成错刀天下喜，安汉保口世毋有”则歌颂王莽的币制改革。《汉书·王莽传》记载王莽居摄二年(公元7年)：“五月，更造货：错刀，一直五千；契刀，一直五百；大钱，一直五十，与五铢钱并行。”“安汉”则直指王莽，莽于汉平帝元始元年(公元1年)加官太博，并赐号安汉公。《汉书·王莽传》记：“以莽为太傅，干四辅之事，，号回安汉公。”8
明堂、辟雍与博局
明堂、辟雍往往并提，它们是否为同一种建筑?形制如何?文献记载颇有抵悟。据《汉书·河间献正传》：“武帝时，献王来朝，献雅乐，对三雍宫。”应欲注“三雍”：“辟雍、灵台、明堂也。雍，和也，言天地君臣民人皆和。”明堂、辟雍当为两种性质功用相近的建筑。而据蔡邕《明堂月令论》：“事之大义之深也，取其宗祀之貌，则曰清庙；取其正室之貌，则曰太庙；取其尊崇则曰太室；取其向明，则曰明堂；取其四门之学，则曰大学；取其四面周水圜如璧，则曰辟雍。异名而同事，其实一也。”则明确地说明堂、辟雍“异名而同事，其实一也”是同一种建筑了。再参考《大戴礼记》：“明堂者，所以明诸侯尊卑，外水曰辟雍。”则知辟雍为明堂外围圜水。
关于明堂形制的记载，也是诸书互异。《大戴礼记》云：“明堂者，古有之也。凡九室，一室有四户、八牖，，三十六户，七十二牖，以茅盖屋，上圆下方。”《考工记》云：
：
“周人明堂，度九尺之筵，南北七筵，堂崇一筵，五室，凡室二筵。”蔡邕《明堂月令论》回：“其制度数各有所法，堂方百四十四尺，坤之策也；屋圜、屋径二百一十六尺，乾之策也。十二宫以应辰，三十六户、七十二牖，以四户九牖，乘九室之数也。户皆外设而不闭，示天下不藏也。通天屋高八十一尺，太庙、明堂方三十
班面：《汉书·土莽传》，第4051页。
“班面：《汉书·王莽传》，第4077页。
3班固：《汉书·王莽传》第4077页。
4班固：《汉书·下莽传》第4073页。
5班固：《汉书·工葬传》，第4046页。
\*《春秋·感精符》，转引自张道一：《汉画故事》，重庆：重庆大学出版社， 2006年， 第331页。
3
班固：《汉书·王莽传》， 4087页。
。班周：《汉书·王荞传》，4047页。
：班面：《汉书·河河献王传》，第2411页。
1蔡邕：《蔡中郎集》，嘉靖二十七年任城杨贤刊本，卷3，第6页。
高明：《大戴礼记今注今译》，台北：台湾商务印书馆，1978年，第291页。
高明：《大戴礼记今注今译》，第291页。
闻人军：《考工记译注》，上海：上海古籍出版社，1993年， 第130页。
六丈，通大屋径九丈，阴阳九六之变也。圜盖方载，六九之道也。八因以象八卦，九室以象九州。黄钟九九之实也。二十八柱列于四方，亦七宿之象也。堂高三尺，以应三统；四乡五色者，象其行外。二十四丈应一岁二十四气，四周以水象四海。”1956--1957年，陕西省文管会、中国科学院考古研究所在西安市郊的西北部，东距玉祥门约1.5公里，北距汉代长安城故址约1公里余，南邻大土门村，发现汉代建筑遗址。经发掘分析，疑为西汉明堂辟雍遗址。它们的形制是外圆内方。外面是圜水沟，里面是方形的院墙。院墙有东、南、西、北4门。院内四隅有4个曲尺形配房。里面的中心建筑也是外圆内方。外圆是台基，内方是建筑。其复原图和博局镜极为类似(图3、图4)。而明堂设计中体现出的阴阳五行观念更同六博的“则天地之运动，法阴阳之消息”如出一辙。4
为什么明堂辟雍的形制会像博局镜呢?盖博局之设计本源于式盘，《史记·日者列传》：“旋式正棋”，司马贞《索隐》谓：“式即拭也。旋，转也。拭之形上圆象天， 下方法地，用之则转天纲加地之辰，故云旋式。棋者，筮之状。正棋，盖谓卜以作卦也。”\*式盘分上下两部分，上圆(天盘)像天，下方(地盘)法地。明堂的形制也是“上圆下方”，“上圆象天，下方法地。”此此外，据《大戴礼记》引《明堂月令》：“(明堂)赤缀户也，白缀牖也，二九四七五三六一八。堂高三尺，东西九筵，南北七筵。上圆下方。”“二九四七五三六一八”是洛书儿宫之数，据甄鸯《数术记遗》解释说：
图4 王莽明掌复原图
!蔡色：《蔡中郎集》卷3，第9一10页。
”唐金裕：《西汉西郊汉代建筑遗址发掘报告》《考古学报》，1959年第2期，第45--55页。黄展岳：《汉长安南郊礼
制建筑的位置及其有关问题》，《考古》，1960年第9期， 第53-58转52页。
李零：《说汉阳陵“罗经石”遗址的建筑设计》，《考古与文物》，2002年第6期， 第55—56页。
4薛孝通：《博谱》，转引自孙机：《汉代物质文化资料图说》，北京：文物出版社，1991年，第270页。
李零：《中国方术正考》，北京：中华书局，2006年，第135页。
"司马迁：《史记》，北京：中华书局，1959年， 第3219页。
’高明：《大戴礼记今注今译》，第291页。
“九宫者，即二四为肩，六八为足，左三右七，戴九履一，五居中央。五行参数者，设位之法，依五行。”而胡渭之《易图明辨》阐述更详：“后世以九宫为河图，实造端于明堂月令之说…….二、九、四者，二为总章左个与明堂右个，九为明堂太室，四为明堂左个与青阳右个也。七、五、三者，七为总章太庙，五为太庙太室，三为青阳太庙也。六、一、八者，六为总章右个与玄堂左个，一为玄堂太庙，八为玄堂右个与青阳左个也。二、九、四共为十五，七、五、三共为十五，六、一、八亦共为十五。纵横十五，妙合自然。后世九宫之数，实权舆于此……九宫盖即明堂之九室，故《隋志》有《九宫经》，依托黄帝……术家取九室之数，配以八卦、五行，名之曰九宫。后汉黄香有《九宫赋》，《隋志》有《黄帝九宫经》一卷、《九宫行棋经》三卷并郑玄注，又《九宫八卦式图》一卷，《唐志》有《太一九宫杂占》一卷、《遁甲九宫八门图》一卷。”
这段话不仅点明了“九宫盖即明堂之九室”，而且透露出“九宫”和“行棋”(如《九宫行棋经》)、“九宫”和“占卜”(如《九宫八卦式图》、《太一九宫杂占》、《遁甲九宫八门图》)都有密切关系。而博局不仅是一种棋局，也是一种占卜工具。《易图明辨》还绘有《明堂九室图》(图5)，和博局(图6湖北云梦大坟头汉墓Ml出土)相对照，，我们不难发现它们惊人地相似。
图5
图6
三、新莽钱币上的博局和博局镜上的新漭钱币
大泉五十是王莽居摄二年(公元7年)五月开始铸造的，始建国二年(公元10年)行“宝货制”时，定为“六泉”之一(其他五泉为幺泉一十、幼泉二十、中泉三十、壮泉四十、小泉直一)，是新莽铸币中行用时间最长的，贯穿了新莽始终，且类型多样，大小不一。其中有种大泉五十背有博局，似乎并非通行货币，而是一种厌胜钱。就笔者所见，《中国花钱》收有3枚：
(1)面：大泉五十。背：博局
(2)面：大泉五十。背：博局
·转引自张一兵：《明堂制度研究》，北京：中华书局，2005年，第344页。
?刘保贞：《<易图明辨)导读》，济南：齐鲁书社，2004年，第118—122页。
(3)面：大泉五十。背：t博局
《上海博物馆藏钱币·秦汉钱币》收有2枚：
(1)面：大泉五十。背：博局
(2)面：大泉五十。背：博局
《中国珍稀钱币》收有4枚：
(1)面：大泉五十。背：博局
(2)面：大泉五十。背：博局
(3)面：大泉五十。背：博局
(4)面：大泉五十。背：博局
《中国古钱大系》收有1枚：
面：大泉五十。背：博局(图7)
大泉五十还见有面四出纹，背四出纹、面四决纹、背四决纹。这种钱币出土较多，此处不一一枚举。笔者以为它们很可能是简化的博局。其后的东汉五铢也有相似的博局纹和四出纹。但肇始之功，就目前所见材料，无疑应归于王莽。
此外，在博局镜上也有饰以“大泉五十”钱文的，《中国铜镜图典》上记有两件博局镜，其一，边缘以三枚“大泉五十”钱纹分成三组不同纹饰；其二，四方八极青龙白虎各配“大泉五十”钱纹一枚(图8)。
图7
图8
新莽钱币上的博局和博局镜上的新莽钱币有力地昭示了新莽时期博局图式的盛行。
四、 博局图式在新莽前后盛行原因蠡测
(1)博局和谶纬之间有密切联系，王莽笃好谶纬是博局图式在新莽时期盛行的主要原因。博局源于式盘，故与占卜有密不可分的联系，甚至也充当占卜的工具。司马贞《史记索隐》即谓：“棋者，筮之状。”江苏东海尹湾6号汉墓出土的9号木牍一面为神龟卜蓍法，一面即为博局占(图9)。而出
1余榴梁、徐渊、顾锦芳、张振才：《中国花钱》，上海手：上海古籍出版社，1992年，图1022、图1023、图1027。
上海博物馆青铜器研究部：《上海博物馆藏钱币·秦汉钱币》，上海：上海书画出版社，1994年，图1168、图1169。
：周祥：《中国珍稀钱币》，上海：学林出版社，1996年，图735、图736、图737、图738。
4俞伟超：《中国古钱大系》，重庆：西南财经大学出版社，1997年， 第270页。
孔祥星、刘曼：《中国铜镜图典》， 第 314、315页。
6连云港市博物馆：《江苏东海县尹湾汉墓群发绑简报》《文物》，1996年第8期，彩色插页壹。
国家哲学社会科学学术期刊数据库
土于安徽淮北的一块汉代画像石则将六博和大龟(下层中间两人所拾之物)刻画在一起(图10)。其间的密切联系不言自明。而蓍龟和杂占与谶纬又密不可分，《隋书·经籍志》云：“汉末郎中希萌集图纬谶杂占为五十篇谓之《春秋灾异》。”谶纬与杂占性质相同由此可见。谶纬还吸收了不少占卜内容，如《河图·稽命催》：“乃召史卜之，龟熄。史曰：‘臣不能占也。其问之圣人。'帝曰：‘已问天老、力牧、容成矣。'史北面再拜国：‘龟不违圣智，故爐。'”d
图9 图10
王莽笃好谶纬，《汉书·王莽传》说他“好鬼神”。汉平帝元始四年(公元4年)，他大肆征召通天文、图谶、月令等的异能之士。平帝驾崩后，他以“卜相最吉”为借口，选年仅两岁的刘子婴作嗣。始建国元年(公元9年)秋季，他又动用宣传机器，遣王奇等12人颁《符命》42篇于天下，把篡汉说成是天命所归。他所倚重的人也是“知天命”“献天符”、“贡昌言”与“捕告反虏”者，以致于“是时争为符命封侯”。即使在地皇四年(公元23年)，乱兵入宫，他命悬一线之际，仍不忘使“天文郎案拭于前，日时加某，莽旋席随斗柄而坐。”王莽好谶纬，而谶纬和博局之间又有密切联系。在他一言而为天下法的时期，上有所好，下必甚焉。因此，窃以为王莽笃好谶纬是博局图式在新莽时期盛行的主要原因。
(2)博局在当时人的思想观念中有厌胜功用，这是博局图式在新弄前后盛行的重要原因。中国历史博物馆藏有一幅博局镜拓片，铭文为：“新有善铜出丹阳，和以银锡清日明，左龙右虎掌四彭(方)，朱爵(雀)玄武顺阴阳，八子九孙治中央，刻娄(镂)博局去不羊(祥)，家常大富宜君王，千秋万岁乐未央。”由此可见，博局还有去除不祥的厌胜功用。类似镜铭的铜镜近年还出土过两件，其一，江苏东汉尹湾西汉晚期墓葬中出上的一件八乳神兽博局镜，镜铭为：“汉有善铜出丹阳，卒以银锡清且明，刻治六博中兼方，左龙右虎游四彭(方)，朱爵(雀)玄武顺阴阳，八子九孙治中央，，常葆父母利兄弟，应随四时合五行，浩如天地口月光，照神明镜相侯王，众真美好如玉英，，千秋万世长乐未央兮。”\*其二，河南南阳牛王庙村1号汉墓出土的一件四神博局镜，有铭文3圈，内圈为卜二地支，
赵承楷江继甚：《走进汉画》，
上海：上海书店出版社，2006年，第110页。
《隋书·经籍志》，上海：商务印书馆，1965年，第32页。
3转引自钟肇鹏：《谶纬论略》，沈阳：辽宁教育出版社，1994年，第76页。
'班固：《汉书·王莽传》第4190页。
5孔祥星、刘一曼：《中国铜镜图典》，第266页。
连云港市博物馆：《江苏东海县尹湾汉墓发掘简报》，第9页。
国家哲学社会科学学术期刊数据库
中圈为：“七吉之纪，从镜，苍右左白虎，甫(博)局君宜官，长宝(保)二亲大子(孙)子，竟。”外圈为：：“汉有善铜出丹阳，和用锡清且明，左龙右虎掌四彭(方)，八子九孙治中央，朱爵(雀)玄武顺阴阳，千秋万岁乐未央，七言之纪。”日本还有一件，据李零说和中国历史博物馆所藏拓片是“同样的实物，纹饰和铭文更为清晰。”2
此外，当时善六博者似乎被人视为有异秉，可以一呼百应。据《汉书·王莽传》记载地皇二年(公元21年)，乱民四起，“平原女子迟昭平能说《博经》以八投，亦聚数千人在河阻中。”在西汉晚期，博具还被用来祭祀西王母，如《汉书·五行志》记载哀帝建平四年(公元前3年)：“京师郡国民聚会里巷阡陌，设张博具，歌舞祠西王母。”在山东出土的汉代画像石上就有“设张博具，歌舞祠西王母的”盛大场景。更值得注意地是，在王莽眼里这个设张博具所祠的至高神祗西王母竟等同于他的姑母王太后。居摄二年(公元7年)，王莽作《大诰》，颁行天下，曰：“太皇太后兆有元成沙鹿之崩，阴精女主圣明之祥，配元生成，以我天下之符，遂获西王母之应，神灵之征，以安我宗室，以绍我后嗣，以继我汉功。”王莽还下诏：“更命太皇太后为‘新室文母太皇太后'，协于新、故交代之际，信于汉氏。哀帝之代，世传行诏筹，为西王母共具之祥，当为历代母，昭然著明。”王莽把姑母王太后打扮成西王母的化身一则可以表明自己代汉是天命所归，是通过最高神祗认同的；二则可以抚慰刘汉的残余； 三则也不排除他对一手拔擢自己的姑母心存感激。
综上所述，新莽前后博局图式的大量出现和王莽篡汉的政治宣传有着密切联系。而王莽笃好谶纬则是当时博局图式和符命祥瑞叠现的主要原因。
\[作者叶康宁(1977年一)南京师范大学文物与博物馆学系博士研究生
210097\]
(收稿日期：2008年10月14日)
(责任编辑：谢乃和)
南阳市文物考古研究所：《河南南阳牛王庙村1号汉墓》，《文物》，2005年第12期， 第41一42页。
李零：《跋石板村“式图”镜》，《入山与出塞》，北京：文物出版社，2004年，第174页。
班固：《汉书·王莽传》，第4170页。
4班問：《汉书·五行志》，第1476页。
◎山东省博物馆、山东省文物考古研究所：《山东汉画像石选集》济南：齐鲁书社，1982年， 图219、图220、图228、图229、图232、图276、图279、图283、图284、图 318、图341。
5班固：《汉书·翟方进传》，第3432页。
班圈：《汉书·元后传》， 第4033页。
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zh | N/A | N/A | **孔子为政治国理念探**
**口王美美**
**(平顶山学院 伏牛山文化圈研究中心，河南 平顶山 467002)**
**摘要：生活在春秋末期的孔子针对社会的无序和混乱提出了一系列的政治主张，孔子的为政治国思想以治国以礼、爱利民、选任贤才、为政者修德正己为主要内容，以仁、礼、德为指导思想，仁是孔子为政治国思想的核心，礼、德是实现“仁”的方法途径。**
**关键词：礼；仁；德**
**\[中图分类号〕 B222.2 \[文献标识码〕A \[文章编号〕1003-6547 (2012) 07-0154-02**
**春秋末期，周王室式微，诸侯各自为政，整个社会缺失一个令人称服的权力中心而陷于动荡和混乱中，许多贤人志士纷纷隐身自洁。连孔子也说： “天下有道则见，无道则隐。” (《论语·泰伯》) 【1\]然而，他深怀匡救时弊之心终不忍隐于世，“天下有道，丘不易也”。(《论语·微子》)同时，在他看来君臣大义不可废， “忠”便是臣子对君王应有之义。所以孔子周游列国，希望名主仁君采纳他的政治主张、行其道，改变天下无道的局面。孔子欲以何道行于天下?**
**一、以礼治国**
**孔子理想中的社会是“礼乐征伐自天子出，庶人不议，政不在大夫”。 (《论语·季氏》)而孔子生活的时代，宗法制日益解体，周礼也基本丧失了社会整合控制的功能。但礼作为传统的价值标准，周以来一直对社会产生着重要影响，在人们观念里根深蒂固，于是孔子提出以礼治国，吸收周礼中的合理因素，偏重从道德伦理层面规范人们的行为，以期重建社会秩序。**
**孔子认为为政者若以礼治国，国家的平治就不再困难。“能以礼让为国乎，何有?”(《论语·里仁》)首先，礼有助于君主行仁政。孔子认为，为政者“克已复礼”就会逐渐形成仁的品格，进而便可行仁政受到百姓的拥戴。其次，礼能协调君臣关系。 “君使臣以礼，臣事君以忠。”(《论语·八非》)再次，礼可以安抚百姓，使百姓敬顺。 “上好礼，则民莫敢不敬。”((《论语·子路》) “上好礼，则民易使。”【(《论语·宪问》)此外，礼具有节制人行为和调节人情绪的作用。 “恭而无礼则劳，慎而无礼则蕙，勇而无谋则乱，直而无礼则绞”((《论语·泰伯》)。只要人们的行为以礼约之，失礼和厝越的事情就能避免，社会就会重新恢复和谐有序。**
**以礼治国如何实施?首先是正名，即君君，臣臣，父父，子子。正名是对“礼”这一政治规范概念的经典概括， \[2**
**更是贯彻礼的前提。正名关键在于定名分，名分确定后社会各阶层就可以依其身份地位，享受和承担礼所规定的权利及义务，礼才会真正贯彻到政治和生活中。其次，统治者修身以礼。 ..日克已复礼，天下归仁”。白(《论语·颜渊》)统治者的典范效应会带动社会守礼循礼。再次，教民以礼。孔子反复说“不知礼，无以立也。”(《论语·尧曰》)因而主张以礼教民，使民非礼勿视，非礼勿听，非礼勿言，非礼勿动，使“礼”成为人民日常行为准则。总之，以礼治国不论从原因还是途径上讲，目的都是为了匡救时弊，维护上下尊卑的等级关系，构建一个君仁民敬的和谐有序社会。**
**二、爱利民**
**子贡白： “如是有博施于民而济众，可谓仁乎?孔子曰：何事于仁，必也圣乎!”((《论语·雍也》)孔子极少以仁许人，但对“博施济众者”以圣称之，可见对此种行为的重视和赞许。他所说的“仁者爱人，泛爱众。”“君子之道，养民也惠，使民也义”等都是希望为政者能行仁政，爱臣民。这种思想是对周以来民本思想的继承发展。具体表现在：主张统治者应富民，教民。**
**“百姓足，君孰与不足?”(《论语·颜渊》)民足是君足的先决条件，也是维持君民关系的最基本底线。 \[3\]实现民足就要富民，具体来说：一是惠民。 “小人怀土，小人怀惠”。 ((论语·里仁》)百姓想要的是土地和实惠，为政者因民之所利而利之，百姓就会自觉服从为政者的役使，就会达到“君子惠而不费”，“惠则足亦使人”的效果；二是使民以时。 “使民如承大祭”。((论语·颜渊)为政者役使人民应像对待祭祀那样要慎之又慎，应“使民以时”， (论语·学而) “择可劳而劳之。” (《论语·尧曰》)在生产较为落后的春秋时期，使民以时既保证了农业生产时间，促进了经济的发展，也体现了统治者的仁德；三是取民有度。为政者应“施取其厚，事举其中，敛从其薄”。口\[4\]对于季氏聚敛民财的行为孔子十分反对。可见，孔子的爱利民思想，并不是要**
**基金项目：此文为河南省省政府招标课题项目《伏牛山文化与中华早期文明关系研究》** **(2011B560) 的阶段性成果。**
**\[收稿日期\]2012-04-02**
**\[作者简介\]王美美(1984-)，女，平顶山学院伏牛山文化圈研究中心讲师，研究方向：先秦思想文化史。**
**求消灭剥削和压迫，而是希望统治者减轻对人民的剥削和压迫。这在当时仍有很大的进步性。**
**人民的物质生活满足后，孔子还主张教民使之有良好的思想品德，在他看来民众是可教的。 “唯上知，下愚不移。”(《论语·阳货》)因为“性相近，习相远”。 (《论语·阳货》)人的本性没有太大区别，但社会薰习和文化的教养却对人性塑造影响很大。教民内容有孝、悌、仁、义、忠、信，还有诗、书、礼、乐、射、御、数等技能。此外，孔子还罗列一套君子、小人标准，供人们学习自省。 “君子喻于义，小人喻于利。君子无终食之间违仁。”(《论语·里仁》) “君子”在孔子那里主要是“道德高尚”的人的称谓，但当时“君子”更多代指贵族和地位高的人，加上春秋末期世官世禄制的衰落，人才选拔方式的渐变，人们希望通过学习和修己进入地位高的阶层。因而“君子”的标准在人们中具有很强的号召力。**
**三、修德正已**
**孔子解决社会问题的着眼点主要不在于如何变革社会制度，推动社会发展，而在于改变不良的社会风气，恢复原有的宗法社会关系，营造和谐的人际关系，维护社会的稳定。 (5)因此，孔子对为政者的道德修养给予更多的关怀。君主的个人修养不仅决定了国家政治前途还影响着君民关系。 \[3-首先，为政者修德正己远近百姓都乐于服从归附。“苟身正，从政乎何有?其身正，不令而行；其身不正，虽令不从。”(《论语·子路》) “远人不服，修文德以来之。”(《论语·季氏》)其次，君王权重更应修德正己。定公问政于孔子：是否一言可以丧邦?孔子回答：“予无乐乎为君，唯其言而莫予违也。” (《论语·子路》)君王最大权力是臣民不敢违背他。 “如不善而莫之违也，不几乎…言而丧邦乎?”((论语·子路》)若为政者无道昏聩，臣民事事都服从他，那么就有亡国危险。为政者修德正己主要有以下四个途径。第一，敬而守礼。为政者应修已以敬，行笃敬，执事敬，居处敬；应非礼勿视，非礼勿听，非礼勿言，非礼勿动；要博学于文，约之以礼。第二，守信重义。孔子多次要求为政者应谨而信，主忠信，取信于民。 “人而无信，不知其可也” (《论语·为政》)守信是人最基本的道德，无信其他方面也就不用说了。 “上好信，民不敢不用情” (《论语·子路》)为政者谨而信，臣民也不敢欺骗他。为政者也应重义轻利，这对其治国至关重要。 “君子以义为质”。(《论语·季氏》) _)_ “上好义，民不敢不服。 _99_ (《论语·子路》)若为政者处处以利为先，就会遭到人民的怨恨。所以孔子告诫统治者“为政无见小利，见小利，则大事不成”。 ((论语·子路》)第三，以孝为本。 “君子笃于亲，则民兴于仁。”(《论语·泰伯》)为政者修身以孝，百姓受其感化，在内善事父母兄长，在外忠君敬长，社会就是一片和谐。第四，行“忠恕”之道，恕即“己所不欲，勿施于人”。 (论语·卫灵公》)体现的是为政者的“容”。为政者凡事要先求诸己，宽则得众。忠即“己欲立而立人，己欲达而达人”。 (《论语·雍也》)体现的是为政者的“仁”。**
**四、选任贤才**
**问政于他时，他多次提到举贤。在他看来，首先，举用贤小，为政者轻而易举就能治理好国家，使民归服。 “舜有臣五人而天下治。武王有臣十人。”((《论语·泰伯》)其次，举用贤才还可以挽救国运。卫灵公无道却不丧国原因就是任用仲叔圉治宾客，祝治宗庙，王孙贾治军旅，使他们各当其才。最后，举用贤才也是儒士的普遍要求。春秋时期随着世卿世禄制的衰落，人们凭借才能也可出仕为官。对于精通礼乐的儒士来说入仕是他们行其道于天下的最佳途径，所以他们迫切希望为政者能举贤任能。**
**孔子常感慨人才难得，他说：才难，不其难乎? (《论语·泰伯》)为政者选贤任能时，应打破等级界限，唯才是举。 “犁牛之子辛且角虽欲用，山川其舍诸”。 (《论语·雍也》)同时，为政者在选用贤才时要本着“大德不喻闲”，“不以言举人，不以人废言”的原则明察务实。因为“君子可大受不可小知，小人不可大受可小知”。 (《论语·卫灵公》)君子小事上未必可观，但才德足以托以重任，而小人未必无长处可取。他还主张为政者要多举用善人和直人为政。 “善人为政百年可以除残去杀矣。” (《论语·子路》)“举直措诸枉，则民服。” _分(_ (《论语·为政》)此外，社会教育和上人修身学道，也为为政者选用贤才做了充分准备。**
**以上主张，集中体现了孔子的政治思想：礼、仁、德。孔子的“礼”是在周朝全面衰落的情况下提出的，这种“礼”更注重挽救时局的作用， “礼”是为政者治国的指导原则。同时，孔子的“礼”以“仁”为内在基础和灵魂，“仁”是守礼前提，守礼也有助干“仁”的形成。在周礼的强制性色彩淡去的情况下，人们情感上更容易接受孔子之礼。孔子的“仁”是一种人格修养，其基本含义是“爱人”，一切好的品德均属“仁”的范畴。孔子的“德”关注的是为政者的修德正己，他不仅阐释了为政者修德的社会功能，还设计一套修德的方法规范，从而使为政者的修德正身更加具体化、系统化。孔子的仁、礼、德范畴虽不同但都以恢复社会和谐有序为目的，都依靠个人内心道德自觉实来现。同时仁、礼、德相互制约，相互关联。礼和仁都是修德正己的途径，而“仁”是修德的最高境界。 “仁”存储于心，仁政就不远了，因而三者之中， “仁”是最终目的。**
**孔子的有道社会建立在仁、礼、德相互配合、相互作用的基础上，而三者的实现更多依靠的是人内心的理性自觉，这就使实施及效果大打折扣。但这些思想的提出在当时来看是积极进步而富于远见的，对于社会秩序重建，各阶层和谐及国家长治久安都有十分重要意义。**
**参考文献：**
**\[1\]朱熹.四书章句集注.论语集注M\].上海：上海书店，1987.**
**\[2\]乔健.孔子政治思想体系中的“礼”内涵新探\[\].兰州大学学报，1994(3).**
**\[3\]王杰.为政以德：孔子的德治主义治国模式\[\].中共中央党校学报，2004(5).**
**\[4\]顾宝田等.左氏春秋译注.昭公三十二年\[M\].吉林文史出版社，1995：946.**
**\[5\]徐朝旭.论孔子德治思想的方法论视角及现实意义厦门大学学报，2001(4).**
**国家哲孔子认为，贤才对于治国为政至关重要。故而当治国者** | null | null | null | null | null |
en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | Poultry appliances & handicraft; how to make & use labor-saving devices, wth descriptive plans for food & water supply, building & miscellaneous needs; also treats on artificial incubation & brooding;
author: Fiske, George B. (George Burnap), 1868-
LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.
Class
POULTRY
Appliances
Handicraft
HO W TO MAKE 6- USE
LABOR - SA VI NG DE VICES
WI TH D E S C R I P TI V E
PLANS FOR FOOD & WA TER
SUP PL Y B UILDING <5r>
MISCELLANEO US NE E D S
Also Treats on ARTIFICIAL
INCUBA TION& BROODING
Compiled by
GEORGE B. FISKE
Copiously Illu strated
ORANGE JUDD COMPANY
Ne^v York Nineteen Hundred &r Two
•> \ "t O
V"5
Copyright iqo2
by
Orange yudd Company
1VH1N3D
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
DEVICES FOR FEEDING
Troughs for fowls — Troughs for chicks — Hoppers — Shell
and grit feeders — Automatic feeders — Pens and frames —
Exerciser.
CHAPTER II
FOUNTAINS AND WATER SUPPLY
System for poultry plant — Self-feeding fountains — Covered
fountains — Heated fountains — Water for chicks — Water for
ducks.
CHAPTER III
MILLS AND FOOD MACHINERY
Bone and meat grinders — Food choppers — Fodder cutters
— Grit machines.
CHAPTER IV
CONVENIENT ROOSTS
A model arrangement — Portable perches — Lice proof —
Cold weather plans — Droppings boards and manure bins —
For young chickens.
CHAPTER V
DOORS AND WINDOWS
Divided door — Partition doors — Plan for self-opening —
Convenient windows — Warm windows.
CHAPTER n
NESTING CONTRIVANCES
Essentials of a good nest — Two nests from one box —
A locked nest — Wire nests — Movable arrangement — Nest for
egg eaters — Homemade recording nest box — Combined nest
and roosts — Nests for ducks.
IV CONTENTS
CHAPTER VII
HELPS IN HATCHING SEASON
The incubator problem— Grundy's advice on incubators —
How to make an incubator — Egg tester — Cabinet, cases and
carriers for eggs — Shipping case.
CHAPTER VIII
FROM INCUBATOR TO BROODER.
Brooder management — An expert's directions — Improved
brooders — Cheap brooder — Large hot water system — Home-
made device — Brooders for summer or mild climate.
CHAPTER IX
TRAPS FOR POULTRY PESTS
The rat nuisance — Improved box trap — Cat trap — Skunk
trap — Protection from hawks — Trapping a hawk.
CHAPTER X
THIRTY USEFUL DEVICES
Interior conveniences — Ventilators — Pulleys — Aids in
cleaning houses — Dust baths — Feeding arrangements — Feed
cookers — Anti-scratching devices — Poultry hooks — Exerciser
for ducks — Cutting combs and wings — Protecting injured
fowls.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Feeding Trough ......... I
Slatted Feeding Box 2
Trough for Chicks ........ 2
Dry Feed for Chicks ........ 3
Feeding Hopper . . . . . . . • . 4
Shell and Grit Feeder ........ 5
Automatic Feeders 6
Feeding Pens for Chickens 7
Wire Frame 7
Automatic Trough 8
Feeding by "Clockwork 9
Feeding Board and Exerciser ...... 9
System for Water Supply . . . . . . .11
Tank Fountain ......... 12
Protection for Water Dish ....... 13
Covered Water Dishes ........ 14
Winter Fountain . . . . . . . . .15
Lamp Water Heater ........ 16
Kettle and Heater 17
Fountain Warmer ......... 18
Non-freezing Fountain ........ 19
Chick Fountain ......... 20
General Purpose Fountain 20
Water for Chicks ......... 21
Casing for Water Can 22
Safe Water Dish 22
Oyster Can Fountain 23
Box for Water Dish 23
Pool for Ducks 24
Drinking Water for Ducks 24
Hand Bone Mills 26
Mounted Bone Mills ........ 27
Food Chopper ..... 28
VI LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Root Cutters . 29
Fodder Cutter . . .30
Grit Pounder . . . . . . . . .31
Small Grit Pounder . . 32
Grit Mill 32
Improved Roost ......... 35
Low Improved Roost ........ 36
Portable Roost 37
Portable Lice-proof Roost 37
Liee-proof Supporter for Roost 37
Kerosene Pan for Roost ....... 37
Cold Weather Roost 38
Warm Roosts ......... 39
Separate Roosting Pens ....... 40
Roosts and Dropping Boards ...... 41
Roosts and Manure Bin ....... 41
Roosts for Chickens 42
Combination Door . . . . . . . - 44
Combination Door ........ 45
Self-opening Doors ........ 46
Warm Windows , . . . . . . . -47
Protected Windows ........ 48
Double Windows ......... 49
Plain Nest Boxes ......... 52
Secure Nest Box ......... 53
Three Useful Nest Ideas 54
Good Nesting Arrangements 55
Trap Nest Boxes 56
Roost Protected by Nest 57
Nest from a Candy Pail 58
Nests for Ducks 59
Plan for Homemade Incubator ...... 64
Section Plan of Incubator 65
Incubator Drawer and Heater 65
Ventilator Box for Incubator 66
Egg Tester 70
Egg Cabinet 71
Egg Case 72
Egg Carrier 72
Egg Shipping Case 73
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Vll
PAGE
Diagram of Brooder with Drum . 78
Improved Brooder ......... 79
Brooder for Fifty Chicks ....... 80
Small Lamp Brooder ........ 81
Homemade Brooder . . . . . . . .82
The Sure Brooder 83
Heater, Water Barrel and Piping . . . . .86
Diagram of Brooder ........ 87
Section View of Brooder . 88
Brooder for Mild Climate .89
Outdoor Brooder and Run 90
Improved Rat Trap 93
Cat Trap .......... 94
Skunk Trap .......... 95
Protection from Hawks 96
Trapping a Hawk 97
Setting a Hawk Trap 98
Interior Conveniences 101
Good Ventilation 102
Screw Pulley .... 103
Homemade Pulley .......... 103
Conveniences for Inside Work ...... 104
Dust Bath 105
Outside Dust Bath 106
For Dusting Fowls 106
Heater for Poultry House ....... 107
Heater and Ventilator 108
Lamp Heater 109
Feed Cooker no
Small Cooker for Stove . . . . . . . ill
Worm Box 112
To Prevent Scratching 113
Shipping Crates . . . . . . . . .114
Hook for Catching Poultry . . . . . . . 115
Duck at Exercise . . . . . . . . .115
Leghorns with Combs Cut 116
Shield for Injured Fowls 117
Holding a Pigeon 118
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
ABOUT one hundred and fifty handy
devices are explained and illustrated
in this little book. These have been
selected for superior merit from a much
larger number available. Here skilled poul-
try keepers from all parts of the country
have detailed the favorite short-cuts that
have saved them most loss and trouble.
Many new ideas have been added, making
the whole a collection in a condensed form
of the best practice in poultry mechanics
and handicraft. The suggestions cover
every department and stage of progress,
from egg to market, and include all branches
and grades of the business. Not every
poultryman will need them all, but it is
apparent that anyone who keeps chickens,
turkeys or waterfowl will find among the
number abundant practical hints for decreas-
ing labor, waste and worry.
CHAPTER I
DEVICES FOR FEEDING
A considerable part of the soft food is spoiled and
wasted where it is fed on the ground or on boards and
shingles. Where one hundred fowls are kept and
twice the number of chickens raised, the loss by such
methods may be reckoned at three to five bushels of
feed a year. Feeding troughs are easily made, and will
quickly save their value, besides tending to prevent the
spread of disease so often resulting from placing the
food where the fowls can soil it.
FIG I : FEEDING TROUGHS
Troughs and Boxes — Figure I shows at the
left of the illustration a feed trough that hens cannot
roost upon, cannot get their feet into, and at which
they cannot well quarrel. A V-shaped body, with ends
as shown, is made and a hinged cover placed so as to
fold up against the long slope of the ends. A stout
wire is strung from the top of one end to the top of
the other, and from this wires extend down to nails
driven into the front edge of the trough. When the
food has been placed inside and the cover closed, the
hens eat by sticking their heads through the up-
right wires.
2 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
An excellent covered trough or box is shown at the
right of Figure i. The top is hinged, and so can be
raised to put the food inside. The fowls can then
insert only their heads at the sides and ends. The roof-
shaped top, having a sharp apex, affords no chance for
FIG 2 : SLATTED FEEDING BOX
getting upon the feed box, and remaining there, as is
the case with flat-topped covers. This device will also
aid in keeping the hens from pecking at each other
when eating.
A capacious slatted feed box is shown in Figure 2,
suitable for soft feed or for grain. The hens cannot get
into it or crowd each other. The cover, which slopes
so they will not fly upon it, is covered with wire netting
which permits grain to be thrown into the box without
FIG 3 : TROUGH FOR CHICKS
raising the cover. Hens do not like to fly up and light
on this netting. A square pan may be placed in one
end of this box in which to keep water, and in this
position it can neither be soiled nor spilled.
Young chickens while with the hen are serious
wasters of soft food, whether fed wet or dry. Figure 3
DEVICES FOR FEEDING 3
illustrates a little trough for chicks. It is of wood
two inches deep and ten inches long for thirty chicks.
The ends are one and one-half inches higher, so a slat
can be put on it to keep the dirt out of it. It should be
placed in a coop where the larger birds cannot enter.
A good feeder for dry cooked feed or dry meal and
grain for chicks is shown in Figure 4. Make a trough
exactly as for a pig except that it has a crack one-fourth
of an inch wide at the bottom. Raise the trough a little
above the ground by means of two strips, c, fastened
to the ends, b, and* place a board, d, beneath the crack
of sufficient width that the chicks may eat from it ; two
and one-half inches is sufficient. Cover the top, d, and
the trough is complete. By it the food is kept fresh and
clean, yet the chicks may help themselves at any time.
FIG 4: DRY FEED FOR CHICKS
Bement's feeding hopper is not a patent affair,
and is a serviceable contrivance for those who practice
the plan of letting the fowls help themselves to their
ration of whole grain. In Figure 5, the end section
shows size and operation, a is a flap or hinged door,
to be opened and shut at pleasure; b, a hinged cover,
through which feed is supplied ; c, an incline, throwing
the corn or other grain as wanted into the feeding
trough. This feeding hopper will answer a very good
purpose where there are no rats or mice.
Feeders for Shell, Bone and Grit — Sharp grit,
broken oyster or clam shells and charcoal in granular
form are necessary for the health and productiveness
of fowls. An excellent box for supplying these is
4 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
shown in Figure 6. It is self -delivering, but the grat-
ing or wire netting over the front keeps the fowls from
throwing the material out with their bills, and thus
wasting it. Kept before them in this way the hens
need never be out of the necessary articles.
A similar feeder with single compartment and no
grating is shown at the right of the preceding in Figure
7 finches.
FIG 5 I FEEDING HOPPER
7. It is filled at the top and is self-feeding. For winter
use as grit nothing is quite so good as the small quarry
stone fragments which may be obtained for almost
nothing at any stoneyard. These are kept on hand,
sifted to the right size, at the poultry supply stores and
are now quite commonly used by the best professional
poultry men. If there is no quarry or stoneyard near by,
a grit that will answer very well is a barrel or two of
gravelly sand, some of which should be shoveled into
DEVICES FOR FEEDING 5
the coop every week or two in winter. Oyster shells
are not hard enough to take the place of grit.
A simple and effective shell or grit feeder is de-
picted in Figure 8. It can be made of any desired size.
The essential points to the box are : The lid for filling,
at i ; a board, 2, to prevent the shells becoming scat-
tered about ; check board, 3, slanting backward with
small space of one to two inches to hold grit, and the
lower edge should be on a level with top of board, 2.
FIGS 6 — 7 I SHELL AND GRIT FEEDER
Hang by hole, 4, just high enough so poultry can get at
the grit easily. The fowls pick it out over board 2, at 5.
A shell feeder very easy to make is that shown at
the right of the preceding in Figure 9. It is a good
style where the shells and grit are mixed and fed from
one box. The dotted lines, b b, indicate a sharp piece
of tin bent to cover half of the holes in the inside to
prevent shells from coming out too fast. The hole, a,
in the back of the box, is to hang up the box. The box
is filled with ground shells and hung up within easy
6 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
reach of the hens, who soon learn to pick the shells
from the holes, c c.
Feeding Pens for Young Chickens — -Where large
and small chickens run at large in the same lot the feed-
ing of them becomes a difficult matter, as the larger
crowd the weaker and take most of the food. Get one
or more big but low dry goods or grocery boxes and
remove a part of each side, as shown in Figure 10, at
the left, making the opening just high enough to per-
mit the small chicks to enter. Stretch a wire trom
TTT
FIGS 8 9: AUTOMATIC FEEDERS
side to side at the top and throw feed inside for the
younger broods. They will quickly learn to start for
their own quarters when the feed dish appears.
The cut at the right of Figure 10 shows a frame-
work low at one end and much higher at the other,
under which chickens of all ages and sizes can be fed,
and each one allowed to eat in peace. All sizes of chicks
fed together in an open space results in the big ones
trampling on the smaller, and robbing them of their
share. Some such arrangement as that shown is abso-
DEVICES FOR FEEDING 7
lutely essential where chickens have to be hatched dur-
ing a considerable space of time in the spring. An ideal
condition is to have the chicks all early and all of a
size, but few can accomplish this desirable end.
A wire-topped feeding frame appears in Fig-
ure ii. The framework of the rack proper is about
FIG lO: FEEDING PENS FOR CHICKENS
forty inches square and consists of two-inch strips
nailed to four small two by two posts about five inches
high, thus leaving a space of about three inches between
the frame and ground for the chickens to enter. The
top is covered with wire netting and the cross sticks
are inserted to keep it from sagging.
FIG II
WIRE FRAME
Automatic Feeder — This plan, shown in Figure
12, may be used for grain, shells, scraps or grit, and
may be adapted to fowls of any age and size. It is
simple in construction and may be of any size desired,
but for thirty or forty hens it should be about one foot
wide, three feet long and one and one-half feet high.
8 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
"-*^
The ends, a a, should be cut as shown, then a board
as wide as the ends and as long as the feeder should
be nailed horizontally between the ends as they stand
upright and four inches below the shoulders. Cut
the sides, b b, and nail in position, next make a V-
shaped trough as long as the feeder and invert between
the lower edges of b b to keep the food from running
out too much at once. Nail on strips, c c, which should
be four inches wide, and put on a cover with hinges.
Feeding by Clockwork — A feed box as in Figure
13 may be quite easily arranged to open at a certain
hour each morning or afternoon, thus providing for the
FIG 12: AUTOMATIC TROUGH
fowls during the keeper's absence. Any alarm clock
with a fixed key will answer. Unscrew the key that
winds the alarm by turning it backward. Have a piece
of thin but strong iron, about four inches long, welded
to the key, so that it protrudes beyond the clock.
Make a box, of any desired shape, but with a
cover on hinges that protrudes beyond the box, having
the part that protrudes heavier than the part that covers
the box, so that the box will open when not prevented
from doing so by the piece of iron, a, or the alarm key
of the clock. Set the alarm for the hour it is desired to
feed, do not wind it too tight, and have the alarm key
DEVICES FOR FEEDING 9
pointing in the same direction as the minute hand does
when five minutes before the hour.
Have the clock secured to a block of wood, so that
the lid of the box is kept closed by the alarm key, a.
When the alarm goes off, at feeding time, the alarm
FIG 13: FEEDING BY CLOCKWORK
key will turn and the feed box open. The hens will
soon get used to the alarm bell, and run for their feed
when they hear it. The same plan can be used for
feeding a horse, by having the alarm key support the
bottom of the box, which opens with a hinge and allows
FIG 14: FEEDING-BOARD AND EXERCISER
the feed to drop in the manger. The alarm key must
be well screwed on to the clock, using a small piece of
twine or glue on the thread of the screw, and the clock
must be set well back on the block of wood, so as not
to prevent the alarm key revolving.
IO POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
Feeding for Exercise — Plenty of eggs and fertile
ones never come from fowls that are allowed to stuff
themselves arid sit on roosts and boxes all the time until
they become sluggish and overfat. The feed board
illustrated in Figure 14 is recommended by H. H. Stod-
dard. A series of boards are firmly joined to reach
across all the pens, being attached by wires to the raft-
ers. A supply of fine grain, like wheat, is placed on the
boards over each pen, and shaken down a little at a time
by a blow from a hammer applied at one end. The
grain falls into several inches of litter below, and the
fowls scratch for it.
CHAPTER II
FOUNTAINS AND WATER SUPPLY
The weak point about most large poultry plants is a
poor water supply. Usually the water is carried to
each flock in pails and poured into the dishes or foun-
tains, with much labor and with poor results.
When large numbers of birds are kept, it is of
course desirable that a system be adopted for saving
labor. A practical system in use is where the water is
FIG 15: SYSTEM FOR WATER SUPPLY
supplied by inch pipes and having a cock in each pen
directly over the water trough. Figure 15 shows a
diagram drawing of this plan. The flow of the cocks
is regulated by having the one in the first pen run very
slowly and gradually increasing the flow of water in
each pen. Thus all the troughs will be full at the same
time. The pipe may rest on the fencing which divides
12 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
the runs. This plan of watering, designed by G. C.
Watson of the Pennsylvania experiment station, can
also be used in brooder houses to good advantage.
It is important to give fowls fresh, clean drink. A
tank shown in Figure 16 is well worth copying. The
upper part may be a syrup can with the bottom cut off.
FIG l6: TANK FOUNTAIN
In front at the lower edge a V-shaped notch may be
cut three-quarters of an inch deep. On the opposite
side, at the top, a bucket ear may be soldered. At the
sides of the bottom and near the corners, narrow strips
projecting outward should be soldered to slide under
FOUNTAINS AND WATER SUPPLY 13
corresponding strips on the bottom pan. The pro-
jecting tins should be double to gain strength. Let
the pan be an inch and a half deep and at least one inch
larger in front. It may fit comfortably at the sides and
back to slide easily. Let the can be turned bottom side
up, filled and inverted. It may then be hung up to suit
the fowls, the ear soldered on at the top of the back
slipping over the hook in the wall. Such a tank is best
made of galvanized iron. It is a satisfactory affair for
poultry of any age.
FIG 17: PROTECTION FOR WATER DISH
For Clean Water — Where plain open dishes are
used, as on most farms, they should be put inside a
crate to keep the birds from stepping into them or sit-
ting on the edge. An old berry crate will do very well.
One made to order is shown in Figure 17. It is a box
and it needs no back, as the highest side is to be set
against the wall. The top is hinged so it can be raised
to set the basin in, and there is a shelf six inches from
the bottom to hold the basin and slats in front. The
hens cannot stand on it nor in it, nor scratch dirt into it.
14 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
Another ingenious plan for keeping the water clean
appears at the left of Figure 18. A board bracket is
nailed to a post or to one of the studding timbers and
on the under side of it is horizontally fastened a square
piece of broad board which serves as a shelf to keep the
droppings from falling into the drinking vessel below.
The vessel should be of such a hight that the fowls can-
not get between it and the shelf so as to roost on the
edge of the vessel. Blocks may be placed below it
for this purpose. At the same time the shelf should
be sufficiently high that the fowl need only to stoop
FIG l8: COVERED WATER DISHES
very slightly to drink. This simple contrivance will
be found of great service in protecting the drinking
water which must be given to the fowls in their houses
on stormy or very cold days.
The fountain shown at the right side of Figure
1 8 will also keep the water fairly clean, besides having
a distinct merit of its own. Such breeds as the Leg-
horns, Minorcas and some others have such large combs
and wattles that there is much danger in watering them
in winter from open dishes. They wet these head appen-
dages, then become chilled and many times frozen. A
device for avoiding this is shown in the cut. A dish,
FOUNTAINS AND WATER SUPPLY 15
whose sides do not flare at all, is fitted with a circular
piece of board that will loosely fit inside. In this
board are four or more small round openings, through
which the fowls can thrust their beaks, but not their
combs or wattles. As the water is consumed the board
falls, bringing the surface always within reach.
Heated Fountains — Water from which the chill
has been warmed away is a stimulant to egg produc-
tion, just as it is to the milk flow when given to cattle.
The illustration shows a plan which has been used in a
FIG 19: WINTER FOUNTAIN
cold climate all last winter, keeping the water free
from ice during the severest weather.
The one in Figure 19 holds about thirteen
gallons, but could be made to contain twice that
quantity if desired. It is a capital idea for both
summer and winter. Anyone can make the frame for
the fountain and any tinsmith can make a galvanized
tank after this pattern. The cost of the frame, includ-
ing end rods and braces, will not be over fifty cents,
while the tank will cost about fifteen cents per pound,
all made. In summer it should be kept out of doors,
l6 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
either on grass or a wood platform, so the ducks and
geese cannot foul the water. A shade of some kind
should be furnished.
During the winter the fountain should be fur-
nished with a base, as indicated by dotted lines. Use
a brooder stove in freezing weather. It will be unneces-
sary to burn the stove during the night, for a very
FIG 2O : LAMP WATER HEATER
little heat will thaw it out in the morning. It will be
better to set the fountain between two pens, for the
birds can drink from both sides, as may be seen in the
picture.
In constructing one of these fountains, loose pin
butt hinges are used to fasten the bottom to the top.
FOUNTAINS AND WATER SUPPLY 17
The rod or axle on which it rests goes completely
through the fountain and is of galvanized iron, being
soldered around it to make it tight. When filling, the
fountain is turned bottom up and made fast by the
little hooks, as seen in the cut. The rod should be
exactly in the center of the tank. The principle is the
same as in all fountains that turn in the hand, only the
frame in which it rests makes it possible to increase
the size.
A fountain like that in Figure 20 may be kept from
freezing at very little expense for oil, and it works per-
FIG 21 : KETTLE AND HEATER
fectly if the funnel part is carefully soldered where it
joins the dish. Take a plain side, cake-baking tin
with a funnel in the center ; also, a butter firkin or nail
keg, and a small naphtha hand lamp (without the cot-
ton filling). Place the lamp on the bottom of the
firkin, lower the tin until the wick of the lamp is half
an inch up the funnel, now insert four screws in the
bottom of the firkin, opposite to each other, and just
above the bottom of the tin. These pressing against
the slanting sides of the tin will support, and turned
out or in will raise or lower the tin. Tack the firkin
l8 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
hoops at the top, middle and bottom, between top and
middle hoop on two sides, cut out one or two staves
to allow the fowls a place to reach the water. Nail a
piece of tin, loosely, on under side of cover, also a
strap or rope on firkin for a bail, and it is complete.
Use kerosene, and regulate the flame to prevent
smoking.
Figure 21 shows a very simple but effective heated
fountain which can be rigged up in fifteen minutes
with common tools. The top of a box is covered with
zinc or sheet iron, projecting at the ends enough to
make a stand for the fowls, while drinking, or if pre-
FIG 22 : FOUNTAIN WARMER
ferred, the box may be partly sunk in the earth and
banked a little at the ends. A common hand lamp is
placed in the box under the metal cover, which should
not come within three or four inches of the chimney.
A very small blaze is enough, and none is needed on
mild days. The iron kettle holding the water should be
a large one. Keep the fowls off the edge by a partition
of tin, as shown.
Fountain Warmer — Figure 22 shows a patent con-
trivance furnished by the supply stores, and so ar-
ranged that food and water or water and milk may be
FOUNTAINS AND WATER SUPPLY IQ
kept warm and free from ice. Fountain and feed box
work automatically. Oil is burned. The idea could be
combined with the fountain shown in Figure 19 or 21
so that more than one substance may be kept warm
from a single lamp.
Anti-Freeze Fountain — An earthen jug is so fas-
tened into the half barrel by means of crosspieces that
its mouth will come near the bottom of the tub, upon
one side — a piece of a stave being removed at that
FIG 23 : NON-FREEZING FOUNTAIN
point (Figure 23). The space around the jug is rilled
with fermenting horse manure, and slats are nailed
across, when the "fountain" is ready for use. Fill the
jug with water and cork it ; then invert the tub, bring-
ing the mouth of the jug over a basin, as shown in the
engraving. When the cork is withdrawn the water will
flow until the mouth of the jug is covered ; it will then
cease, and as the water is used, more will come from the
jug, and so on, forming a continuous self-acting foun-
20
POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
tain. Such a contrivance will keep the water from
freezing, except in the coldest winter weather. The jug
should be emptied at night.
FIG 24: CHICK FOUNTAIN
FIG 25 ! GENERAL PURPOSE FOUNTAIN
Chick Fountains — A fountain for little chickens
should be so arranged that they can always get water
without soiling it or running the risk of drowning.
Many of the chick fountains are also very good for
FOUNTAINS AND WATER SUPPLY 21
fowls of all ages. The simplest form is that of the
bottle or can filled and placed mouth down over a plate
or shallow dish. An improved form is shown in Fig-
ure 24. Select one of the gallon-size fruit cans and set
it upside down in a tin cake dish from the five-cent
counter. Make two dents in the edge of the can, as
shown, and fit a wire from one edge of the plate up
over the can, and down to the other side. If preferred,
a pail may be used, as shown at the right of the basin,
FIG 26: WATER FOR CHICKS
the cover fitting air-tight and holes being punched near
the bottom.
Figure 25 is also a fountain from an old fruit can
with the top soldered tight again, a hole punched near
the bottom and a lip soldered on to hold the flow. All
the preceding chick fountains, as also the bottle foun-
tain in Figure 26, depend on keeping the tank air-tight
above the water line, so that the water can escape only
as fast as the chicks drink it, thus admitting air from
below.
Figure 26 explains itself. A bottle holding one or
two gallons will work as well as the small one shown.
22
POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
It should be fitted with a cork having a groove at one
side for convenience when replacing the bottle after
refilling. A shallow dish may be used instead of the
wooden box.
Figure 27 shows the invention of an exasperated
poultryman whose hens with chicks insisted on scratch-
FIG 27 : CASING FOR WATER CAN
ing over the water dish as soon as possible. It is of
four square pieces of plank, all but the lower section
being hollowed out enough to admit the water can.
The whole thing being quite heavy, it cannot be upset
by the fowls. If the dish is a deep one, a stone should
be kept in it to prevent chicks from drowning.
FIG 28: SAFE WATER DISH
A water dish in which chicks are never drowned
appears in Figure 28. There is a wooden box eighteen
inches long and four inches wide. It should be about
two inches deep on the inside. The cover is a board
one inch thick, with four or five three-fourths-inch
FOUNTAINS AND WATER SUPPLY 23
holes bored through it. Make the cover a little smaller
than the box, so it will go easily inside. Fill box half
full of water and allow board to float on top. The
board will support the weight of the chick and the
water will rise about half way through the holes.
Using this, the chicks will not get wet.
FIG 29 : OYSTER-CAN FOUNTAIN
A similar effect is secured in a very simpie way
in Figure 29. Take an oyster can and cut an opening
on one side, as illustrated. It cannot be turned over,
and water will not spill out when carrying it. When
FIG 30: BOX FOR WATER DISH
full it will hold enough water for about fifteen chicks
one day. It will cost but little, as it can be made of any
24 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
size by a tinner in a short time, if desired of larger
capacity.
Protection for Water Dish — Make a shallow box
and hinge to it a cover of slats made of laths, as in
FIG 31 : POOL FOR DUCKS
Figure 30. Through these the fowls can reach the
water, but cannot soil it. Have the box just large
enough to set the dish of water within, and shut the
FIG 32 : DRINKING WATER FOR DUCKS
slat cover down over it. A similar device for giving
water in a way to keep the fowls out of the water vessel
is to have a moderately high box, with slats up and
FOUNTAINS AND WATER SUPPLY 25
down one side. Then set the water dish within, and
the fowls can drink through the slats. The top of the
box, or cover, should be sloping, to keep the fowls off
from it.
Water for Ducks — Where no pool of water is at
hand for ducks, a small pool can easily be made for
them, as in Figure 31. Dig a square hole eight inches
deep and as large as desired. Put eight-inch boards
around the sides. Now tamp down the bottom hard
and level, and coat the surface with an inch of cement,
bringing the coating up to the top of the boards at the
sides, of the same thickness as the bottom. Drive shin-
gle nails thickly into the boards to give the cement
something to cling to. In the same way a pool for a
"water garden" can be made for the growing of
aquatic plants.
Where the object is merely to supply the abun-
dance of drinking water so necessary to young ducks
at feeding time, a large flat trough, as in Figure 32,
will answer the purpose.
CHAPTER III
MILLS AND FOOD MACHINERY
Prepared foods, grit, shells, meat and clover, may
be bought at most large agricultural stores. Special
home machines for such purposes are therefore not
positively required even where a complete food assort -
FIG 33 I HAND BONE MILLS
ment is wanted. But where home resources are to be
utilized to full extent and every penny saved, a few
good food machines will pay well for the keeping.
Bone Mills — One of these machines is needed on
every farm, since it affords the only means of making
MILLS AND FOOD MACHINERY 2 7
full use of the bone refuse which is constantly accumu-
lating. A first-class mill will work bone and flesh of
dead animals and the waste from the table or market
into pieces that can be swallowed by the fowls.
By grinding and feeding the bones their full value
is secured, as they furnish a first-class egg food, while
most of the fertilizing value is secured in the manure.
Manure from animal food is nearly as rich as guano.
Several types of the hand bone mill are shown in
Figure 33. The two upper mills are for dry bones
FIG 34: MOUNTED BONE MILLS
only, and are therefore less useful for general pur-
poses. They cost about five dollars each, but some of
this type are sold as low as two dollars and a half.
The two mills at lower part of Figure 33 are for
green bones. The first pattern works with a chopping
motion. The secc ; d, one of the oldest and most popu-
lar styles, has a cutting action. Both are good for their
size, but to operate them with heavy bones is tedious
work. For a good-sized flock it is best to have a large
28
POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
mill as shown in Figure 33, arranging it to run by
power attachment if possible. A one-horse sweep
power will drive a good-sized machine. Figure 34
shows the Ohio, Mann and Adam makes, besides
which there are many others equally effective. Bones,
if tolerably fresh, and meat may be quite freely fed if
the fowls are watched and the quantity reduced at first
sign of bowel disorder. The larger machines cost from
FIG
FOOD CHOPPER
eight dollars to twenty-five dollars, according to size
and style.
Food Choppers — Where plenty of liver, lights or
other solid meat can be had cheap from slaughter
houses, such meat will furnish the best form of animal
food. It can be worked up very fast in a large, strong
meat cutter like that shown in Fig-are 35, which will
cut three or four pounds a minute, fine or coarse, and
MILLS AND FOOD MACHINERY 2£
can be bought of the supply stores for about two dol-
lars, with a choice of several different makes. These
machines will work up any kind of soft refuse food.
For Vegetables and Fodder — For reducing green
vegetables, root pulpers, as shown in Figure 36, are
FIGS 36 — 37 : ROOT CUTTERS
useful. Machines may be had which will answer for
cattle and for poultry also. Fowls will consume large
quantities of finely-cut vegetables, reducing the grain
bill and maintaining the relaxed condition of the sys-
tem favorable to egg production.
Cut fodder will always pay for fowls in close
quarters or in winter where snow covers the ground.
The old style hand lever cutters will cut clover or
rowen fine enough f-jr chickens. Some styles of the
wheel cutters, like the one in Figure 37, are made with
3O POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
special reference to needs of poultry and can be set to
cut very short. In summer the lawn mower affords a
convenient supply of short, tender grass for chicks and
older fowls in yards. The surplus should be kept for
winter use.
FIG 38: FODDER CUTTER
To Balance a Small Mill — Attach a small crank
mill such as is used for grinding coffee and grain for
household use to the balance wheel of a corn sheller,
fodder cutter or similar weight/ machine, simply tying
the handle of the mill to a spoke of the large wheel.
The mill, if not already secure, should be bolted to the
wall at the right hight for the power. A mill geared
MILLS AND FOOD MACHINERY 3!
this way may be driven very fast for coarse grinding,
and is very convenient for preparing special mixtures
for poultry or for cooking purposes. A small bone
cutter may be operated in the same manner.
Grit Pounders — To keep poultry in thrift, and
furnish material for eggshells, lime is necessary, as we
have said. Oyster shells and clam shells are much
used. To pound these, a log of wood may be slightly
FIG 39 : GRIT POUNDER
hollowed at one end, and surrounded with a piece of
tin (Figure 39), an opening being left to admit the
handle of the pestle, which is like a wooden mallet, the
striking end being armed with small bolts, driven into
the wood so as to leave the heads exposed. A ring to
prevent splitting will be an improvement.
Another style, good for crockery and glass, is
shown in Figure 40. Take a piece of railway iron
about two feet long, and make a box without top or
32 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
bottom, one foot high, and just wide and long enough to
fit neatly over the rail. Place the dishes, etc, in this
mortar and break up with an old ax or sledge. When
done remove box and let the chickens at the grit.
FIG 40: SMALL GRIT POUNDER
FIG 41 I GRIT MILL
MILLS AND FOOD MACHINERY 33
A very powerful grit machine is that in Figure
41. It does rapid work with crockery, glass or shells,
crushing them with an action much like that of a pair
of strong jaws. The grinders are the six-foot arms,
d d, shod with roughened iron plates above the pivots
at I, and moved to and fro by means of the lever, K.
The frame, a b a b, is four by five feet, made of tim-
ber four by six inches. The hopper, / /, is one foot
deep. The pivots at /, bf e, e, are stout bolts set to play
freely, but the bolt at g i is screwed tight. The small
side drawing shows construction of grinder arms.
CHAPTER IV
CONVENIENT ROOSTS
The most simple form of good roost comprises a
series of straight poles, two inches thick and with bark
left on. They should be all on a level and not more
than three feet from the ground. They may extend
straight across the building, each pole resting in a
socket cut into a frame joist of each side, thus allowing
each or all poles to be easily removed for cleaning.
Lightness and a neat appearance will be gained if two
by four building joists with two of the corners rounded
off are used in place of poles.
Another decided improvement it to attach the
roosts to a frame, and attach the whole-by hinges and a
cord, as in Figure 42, thus allowing the frame to shut
down close against the wall. The cord, c, is hung from
the roof and is hooked to the frame. At d is a support
to steady the frame.
A modification of this plan is shown in Figure 43,
which represents a very low roost for young chickens
or for heavy breeds. The frame of roosts simply rests
upon the floor, and when moved it is leaned back
against the wall in direction of dotted lines, c c. The
bars of this roost are made flat to prevent crooked
breast bones, often resulting in heavy young birds
from pressure against small or sharp roosts.
Portable perches are shown in Figures 44 and 45.
They are very handy, not only at cleaning time, but to
be transferred from one house to another. In Figure
44 is a simple form of single pole on V-shaped frame
CONVENIENT ROOSTS 35
with droppings board below. In Figure 45 are two
poles. It prevents the chickens from crowding at ends
of perches, as the ends do not connect with the sides
or ends of building. The kerosene cups prevent ver-
min from working to and from any part of the building
FIG 42 : IMPROVED ROOST
on the chickens at night. The coop is more easily kept
free from vermin, and does away with whitewashing
and cleaning in a great measure. They are not expen-
sive, and in many cases the standards can be mortised
30 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
in the four beams, and then would require only four
pieces of timber. Perches are fourteen inches high,
made of two by fours, and are twenty-two inches wide.
The perches are not mortised all the way through and
are not fastened.
Vermin Proof — The preceding cut, Figure 45,
shows the supports of the roost protected by an oil cup.
FIG
LOW IMPROVED ROOST
In Figure 46 appears a somewhat similar device, where
the pole rests on the point of a malleable iron bracket.
In the illustration, A is a saucer-shaped collar, B the
cavity in the collar, D a hole bored through the two by
four roost scantling C. It is designed that kerosene oil
be poured through D until B is filled and this will keep
the little red mites from crawling from the ground and
CONVENIENT ROOSTS
37
FIG 44: PORTABLE ROOST
FIG 45 : PORTABLE LICE-PROOF ROOST
FIG 46: LICE-PROOF SUPPORTER FOR ROOST
FIG 47 : KEROSENE PAN FOR ROOST
38 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
sides of the building to the roost, The brackets
should be placed upon opposite sides of the building,
so that each roost will extend clear across. The hole
in the roost should be made so large that it can be
easily taken off.
A plan slightly more simple is depicted in Figure
47, where the roost pole rests in a square pan or metal
box. The pan is charged with water, on top of which
floats a layer of oil.
Cold Weather Plans — Where a small flock of Leg-
horns, or other tender, large-combed breed, is kept, it
is important to provide a very warm roosting place for
them if winter eggs are to be looked for in severe
FIG 40 : COLD WEATHER ROOST
climates. Figure 48 shows a simple way to make such
a warm roosting place. The barrels shut up close to-
gether in use, and the fowls enter and leave by the
opening that is shown. The barrels can be removed
as warm weather approaches, and the usual roosts
substituted.
In Figure 49 is shown one end of the poultry house
partitioned off, and the separated portion divided in
two by a platform at the middle point from floor to
ceiling. The upper part contains the roosts and below
is a dusting place, with a small window toward the sun.
In front is a hinged door that shuts up before the roosts
at night to provide warmth, and shuts down over the
CONVENIENT ROOSTS
39
dusting room in the daytime for warmth. Two round
openings give entrance to the dusting room and ventila-
tion to both places.
Writes J. E. Jones of Wayne county, New York :
"My plan of keeping Light Brahma fowls warm winter
nights is as shown in Figure 50, at the left of the illus-
tration. It appears, after due experience, to be best
FIG 49: WARM ROOSTS
with Brahmas and Cochins to have no roosts, but to
have the fowls sit upon the floor at night. The floor
should have a thick coating of road dust or loam, and
upon this a thick coat of leaves or straw. On such a
floor fowls will rest most comfortably. If roosts are
provided, even low ones, some of the fowls will not go
40 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
upon them, their great weight making them timid.
They will huddle on the floor under the roost, where
they would become cold, and their plumage probably
soiled in the morning. A low, small addition is made
to the regular poultry quarters, the hight not being
more than half that of the latter. Across the front
of the opening is a burlap curtain, hung on a wire,
which is drawn across the opening on cold nights, mak-
ing the fowls very warm within. This low addition
FIG 50: SEPARATE ROOSTING PENS
can very easily be made if the poultry quarters are in
another building, the night quarters being let out into
the room adjacent."
Another curtain plan for cold weather appears in
Figure 50 at the right. Have all the perches, b, in one
end of the coop and fasten rings to the ceiling so that
a heavy burlap or flannel curtain, a, may be hung,
dividing the coop. There will be enough natural heat
from the fowls' bodies to warm this smaller space in
the coldest weather. Hang the curtain in place after
the fowls go to roost.
CONVENIENT ROOSTS 4!
Droppings Boards — These are convenient where
the droppings are removed often, as they should be in
summer, at least. The convenient roosting device
shown in Figure 51 is submitted by Mrs J. Fairbank,
a successful Pacific coast poultrywoman, who writes :
^ ffoosrj
FIG 51 : ROOSTS AND DROPPING BOARDS
FIG 52: ROOSTS AND MANURE BIN
"To arrange this plan of roosting and dropping boards,
first take a two by eight plank, sixteen inches long, nail
one end to the floor, five feet from the north side.
Take a one by eight-inch board, five feet long, to which
nail a cleat sixteen inches from the floor and nail the
42 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
other end of the board to the side of the wall. Nail the
bottom board, one by eight feet, on top of a short end
piece. Cut rafter two by four inches by six feet. Nail
rafter to short plank and to meet other rafters, and nail
on boards to make slanting platform. Chaff should be
placed in the space under the dropping boards, thus
making the entire floor available for exercise. Hoe
the droppings from the bottom board into a box."
Roost and Manure Bin — Figure 52 shows one of
the best plans for caring for poultry manure. The
FIG 53 : ROOSTS FOR CHICKENS
manure bin is built against the side of the pen, and has
a single roost in the center above it.
The front of this triangular box is detachable and
is taken away when the manure is to be removed. This
need not occur until the box is full, plaster or road
dust being scattered over the surface every morning,
which will prevent the giving off of ammonia or un-
pleasant odors. A special advantage of this plan is
that it takes no floor space and does away with the ne-
CONVENIENT ROOSTS 43
cessity of removing the droppings every day, as in the
case of the ordinary platform beneath the roosts.
Roosts for Chickens — As the chickens obtain size,
they may be taught to go to roost in some room that is
not occupied. Here they will be always under cover
and safe at night from their enemies. Make the roost
of broad strips of board, to prevent crooked breast
bones, and to reduce the risk of vermin use the plan
of hanging the roosts shown in Figure 53. The strips
rest on horizontal wires, to which they are stapled be-
neath, and are held firmly up by wires from the ceiling.
Number 12 wire is stout enough. The same plan may
be used to advantage in the regular poultry house.
CHAPTER V
DOORS AND WINDOWS
A poorly made, badly hung door will be a prime
nuisance so long as it lasts, and becomes worse year
by year. The doorpost should be large and heavy and
well braced to prevent sagging. If set in the ground
it should reach down several feet. Leather hinges
should not be used even for a slat gate, but rather the
FIG 54: COMBINATION DOOR
strap iron hinges, which are not costly and a good
supply of which should be kept on hand.
A divided door for a poultry house appears in
Figure 54, giving a combination for both summer and
winter use. The lower half has laths nailed to the
inside and covering the space filled by the upper half
DOORS AND WINDOWS 45
of the door. The latter may be opened in summer for
ventilation. When shut and secured by the button
on the lower half, the whole becomes a solid door.
The same arrangement will also be found useful in
ventilating the poultry quarters upon warm days in
winter. Such ventilation, with plenty of sunlight
to keep the place warm, and litter in which the fowls
must scratch for food so as to get exercise, are prime
requisites to success with poultry in winter.
77 / / M
FIG 55 : COMBINATION DOOR
Door Between Pens — Where a long poultry build-
ing is divided into a number of pens the divisions
must be boarded at the bottom to prevent the fowls,
particularly the males, from righting. A good door
for such a division is shown in Figure 55. It is made
of lath in the ordinary way, but has the laths at the
lower part very near together, the spaces growing
more open as they go up. This prevents fighting,
makes a handsome gate and one easily constructed.
40 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
Self-Opening Door — Fix the coop as shown in the
diagram (Figure 56), and the chicks will let them-
selves out of their coops. When one gets upon the
board with grain upon it, he pulls the latch open over-
head, and the door in front falls. Even without the
grain, chicks will open the door. The same device can
be used for hens in their houses.
Still another plan to avoid early rising appears
in Figure 57. Have boards fitted to slide across the
FIGS 56 57 : SELF-OPENING DOORS
doorway of the chicken quarters, and a long hook, to
keep the door partly open. Put in one board at first,
and teach the chicks to fly up over it at night. Then
put in another board, and presently another. Then
animals cannot get in at night, while the chicks can go
out at dawn. By varying hight of board the device
can be adapted to chickens of any age.
Good Windows — Common square or rectangular
sashes are best for general purposes, and they can
DOORS AND WINDOWS
47
usually be had cheap at auction sales or from dis-
mantled buildings. These windows are, of course, set
vertically into the wall, as they will not shed water well
if set at much of a slant. Slanting windows must be
without crossbars and the ends of the panes must over-
lap, as in hotbed sashes. Slanting windows usually
give more trouble than they are worth, are constantly
leaking or breaking, and are not durable. One window
to a pen is enough and each one should be made easily
FIG 58: WARM WINDOWS
removable in summer. The space may be protected
with wire netting, which may be left on the whole year.
If new glass must be bought, the second or third grades
will answer. For doing a cheap job, crossbars are not
absolutely needed, as if the panes are fitted closely and
firmly in the upright bars, the ends of the panes may be
brought together without a bar between. Brads may
be used instead of putty glazing. A window thus
made is a cold affair and is not desirable for severe
climates.
48
POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
Warm Windows — Many poultry houses have
twice the glass that is desirable. The houses get very
warm in the daytime and very cold at night in winter.
An excellent remedy is shown in Figure 58. The upper
portion of each sash is removed and a solid board shut-
ter substituted. This can be opened during the warm
part of each day, giving the fowls outdoor air with
indoor scratching opportunities. Even on cold days
these shutters can be opened for a half hour, to thor-
FIGS 59 60: PROTECTED WINDOWS
oughly air the building. In summer the shutters can
be opened a little way and fastened, the open space
being slatted to prevent the fowls from going out.
This will keep the house cool at that season.
Ordinary windows let in much cold about their
sides. A helpful plan is to screw wide pieces of board
around the outside of the sash, allowing the strips to
project two or more inches all around the sash, as
shown in Figure 60. Nail strips to the wall around
this extended sash and hinge the strips to the exten-
DOORS AND WINDOWS
49
sion of the sash. The window can thus be opened
readily, but when closed no cracks are left unstopped.
With sashes hinged in this way, the windows of poul-
try houses may be opened during the warmer and
sunnier portions of the day, giving almost the same
conditions as are found in open scratching sheds, but
without the inconveniences of the latter.
FIG 6l : DOUBLE WINDOWS
No farm building more greatly needs double win-
dows in winter than the poultry house, but there is the
trouble of securing proper "airing out" of the house
on pleasant days in winter, where double windows are
used. A double window that can be opened and then
closed tightly against the entrance of wind is shown
in Figure 61. The top and bottom are fitted to pieces
of wood of such shape and fitting that air cannot enter.
5O POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
The whole is then hinged and swung as one window.
One window in a house fitted in this way, with the
outside door, will give ample opportunity for ventilat-
ing the house every sunny morning. The rest of the
windows can be of the ordinary double pattern.
CHAPTER VI
NESTING CONTRIVANCES
A good nest is both safe and attractive. It should
be large enough so that two hens at the same time will
not break eggs. It should be low at one side so that
hens need not jump down upon the eggs. It should
have a cover for seclusion and to keep idle fowls from
roosting on the edge. The opening should face away
from the light, as darkness discourages egg-eating and
other forms of interference on the part of mischief
makers. For similar reasons the box should be about
two and one-half feet above the floor. An alighting
board in front of the entrance will afford the layer a
chance to enter carefully, as her instinct teaches. The
nest filling should be renewed twice a year, and also
whenever used several weeks by a sitter. The filling
should be abundant enough to prevent breakage and
should be free from coarse or thorny material. The
presence of a nest egg will usually prevent scratching,
but if very young birds are there, they may pull the hay
about somewhat. In such cases a filling of shavings or
excelsior may be used, and care should be taken not
to drop grain into the nests. Nests should be numer-
ous and all about alike, so that none will be over-
crowded. If raised well above the floor the space they
occupy will not be missed. Every box should be ar-
ranged for easy and quick removal when desired.
A very simple nest and easily made, is de-
scribed by A. B. Hewitt, who writes: "I make them
of old soap, candle or starch boxes. Take the box
52 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
with the lid nailed on and four inches from one end
rule a line as shown by the dotted line in the first illus-
tration in Figure 62. Then mark the other end of
the box on the opposite sides in the same way, also
shown by the dotted line. Now saw the box where
these lines are, and it will make two nests like the one
shown in the second half of the figure. Nail a cleat
of one-inch stuff just at the top, and inside of the high
sides of the* box. This cleat makes a convenient han-
FIG 62 I PLAIN NEST BOXES
die, and at the same time strengthens the box. The
nests should be placed beneath the droppings board with
the high sides next to the entrance of the pen or hen-
house. By tarring all the joints or painting them with
a solution of carbolic acid, they are easily kept free
from vermin. They will be found much better than a
long box, as one can be removed at any time for set-
ting a hen in another part of the building. I never
have any trouble from the hens flying off their nests
NESTING CONTRIVANCES
53
upon my approach. The boxes should be bought for
from eight to ten cents each."
The cuts in Figure 63 show how a contrivance can
be made for laying hens which will keep out hogs,
dogs, or any animals liable to destroy the eggs. The
framework is two by three scantling. Then ordinary
boards are used for the sides and roof. The hens go in
at the entrance and pass around either end of a, gain-
ing access to the nests. A little door, b, at the end,
shown in the right-hand cut, closed, by means of a hasp,
permits entrance for the removal of the eggs. This
FIG 63 : SECURE NEST BOX
little nesting place can be moved to any convenient part
of the yard and the eggs deposited there are secure.
The hens will soon learn to go to it. The material re-
quired is eight pieces of one by twelve inches eight feet
long, two pieces of one by fourteen inches three feet
long, two pieces of two by three inches three feet long,
eight pieces of one by twelve inches twelve feet long,
two pieces of one by three inches eight feet long, and
one piece of one by ten inches six feet long, with two
pounds of eightpenny nails.
Open-work nests, as in Figure 64, at the left of
the illustration, are easily kept clean and free from
54
POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
lice. They may be bought ready-made, or may be
woven from old bale hay wire or from willow wands.
A thorough singeing or scalding will renovate the nest
at any time. The nest should have a wooden edge-
piece for the hen to alight on, and a large card for
dates of sitters is a convenience.
A plan for transferring sitters is shown at the
right of Figure 64. The nest boxes, b, d, are placed
on a board platform, e, extending through the partition
between a room for layers and another for the sitters.
FIG 64: THREE USEFUL NEST IDEAS
When a hen is to be set, the box with hen and eggs
is simply pushed through the partition.
Prevents Dirty Nests — Fowls can be prevented
from roosting on the edge of their nest boxes by plac-
ing a two-inch roller at the front of the boxes, as
shown in Figure 64, 1 1 1. The roller revolves easily
upon a wooden pin at each end. The sides of the boxes
are made slanting for the same reason.
A New Nesting Arrangement — To make dark
nests inside a henhouse is a matter involving not a
NESTING CONTRIVANCES
55
little work. And even then the nests often prove
a nuisance, since the fowls roost on them and soil
them constantly. A handy contrivance for securing
dark nests is shown in Figure 65. Where the fowl-
house is inside another building, or has a hallway, this
plan can be easily and conveniently used. Long boxes
are used for the nests, each having a partition across
the middle with a round opening through it large
enough for a hen to pass through. Two other round
openings for each nest are made. One in the outside
FIG 65 : GOOD NESTING ARRANGEMENTS
of the box, as shown, another in the partition of the
henpen. Place the box against the outside of the parti-
tion so that -the two openings will come together, when
the hen can enter and pass around into the dark nest.
A hinged cover gives access to the eggs.
Homemade Recording Nest Box — One of the best
non-patented devices for keeping egg records is that
used at the Maine experiment station and illustrated
herewith ( Figure 66 ). In the drawing are shown two
of the completed nests from side to side, one of them
closed after the entrance of a hen and the other re-
50 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
opened for the entrance of another layer. After each
hen has laid, the attendant removes her, and each hen
has a band with a number attached to her leg and the
eggs may be numbered to correspond. This process
is gone through in the attempt to pick out the best
layers to keep over for breeders and the experiment
station hopes to establish a strain of wonderful layers.
FIG 66: TRAP NEST BOXES
For those who wish to make their own boxes,
the following directions are supplied by Professor
Gowell of the Maine station:
It is a box-like structure, without front end or
cover, twenty-eight inches long, thirteen inches wide
and thirteen inches dee- inside measurements. A
NESTING CONTRIVANCES
57
division board with a circular opening" seven and one-
half inches in diameter is placed across the box twelve
inches from the back end and fifteen inches from the
front end. The back section is the nest proper. In-
stead of a close door at the entrance, a light frame is
covered with wire netting. The door is ten and one-
half inches wide and ten inches high and does not fill
the entire entrance, a good margin being left all round
to avoid friction. It is hinged at the top and opens
up into the box. The hinges are placed on the front
of the door.
FIG 67 : ROOST PROTECTED BY NEST
The trip consists of one piece of stiff wire about
three-sixteenths of an inch in diameter and eighteen
and one-half inches long, bent as shown. A piece of
board six inches wide and just long enough to reach
across the box inside is nailed flatwise in front of the
partition and one inch below the top of the box, a space
of one-fourth of an inch being left between the edge of
the board and the partition. The purpose of this board
is only to support the trip wire in place. The six-inch
section of the trip wire is placed across the board and
the long part of the wire slipped through the one-
fourth-inch slot and massed down close to and in front
58 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
of the center of the seven and one-half-inch circular
opening. Small wire staples are driven nearly down
over the six-inch section of the trip wire into the board
so as to hold it in place and yet let it roll sidewise easily.
FIG 68 : NEST FROM A CANDY PAIL
When the door is set, a section of the wire comes
under a hardwood peg or tack in the lower edge of the
door frame. The hen passes in through the circular
opening, and in doing so presses the wire to one side,
which lets the door down and fastens itself by a wooden
NESTING CONTRIVANCES
59
latch or lever. The latch is five inches long, one inch
wide and one-half inch thick, and is fastened loosely
one inch from its center to the side of the box, so that
the outer end is just inside of the door when it is
closed. Pieces of old rubber belting are nailed at the
outside entrance for the door to strike against.
Roosting and Nesting Device — Figure 67 shows a
very excellent roosting and nesting device that has
done duty in the cold of a Maine winter. It is in use
for a small pen of Leghorns — a breed that must be
FIG 69 : NESTS FOR DUCKS
kept warm at night, if eggs are to be had at this season
of the year. The roost is put across the corner of the
pen and a piece of burlap is stretched before it. A few
crosspieces are laid across the corner at the curtain's
upper edge, and on these is piled a lot of waste hay,
making a very warm roosting place. The Leghorns
delight to fly up on this hay and lay their eggs under
the impression that they are stealing away their nests.
Humoring a Leghorn in this way is conducive to lay-
ing, and the eggs can easily be reached. As the whole
thing can be put up in five minutes' time, there is no
excuse for frosted combs on the Leghorns.
6O POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
At stores where candy is sold, one can buy for a
few cents the light, but large, wooden pails in which
broken candy and certain grades of chocolates are
shipped from the factory. These pails make excellent
hens' nests when hung from two hooks in the manner
shown in Figure 68. The weak point of this nest and
several others described is that no alighting board is
provided and no shelter to keep fowls off the edge.
These improvements, however, can be added. Such
nests can be taken out of doors, emptied and cleaned in
a moment, and having no corners or open joints, as do
boxes, there is no place for vermin to hide about them.
This is a special point in favor of the use of such pails
as nests, for the ordinary nest is usually a breeding
place for these troublesome pests.
Nests for Ducks — Some duck raisers use a plain
nest, as shown in Figure 69. These nests are made of
one-inch boards, twelve inches high and sixteen inches
long, set fourteen inches apart, and held together in
front with a three-inch strip. The nests are nailed to
the back of the house.
CHAPTER VII
HELPS IN HATCHING SEASON
No doubt but that a good operator can hatch per-
fect chicks by incubator and keep up the vigor and
excellence of his stock year after year without using a
single sitting hen, but complete success requires care
and experience. Very complete manuals on the sub-
ject may be had free by writing to those who advertise
the machines. Of late years many very practical incu-
bators have been placed on the market, while the older
makes have been greatly improved, especially in regard
to heat regulation. The incubator catalogs contain
plenty of testimonials, and by writing to some of the
more prominent of these, the intending buyer may soon
decide which machine is best suited to his taste and
conditions.
While there are still many points of difference
between manufacturers as to hot air or hot water heat,
moisture or no moisture, cooling and ventilation, yet
most of the incubators now on the market will hatch
eggs satisfactorily in the hands of a careful operator.
By the use of common sense and following the instruc-
tions laid down by the makers, even a beginner can
expect good hatches from fertile eggs. With experi-
ence, hatches of seventy-five to ninety per cent of fer-
tile eggs are commonly obtained.
Incubators vary in capacity from fifty to four hun-
dred eggs. One size is as easy to run as another. For
the practical farmer a machine of one hundred, one
hundred and fifty or two hundred-egg capacity is the
62 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
best size. Three hatches in a season will, with average
success, give as many chickens as ordinarily wanted.
Something depends on the machine, but more on
the operator, and most of all on the eggs. Any ma-
chine that will keep even heat can be made to hatch
successfully. If the temperature is kept at one hun-
dred and two or one hundred and three degrees, if
ventilation is reasonably good, if eggs are all of the
same kind of shell so that the air will enlarge at the
same rate, and if the air cell is watched and by ven-
tilation or moistening, if necessary, made to cor-
respond with the air-cell charts furnished with the
machine, the eggs having also been turned as directed,
then a poor hatch is almost surely the fault of the eggs.
Early in the season eggs are less likely to be fer-
tile. Very late in the season many are infertile, and
the germs are feeble, causing many to die in the shell.
Eggs with thick, dark shells are harder to hatch than
others, and many germs die in the shell or turn out
feeble chicks. Eggs should be of about the same age,
should not be kept over two weeks before starting and
must all be put into machine at same time. Extremely
large eggs and long slender ones do not hatch well.
Better operate the machine empty a few days at
beginning of each season. Fill the lamp every morning
and trim the wick by scraping off the top. Have a
new wick for every hatch and use good oil. If acci-
dents happen and temperature goes above one hundred
and five, chicks will be somewhat injured. Even one
hundred and ten for a few hours does not necessarily
kill, but most of the chicks will be weakened. Eggs
should be sprinkled and cooled at once after having
been much overheated.
In five days from the start, test the eggs, take out
those that are not fertile, mark doubtful ones, putting
them back to be inspected ten days later. Give no
HELPS IN HATCHING SEASON 63
/
moisture the first week, very little the second and a
great deal the latter part of the last week. But follow
the directions from the manufacturer as to moisture
and depend more upon the size of the egg air cell than
upon any set rule. Turn the eggs at intervals of twelve
hours and change the position of the drawers each time.
Drawers that are nearest the lamp should be placed
furthest away once in twenty-four hours, the front
end of the drawer being turned to the back of the
machine. When the eggs begin to pip do not disturb
the hatch till it is well through, as taking out moist
chickens from the machine lowers the temperature,
lessens the degree of moisture and impairs the hatch
of the remainder.
A well-known Illinois poultryman, Fred Grundy,
was asked to give some elementary incubator advice.
He wrote as follows :
"Practice with the machine until you can run it
steadily day and night without any change in the tem-
perature of the egg chamber. You should be able to
do this in a week. Then put in the eggs. This will
lower the temperature of the egg chamber very much
unless the eggs are first warmed. I prefer warming
nicely before putting in. Very early in the morning is
the best time for starting, for the thermometer can be
looked at at least once each hour until ten o'clock the
following night. If it remains steady everything is
right. At the end of ten days you may test out the
infertile eggs, and put in one pan of lukewarm water
for moisture. Repeated experiments have thoroughly
satisfied me that each hatching should be placed in the
machine at one time, and no eggs added thereafter
even if two-thirds are tested out as infertile.
"At the end of two weeks the heat of the hatching
eggs will be such that you must watch closely lest the
temperature rise too high. Be sure that it never goes
64
POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
above one hundred and three degrees. If there must
be a variation, ninety-five degrees is far better than one
hundred and five. If the air in the room is constantly
warm and dry, place a second pan of lukewarm water
in the machine at the end of the second wreek. If the
room is in a cellar and moisture shows on the windows,
one pan of water under the eggs is quite sufficient.
"When the eggs begin to hatch don't open the door
for love or money. Have the thermometer fastened so
the chicks cannot knock it over and see that the tem-
perature does not rise above one hundred and three.
Don't remove the chicks from the chamber until they
FIG 70: PLAN FOR HOMEMADE INCUBATOR
have been hatched at least twenty hours ; then quickly
place them in a brooder heated to one hundred. When
you buy an incubator see that the egg tray fits the
chamber, so that newly hatched chicks cannot possibly
fall over its edges into the moisture pans below."
How to Make an Incubator — Scores of machines
have been made according to the following description,
and good success in hatching has resulted. This incu-
bator requires closer or more frequent attention than
do machines with a more elaborate system of heat
regulation, but with care and experience first-rate
hatches may be obtained.
HELPS IN HATCHING SEASON 65
Figure 70 gives a general idea of what is to be
made. A side sectional view showing the internal ar-
rangement and construction is shown in Figure 71.
The egg drawer is at e, the heater box at h, the sawdust
L
FIG 71 : SECTION PLAN OF INCUBATOR
filling to retain heat at ^ s s and the ventilator box is at
b, filled with sawdust up to the dotted line.
Use well-seasoned matched pine boards one inch
in thickness for all parts except the sides and ends of
the egg drawer, which should be a quarter of an inch
heavier.
FIG 72 : INCUBATOR DRAWER AND HEATER
The heater is made first and is shown at a in Fig-
ure 72. It is three feet by four feet and six inches
high. It takes two boards six inches wide and four
feet long for the sides ; and two boards six inches wide
and two feet ten inches long for the front and back ;
the top, being made of matched boards nailed on very
66
POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
tightly, has eight holes bored in it. The center holes
are for a three-eighths-inch bolt seven inches long, with
a large flat head on one end and a thumbscrew on the
other. The other holes are for six escape pipes, which
are fifteen inches long and three-fourths of an inch in
diameter. Bore three holes on each side three inches
from the outside edges of the sides ; the first three
inches from the corner, the second fifteen inches from
the corner, the third twenty-seven inches from the cor-
ner, as shown in Figure 72, a.
'
-1
'
O C 0
O O 0
o o O
X
X
FIG 73 : VENTILATOR BOX FOR INCUBATOR
Now cut two holes, eight inches from opposite
corners (one is shown in the drawing), in the center
of the sides and four inches in diameter ; and over both
the inside and outside tack stout pieces of tin contain-
ing round holes two and one-half inches in diameter.
These holes are for the lamp pipes, and the tin protects
the wood from fire. Directly under each of these holes
inside, nail a piece of tin a foot square, putting it half
an inch from the bottom, bending down the two cor-
ners not nailed half an inch. When the zinc is nailed
HELPS IN HATCHING SEASON 67
on, this will make two thicknesses, with half an inch
air space, and will prevent overheating below the lamp
pipes. Use stout zinc for covering the bottom, with a
hole for the bolt in the center of it. Nail it on with
double rows of lath nails, about an inch apart, and it
will be air tight. Put the bolt in and tighten up the
thumbscrew.
The drawer, Figure 72, b, is five inches deep in
front, four feet nine inches long, and two feet eleven
and one-half wide. After saving a space in front eight
inches wide for sawdust, take a piece of heavy, coarse
muslin or tow and stretch tightly over the bottom and
fasten with tacks. Nail a board nine inches wide under
the front space for sawdust, but cover the other parts
with slats one inch square, nailing them on crosswise
through the tow, and place them about an inch apart.
A very convenient and complete egg turner may
be made by making a frame with beveled cross-slats.
This should be three inches shorter than the inside
measurement of the drawer, and just wide enough to
slide nicely. The sides of the frame should be seven-
eighths by three-eighths of an inch ; the ends, seven-
eighths square. The slats are seven-eighths of an inch
high and one-half an inch across the bottom, and are
one and seven-eighths inches apart at the top. It is
well to put the slats two inches apart for extra large
eggs or duck or turkey eggs. By moving or sliding
this frame back and forth, the eggs turn very nicely.
The ventilator box, with the bottom of the incu-
bator, is represented standing upright in Figure 73.
The box proper is three by four feet, the same as the
heater, but eight inches high. By noticing the draw-
ing, it will be perceived that the bottom of the incu-
bator is eight inches larger every way than the
ventilator box, and that the same matched boards
answer for both. The twelve half-inch holes are for
68 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
twelve tin pipes to furnish ventilation from below.
These pipes are eight inches long. The sides of the
ventilator box extend out even with the bottom of
the incubator for the drawer to slide on.
Having made this, place the drawer on it, and
the heater on the drawer, and fasten the heater and
ventilator together with boards nailed on the sides
and back. The boards should be one foot wide, and
be nailed so as to allow the drawer to work nicely
between the heater and ventilator. These boards on
the sides must project the same at the front as do the
sides of the ventilator. Next fit an eight-inch board
over the front of the drawer, keeping it level with the
zinc. This keeps the sawdust from falling into
the drawer.
Now with the bottom as a guide, build the outer
box for sawdust, making it nine inches higher than
the top of the heater, and taking care to fit the front
boards around the end of the drawer nicely. To
allow the lamp pipes to enter, cut holes in the outer
box the same as was done in the heater, but using tins
on the outside only. Where the lamp pipes pass
through the sawdust, a box for sand must be made
of sufficient size to properly protect the sawdust. The
tinsmith must make the lamp and escape pipes as
stovepipe is made, but the ventilator pipes may be
soldered, as they are in no danger of melting. The
escape pipes must be cut off so as to come to a point,
so that when they are pushed down and touch the
zinc, only a small draft is allowed, and the draft cannot
become closed.
The lamp pipes should be two and one-half inches
in diameter, with elbows in them allowing the pipes
to extend into the heater three inches at one end, and
at the other end to fit a tin lamp chimney with an
isinglass window in it one inch in diameter. This
HELPS IN HATCHING SEASON 69
isinglass window is to see the flame of the lamp and
should be cut where the flame can be readily seen. A
large fount lamp with a Number 2 burner is placed
on a slide that can be pushed under the incubator (as
shown in Figure 70), when removed for trimming.
The legs hold up the drawer when drawn out,
and t the handle is merely a crosspiece fastened to
them. ' The legs extend three inches below the bottom
of the incubator, and they just clear the floor when
the incubator is placed on two pieces of scantling to
allow air to pass up through the pipes in the ven-
tilator box.
After setting the incubator in the place where it
is to be used, put sand into the boxes around the lamp
pipes, and put sawdust in the ventilator box up to
within one inch of the top of the pipes; also in front
of the drawer and all around the sides, and on top of
the heater up to within an inch of the top of the escape
pipes, being careful not to allow any sawdust to get in
the pipes. Cover the sawdust with paper, allowing
the pipes to be open.
You are now ready to light the lamps. Use head-
light oil (one hundred and fifty degrees test), keep the
lamps at a medium hight, and in a few days you will
have the incubator thoroughly heated. By observing
the two good thermometers in the front and back ends
of the drawer, you can easily keep the temperature at
one hundred and three degrees by turning the lamp
screws up or down. When you have the machine
under proper control, put the eggs in, and in about
twelve hours they will be warm enough without turn-
ing up the lamps, and they will remain so unless the
lamps are changed when filled and trimmed.
By trimming every other day, and filling daily,
the temperature can easily be kept uniform by looking
at the thermometers every six hours and turning the
7O POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
lamps up or down. From one hundred and two
degrees to one hundred and five degrees is the proper
temperature. Good, reliable thermometers must be
used and the bulbs should rest on eggs with the tops
slightly elevated.
Egg Tester — Figure 74 represents a contrivance
for testing the freshness or fertility of eggs, useful in
FIG 74 : EGG TESTER
the household or to the poultry fancier. It consists
of a small handle, with a cup in the end of it; around
the cup is fastened a frame of sheet tin or stiff card-
board. This frame has a hole in the center, of the
shape and size of an egg, and a strip of black ribbon
or cloth is fastened around the frame, projecting a
little beyond the inner edge. To test the egg, it is
placed in the cup, so as to fill the space in the center
HELPS IN HATCHING SEASON Jl
of the frame, the edge of the black cloth or ribbon
fitting close to the shell. When the egg is held close
to a bright light, the light passes through the egg, and
shows a fresh or infertile one to be perfectly clear,
while a fertile one that has been sat upon, or that has
been in the incubator two days, will show the embryo,
as in the engraving, as a dark cloudy spot.
Handling Eggs — They should be picked up twice
a day in summer at least, and it is better to keep up
the practice all the year round. They should be care-
fully assorted, putting in one class only large, clean-
FIG 75 : EGG CABINET
shelled eggs. Into the other basket should go all the
very small ones, all the thin-shelled ones, all the poor-
shaped ones, all with discolored shells. Some of the
dirty ones may very likely be carefully washed and put
with those of the best grade. For a grade of eggs
selected like these and always to be depended upon,
there should be no difficulty in rinding a regular mar-
ket at several cents per dozen above the average price.
The few culls that remain can be sold to boarding
houses or bakeshops, if offered in a strictly fresh state.
72 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
Eggs for hatching may be kept three or four
weeks if properly stored. Figure 75 shows a cabinet
for the purpose. The drawers are fitted with the
pasteboard fillers from old egg cases, which may be
bought for a few cents at the grocery stores. Turning
the eggs is not essential if they are to be set within
FIG 76: EGG CASE
two weeks. For turning, a lath cover must be made
for each drawer so that drawer and eggs may be
turned in one movement and replaced with the cover
beneath. At next turning the whole is reversed. The
drawers must be so planned to allow for cover if
turning the eggs by rapid process is to be practiced.
FIG 77: EGG CARRIER
Another plan for keeping choice eggs is shown in
Figure 76. The eggs if kept long should be turned at
least every other day, to keep them in good condition,
and this is lots of work if done egg by egg. Make
a box just shoal enough to hold one section of paste-
board fillers. Lay some soft papers beneath the fillers
HELPS IN HATCHING SEASON
73
and tack others (or a sheet of corrugated paper) to
the under side of the lid. The whole box can then be
gently turned over with one motion, and in a day or
two turned back again. Shoal pasteboard boxes that
would answer the purpose can often be obtained at
dry goods stores.
Carrying and Shipping — Before shipping eggs for
hatching, the first thing to decide upon is a method
JULLL.U
FIG 78 : EGG SHIPPING CASE
of packing, so that they are likely to reach their des-
tination in safety. There have been many forms of
packages devised for transporting eggs, but the old-
fashioned basket method is about the best of all. The
small, flat-bottomed fruit basket can be purchased
cheaply, and being light and conveniently handled is
not so likely to be knocked around as a box would be;
rough handling is apt to kill the germ or prove
74 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
detrimental to its keeping. The bottom of the basket
should be lined with dry, soft hay, and each egg
wrapped separately in paper and placed in the basket
with the large end downward, so that they will not
quite touch; fill in chaff or dry sawdust between each
egg, then cover with another layer of hay; over all lay
smoothly a stout piece of muslin the size of the top
of the basket and sew on with strong twine, drawing
firmly to prevent eggs moving about. Packed in this
manner eggs may be sent long distances without being
shaken sufficiently to injure their fertility.
When a basket of eggs is to be carried over a
rough road, either the horse must be made to walk all
the way, or broken eggs be carried back. Saw off the
bottom of an empty grocery box and mount it above
its cover by four small springs from the upholsterer's,
or from a worn-out chair or couch. Set the basket
of eggs in this (Figure 77) and it will ride safely over
rough roads with the horse at a trot.
For shipping in large numbers, a cheap case is
shown in Figure 78. Nail handles on a small shoe
box. Cut pasteboard to fit together, as shown in the
illustration. Fasten the slits well together by pressing
the top piece crosswise into the bottom piece. Illus-
tration shows the construction of the pasteboard slips
and appearance when complete.
CHAPTER VIII
FROM INCUBATOR TO BROODER
Some style of mother is necessary to take care of
the early hatched chicks, so the brooder and incu-
bator go hand in hand. Both the pipe system,
using hot water for heat, and a drum heated by a
lamp from below, are used ; each has its advocates and
gives good results. Aside from the matter of cost
there is little to choose between them. Up to within
a few years, incubators and brooders were used only
by fanciers and commercial poultry keepers, but of
late they are being very generally adopted by farmers
who raise from one hundred to five hundred chickens
a year.
Warm the brooder pipes a day or two before the
hatch is due. Take care not to bare the chickens in
transferring them from incubator to brooder. Use
large flat baskets for the purpose. Put a newspaper
in the basket first, then a thick woolen shawl or old
blanket under and over them. Take them rapidly
from the basket, put them under the pipes and shut
them in tightly for a time. Do not feed the chickens
for twenty-four hours after hatching. Good food
for the first week is cracker, ground in a bone
mill quite coarse and mixed with as much milk
as it will absorb, heated quite hot. It is not a
bad plan to heat all the food for the first two
weeks. After the first clay or two teach them
to drink milk. Grind broken crockery quite fine and
put a little pile beside their food for grit. Use a
smooth, clean board on which to spread their food and
76 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
clean the board after each meal. Get them out of
doors the first week if possible during the midday sun.
Give bits of onion or cabbage to keep them busy while
out of doors. When they stop running or lose in-
terest, take them in again.
After the first week give three feeds daily of shorts
and corn meal scraped to a crumbly mass. In one
feed put one-sixth beef scraps, in the other two feeds
put onions or cabbage chopped fine and spread over
the plates of dough. For other feeds during the day-
make a mound of sand, putting in with it meal to be
scratched for and eaten as soon as light. Wheat, corn
and barley, all cracked, are good for a feed at noon and
the last feed at night. It is a good plan to store sods
of grass for the first two hatches, as the earth is quite
bare when they come out. Sow the yards and runs to
rye for late hatches. The brooder must be cleaned
out under the pipes every day, putting in clean sand.
Clean out the entire pen when the brood is changed
into another pen.
Very clear and practical directions are sent by
L. Richards, who has used incubator and brooders
with great success on his Massachusetts farm:
"The chicks are left in the incubator two days after
they are hatched, then they are removed to the
brooder, which is heated by a kerosene lamp in the
rear, outside. The brooder is warmed by top heat,
through tin pipes running on either side within, one
in the middle and another across the front, all con-
nected, of course, with two outlets in the rear portion.
I have six brooders, each large enough for seventy-
five chicks. The first week I keep the temperature
between eighty degrees and ninety degrees. When
two weeks old seventy-five degrees will answer, and at
four or five weeks, seventy degrees. In the bottom of
the brooder there is a platform slide resting on the
lower one and covering it, on which the chicks rest.
FROM INCUBATOR TO BROODER 77
After a few clays I pull out the slides and remove the
droppings, then re-cover with hayseed and replace
them. They should afterward be cleaned every day.
Have a coarse sand floor or ground for them to run on
and pick to grind their food. The first week, if cold, I
use outside of the brooder a small seventy-five degree
oil stove or heater to warm the house for them, espe-
cially while they are out feeding.
"For the first two weeks they require a great deal
of warmth, and I am convinced that the cause of death
among so many small chicks is due to lack of warmth.
I speak from experience. The same is true with
chicks brooded by the hen. We have often found an
apparently dead chicken, chilled outside, and brought
it to life by warming it; in nine cases out of ten it will
revive and thrive. When the small chicks are out
feeding in the brooder house during the first week,
watch them more or less and see that none get chilled.
After the first week they will generally go in and under
the brooder at their own option, and when the sun is
out and shining through the glass they will crowd
together in the sunshine, and during a very cold day
they will get chilled even in the sun's rays (unless the
house is very warm) rather than go under the brooder
where it is warmer. They like the sun. During the
first week I have a fine wire shutter with which to
close them in the brooder when they have been out
long enough, and always at night for a week, and
perhaps two, if cold. If not so restrained, they would
get out too early in the morning, become chilled and
die. After the first week or two I do not use it; let
them go out and in at will. One other point should
be mentioned and that is, I should advise one not to
touch an incubator until he has raised chicks success-
fully by the hen. It is one thing to hatch chicks and
quite another to raise them successfully.
70 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
"In regard to feed for chicks, which, of course,
applies to chicks with the hen as well as those in the
brooder, we give them the first day or two, when they
are old enough to eat, cooked eggs chopped fine. Get
the hen well filled with corn or some soft feed before
feeding the egg to the chicks, otherwise the hungry
hen will gobble it up. After this give them some
baked Indian meal and flour bread mixed, chopped
fine, and milk to drink.
"After the first week give them ground oats,
cracked oats, cracked wheat and sifted cracked corn,
boiled broken rice and white flour bread or graham
bread. Milk if vou have it, if not, water for the
FIG 79 : DIAGRAM OF BROODER WITH DRUM
brooder chicks. Give them meat scrap which con-
tains ground bone, and also cut fresh bone. You can
perhaps keep a small chick alive on cracked corn
alone, the same as half the farmers do, but that is not
what the man or woman wants who is raising chicks
for profit and who desires to get three pound per pair
chicks in ten, or, at the farthest, twelve weeks, and to
do this you must work them for all they are worth.
But do not feed on cracked corn alone. I assure you
they get tired of it, the same as we would upon a diet
of bread alone. Let them have free access to coarse
sand or any kind of grit. Don't leave any holes open
at night in your houses for rats to crawl through."
FROM INCUBATOR TO BROODER
79
An Improved Brooder — Figure 79 shows the lamp
below a sheet of iron that securely shuts off the lamp
chamber from the space above. (See also Figure 80.)
Bed the sheet iron in white lead to make it air tight.
Above the sheet iron is a floor of matched stuff, and in
the center is a five-inch drum opening into the space
between the floor and the sheet iron. Around the top
of the drum are openings that let the hot air out into
the brooder.
The top of the drum extends out for ten inches
all around the drum and from the outer edge a flannel
FIG 80: IMPROVED BROODER
curtain is hung, inclosing a circular space with the
drum in the center. The curtain is "slashed" up every
three inches. Within this curtain will be the warmest
place in the brooder. It will always be warm in there.
If it becomes too warm the chicks will go outside the
curtain. The addition of this inclosed hover renders
it practically impossible for the chickens to be chilled
or overheated, and makes a very excellent brooder into
one that cannot well be improved.
The dotted line (Figure 79) shows where the
cover can be placed for an inside brooder. If it is to
be used out of doors it must have a sloping cover.
8o
POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
Put two lights of glass either in the cover or on oppo-
site sides.
Brooder for Fifty Chicks — The brooder used by
Mr A. F. Stewart of Monmouth county, New Jersey,
is shown in the diagram (Figure 81), being two and
one-half by two and one-half by two feet, having can-
ton flannel flaps around the heating drum, in which the
young chicks can cuddle. The holes, a a, are for venti-
FIG 8 1 : BROODER FOR FIFTY CHICKS
lation. About fifty chicks are confined in each pen or
brooder. The feed of the young chicks for the first
week or two is mainly stale wheat bread (wheat being
preferred to rye), which can be bought cheap from
the baker. This is broken up fine and wet with milk
or water, milk if possible. After a few weeks the chicks
are kept in small houses.
A Handy Little Brooder — Take a box three feet
square and eighteen inches deep; remove top and bot-
FROM INCUBATOR TO BROODER 8 1
torn. On this box (Figure 82) nail a square of zinc,
tin or sheet iron, which will exactly cover it, as at a a.
Nail on top of this zinc cover, around the outside
edges, strips of board one inch square, cutting a space,
b b, three-fourths of an inch wide, in center of each
side. On these strips nail board cover or floor, c c.
Bore in center of this cover a two-inch hole, d, insert-
ing a two-inch zinc tube three inches long. For hover,
e, take a board eighteen or twenty-four inches square,
nail four legs four inches long to the four corners.
Tack three-inch fringe or strip of felt or flannel around
edges, slashing the same every three or four inches.
FIG 82: SMALL LAMP BROODER
A fence will be required around the top to keep
chicks from falling off, also a cleated run for them to
go up and down. Place a common lamp underneath
this box to warm air in space, which is drawn in
through spaces b b and passes up through tube and
radiates out over chicks, keeping them constantly sup-
plied with fresh air. Bore hole in hover and insert
thermometer, h. Keep the temperature at one hundred
the first few days, the second week lower to ninety,
third week eighty or less is sufficient; do not keep
them too warm.
82 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
Cheap Brooder — As a substitute for expensive
brooders, the device illustrated in Figure 83 will make
a good home for early hatched chicks. It is two and
one-half feet square and about the same hight in
front, while behind it is enough shorter to give the
shed roof a nice pitch. Nearly the entire front is glass,
beneath which is a place for chicks to pass in and out.
This can be closed when desired by a slide door as
shown in the illustration.
FIG 83 : HOMEMADE BROODER
A curtain is let down over the sash during the
night and rolled up out of the way in the daytime.
It is warmed by a common barn lantern, which is held
in position by a square box, which extends through
the roof, and also serves as a ventilator. The cap of
the ventilator is adjustable, permitting the lantern to
be taken out and put in at pleasure. The ventilator is
perforated at the base to permit the heat to radiate
through the room, and also near the top to allow the
gases from the burning oil to escape. The entire bot-
tom is arranged to slide in and out as a drawer, so it
FROM INCUBATOR TO BROODER 83
may be taken out and cleaned, which should be done
every day. It costs but a dollar or so, according to
material used.
The "Sure" Brooder — A small poultryman often
wants a cheap and suitable brooder that he can make
himself with little or no expense, as he cannot afford
five to twenty-five dollars for a brooder. The one out-
FIG 84: THE SURE BROODER
lined in Figure 84 can be made in an hour or two by
any person at all expert with tools. A box three feet
long by two and one-half feet broad and eighteen
inches deep should be made of matched pine lumber.
A tight floor of tin or sheet iron should be put in just
below the letter a in the cut. This should support
from one-half to one inch of sand, which will need re-
84 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
newing every week. The metal floor should project
outside the box as shown by c and be nailed down
firmly. This will prevent any odor from the lamp
entering the chicken room, a. At c? is the front of the
brooder and it is made of a strip of heavy flannel or
felt and hangs to the floor from the ceiling of the en-
trance to the little chamber. There should be small
slits made in the flannel but not extending too far up,
though every third or fourth cut may be longer than
the others. This keeps out the cold and makes the
room dark.
The platform e outside the brooder is two and one-
half by three feet, which will be ample room until the
chickens are a week old. It is hinged to the brooder
and the board / is hinged to the platform so as to keep
it level while the chickens are using it. When a larger
room is required, / can be folded under e, and e be-
comes an incline to a larger pen. b is the lower part of
the brooder in which a small hand lamp is placed to
heat it and several inch auger holes should be bored in
the sides of b to supply fresh air and enable the lamp
to burn, g indicates the iron floor whose edges project
and are nailed down, h is a smaller piece of metal at-
tached to it underneath, and about half the size of the
floor. It must not strike the floor at any point, but
preserve an air space one-half inch between it and the
floor, so as to take the first heat from the lamp and dis-
perse it evenly over the floor that supports the sand on
which the chickens stand. If this be omitted the lamp
will make the sand floor hot in one spot and not warm
enough in another. Too much heat is worse than cold
for young chickens.
A window brooder is described as follows by F. J.
Sheldon, Hartford county, Connecticut : "A box with
a side or top wide enough to occupy a window, say
three feet square and one and one-half feet deep, is
FROM INCUBATOR TO BROODER 85
obtained. This is so arranged that a heater is made
with a lamp and the chicks allowed a space on top.
For the top of the box, or floor on which the chicks are
kept, matched boards are best. A radiating space for
hot air is made by tacking two-inch cleats inside of the
box to the floor. To these should be fastened a sheet
of galvanized iron which fits inside of the box quite
snugly. This gives a heating chamber two inches high
and three feet square. This chamber may be warmed
by a common hand lamp, set on a shelf in the box
directly under the center, about three inches being
allowed between the lamp chimney and the iron. To
allow a good circulation in the radiating chamber bore
half-inch holes into it on all sides of the box ; also
bore one, with a one and one-half-inch auger, through
the center of the floor. Make a door in the side of the
box most convenient to put the lamp into. A chimney
to afford an outlet for the hot air is necessary. This
may be made of hard wood with a hole in it the same
size as the hole in the floor and cut down to about two
inches in length and as near round on the outside as
your time may permit. This may be glued down with
bits of tin in position over the hole.
"The cover over the chicks is generally made about
six inches smaller all around than the floor, and is so
framed that it will not warp if heated. Bore four
holes, one in each corner, and get an old broom handle
to fit into these holes. Cut the handles into four-inch
lengths. These make the legs and may be raised or
lowered according to the size of the chickens. When
first out, the cover must be only one-half inch above
the top of the chimney and stands with a piece of
woolen cloth tacked on the sides. A wire fence about
one and one-fourth feet high may be tacked around
the top of the box. This will keep the birds in place
and also protect them from rats, etc, if they are around.
86 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
Some may hesitate about putting fifty chicks in a
brooder, but here are the first steps. The brooder is
built and the lamp lit. Now fit a piece of newspaper
carefully on the floor or top of brooder, and around
the chimney. This done, cover the paper with dry
sand that is formed of grit or fine stones about one-
fourth inch thick. Place a thermometer on the sand
near the chimney and place the cover on."
Large Hot Water Brooder — Figure 85 shows a
box six inches deep, three feet wide and fifty feet long.
Two-inch iron pipes are arranged as shown in the illus-
FIG 85 : HEATER, WATER BARREL AND PIPING
tration, the top of the box being removed to show the
interior. The hot .water may be supplied by an ordi-
nary stove "water back," or by a coil of pipe in a
stove. This is heated by a piece of pipe one inch in
diameter, coiled in a stove, holes being cut in the stove
for the purpose of admitting pipes. The hot water
flows out and the cold water flows in. The floor of the
box is made close, with tongued and grooved boards.
The cold air enters through tubes reaching to the out-
side of the building. It is heated by coming in con-
tact with the pipes, and enters into the tubes on the
top of the floor, which are two and a half inches high.
FROM INCUBATOR TO BROODER O/
Another Homemade Brooder — This brooder has a
heater four feet long, one foot wide and six inches high.
The top is covered with zinc nailed on tightly. There is
no bottom except over one-third of the back end. The
front has a sliding door with a window to look at the
lamp. The inside of the sides is lined with tin, and
the chimney hole is one inch from the bottom in the
middle of the back, and is for a tin pipe one and three-
eighths inches in diameter. The neater is shown in
\
\
FIG 86: DIAGRAM OF BROODER
Figure 86, giving a bottom view without the sliding
door in front, and with boards one foot wide nailed on
the top through the zinc.
Figure 87 gives a top view of the same after strips
two inches wide have been fitted in at each end of the
zinc to make a level surface all around the edge. Next
nail strips, also two inches wide, all around the edge,
except at the corner opening one and one-half
88 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
inches wide to admit fresh air; b is a strip ten inches
long nailed on to conduct the fresh air to the zinc.
Now if this is covered with matched boards there
will be a chamber two inches deep over the zinc and
one inch elsewhere. Bore a hole in the center for a
pipe three inches long and one and one-eighth inches
in diameter. Around this pipe and on this floor the
chicks keep warm and sleep under a cover, also made
of matched boards, two inches smaller every way than
FIG 87 I SECTION VIEW OF BROODER
the floor. This cover has four round legs which go
through holes and raise and lower by means of nails,
used as pegs in stay pieces which hold the matched
boards together. Around the edge of the cover tack
carpet or blanket cut in slits every four inches so that
the chicks may run in and out. The blanket should be
four inches wide and the cover kept two and one-half
inches from the floor when the chicks are first put in
the brooder. When the brooder is in operation, warm
FROM INCUBATOR TO BROODER 89
air is thus constantly flowing over their backs and ven-
tilation is perfect. A tin chimney twenty inches long
will carry off the fumes from the lamp.
Put the brooder under a warm, sunny shed, and
set it on the ground, or bank up nearly level with the
floor and make a pit for the lamp with an open cover.
Be careful not to cover the hole where the fresh air
enters the brooder. Place the lamp as far under as
you can reach, using straight tin chimneys with isin-
glass windows in them. The same kind of lamps and
oil should be used as for an incubator. The lamp need
not be turned up high, nor must the chimney be nearer
the zinc than two inches ; eighty degrees is warm
FIG 88: BROODER FOR MILD CLIMATE
enough for them. No thermometer need be used in the
brooder. Keep dry sand on the floor and clean off the
droppings every morning. Let their run be small at
first and do not let them out when young in damp or
stormy weather.
Warm Weather Brooder — A brooder which will
answer very well for late-hatched chicks or for loca-
tions where the climate is mild, is that devised by a
successful California poultryman, who writes:
"I have constructed a brooder (Figure 88), six feet
across the front, four feet in depth and six feet in hight.
The walls are of common rough lumber and battened ;
the roof is made of shakes and has a sharp pitch each
9O POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
way, the gables closed with grain sacks for better ven-
tilation. There are set in the front three sash doors
twenty-four by thirty inches each, and made to swing
outward for convenience in getting to the chicks.
"About one-half of the interior is floored and
sanded. Six inches below the sash doors a solid door
is hung to admit of lighting the lamp, etc. There are
three compartments, separated one from the other by
means of wire cloth or netting, about eighteen inches
high from front to rear, and situated in front of the
mother, with hight sufficient to permit the ready egress
and ingress of the chicks. Such a house as described
FIG 89 I OUTDOOR BROODER AND RUN
can be built at a cost not exceeding six dollars and
fifty cents. The material employed consists of one
hundred and fifty feet of lumber, four pairs of strap
hinges, three sashes, fifty shakes, and two pounds of
nails. As soon as the chicks are dry I place them in
this brooder, in the sun if it is shining brightly, if not,
then they are placed with the mother, taking care to
provide a shady retreat which the chicks will seek if it
should become too warm."
A very convenient size is one that will accom-
modate fifty chickens until three months old, two
feet wide and four feet long; the sides are twelve
FROM INCUBATOR TO BROODER Ql
inches high under the glass, sloping to three inches at
the back ; the cover of the back or inclined part should
be movable, and lined with sheepskin or with pieces of
flannel cut into strips three inches wide, and tacked to
the under surface of the lid so as to hang down length-
wise with the lid ; from the highest part of the lid
should hang a curtain made of flannel all across the
box, and to within half an inch of the floor ; this keeps
the cold air out of their roosting place. The front half
of the brooder is covered with four panes of glass ; this
admits the sun. The black dots in each peak are in-
tended to represent one-inch holes for ventilation.
An ordinary stone gallon jug (placed beneath the
lid) filled with hot water four or five times a day, will
furnish all the heat needed.
Figure 89 represents another artificial mother for
outdoor use in mild weather,, and a wire run for the
chicks. It is very simple in its construction ; it is made
on the same principle as the mother previously de-
scribed, excepting the bottom is separate from the body
of the coop, which can be removed to clean. It is very
important that it should be kept free from the drop-
pings of the chicks, for if they are allowed to accumu-
late they will breed lice. If the weather should be too
cold for the comfort of the chicks then a jug of hot
water should be placed within the box; this will not
be necessary unless very cold, as a large number of
chicks huddled together will generate a considerable
amount of heat.
CHAPTER IX
TRAPS FOR POULTRY PESTS
Rats are no doubt the prime nuisance in most
poultry raising sections. They steal grain and eggs,
disturb sitting hens and kill young chickens by whole-
sale. By reason of their numbers and boldness they
usually give more trouble than the wild pests of the
swamp and forest. To fight them with cats is to invite
a remedy which may prove nearly as bad as the dis-
ease. A trained rat dog is the best policeman for pests
of this kind, and he may be taught to drive off strange
cats. He will in fact fight or at least give warning of
any dangerous intruders except hawks. Rats often
nest and burrow directly under chicken houses and
coops. When the owner suspects anything of the
kind let him call his dog and pry up the coop or tip it
over, and Snip will do the rest.
A simple, but where rats are numerous, very effec-
tive trap is made by taking a large shallow box with
the lid shut down and but one small hole in the side
near the bottom. For this hole have a sliding lid which
will stay open and can be shut suddenly. Place the
box on the barn or stable floor, put some grain or other
bait in it, and leave it for several days. Put everything
else that is eatable as much out of the reach of rats as
practicable. Renew the grain in the box if it is taken.
Then when the rats have got used to the box and re-
sort to it regularly for their feed, come up to it softly,
shut down the sliding lid, take the box off into some
open space, where the rats will have fair play, call
the dogs and let the rats get away — if they can. Then
TRAPS FOR POULTRY PESTS
93
take back the box and proceed as before, using another
bait or putting the box in another place as soon as you
fail of success.
An old-style box trap with a modern improvement
or two is a sure and secure rat catcher. Get a com-
mon box, remove the top and one side and put them
together as at e (Figure 90), and fasten with a hinge
as at a. Fasten a spool, c, in the end of a board, b, and
nail it to the back of the box. Then bore a one-inch
hole about six inches from bottom of box, and at h cut
FIG
IMPROVED RAT TRAP
a notch in the outside of the end board. Sharpen stick,
g, at each end. The stick, / i, should be twelve inches
long, notched at k, so as to balance in the hole. The
end / should be pointed, and the end i notched and
pointed. Fasten a string at m, bring over the spool at
e and down to g, and tie at middle of stick g.
Have the string short enough so that when set the door
will be wide open, about eight inches. Place bait of
any kind on /. When a rabbit or other pest sniffles it
he will dislodge stick, g, by moving it at i, and the
94
POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
cover will drop. Sometimes a weight can be used on
the cover to advantage.
Cat Trapj — A slight modification of the common
box trap, as in Figure 91, makes it the best kind of a
cat trap. A robber cat in a trap is a desperate tartar
to handle and if drowned while inside, no other cat
will soon enter. To organize a quiet funeral, have a
slide, a, just large enough for the prisoner to poke her
head through. Then push down the slide and finish
her catship with a mallet stroke.
FIG 91 : CAT TRAP
Trapping and Killing Skunks — These are a nui-
sance about a farmhouse or barnyard, and where they
get into the habit of raiding the chicken yards, must
be gotten rid of at any cost. Often they are allowed
to make and occupy nests in the vicinity of the barn
and house and remain undisturbed on account of the
disagreeable consequences an interference would bring
about. The average man would rather beard the lion
in his den than risk an encounter with a skunk. A
pair of these animals made their abode beneath the
TRAPS FOR POULTRY PESTS
95
floor of a neighbor's summer kitchen, and as the floor
was not tight, got into the habit of coming into the
room above. The farmer captured them by use of
the trap shown in the illustration (Figure 92).
A small-sized dry goods box, not so large but it
can be easily carried, is fixed with a trap door, which
is attached to a lever connected with a trigger in such
a manner that when sprung, the door will drop. The
FIG 92 : SKUNK TRAP
box can be carried with its captive to a safe distance,
where the odor will not be disturbing, and the pris-
oner shot or dispatched by a trusty dog.
The illustration shows the trap ready set. The
trap door, a, is attached to a lever, b, which rests on a
fulcrum at c. The other end of the lever is fastened
to the trigger, d. The trigger passes through the top
of the box, the notch, /, catching on the edge of the
hole in the box, which should be large enough to give
90 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
plenty of play. The trigger stick should be long
enough to reach within an inch of the bottom of the
box, where the bait, e, is fastened. A hinged door in
the side of the box makes the last act easy — that of
dispatching the entrapped animal. If the box is car-
ried carefully, there is no danger of the skunk opening
hostilities until immediate danger threatens him.
' /'/'Jl V ' ' "'
FIG 93 : PROTECTION FROM HAWKS
A safe and quick way with skunks is narrated by
A. H. Binney of Massachusetts, as follows: "I take
an ordinary box trap and bait it with a chicken's head
or piece of liver by tying it onto the spindle, but
before doing that I drag the bait around on the ground,
and every time drag it into the trap so as to give them
a scent to follow. Then I dig a hole in the ground,
two and one-half feet deep, about eighteen inches
across, and now I am ready for the skunk. I am sure
to have him the first morning. I then take trap and
TRAPS FOR POULTRY PESTS 97
drag it to the hole I have dug, lift the trap up and
slide the skunk into the hole. I have my gun handy
but do not have to hurry, as he is a clumsy animal
and would have hard work to get out of the hole, if
FIG 94: TRAPPING A HAWK
he ever could. I have a shovel handy and immedi-
ately after shooting him, cover him with dirt. There
is not the least danger of getting any scent on the
clothes from getting him out of the trap in this way."
90 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
Protection from Hawks — Where hawks abound,
young chicks must be closely guarded. If shut up
closely in pens, growth will be greatly retarded. A
good plan under such circumstances is shown in the
accompanying cut. Plow two furrows parallel to each
other and just far enough apart so that the distance
from the outside of each shall be just six feet. Make
the furrows one hundred and fifty feet long. Stretch
a roll of six-foot wire netting along the furrows,
fastening the edges down with loose stones. This
Trap
FIG 95 I SETTING A HAWK TRAP
gives a long run on both grass ground and plowed
land for the chicks, and hawks cannot molest them.
The coop can be set at one end, the other end being
stopped with sod. The plan is shown in Figure 93.
In Little Compton, Rhode Island, which town
produces annually from thirty thousand to forty thou-
sand chicks, a bounty of twenty-five cents per head is
paid for hen and chicken hawks. The same sum is
paid for crows per head, they being nearly as inimical
TRAPS FOR POULTRY PESTS 99
if not equally so to the career of the chicken. This
bounty is usually voted at the town meeting. At times
it has been left for the town council to fix the sum,
never being more than twenty-five cents per head, and
some years a lesser sum.
Various devices to prevent the near approach of
the above-mentioned birds are noticed about here,
among which may be mentioned the small windmill
so arranged that at each revolution a rapid and noisy
clapping is produced. Another arrangement quite
generally in vogue is to erect long poles about the
chicken yard, a stout cord extending from pole to
pole at top, to which cord are appended multicolored
strips of cloth. This method, while it prominently
advertises the location of the tender morsel, is sup-
posed to intimidate its wary foe.
For catching hawks, the only effective device
seems to be a common steel jaw trap set where the
bird is most likely to alight. A good location is on
the top of a common fence rail or a long pole, set
firmly in the ground. It is best located on some
moderately high point in the middle of a field near the
chicken lot, as indicated in Figure 94. In Figure 95
are shown details of arranging the trap.
CHAPTER X
THIRTY USEFUL DEVICES
A convenient inside arrangement which allows
all common work to be done from the passageway is
indicated by the plan, Figure 96. Drop doors enable
the attendant to fill the dishes and troughs, get the
eggs, clear off the droppings board, and even to take
fowls from the roosts without going into the pens.
The diagram shows also a cloth cover to be drawn in
front of the roosts on cold nights.
A ventilator that can be opened and closed at the
will of the attendant will give good results if given
proper attention, and without attention no ventilator
will give the best results. All ventilators that are in
continuous operation either give too much ventilation
during cold and windy weather or not enough during
still, warm days. As a rule, they give too much ven-
tilation at night and too little during the warm parts
of the day. The one illustrated in Figure 97 can be
readily controlled and is used by G. C. Watson of the
Pennsylvania experiment station.
Ventilators are not needed in severe cold weather,
but during the first warm days of early spring, and
whenever the temperature rises above freezing during
the winter months, some ventilation should be pro-
vided. Houses with single walls will become quite
frosty on the inside during severe weather, which will
cause considerable dampness whenever the tempera-
ture rises sufficiently to thaw out all the frost of the
side walls and roof. At this time a ventilator is most
needed. A ventilator in the highest part of the roof
THIRTY USEFUL DEVICES
101
that can be closed tightly by means of cords or chains
answers the purpose admirably and may be constructed
with little expense. The ease and convenience of
operation are important points, and should not be
Way
FIG 96 I INTERIOR CONVENIENCES
neglected when the building is being constructed. It
is a simple matter for the attendant to open or close
a ventilator as he passes through the house if the
appliances for operating it are within easy reach.
102 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
Pulleys — Figure 98 shows a screw pulley, sold at
hardware stores very cheap, and useful about the
poultry house for operating ventilators, small doors
and windows and feed boxes.
Figure 99 shows a simple way of making pulleys
for raising henhouse windows by a cord operated from
a hallway, or for any other position about farm build-
FIG 97 : GOOD VENTILATION
ings where light pulleys are desired. An empty spool,
from which the thread has been used, has a round plug
driven through it, the ends projecting, as shown.
Two screw eyes of the proper size slip over the ends,
after being screwed into the wall or ceiling. Use
small spools and long screw eyes.
Clean Houses — Useful implements for cleaning
and renovating a poultry house appear in Figure IOO.
THIRTY USEFUL DEVICES 103
The force pump should have nozzle and valves coarse
enough for use in whitewashing. With rather thin
whitewash and a pump, the interior of a lousy hen-
house can be coated in a few minutes. Outside white-
washing can also be done" in this way. A force pump
is good for applying kerosene emulsion where lice,
FIG 98 : SCREW PULLEY
FIG 99 : HOMEMADE PULLEY
nest bugs or fleas are very plenty. The emulsion is
made by adding kerosene oil to soapsuds and shaking
them together in a covered pail until they mix, or by
pumping them a fe\v times from one pail to another.
For applying disinfecting solutions of sulphuric acid
IO4 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
and water, solutions of corrosive sublimate, etc, a
good pump is also convenient. Brass pumps of this
kind cost about five dollars each.
FIG IOO: CONVENIENCES FOR INSIDE WORK
For careful application of whitewash, one of the
brushes shown in Figure' 100 is useful. It is of bristles
outside and fiber within strong and durable. The
THIRTY USEFUL DEVICES
105
large size costs about seventy-five cents. It may be
fitted with a homemade handle.
To clean poultry roosts, feed troughs, and for
scraping trees. Figure 100 shows a handy implement.
It is an old hoe with the edges, a a, cut as illustrated
so as to make it of triangular shape. The blade should
be sharpened occasionally to scrape easily. The
points often come handy in loosening hard or sticky
matter in the corners.
FIG IOI : DUST BATH
In the lower corner of the illustration, Figure 100,
is shown a barrel with roosts around the top, so that
the greater part of the manure from the roosting fowls
is caught in the barrel, where it gives no further
trouble, except to add a little dry earth or coal ashes
once in a while.
Dust Baths — Figure 101 shows a space boxed off
as a dust bath in the sunniest spot in the house, just
below a window. If the box is raised a foot or two
from the floor, the floor space beneath will be avail-
able for the fowls or for nests. For a flock of twenty, a
IO6 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
bath box three by six feet is a good size. An old sink
makes a fairly good receptacle. Fill with dust, ashes
and a little sulphur, all perfectly dry, and the fowls
will use all winter. The space above the dust bin can
also be used as a scratching place or as a shelf for
nests, by putting in a kind of platform. Thus we
have three stones in use; earth floor, dust bath and
FIG IO2t OUTSIDE DUST BATH
FIG IO3 : FOR DUSTING FOWLS
platform floor. An outdoor dust bath is shown in
Figure 102.
To dust chickens by wholesale with any kind of
insect powder, fix a small box with sliding cover, to
revolve, as indicated in Figure 103. Put three or
more chicks in the box, with a spoonful of powder,
close the slide and revolve slowly and carefully three
THIRTY USEFUL DEVICES
107
or four times. There will be a great fluttering inside
and the dust will fill the chicks' feathers very com-
pletely. Then replace these chicks with three others,
and more of the insect powder.
Heating a House — For a brooder house, hot
water systems have the advantages of economy of fuel,
FIG IO4 : HEATER FOR POULTRY HOUSE
with safety and ease of control. The piping is larger
and costs somewhat more than for steam. The style
shown in Figure 104 is quoted by an agricultural
supply company at eighteen dollars to eighty-four
dollars, according to size, and including all piping,
IO8 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
valves and tank. Anybody can set up a heater, and
it is almost as easy to operate as a coal stove. Steam
heat has some advantages for a large plant carefully
planned with all the buildings supplied from a large
boiler. But for the great majority of establishments
a hot water system is to be preferred.
Houses for layers are seldom heated, owing to
the impression that the stock would become feeble
and cold or roup increase. But the tests at the Utah
FIG IO5 : HEATER AND VENTILATOR
experiment farm have attracted much attention as
tending to show that a moderate amount of heat may
be profitable for mature fowls, decidedly increasing
the egg yield. On estates where a greenhouse or
brooder plant is located, there would be little trouble
or expense in turning on a little heat in the henhouse
during very cold days and nights.
Among the many plans in use for warming the
poultry house, the heater illustrated in Figure 105
THIRTY USEFUL DEVICES
109
supplies heat and ventilation or a supply of fresh, warm
air. Any kind of a flat top stove or even a kerosene
stove will give sufficient heat. The size of the stove
should depend on the size of the house, but forty
degrees is a sufficient heat. The illustration shows a
closed box a yard square and an inch deep, made of
ordinary sheet iron. The box or heater is placed on
a small stove, or if legs are attached to each corner of
FIG IO6: LAMP HEATER
the heater, a lamp may be placed under it. The cold
air comes in at a, passes through the box, becoming
heated, and emerges at the pipe b. The cold air pipe
is one-half inch in diameter and the warm air pipe one
inch. The pipe a should be long enough to extend
through the walls to the outside, so as to bring in the
pure air. No ventilators on the top of the building
will be required, and the air will keep the house dry.
Always bring the air in and discharge it near the roof,
IIO POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
as the birds will not then crowd or become lame as
they will when the warmth is below them.
Oil is too costly for poultry house heating except
on a small scale, or in a limited way. For small
flocks of choice hens, the device shown in Figure 106
may help to secure more eggs and to save combs in
zero weather. It is a cheap heater, by which the foul
air is carried off through a smoke pipe, and the air
FIG IO7: FEED COOKER
warmed around the heater, thus avoiding the odor
from the burning oil. The heater was made at the tin
shop and is of good sheet iron, but it would do to use
old milk or oil cans if one has large ones to spare.
The gas from the lamp passes out of the building-
through the pipe funnel, f. The outside shell is two
inches larger in diameter than the inside one, allowing
THIRTY USEFUL DEVICES
III
the air to pass up, become heated and go out to warm
the house. A few holes should be punched around
the base of the heater as shown, to admit air for the
lamp. A common incubator or brooder lamp is used.
Feed Cooker — Where much soft feed is used, a
cooker and warmer is needed. A useful style appears
in Figure 107. It can be had to burn coal or wood,
and costs four dollars to twelve dollars, according to
size. In this connection the feeder is advised to cook
all refuse meat fed to fowls in order to kill any possible
germs of disease. They sometimes get consumption
FIG IO8: SMALL COOKER FOR STOVE
and bowel troubles by eating sickly raw meat.
Cooked meat is also a better keeper than when raw.
Figure 108 represents a cheap feed cooker, which
can be made by cutting an ordinary wash boiler in two
in the middle, having an end soldered on and a handle
attached near the top. Into this during the day throw
all potato parings, vegetable parings and other matter
from the kitchen. Add water and place on the stove
after the evening meal is cooked and let it remain
until the space is needed in the morning for cooking
breakfast, when it is removed. After breakfast is
cooked, it is again replaced and by the time the owner
112 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
is ready to feed the chickens, the whole mess is
thoroughly cooked and is excellent for making a
warm feed for laying hens. The cost is very slight
and old boilers otherwise useless can be utilized.
Worm Box — An abundant supply of worms suit-
able for winter chicks can be bred without the bad
odor caused when meat is used as a breeding
FIG IO9 I WORM BOX
stance, by use of the frame box and filling indicated in
Figure 109. The larger it is made, the better it will
work. Fill with six-inch layers, using horse manure,
loam or garden soil, and the cheap mixture of meal
and dirt which can be had of large grain dealers.
Keep indoors in a warm, light cellar or similar loca-
tion, and the worms will be bred whenever there are
flies to lay the eggs. If earthworms are stored in this
THIRTY USEFUL DEVICES 113
box, they will live and thrive if watered occasionally,
and can be used at convenience.
To Prevent Hens Scratching — Take any stout
piece of cloth about six inches long and two and one-
half inches wide, lap together around the hen's foot,
as in Figure no. This is sure to prevent scratching
and will last all summer. A piece of bagging -will
answer. Do not fasten so tightly as to stop circula-
tion. Use soft cord.
In this connection, C. W. Shorter, Chenango
county, New York, writes: "My hens bothered us
some by digging in the garden and flower beds until
I fixed what I call a poke (Figure no), and fastened
it on their leg. It is made of a piece of white ash
FIG IIO: TO PREVENT SCRATCHING
about six or seven inches long, flattened at one end
and sharpened on the other. The flat end is bent
around the hen's leg and tied with some strong thread.
It drags behind when they walk, but when they go to
scratch, they sit down, and seem quite surprised.
Heavy wire would furnish good ones, and are more
easily made."
Shipping Crates for Fowls — The top strip on each
side of crate (Figure 1 1 1 at the left of the illustration)
should extend four inches at each end of crate, as no
handles can be placed on the coop that will be quite
so convenient. The bottom should be boarded, never
stripped, as in the latter case the birds get their feet
bruised and broken.
114 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
Most transportation companies will return ship-
ping crates free of charge, and m this case it pays to
have good, neat coops. Such coops should be made
strong, but of light, thin material, lath for instance.
Trapdoor in top, side strips up and down, not length-
wise. Wheat or other food in the bottom of a coop
often hurts the sale of fowls if they are sold by weight.
When coops are stripped up and down, then, when
desirable, feed may be given the fowls in vessels
placed outside the coop. Neat appearance helps to
sell all products and is one of the essential factors in
securing top-notch price.
More fowls are shipped by express in cloth coops
in winter than at anv other season. A cloth-covered
FIG Hi: SHIPPING CRATES
coop is scant protection to prevent frozen comb. Take
the same coop, put cover pieces on outside the cloth
cover, as suggested in the sketch at the right of Figure
in, and over these stretch another covering of cloth,
and we have an air space between that will protect the
fowls from cold. Have a tight cover except the slit
for the hand of the expressman, which will also afford
ventilation. With plenty of chaff in the bottom to
keep the feet warm, birds ought to be very comfort-
able in such quarters, even in very cold weather. For
mild weather the crate shown at the right of Figure
1 1 1 is one of the best and is quickly made from a box
or second-hand egg case.
THIRTY USEFUL DEVICES 115
For catching poultry, use. a hook as in Figure
112. It is made from a rod three or four feet long
with a bent wire at the end. The end of the rod should
be ferruled or bound with fine wire. The fowl is
looped by one foot and carefully drawn in the de-
sired direction.
FIG 112: HOOK FOR CATCHING POULTRY
Exerciser for Ducks — Duck breeders often have
trouble in securing fertile eggs because of lack of ex-
ercise for the breeding birds. The method described
by H. H. Stoddard in the New Egg Farm, published
FIG 113: DUCK' AT EXERCISE
by Orange Judd company, overcomes this obstacle by
providing a series of swimming tanks- under feed
cylinders or feeding boards, as shown in Figure 113.
A ditch is cut and boarded1 at sides and bottom, c
showing the original surface of the ground, e an
Il6 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
inclined plane of boards with lath tacked on to secure
foothold, and d a platform with a slight slant for
drainage. The feed cylinder is at a, and a yard or run-
way begins at 3'. If the location allows a shallow
ditch, the approach, e, may be omitted. This tank
may be two, three or four feet wide or even more,
according to the supply of running water. For an ex-
tensive duck ranch the idea is to have the tank three
hundred or four hundred feet long, divided by wire
into sections for the accommodation of scores of fowls.
FIG 114: LEGHORNS WITH COMBS CUT
The ditch and the tank which lines it may be so
constructed that the depth will be just sufficient to
allow the ducks to assume the position shown in the
illustration, being enabled with a little effort to reach
the food which has been dropped from above into the
tanks. While searching for the food, their necks and
legs will be actively employed. The author describes
a system of cylinders or feed boards which extend the
whole length of the tank, and by striking with a ham-
mer at one end food is dropped from the board or
THIRTY USEFUL DEVICES
117
cylinder into each tank. This operation, repeated sev-
eral times a day by the attendant, provides ample
exercise.
Cutting Wings — If a person cares to, it is possible
to cut the wings when the chickens are so young that
their flying ability will be effectually impaired for all
time. This will often prove to be a great advantage,
especially with fowls of the Leghorn, Hamburg and
Minorca breeds. This is not difficult nor painful to
the chick, if done at the right time, and consists simply
in cutting the wing at the last joint; the portion cut
FIG 115: SHIELD FOR INJURED FOWLS
off is but a trifle when the chick is young, but when
it is developed it makes quite a material difference in
its wing power, so much so that it is a comparatively
small matter to confine them, and so far as practica-
bility is concerned, it does not impair their useful
qualities in the least. If the work is done when the
chicken is about ten or twelve days old, it is scarcely
painful, and the chick soon recovers its usual activity.
Trimming Combs — The drawbacks of large
combs and wattles are freezing in our northern states
and the discomforts and strain resulting from carrying
Il8 POULTRY APPLIANCES AND HANDICRAFT
so much weight on the head. It appears as though
the circulation of blood in the head is somewhat
affected by these excessive appendages, for it has been
observed that a Leghorn having frequent spells of
giddiness and staggering can sometimes be quickly
and permanently cured by trimming the comb, and
we would always recommend the trimming of both
comb and wattles for both sexes when two-thirds
grown, as in Figure 1 14, especially in view of freezing
when zero weather occurs. Use shears or scissors in-
stead of a knife so as to pinch the blood vessels and
mitigate the flow of blood.
FIG Il6: HOLDING A PIGEON
Shield for Injured Fowls— This blanket, made of
burlap or bagging (Figure 115), is used to protect
hens or turkeys injured on back or sides during breed-
ing season. Narrow bands or soft cords at sides and
front attach the shield to the fowl under the legs and
in front of breast. Without such precaution, the
wounds made by spurs or claws are constantly being
reopened and become sometimes incurable.
To hold a pigeon firmly but without hurting it,
take the bird as in Figure 116, the breast resting on
the flat of the hand, so that the head is over the little
finger, the legs between the first and second fingers
and the thumb across the back of the bird. The wings
are held closely by the palm and ends of fingers and
the bird will seldom struggle or try to escape.
INDEX
PAGE
Balance for small mills ........ 30
Barrel with roosts ............. 105
Bone mills ................... . 26
Box trap, improved ........... 92
Brooder, a cheap
a handy
a small lamp
an improved
filling a
for fifty chicks ............. 80
for warm weather ........... 89
homemade .................. 87
hot water .................. 91
large hot water ............. 86
operation of ................ 89
the sure .................... 83
window .................... 84
Brooders, various ............. 75
Cabinet for eggs .............. 71
Cat trap ..................... 94
Chickens, carrying young ...... 75
feeding pens for ............ 6
feeding young ........... 75, 78
roost for ................... 43
temperature for ............. 76
to dust ..................... 1 06
Combs, trimming ............. 117
Cooker ....................... no
small ...................... in
Crates, shipping .............. 113
rinder
Crockery, gr
for
31
Door, between pens ...... , ..... 45
combination ................ 44
requirements for . . .......... 44
self-opening ................ 46
Doors, drop .................. 100
Ducks, exerciser for ........... 115
nest for .................... 60
pool for .................... 24
Dust baths ................... 105
Dropping boards .............. 41
Exerciser
PAGE
. . 10
Feed box, protected
slatted
cooker
Feeder, automatic for grains. . .
for chicks
for shell, bone and grit
Feeders, automatic
simple for shell grit
Feeding board
by clockwork
hopper, Bement's
pens for chicks
Fodder cutter .
2
no
7
3
3
4
5
2<J
Food chopper 28
Fountain, covered 14
for chicks ,
for lamp
general purpose
non-freezing^-
oyster-can
protected ,
warmer
-inter .
Grit machine, powerful 33
pounder 31
Grundy's advice on hatching. ... 63
Hawks, bounty for 98
protection from . , 98
trapping . , 99
Heater and ventilator 108
for poultry house 107
for water 1 6
Homemade incubator 65
Hook, poultry 115
Houses, cleaning 102
Incubator for farmers 61
problem, the 61
running an 62
starting an 69
to make 64
Egg carrier „ 72 I Incubators, Grundy on 63
tester
. 61
turner
Eggs, handling ....
:::::::::: 67
71
Injured fowls, protecting
Insect powder, to apply
Kerosene emulsion, to make. .
..118
. .106
..103
68
keeping
72
71
testing ... o
62
.. 6^ Lamo nines •> ° • •
120
INDEX
PAGE
Manure bin 42
Mill for green bones 27
for grit 32
Nests and roost 57
dark 54
for ducks 60
model 51
movable 54
secure 53
simple 51
recording 55
wire 54
Passageway, convenient 100
Pigeon, holding a 118
Pulley, homemade 102
Pulleys 102
Pump for whitewashing 103
Rats, trap for 92
Roost and nest 59
a low 34
a model 34
for cold weather 38
for heavy fowls 39
in oil pan 38
Roosting plan, a warm 38
room separate 40 j
Roosts and dropping boards.... 47
and manure bin 42
cleaner for 105
cover for 105
for chickens 43
improved 35
lice proof 36
on barrel 105
portable 34
support 37
PAGE
Scratching, to prevent 113
Shell, feeder for 5
Shield for fowls 1 1 8
Shipping case for eggs 73
crates 113
Skunk trap 94
to dispose of 96
Stories, three, using 106
Tank for water 12
Tester for eggs 79
Trap for cats 94
for hawks 99
for skunks , 94
nests 55
Trough, covered 2
protected i
wire i
Vegetable cutter 29
Ventilation, when needed ...... 100
Ventilator, box 67
convenient « 100
Warm box 112
Waste of food i
Water can, casing for 22
dish, box for 23
dish, safe . 22
for ducks 24
heater 1 6
supply plan of . . it
Whitewashing, brush for 103
with pump . . 103
Window brooder 84
Windows, double 49
good 46
warm 48
Wings, cutting 117
MAS
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en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | Roodscreens and roodlofts
author: Bond, Frederick Bligh, 1864-1945; Camm, Bede, 1864-1942
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
ajf
t
?
ROODSCREENS
AND
ROODLOFTS
PLATE I
SAINT DAVID'S CATHEDRAL
Screen between Choir and Presbytery
ROODSCREENS
AND
ROODLOFTS
BY
FREDERICK BLIGH BOND
F.R.I.B.A.
Hon. Diocesan Architect for Bath and Wells
AND
The Rev. DOM BEDE CAMM
O.S.B.
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I
LONDON: SIR ISAAC PITMAN & SONS, LTD.
NO. 1 AMEN CORNER, E.C. J* J*> 1909
Printed by Sir Isaac Pitman
& Sons, Ltd., London, Bath
and New York - - 1909
Art
Library
V. I
PREFACE
These two volumes embody the result of some seven years' research and
collection.
For the first Part of the work, which is a historical essay on screenwork, from the
earliest times down to the Post-Reformation period, Mr. Frederick Bligh Bond is
responsible, and would wish it to be unde/stood that his views of the origin of screenwork
are not in all cases those held by his colleague, Dom Bede Camm.
The essay in question is the fruit of several years' work, and incorporates in a complete
and coherent form the substance of papers contributed to the Proceedings of the Saint
Paul's Ecclesiological Society in 1903, and to the Journal of the R.I.B.A. in October,
1904, and October, 1905.
In these essays the historical, or evolutionary, method of dealing with the subject
was adopted, and the story of the use of screenwork in the English church throughout
the Reformation and the Post-Reformation periods was first handled in this manner.
Much new matter has been added in the present work, and the whole argument
rendered clearer, and consolidated.
Mr. Bligh Bond desires to remove a certain confusion which has arisen between the
personality of himself and that of his friend and namesake, Mr. Francis Bond, who,
by a curious coincidence was led to publish his work on " Screens and Galleries " whilst
the present work was in the press. The two schemes are, of course, totally distinct,
but present a curious parallel in their main features, which is heightened by the choice
made of illustrations.
Yet, except for the fact that Mr. Francis Bond has drawn material from the published
essays above-mentioned (for which he has made very kind acknowledgment) the matter
is one of pure coincidence.
The theories as to the origin of the screens respectively held by the two exponents
are, it need hardly be said, quite independent, and differ widely one from the other.
The author of this essay desires to render his sincere thanks to Rev. F. E. Brightman,
Mr. F. C. Eeles, and Dr. Cuthbert Atchley for having read his proofs and contributed
many valuable notes, also to Mr. Francis Bond, who at a quite recent date has performed
the same friendly task.
His cordial acknowledgments are also due to the numerous friends among the clergy
and laity who have assisted him in the contribution of notes, sketches, and photographs :
first to Mr. Crossley for his valuable series of screen measurements in the Devonshire
12 9
VI
PREFACE
section, as well as for many important notes of existing screenwork ; to Mr. Francis F.
Fox, F.S.A., Rev. F. W. Weaver, F.S.A., Rev. Canon Mayo, Mr. Reginald Weaver, Mr.
Fletcher Moss, Rev. E. Hay, the Editor of the R.I.B.A. Journal, and the Secretaries of
the Somerset Archaeological Society, for the use of blocks ; to Rev. T. Watson Allen,
Rev. C. W. Whistler, Dr. Hermitage Day, Rev. W. F. B. Ward, Mr. Gouldsmith, R( \ .
T. Clark, Mr. W. Moline, Dr. George Norman, Mr. G. Gillham, Miss F. Cave, Rev. H. C.
Bond, Mr. Herbert Read, of Exeter, Rev. Dr. Miller, Mr. Alfred Watkins, Mr. H.
Samson, the Vicars of Ruishton and Winsham, and others for photographs ; to Mr.
Alex. G. Bond, A. R.I.B.A., for measured drawings ; to many other friends, including
the Rectors and Vicars of many of the churches whose screenwork is mentioned, for
the valuable notes they have so willingly given, and who, did space permit, should
receive individual thanks, and lastly to those living authors from whose published works
some diagrams have been borrowed, viz., Professor Baldwin Brown, and Messrs.
MacGibbon & Ross.
If, in the long list of those to whom he is indebted, the author has inadvertently
omitted certain names which should have been mentioned — and he fears this is but too
likely — he trusts that his friends will forgive an oversight due to no lack of gratitude on
his part.
Dom Bede Camm makes separate acknowledgments at the end of Part III in
Vol. II.
The delay in the appearance of the work, which has been withheld for several months,
is due to a difficulty in procuring illustrations which were deemed suitable for the
purpose.
A series of one hundred collotype plates was originally arranged for, and these were
largely intended for the reproduction of an exceedingly fine series of photographs of the
detailed enrichments of Devonshire screens, taken by Mr. Fred Crossley, of Knutsford,
specially for this volume.
It was found better in a few cases to substitute half-tone blocks in order to do justice
to Mr. Crossley's photographs, which were of quite exceptional merit.
F. B. B.
CONTENTS
VOL. I
ERRATA LIST
'ROM THE
Page 127— for 1308 read 1380.
304 (ref. to Chivelstone) — for Architectural Review, 1904, read
1900, p. 67.
196 (under Trull) — for Plate LXVIIIb Devon Section read
Somerset Section.
Plate XCV (illus. to Bridford) should be XCVI1I.
,, CXXVIIIa— for Deane, Wilts, read Deane, Hants.
ADDENDA LIST
To Somerset Screens.
Ayshford Chapel (near Burlescombe) contains an early Perpendicular
Roodscreen with original colouring.
> ; The Temple Veils,
astern Uses. § 4. The
rave. § 6. The Screen
nan Models : Origin of
■sures. § 11. Union of
Vest. § 12. Genesis of
es ; Ancient Principles
en Church and others ;
af the Sanctuary in
; Links between East
ch, Bradford-on-Avon.
t Choir or Sanctuary
Brixworth, etc. ; The
examples from Dorset,
tone Chancel Screen ;
Breast-walls for same :
tury, in Chancel Walls
il Treatment, Enlarge-
lting in Determination
in lieu of Lateral Open-
y ; English examples :
reed. Diagram Sheets
..pp. 3-58
To Cornish Screens.
5/. Clear. Roodscreen by G. H. Fellowes Prynne, erected 1908,
containing rich tracery in rectangular compartments.
To Pembroke Screens.
Minwear. Ancient mural screen with narrow arch and sidelights ;
also two lights at a greater elevation, in the wall over central archway.
5 ; The Triple Division ;
l ; Character of Wood-
: 24. Leading Varieties
Screens in Bucks and
eens Clear of Tracery ;
15. Further Analysis of
ving upon Wood ; and
I. § 26. Decadence of
Decline of the National
. . pp. 59-70
VI
PREFACE
section, as well as for many important notes of existing screenwork ; to Mr. Francis F.
Fox, F.S.A., Rev. F. W. Weaver, F.S.A., Rev. Canon Mayo, Mr. Reginald Weaver, Mr.
Fletcher Moss, Rev. E. Hay, the Editor of the R.I.B.A. Journal, and the Secretaries of
the Somerset Archaeological Society, for the use of blocks ; to Rev. T. Watson Allen,
Rev. C. W. Whistler, Dr. Hermitage Day, Rev. W. F. B. Ward, Mr. Gouldsmith, Rev.
T. Clark, Mr. W. Moline, Dr. George Norman, Mr. G. Gillham, Miss F. Cave, Rev. H. C.
Bond, Mr. Herbert Read, of Exeter, Rev. Dr. Miller, Mr. Alfred Watkins, Mr. H.
Samson, the Vicars c"
Alex. G. Bond, A.R.I
the Rectors and Vica
the valuable notes tfc
receive individual thai
some diagrams have
MacGibbon & Ross.
If, in the long list
omitted certain names
likely — he trusts that 1
his part.
Dom Bede Camm i
Vol. II.
The delay in the ap]
is due to a difficulty
purpose.
A series of one hum
largely intended for the
detailed enrichments oi
specially for this volun
It was found better ii
to Mr. Crossley's photc
CONTENTS
VOL. I
PART I
A SURVEY OF ECCLESIASTICAL SCREENWORK FROM THE
EARLIEST PERIOD
SECTION I
Early Screenwork
§ 1. Introductory : Antiquity of the Screen ; Pre-Christian Origins ; The Temple Veils.
§ 2. Early Christian Churches : Their Interior Divisions. § 3. Early Western Uses. § 4. The
Tripartite Division of Churches. § 5. Separation of the Narthex from the Nave. § 6. The Screen
of the Sanctuary. § 7. The Cancelli. § 8. Their Various Forms. § 9. Roman Models : Origin of
the Basilican Churches. § 10. Subdivisions of the Nave ; Early Choir Enclosures. § 11. Union of
Choir and Sanctuary ; How Effected in Italy ; How Brought About in the West. § 12. Genesis of
a new Ecclesiological type in England in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries ; Ancient Principles
Conserved. § 13. Types of Twelfth Century Plan ; Peterchurch ; Checkenden Church and others ;
Diagrams of Apsidal and Square-ended Chancels. § 14. Enclosure of the Sanctuary in
Anglo-Saxon Churches. § 15. The Oriental Traditions of Church-building ; Links between East
and West. § 16. The Narrow Sanctuary Arch ; Saint Lawrence Church, Bradford-on-Avon.
§ 17. Romano-British Types of Plan. § 18. The Triple Arcade as a Choir or Sanctuary
Screen in Churches built prior to the Eighth Century ; Reculvers ; Brixworth, etc. ; The
same as a Mural Screen to Chancels of the Twelfth to Fifteenth Centuries ; Examples from Dorset .
Kent, Sussex, etc. (numerous figures). § 19. Development of the Stone Chancel Screen ;
Examples from Suffolk, Cambs., etc. § 20. Altars against Lateral Openings ; Breast-walls for same :
St. Januarius, Naples. § 21. Formation of Hagioscopes in the Twelfth Century, in Chancel Walls
with Single Narrow Arch ; Early " Makeshift " Squints ; Later Architectural Treatment, Enlarge-
ment of Lateral Openings ; LInion of this and Parallel Developments resulting in Determination
of General Type of Stone Screen. § 22. Mural Screens with Arched Recesses in lieu of Lateral Open-
ings ; Their Use as Reredoses ; Example of Fourth Century at Nola, S. Italy ; English examples :
Hauxton, etc., etc. (numerous figures) ; The Recessed Walls sometimes Pierced. Diagram Sheets
of the Four Types of Mural Screen — A, B, C, and D . . . . . . . . pp. 3-58
SECTION II
Mediaeval Screenwork
§ 23. Continuity of Ancient Principles in the Screenwork of Mediaeval Times ; The Triple Division ;
Arched-headed Openings ; Enclosure of the Chancel Opening over the Screen ; Character of Wood-
screens in the Twelfth, Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Centuries. § 24. Leading Varieties
of Fifteenth Century Screenwork : Devonshire Screens ; Cornish Screens ; Screens in Bucks and
Herts ; East Anglian Screenwork — Its Exceptional Character ; Arcaded Screens Clear of Tracery ;
Comparison of Detail ; The East Anglian More Imitative of Stonework. § 25. Further Analysis of
Detail ; Local Reasons for Difference in Character ; Influence of Stone-carving upon Wood ; and
vice versa ; Traditional Elements ; British Wicker-work and Vine-tendril. § 26. Decadence of
Wood-carving temp. Henry VIII ; Introduction of Foreign Detail ; Rapid Decline of the National
Art ; Its Submergence and Extinction . . . . . . . . . . pp. 59-70
vii
Vol i — B — (2239)
viii CONTENTS
SECTION III
The Iconostasis and the Roodloft
§ 27. The Iconostasis known in the Fifth Century in Egypt, Greece, etc. ; Solid Screens in the
Churches of Taurida ; Ispahan ; Malabar, etc. ; The Use of the Iconostasis in the Armenian Church ;
Iconostases of Georgia, Mingrelia, Asia Minor, etc. § 28. St. Mark's, Venice ; Its Superb Screenwork ;
Wooden Iconostases of the Levant. § 29. Character of those in Greece and Egypt ; Similarity of
Character between some Eastern and Western Examples. § 30. Definition of the Roodloft ; Its
Development from the Ambones or Choir Pulpits ; Uses of the Ambo. § 31. Union of the Ambo
with the Low Choir Screen ; Evolution of the High Screen, and Gallery, or Pulpitum ; The Ambo
in English Churches ; Pulpitum of Lanfranc's Cathedral ; Origin of the Jube. § 32. Introduction
of Jubes into French Cathedrals ; Their Massive Construction ; Meaning of the Name ; Early Uses
of the Jube ; Its Arrangement ; The Single-doored Type : The Double-doored Type ; English Forms
and Examples. § 33. Duplication of Screens and Lofts in Cistercian and other Churches. § 34. Uses
of the Jube in Later Times ; Altars on the Roodloft, and Attached to the Screen ; Their Subsequent
Removal ; Formation of Special Chantry Chapels. § 35. Lofts Introduced into Parish Churches ;
Reasons for their Introduction ; The Roodloft as an Iconostasis. § 36. The Great Rood. Its
Importance in Connection with the Chancel Screen ; Description of Early Roods — their Position.
§ 37. Origin of the Roodbeam ; Its Place in our Parish Churches ; Altars at the Foot of the Rood ;
Spaciousness of Early Roodlofts ; Double Screens beneath them. § 38. Low Elevation of some Lofts :
Secondary Galleries over same ; Their Probable Uses. § 39. Roodloft Staircases and Turrets.
§ 40. The Loft as a Music Gallery ; Its Increasing Importance for this Purpose ; The Loft Superseded
as a Pulpitum in the Fifteenth Century ; Erection of Pulpits on the Floor of the Church, concurrently
with Lofts ; Rare Survivals of the Older Use. § 41. Change in the Form of Later Lofts ; The Screens
placed Centrally below them ; Projections for Organs ; Organs in the Lofts. § 42. Destruction of
Lofts since the Reformation ; Roodlofts still Surviving. § 43. List of Stone Jubes ; Descriptive
Notes. • § 44. List of Wooden Roodlofts or Organ Lofts ; Descriptive Notes on the Various Types —
Plain Fronts — Traceried ditto, Canopied ditto ; Paintings and Statuary ; The " Poor Man's Bible."
§ 45. Enclosure of the space above the Chancel Screen by Walling, or by a Partition ; The Tympanum,
a Background to the Rood and Figures ; Hagioscopes in the Tympanum ; The " Doom " ; Examples
from Wenhaston and Dauntsey (Figs.) ; Effect of the Imagery ; The Splendour of the Old-time
Chancel Barrier. § 46. The Tympanum a Substitute for the Outer Veil of the Temple ; Persistence
of this Feature, Before and After the Reformation ; Painted Veils ; The Analogy to the Temple
Emphasized in the Seventeenth Century. § 47. The Inner or Sanctuary Veil ; Its Position in
Medieval Chancels ; The " Lenten " Veil ; Our Chancel Rails Occupy this Position ; Secondary
Screens ; Canopied Sanctuaries . . . . . . . . . . . . pp. 71-97
SECTION IV
Post-Reformation Screenwork
§ 48. The Roodloft in the Parish Church — Its Uses Summarised ; Superstitious Usages Con-
demned at the Reformation ; The Lofts Retained as Minstrels' Galleries ; Note on Galleries ; Pews
in the Roodloft. § 49. Suppression of the Monasteries ; Removal of Monastic Screenwork to Parish
Churches. § 50. Changes in the year 1547 ; Demolition of Roods, etc. ; The Lofts Retained ;
Evidence of their Construction and Repair ; Alterations in 1552 ; Pillage of the Churches. § 51.
Accession of Mary ; Restoration of Roods ; Removal of Royal Arms. § 52. Accession of Elizabeth ;
Reversion to Previous Order ; Roods Again Destroyed ; Lofts Preserved but " Reformed " or " Trans-
lated " ; Orders of 1561 ; Instructions of the Elizabethan Archbishops ; The Screens Religiously
Preserved ; Definition of the Elizabethan Orders as regards the Lofts : Instances of their Trans-
position, with Choir and Organist, to the West. § 53. The Gallery Fronts ; Some Retained, others
Replaced by Wainscoting ; Formation of Pews over Screens ; The Alternatives open to Parochial
Authorities ; Careful Wording of the Injunctions. § 54. Persistence of the Tympanum ; Effect of
the Canons of 1604 ; The Tablets Fixed over the Screens ; The Tympanum in the Eighteenth Century ;
Lockington and Parracombe. § 55. Paintings on the Tympana ; Examples from Bridestowe, etc.
§ 56. Post-Reformation Lofts : Rodney Stoke ; Seventeenth Century Galleries. § 57. Perpetuation
of Gothic Forms in Screenwork ; The High Screens of the Early Stuart Period ; Great Revival under
Laud. § 58. Attitude of Representative Churchmen at this Date towards Screenwork ; The
Commonwealth ; Destruction of Organs ; Cromwellian Screens at Berwick. § 59. Restoration of
the Monarchy ; Continuity of Principle in Church Building ; Episcopal Sanction of Screens.
§ 60. The Eighteenth Century ; New Influences of Modernism ; Maintenance of Ancient Landmarks ;
Hanoverian Screens and Gates ; The Last Work of the Old Order ; Nineteenth Century Vandalism ;
Mistakes of " Restorers " ; Increasing Appreciation of the Chancel Screen in more Recent Times
pp. 98-121
PART II
Screenwork in the County of Somerset . . p. 125
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
VOL. I
PART I (PLATES)
PLATE
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VIIa
,, B
VIIIa
.. B
IX
Xa
,, B
,, C
„ D
XU
,. B
XIIa
,, B
.. C
XIIIa
., B
XIV
XVa
.. B
XVIa
., B
XVIIa
,. B
XVIIIa
., B
XIX
XXa
,, B
XXIa
,, B
XXIIa
,, B
XXIIIa
B
SUBJECT AUTHOR'S NAME
St. David's Cathedral : Screen of Presbytery F. Bligh Bond (photo)
SECTION I
Alkmaar, Holland : Bronze screen . .
St. Clemente, Rome : North ambo . .
Cairo : Roodscreen in Coptic Church
Glastonbury Abbey : Choir screen . .
Tawstock Church : Presbytery screen
Stebbing : Chancel arcade
Great Bardfield : Chancel arcade . .
Chichester, St. Mary's : Screen
Stanton Harcourt :
Lavenham : Roodscreen
Willingham, Cambs : Screen
Lynn, St. Nicholas :
Barton, Cambs :
Castle Hedingham :
Edlesborough, Bucks :
Mobberley, Cheshire :
Halberton, Devon (panels) . .
Southwold, Suffolk: ,,
Mobberley, Cheshire ,,
Charlton-on-Otmoor : Screen
Astbury, Cheshire :
Paignton : Stone screen
Mar wood, Devon : Screen
South Pool, Devon : ,,
Wells Cathedral : Stone screen
Paignton : Screen canopies
Llanrwst : Tracery detail
Carlisle : ,, (Renaissance)
Iconostasis of Pergamon
,, Magnesia
Iconostasis of Kerfons, Brittany
St. Fiacre : Roodloft
Priziac :
Ravello Cathedral : Ambo
San Lorenzo, Rome :
Palermo
Ravenna, S. Apollinace ,,
H. Dare Bryan (photo)
F. F. Fox, F.S.A.
A. E. Gouldsmith (photo)
F. Bligh Bond (delt.)
(photo)
(delt.) I
Rev. T. Clark (photo) )
F. Bligh Bond
SECTION II
SECTION III
Salerno : Ambo,
N.
S.
side
side
Francis Bond
F. Bligh Bond
Fredk. Crossley
F. Bligh Bond
Fredk. Crossley
Rev. W. F. B. Ward (photo)
F. Crossley
(photo)
F. Bligh Bond (photo)
Lent by R.I.B.A.
F. Crossley (photo)
From an old engraving
Rev. T. Clark (photo)
F. Bligh Bond
F. F. Fox, F.S.A."
F. F. Fox, F.S.A.
PAGE
frontispiece
facing 12
„ 16
,, 18
., 22
„ 24
„ 28
„ 28
„ 32
„ 34
,. 36
., 36
„ 36
,, 36
,, 38
,. 38
,, 40
„ 40
., 40
,, 40
., 42
„ 44
., 46
„ 46
„ 48
.. 48
.. 52
,. 52
„ 56
„ 56
60
64
64
66
66
70
70
72
72
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATE
SUBJECT
XXIVa
Florence, S. Miniato : Ambo
., B
Aerschot : Pulpitum
XXV
Oberwesel : Jube
XXVIa
Dennington, Suffolk : Galleries
B
Llanegryn : Roodloft
XXVIIa
Dartmouth : Roodscreen
B
Kenn : ,,
XXVIIIa
Ripon Cathedral :
B
Chichester : Arundel screen
XXIXa
Lierre : Jube
.. B
Aerschot : ,,
XXXa
St. Margaret's, Herefordshire : Roodloft
>. B
Llanfilo : Roodloft
SECTION IV
XXXU
Patricio : Roodloft
,, B
Llanvvnog : ,,
XXXIIa
Hubberholme : ,,
B
Mere, Wilts : ,,
XXXIIIa
Llanrwst : ,,
XXXIV
Llanegryn : ,,
XXXVa
Kenton : ,,
B
Atherington : ,,
XXXVIa
Kenton : Detail of loft, cornices
to
Staverton : ,, canopies in loft. .
XXXVII
Atherington : Cornices
XXXVIII
Canopy work
XXXI Xa
Strensham : Roodloft
AUTHORS NAME
Rev. H. C. Bond, M.A. (photo) facing 76
F. Bligh Bond (photo) . .
Rev. Dr. Miller
F. Bligh Bond
F. F. Fox, F.S.A
Dom Bede Camm, O.S.B. (photo)
F. Bligh Bond (photo)
F. Bligh Bond (photo)
Alfred Watkins
Rev. H.Day, D.D.
Dr. G. Norman
F. F. Fox, F.S.A.
(photo)
Fletcher Moss
F. Crossley (photo)
Flamborough
F. Bligh Bond (photo) . .
Rev. W. F. B. Ward (photo)
76
80
82
82
86
86
88
88
90
90
94
94
98
98
100
100
102
102
106
110
110
112
112
114
118
118
120
PART II
PLATE SUBJECT
XLa Lew Trenchard : Roodloft
,, b Staverton : ,, ....
XLIa Burghill : Double screen
,, p Compton Bassett : Double screen
XLHa Llanelieu : Rood and tympanum
,, b Avebury : Roodloft
XLHIa Dauntsey : Tympanum with " Doom "
painting
b Wenhaston ,, ,, ,,
XLIVa Conway : Roodscreen
b Montgomery : Roodloft
XLV Sefton, Lanes : ,,
XLVIa Lustleigh, Devon : Roodscreen
b Monkleigh, ,, Parclose screen
XLVIIa Willand, Devon : Cornices
b Washfield,
XLVIIIa Croscombe : Chancel screen, 1616
,, b Crowcombe : ,, and pulpit, 1728 ..
XLIXa Cruwys Morchard : Chancel screen,
temp. 1780
,, b Ermington : Chancel screen
L Long Sutton, Som. : Organs, over screen
LIa Churchstanton : Gallery
LIb Totnes : Gallery over screen
AUTHOR S NAME
F. Bligh Bond (photo)
F. Bligh Bond (photo)
F. Bligh Bond (photo)
From ArchcBologia . .
Fredk. Crossley (photoi
Dr. Geo. Norman
From an old engraving
Fredk. Crossley (photo)
F. Bligh Bond
F. F. Fox, F.S.A.
G. Gillham (photo)
PAGE
facing 126
126
128
128
130
130
132
132
134
134
136
138
138
140
140
142
142
144
144
146
148
148
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
XI
PLATE SUBJECT
LI I High Ham : Roodscreen
LIIIa Keynsham : Screen
,, b Quantoxhead, East : Screen
LIVa Banwell: Cornices
,, b Fitzhead : ,,
LVa Bridgwater : Screens
,, b „ ,, Elizabethan
LVI Congresbury : Roodscreen
LVII Dunster : Parclose
LVIIIa Bishop's Lydeard : Roodscreen .
b Halse : Roodscreen
LIX Long Sutton : Screen and pulpit
LX Minehead : Screen
LXI Norton Fitzwarren : Screen
LXIIa Ashchurch, Glos. : Screen
b Pilton : Screen
LXIIIa Wrington : Roodscreen t .
b Thorn St. Margaret's
c Ruishton (panels)
,, d Long Ashton
e Whitchurch
LXIVa Trull : Roodscreen
b Timberscombe : Roodscreen
LXVa Uffculme : Cornices
, , b Trent
LXVIa High Ham :
b Queen Camel :
LXVIIa Banwell :
b Atherington
LXVIIIa Pinhoe :
,, b Kingsnympton
LXIXa Gresford : Screen panels
,. b Trull :
AUTHOR S NAME
F. Bligh Bond
(photo)
(showing large leaf)
facing
Fredk. Crossley
F. Bligh Bond
Fredk. Crossley ,,
J. Reginald H. Weaver (photo)
Fredk. Crossley (photo)
F. Bligh Bond
F. F. Fox, F.S.A.
F. Bligh Bond (photo) . .
Miss F. Cave (photo)
Rev. T. W. Allen
From photo lent by the Vicar
Miss F. Cave
F. Bligh Bond
J. Reginald H. Weaver (photo)
Fredk. Crossley (photo)
150
152
152
154
154
156
156
160
162
164
164
166
168
170
174
174
176
176
176
176
176
178
178
180
180
188
188
190
190
194
194
200
200
PART I (FIGURES IN TEXT)
SECTION I
FIG.
1
2
3
3a
3b
4
5a
5b
6
& B
7
8a
8b
9
10
11a
llB
12
13
14a
14b
15
SUBJECT
AUTHOR S NAME
The Jewish Tabernacle
Liturgical Veils in Rome
,, in ivory in Lateran Museum
[ Liturgical Veils in mosaic (Bethlehem)
Church of Paullinus at Tyre
Oratory of Spoleto (V cent.) : Plan
St. Lawrence, Bradford-on-Avon : Plan
Tripartite plan of ancient churches
(a) Dr. Beveridge ; (b) Leo Allatius
Babouda (Aleppo) : Plan of church
Brixworth :
South Elmham : ,,
Barton-on-Humber : „ ,,
St. Francis of Assisi : High screen
Plan of early Basilican church
,, Roman house
Church of St. Agnes : Catacombs
Spanish arrangement of choir
Screen and ambo : St. Sophia (plan)
(elevation)
Peterchurch Church : Plan
S. Baring Gould
R. de Fleury
Bingham's "Antiquities "
R. de Fleury
Bingham's " Antiquities
G. Gilbert Scott '.'.
R. de Fleury
R. de Fleury
PAGE
4
5
5
7
9
9
10
10
11
11
11
12
14
15
15
15
17
19
20
23
Xll
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIG. SUBJECT
16a Checkenden, Oxon : Church plan
16b Dunham Magna :
16c Birkin, Yorks :
16d Dalmeny, N.B. :
16e Leuchars
17 Birsay, Orkney:
18 Castle Rising :
19a Sunninghill, Berks :
19b Brockley, Suffolk :
20 Breamore :
21 Hampnet :
22 Tidmarsh :
23 Church of St. Brigit, Kildare (conjectural pi
24 Three North British Churches
25 Bradford-on-Avon : Church interior . .
26 Rochester : Old Basilica, Plan
27 Reculvers :
28 St. Pancras, Canterbury :
29 Dover Castle : Church
30 Reculvers: Triple chancel arch
31 Brixworth : Choir screen
32 Sion (Georgia) : Sanctuary screen . .
33 Nola : Chancel partition
34 ,, Plan and elevation
35 Wool. Dorset : Chancel arcade
36 Westwell, Kent : ,,
37 Capel-le-Ferne :
38 Welsh Newton:
39 Little Hereford : Chancel wall
40 La Martorana, Palermo :
4 1 Brechin Cathedral : Chancel arch . .
42a Castle Rising
42b Melton Constable
43 Bramford, Suffolk : Triple stone screen
44 Bottisham. Cambs :
45 Triplow, Cambs : Screen
46 Llangeitho, Card. : ,,
47 St. Januarius, Naples : Screen
48 Ashley, Hants : Mural screen
49 Otterbourne :
50 Baulking, Berks :
51 Bracebridge, Lines :
52 Stockton, Wilts :
53 Curd worth, Warwick
54 Winterbourne Monckton, Wilts : Chancel arch
55 Sandridge, Herts : Mural screen
56 Highway, Wilts : Screen
57 Scawton, Yorks : ,,
Diagram Sheet A
B
C
D
AUTHOR S NAME
PAGE
SECTION II
58a Dorchester, Oxon : Screen
58b Northfieet, Kent :
59 Ewerby, Lines :
60 Leake
61 Merton, Norfolk : Screen
62a Cawston : Roodscreen
62b „ ,, (detail)
63a Moretonhampstead : Cornices
63b Newtown, Montgomery : ,,
Buckler Collection
24
Prof. Baldwin Brown
24
Buckler Collection
24
MacGibbon and Ross
. 25
25
. 25
Buckler Collection
26
26
26
27
. 27
27
on
CO
MacGibbon and Ross . . . . 29
11
■ > j
3°
33
Prof. Baldwin Brown . . . . 33
34
34
From an old print
35
. 35
R. de Fleury
.,
. 36
,.
36
H. Heathman (delt.)
. 37
38
F. Bligh Bond (delt.)
39
H. Heathman
40
41
41
42
43
H. Heathman (delt.)
F. Bligh Bond
43
H. Heathman
44
45
A. Mountain
46
F. Bligh Bond ,,
47
47
4S
TO
19
H. Heathman (delt.) .. .. 50
50
F. Bligh Bond 51
52
H. Heathman ,, .. .. 52
53
H. Heathman (delt.) . . . . 54
54
H. Heathman (delt.) .. . . 55
56
.... 57
58
A. Mountain (delt.) . . . . 60
fio
" Spring Gardens Sketch Book" 61
6°
Rev. G. W. W. Minns . . . . 63
" Spring Gardens Sketch Book " 65
67
F. Bligh Bond (photo) .. .. 69
tt f
. 69
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Xlll
SECTION III
FIG. SUBJECT
64 Pavia, St. Michael : Ambo
65 Nantwich : Pulpit on screen
66 Lucca Cathedral : Rood or " Holy Face "
67 Gamlingay, Cambs. : Roodloft detail
68 Bettws Newydd : Roodloft, etc
SECTION IV
69 Gloucester Cathedral :" Doom " panel
70 Taunton : Gallery over screen
71 Winchcombe, Glos. : Gallery over screen ..
72 Lockington, Leics. : Tympanum, temp. 1704
73 Parracombe, Devon : Tympanum, c. 1780 . .
74 Bridestovve : Figure from Tympanum
75 ,, " Resurrection "
76 Rodney Stoke: Loft over screen, 1625 ,..
77 Sandon, Staffs. : „ ., „ 1686
78 Portishead : Minstrel Gallery
79 Croscombe : Screen detail
80 Low Ham, Som. : Chancel screen. .
81 Wickhamford : Chancel gates
82 Molland : Tympanum, 1808
82a Bray Almshouse : Screen, 1670
AUTHOR S NAME
PAGE
76
II. Heathman (delt.) .. .. 77
83
91
H. Heathman (delt.) .. .. 94
From ArchcBologia. .
. 100
H. Heathman (delt.)
. 108
109
,
. 110
,
. Ill
111
. 112
. 112
,
1 1 3
. 114
115
. 116
,
119
. 120
(Mease
I.) H. Dare Bryan
121
PART II
FIG. SUBJECT
83 Pawlett : Roodscreen
83a „ Details
84 Portbury : Screen
85 Kilmersdon : ,,
85a ,, Details . .
86 Tracery heads of screens in N. Somerset
87 Tracery heads of screens in Atheringt
Parracombe
88 Curry Rivel : Screen
89 Panels, Dunster : Screen
90 Elworthy : Screen
91 Brompton Ralph : Tracery head . .
92 Alford : Roodscreen
93 Backwell : Screen detail
94 Compton Martin
95 Congresbury : Chapel screen
96 Culbone :
97 Enmore : Roodscreen (now at Huish)
98 St. Audries : Screen
99 Raddington :
" - Staple Fitzpaine : Details ..
100 Stockland Bristol : Screen ..
101 Otterhampton : Roodscreen
102 Winsham :
and
AUTHOR'S NAME
(Measd.) F. Bligh Bond
F. Bligh Bond" . .
(Measd.) C. F. Hansom
H. Heathman
(Measd.) C. F. Hansom
From sketch by the late J
Wood, F.R.I. B. A.
H. Heathman (dell.)
(Measd.) F. Bligh Bond
H. Heathman (dell.)
(Measd.) F. Bligh Bond
H. Heathman (dell.)
Foster
PAGE
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
135
138
140
142
144
145
157
159
163
167
186
188
192
193
197
201
PART I
A SURVEY OF
Ecclesiastical Screenwork
FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD
SECTION I. Early Screenwork.
,, II. Medleval Screenwork.
( The Iconostasis.
„ III. \
[ The Roodloft and Tympanum.
„ IV. Post-Reformation Screenwork.
i — (2239)
Ecclesiastical Screenwork
SECTION I
EARLY SCREENWORK
§ ' ' 1\ l\ ODERN Archaeology is learning to read in the stones of the ancient temples of
i. V J. Christianity a trustworthy record of her origins. In the plan and arrangement,
detail and equipment of these ancient buildings, we can discern the sure land-
marks of traditional usage, the faithful reflection of the spirit and influence of different
epochs, their cults and customs — the rise and fall of dynasties, the modification of social
conditions, and the ebb and flow of religious activities.
To trace the play of hereditary influences beneath successive developments of dogmatic
theology, ritual, and religious custom is a fascinating study, and in this we find an analysis
of the structure and features of churches an invaluable help.
Some of these features, though modified in the course of the centuries, still bear the
marks of a most remote ancestry. Others there are to which it is difficult to ascribe
anything more than a mediaeval origin. It is those of the former kind that must always
possess for us the primary value, the more vital and enduring interest : and of this order
one feature, the Chancel Screen, stands pre-eminent in its universality and in the antiquity
of its use. Even in pre-Christian times we can trace its parallels, most notably in the
Jewish Tabernacle or Synagogue. Other influences — Greek, Roman, Saracen, — pagan
cult and secular use, have left their vestiges upon the ancient temples of our worship,
and have modified their development, chiefly through the conversion of older buildings
to the new religious uses. In the " oracle " of the pagan temple and the " tablinum "
of the Roman house may be discerned the germ of that symbolic or sacred enclosure
which every Christian church contains.
But it is when we come to compare the essential features of the Christian structures
with those of the Hebrew worship that we find the most striking similarity manifested.
And this is, perhaps, scarcely a matter for surprise, when we reflect on the circumstance
that the Gospel, first preached in Jerusalem, reached the pagan world through the medium
of the Jewish communities of the Roman Empire, and after the establishment of the
original hierarchy at Jerusalem, local ecclesiastical bodies were organised on the model
furnished by the Jewish communities.
The synagogue worship of the Jews, with its liturgical readings of Scripture, provided
(3)
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
o^
THE TAl
MOST HOLY
%
&
HOLY PL*CE
a groundwork upon which the form of early Christian worship was based.1 The
Tabernacle, the Holy of Holies, or innermost Sanctuary, was divided by a veil from
the " Holy Place," the part occupied by the priesthood, who in their turn were similarly
screened from the laity in the outer court. There were thus three primary divisions,
allocated respectively to the People, the Priesthood, and the Sacred Mysteries (Fig. 1).
The veils were woven of four colours, azure, purple, scarlet, and white, and were richly
embroidered and adorned with figures of cherubim. They were attached to a supporting
framework of pillars and architrave. These
Jewish veils were drawn across the openings,
thus forming a visible separation of a
symbolic nature.
In the earliest detailed accounts we
possess of Christian churches, we find that it
was customary to build them with certain
internal partitions or barriers dividing the
buildings into several distinct areas, each
set apart for its particular use in a manner
comparable to that of the Jewish Tabernacle
or Temple. These divisions were primarily
three in number and their separation was
effected by screens or veils. These veils,
like the Jewish veil, had a symbolic aspect.
When, at the hour of the Crucifixion, the
veil of the Temple was rent asunder, this
event received its symbolic interpretation,
in the sense that a direct avenue was now
revealed between the soul of man and his
God, and the way was open to all. Thus in
the use of the veil, as we find it perpetuated
in the early Christian Church, there is this
modified symbolism, and the veil, although
still suggestive of a barrier (that of physical death) was not stretched permanently
before the Sanctuary, but was parted down the middle, to allow of its being withdrawn
at certain times, thus suggesting the idea of a spiritual unity.
1 A daughter church, however antagonistic to its parent body, is likely to retain in some measure
its forms of worship. Habit is a second nature, and no degree of antagonism would have operated
in this case to prevent so natural a derivation of the habitual forms. The process would be a purely-
unconscious one, and, in the absence of any alternative model, inevitable.
Moreover, it is difficult to see on the one hand how any measure of antagonism on the Jewish side
could affect Christian ceremonial ; whilst on the other, it is scarcely conceivable that the early
Christians would be of so intolerant a spirit as wilfully to discard any useful form or system not in
itself inherently opposed to the principles of their religion.
Conscious imitation is another matter, and it was reserved for the Church of the seventh century
to initiate a Judaising movement in ceremonial of an intentional nature.
EARLY SCREENWORK
Fig. 2
§2. One of the earliest hints of the existence of regular buildings for Christian
worship occurs in the writings of Eusebius 1 when he speaks of the " a-efxvela " used by
Egyptian Christians
from the days of
Saint Mark.
But a more definite
testimony is afforded
by Clement, who, in
his Epistle to the
Corinthians, written at
the close of the first
century, speaks of
" appropriate places,
ordained of God " (i.e.,
consecrated to God) being provided, wherein "all things might be done religiously and
in order."
In the second century evidences begin to accumulate, and in the third they become
numerous and definite. St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, who flourished about the middle
of the third century, built several churches in Neocaesarea and Pontus, 2 which were
divided internally into different parts, allocated to the various classes of worshippers.
In the year 1888 there was exhumed in Rome the house of SS. John and Paul,
Chamberlains to Constantia, daughter of Constantine, presenting the unique instance
of a house of a Roman Christian in Imperial times. On
the walls are paintings, believed to date from the
fourth century. A sketch of one of these is here repro-
duced (Fig. 2). It represents the deacons withdrawing
the veils as the celebrant enters the Sanctuary.
But perhaps an even earlier illustration of the
Christian veil in combination with screenwork is to be
seen in an illustration given by de Fleury, of which a
slight sketch is here given (Fig. 3). Representations
in mosaic, symbolising the churches of Asia, which are
preserved in the church at Bethlehem, show veils in a
similar position (3a and b).
The veil is mentioned also by some early Greek
writers. Athanasius, 3 writing in the fourth century,
speaks of " the veil of the church " ; Synesius4 of the
Fig. 3
1 Euseb. lib. ii, c. xvii.
2 Gregory Nyssen's " Life of Gregor
1638, t., iii, p. 567, c. 4).
3 " History of Arians," Chap. 56.
4 Epistle 67 (early fifth century).
Thaumat " (Paris,
6
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
"mystical veil"; whilst Chrysostom and Evagrius1 call the veils " amphithura," from
their parting down the centre. They were sometimes richly adorned with gold, as was
that which Chosroes gave to the Church of Antioch (Evagrius).
Their symbolic meaning and ritual use is indicated by Chrysostom in the following
passage: — " When the sacrifice is brought forth . . . when you see the veils withdrawn,
then think you see the heaven opened, and the angels descending from above."2
The liturgy of the Armenian Church, which is derived from Constantinople, and
which represents in certain respects an ancient stage of the development of the
Byzantine liturgy, retains the ritual use of the veil.
Duchesne shows how in the Gallican Liturgy, which was akin to the Liturgy of
the Celtic Church in these islands, the " Prayer of the Veil " had its place (" Christian
Worship," pp. 85 and 206). 3
In the Armenian Church, this use of the veil is perpetuated to the present day. It
also appears to have survived in the Ethiopian Church. Bruce, writing in 1770, speaks
of the veils as being in regular use in the Abyssinian churches.
wwm
Fig- 3a
Fig. 3b
We find early mention of veils before church doors. St. Paullinus of Nola4 and
St. Jerome speak of these. They were sometimes adorned with imagery, but this
was disapproved of in some places, as appears from the writings of Epiphanius, who,
speaking of a church at Anablatta in Palestine, says he found a veil there which he tore
in pieces as it bore the image of Christ or of some saint contrary to rule. He therefore
ordered the guardians of the church to bury some poor man in it, and gave them a
plain one instead.
1 The period covered by the works of this historian is 431-593 a.d.
2 In regard to what is known as the " Prayer of the Veil," the Rev. F. E. Brightman says that in
the sense of a prayer at the sanctuary veil or in relation to it, it is exclusively Egyptian, but in the sense
of a prayer at the lifting of the veil it is much more widespread — in a manner universal — only it is
not so called, except in Syria, and it has nothing to do with the Egyptian prayer and occurs in quite
a different place in the rite. In the Liturgy of the Coptic Jacobites the prayer comes at the beginning
of the "Mass of the Faithful" (Brightman, "Liturgies Eastern and Western," p. 15S). In the
Liturgy of St. James it occurs just before the Anaphora (ibid.. Vol. I, p. 48).
3 He considers that the Gallican Liturgy bears internal evidence of an origin no earlier, at earliest,
than the middle of the fourth century.
4 Poema XIV de S. Felici. Carm. iii, line 98.
EARLY SCREENWORK
Key to Numbering on Fig. 4
1. Propyteum or Vestibulum Magnum — the Great Porch into the Area before the Church.
2. The Atrium or Area.
3. Cantharus, or Fountain of Water.
4. Porticos or Cloisters, otherwise called the exterior narthex
5. The Great Gate into the Church.
6. The two lesser Gates.
7. The Northern and Southern Gates.
8. Northern and Southern Nartheces or
Cloisters.
9. The Ferula, or Interior Narthex — the place
of the Catechumens.
10. The place of the Substrati, behind the
Ambo.
11. The Ambo, or Reading Desk.
12. The stairs to same, on both sides.
13. The interior divisions allocated to men,
within the range of pillars upon the
ground floor.
14. Position of the upper galleries for women
(denoted by the lesser pillars).
15. The Cancelli Bematis, or Rails of the
Sanctuary.
16. The Bema, or Sanctuary.
17. The Altar.
18. The Pyrgus or Ciborium (arched canopy
around and over the altar).
19. The Bishop's Throne.
20. The Presbyters' Thrones.
It seems clear, then, that the symbolic
or ritual use of veils was well nigh universal
in the primitive church, and was esteemed
of great importance. Veils remained in
use until long after the days of Constantine,
often in the form of tapestry or a curtain,
but by degrees regular screenwork took
their place. At first, it is probable, the
veil pure and simple formed the barrier —
plus such framework or pillars as may
have been necessary for its support.
§ 3- The veils, having a primitive liturgical use, would appear to have been introduced
into the West in very early times, and were probably three in number, as Durandus
tells us, but as to the precise disposition of these veils in the churches of the Celtic and
Saxon days we have no very definite data.
Until the ninth century sanctuaries were small, and there was no elevation of the
Host at the Consecration until the eleventh century. But with the great changes in
liturgy and ritual which then ensued came a gradual alteration in the structure of the
Diagram of the Church of Paullinus
at Tyre following the Description
of eusebius (lib. x. c. iv)
8 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
churches, and in the use of the veil, which was then restricted to the season of Lent,
being dropped upon the evening before the first Sunday of Lent until the Thursday
before Easter. During this period it was withdrawn only at the time the Gospel was
being read. x Its use in this manner continued until the Reformation, when it disappeared,
the only trace of this feature surviving till modern days being the close-boarded partition
which in some churches had, long before the Reformation, been added, either as an
accessory or a substitute, in the tympanum of the chancel arch. The Lenten Veil, or
Velum Quadragesimale, was thus a feature of English Catholic worship from the twelfth
to the sixteenth century. We hear of it even in the time of King Alfred. It is even
now in use among the Cistercians in England, e.g., at Mount Saint Bernard's in
Leicestershire.
Until some time in the twelfth century, the sanctuary in English churches had been
very restricted in size, being used by the celebrant and his one or two assistants alone ;
the other clerics, or choir, being in the part of the nave nearest the sanctuary arch.
But with this period came the general enlargement of the chancels and the inclusion
of the choir within their limits. The sanctuary veil, now a Lenten veil, was
placed further east in the form of a great curtain or sheet of painted or dyed linen,
stretched across the chancel upon a beam or other support, in such a manner as to hide
the altar and its surroundings completely. The outer veil, that which hung between
the clergy in the choir, and the laity in the nave,2 was also retained, and some
of our churches still exhibit the hooks provided over the chancel arch for its
suspension.
Durandus, writing in the thirteenth century, says : " It is to be noted that a triple
series of veils hangs in a church — that is to say, the veil which shrouds the holy elements,
that which divides the sanctuary from the clerks, and that which hides them from the
people."3
This last takes the same position as that outer arcade which in certain Saxon churches
supplies a structural division between nave and choir (as Brixworth). Durandus, who
died in 1296, makes no mention of screenwork.
1 W. H. Frere, The Use of Sarum, Vol. I, Cambridge, 1898.
1 Such veil is mentioned in an ancient Anglo-Saxon Pontifical as being used in the Rite of
Consecration of a church (ex. MS. Pontificali Anglicano Monasterii Gemmeticensis : Annorum 900) .
Martene. Lib. II. Cap. xiii. Ord. hi. col. 708 (ed. 1736, Antwerp).
" Suscipit (episcopus) ipsas reliquias a presbytero, et portet eas cum letania super altare
novum, extenso velo inter eos et populum," &c, &c.
Also ib. Ord. ix. (col. 753) ex. M.S. Pontificali Halinardi Arch. Lugdunensis ante anno 600).
(Ordo in ded. eccl. sicut antiquitus apostolica docuit traditio et quomodo Romana gerit ecclesia),
and several others.
3 " Notandum est quod triplex genus veli suspenditur in ecclesia videlicet quod sacra operit, quod
sanctuarium a clero dividit, et quod clerum a populo secernit " (Durandus, Rationale Divinorum
Officiorum, Lib. I, Cap. iii, n. 34).
EARLY SCREENWORK
§ 4. In the early churches we find, in addition to the outward enclosure, or forecourt, 1
the three following strongly-marked divisions :
(1) The Narthex, Pro-naos, or outward nave, in which stood the penitents and
catechumens.
(2) The Naos, or Choir-nave, wherein the church communicants had their respective
places, and which contained the place for the deacons and canonical singers.
(3) The Bema, or Sanctuary, containing the seats for the priesthood or superior
clergy.
The earlier form of narthex was that of a somewhat narrow rectangular enclosure,
whence it was termed by the Latins ferula (rod, or staff), the Greek word narthex
implying an oblong figure. Where churches had porticos attached to them (as had
the church of Paullinus of Tyre, described by Eusebius, where the porticos adjoined
on north and south), ihese also were termed nartheces, but in such churches as had
no porticos adjoining to them, the narthex was the lower part of the church within
the walls, and this was made to answer the use of porticos in other churches, viz., for
penitents.
Fig. 5a
Fig. 5b
The entrance into the narthex of the church of Paullinus, from the outward ante-
temple, was by three doorways, containing gates, the middle one being the highest of
the three (Fig. 4, Nos. 5 and 6). Paullinus, Bishop of Nola, describes these doorways
or porches as being arched, whence they were called by the name " arcus," or, for the
same reason, " apsides " (denoting a convex form).2
These find a later paraUel in the great western portals of the larger mediaeval churches ;
and the alternative form, that in which north and south porticos take the place of the
single narthex, we are familiar with in the smaller churches. We give an illustration of
such a church in Greece, namely, the Christian Oratory of Spoleto, near Athens, a building
1 A walled court, open to the air, constituting an ante-temple to the early churches. In the
middle of this stood the fountain or cistern, symbol of purification.
2 Epist. xii, ad Sever : " Alma domus triplici patet ingredientibus arcu."
2— (2239)
10
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
of the fifth century (Fig. 5a). Compare with this the plan of our own little church of
St. Lawrence at Brad ford-on- Avon, of the eighth century (Fig. 5b).
After the narthex comes the nave proper (Naos). This, in the earliest churches, was
entered from the narthex by the gates which the modern rituals and Greek writers call
■7rv\ai fiacrikiical — the royal, or beautiful gates. In the case of the Tyrian Church,
described by Eusebius, the actual separation was effected by certain rails of wood. There
seems to be a disposition on the part of several writers on this subject to regard these nave
portals as three in number, like those admitting to the narthex.
We show a diagram taken from Bingham, embodying his idea of the plan of the
church according to the description given by Eusebius (Fig. 4). Here we note the narthex
communicates with the nave by three openings. The same arrangement is suggested
in the other two accompanying diagrams (Figs. 6a and 6b), given by Schelstrate 1, of
which the first is taken from Dr. Beveridge's " Pandects " — the second from Leo Allatius,
both being of interest as giving the ideas of seventeenth century writers upon this point.
In each case the triplicity of the openings from the narthex to the nave is to be noted.
The ground plan of the church of Babouda, near Aleppo2 (Fig. 7), believed to date from
the fourth century, shows a colonnade with triple opening to the narthex, and the narthex
(structurally united with the nave) with the customary three openings.
1 Concilium Antiochenum (Antwerp, 1681).
2 Vogue : Syrie Centrale, etc. (Baudry, Paris, 1877).
□
Fig. 6b
EARLY SCREENWORK
11
This plan possesses a special degree of interest to English ecclesiologists in view
of its curious correspondence with certain church-building forms known in Saxon
England, to which
we shall have occa-
sion to allude more
particularly later.
p| — I ^A For the moment it
will suffice to draw
r^j W attention to the very
marked structural
union which is here
visible between nar-
thex and nave — so
much so that they
are practically one, and the " royal gates " have become a purely internal feature, or
species of screen.
This development seems paralleled in some instances alluded to by Francis Bond in
Fig. 7
Fig. 8a
his work on Gothic Architecture, wherein he mentions that in the Burgundian churches
the narthex was developed into a great ante-church — this being the case at Gannat and
at the Benedictine Abbey of Fleury (1062), etc. Our own long Benedictine naves he con-
siders a parallel — and thinks their western
bays may have been used as a narthex.
In our own country the plans of
Brixworth (Fig. 8a) or South Elmham
churches (Fig. 8b) appear to bear out
most strongly the same idea, and in this
connection it is interesting to compare Fig- 8b
12 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
also such plans as that of the original churches of the Barton-on-Humber type, as
given by Professor Baldwin Brown (Fig. 9), where the narthex takes the form of a
" fore-building " jutting from
the square nave on the west,
as the sanctuary does on the
east.
§ 5- The rails of wood
separating the narthex from
the nave had probably at first
a practical rather than a
symbolic function ; and in
Fig. 9 "\ ,„
this respect were like those
door-veils or curtains which were the earlier counterpart of the modern doors
of wood.
A spirit of intense reverence characterised the services of the early church. Differences
of position, degrees of privilege and of advancement, were very strictly observed, and the
unauthorised were not allowed to transgress the barriers, as such transgressions would
have been regarded as profane. The divisions were therefore protected by the wooden
barriers mentioned.
Such rails constituted the earliest and simplest order of screenwork, and ma}'
be regarded as a feature of parallel use with the veil, becoming of increasing importance
as the time went on, whilst the use of the veil, except in certain special positions, tended
to diminish.1 This process of gradual substitution of the screen for the veil would be
the natural outcome of its real efficiency as a barrier, and its relative advantage of stability
and permanence.
It is easy to see how the constructional screen once introduced would infallibly grow
in popularity, and eventually for all the more practical purposes of its employment,
supplant the veil.
§ 6- The third and innermost part of the ancient churches was the sanctuary, spoken
of by early writers as the Bema (Gr. firjfia = tribunal), containing the seats of the
presbyters, and the altar. This again was screened from the nave, and we know also
from early writers that veils were usual in this part.2
The first sanctuary screens were simply colonnades with a horizontal beam or
architrave laid across the heads of the columns, forming a framework on which the veils
were hung.
1 It may reasonably be held that the framework of a screen would furnish the requisite means
of support for a veil ; the beam traversing the head being used for the hooks or other means of
attachment.
2 Athanasius calls them " /3r?Aa ttjs inKX-naias ," " the hangings of the church," and Synesius
speaks of them as " KO.-ra.Tiro.ay.ti. hvotuc&v " — the mystical veils. These, he says, also, are those
referred to by Chrysostom and Evagrius, as " diMprtupa," from their opening down the middle as
" folding-doors."
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EARLY SCREENWORK 13
R. de Fleury, in his illustrated work, " La Messe " (vol. iii, pp. 105 et seq.), gives
a very ample list of these early screens. One very valuable example, which he believes
to date from the third century, shows a wall supported by columns with three inter-
columniations — the central one being rather the largest, the two side ones being provided
with veils or curtains, and low screens or " cancelli " of lattice work. Steps lie at the
entrance, and a praying figure in the foreground extends its arms, symbolising the
assembly of the faithful (Fig. 3 ante).
It is curious how precisely this arrangement of the veil and the four pillars tallies
with its pre-Christian counterpart in the Tabernacle of the Jews, as described in
Exodus xxvi, 31, 32.
In subsequent times the beam becomes the support for other features, such as vases,
candle-holders, or images, and is thus the prototype of the " Iconostasis," the name
by which the Image-bearing screen of the Eastern churches (the original of our western
gallery fronts, with their panel paintings or statuary) is designated. 1
§ 7- But at least as early as the fourth century, and probably earlier, another variety
of screenwork — not a frame to hold a veil, but a substitute for the veil itself — is found
in the " Cancelli," or lattices, which, as the little illustrations reproduced from De Fleury
(pp. 5, 14) indicate, now began to be used as a barrier between the several divisions
of the church.
Early mention of these " Cancelli " occurs in a sermon preached at the dedication of
Paullinus' Basilica at Tyre, on the building of churches, addressed to Paullinus by Eusebius,
Bishop of Tyre (circa 315 a.d.), in which the cathedral of that city (then the most noble
Christian structure) is described, and the screens are alluded to as follows :
" For when (the builder) had thus completed the Temple, " he also adorned it with
lofty thrones, in honour of those who preside, and also with benches decently arranged
in order throughout the whole, and at last placed the altar in the middle, and that this
again might be inaccessible to the multitude, he enclosed these with lattice work of
wood, accurately wrought with ingenious sculpture to present an admirable sight to the
beholders."
These screens of lattice work, which contrived to furnish a real barrier to the pro-
gress of unauthorised persons, were called by the Latins "Cancelli," whence our word
" chancel."
§ 8- The cancelli were at first of wood — probably they often took the form of balusters —
and from being a mere structural convenience, seem to have speedily become a feature
of great comeliness, calculated to display the finest qualities of artificers' work. They
were without doubt the prototype of all the exquisite tracery-work which adorns the
openings in our mediaeval screens.
Italy furnishes us with many instances of early cancelli. Metal, or marble, was
soon substituted for wood, and in these more permanent materials the feature took on
a splendid development.
1 The word implies a " picture stand."
14
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
At Torcello, in the screen which dates from early in the eleventh century, the spaces
between the three columns on each side of the central opening are filled breast-high with
superb marble tablets, gloriously sculptured. In the ninth century, which brought a great
increase in the richness of ornamentation and furniture of churches, the Church of St.
Sabina, built by Pope Eugenius II (a.d. 824), had a screen of marble slabs, on which
stood a superstructure of columns. The Church of St. Martino-al-Monti is said by Ugonio
to have been furnished by Pope Adrian with marble cancelli separating the choir from
the nave (De Fleury). 1
Early mention is made of metal cancelli. The screen of the Church of the Apostles
at Constantinople was a lattice of gilt brass. In Ciampini's work on Ancient Monuments
are plates of some of the altars which stood in old St. Peter's Church at Rome, and these
are enclosed by brass screens. An instance of a high sanctuary screen of early date
is here reproduced from De Fleury (Fig. 10). It is that of the Church of St. Francis
at Assisi, and it shows to what an
extent in size and elaboration this
metal trellising was brought. All over
the Continent are found traces of
metal screenwork. Spain has some
glorious examples of mediaeval date
and the continuance of the use of
finely wrought metal grilles for pur-
pose of cancelli is well seen in northern
Europe. In the Low Countries, for
instance, are some splendid examples
of chancel screens in wrought and
chased brass or bronze — these are
often retained in the Protestantised
churches of Holland. One or two very fine ones of the sixteenth century survive in
Amsterdam. We give an illustration of one remaining at Alkmaar (Plate II).
Metal cancelli are a persistent feature in Italy also throughout the mediaeval period.
In England we cannot trace the use of metal grilles or screens for this particular purpose,
save in very rare instances, and we doubt whether such a thing as metal cancelli to the
roodscreen of pre-Reformation date exist, or have ever existed, in this country.2 The
genius of the English preferred wood as a material for artistic development, and the
demand for " cancelli " was met in the rich profusion of tracery work with which our
1 At present the choir is enclosed by columns between which are grilles of wood.
2 The question of climate seems involved. In southern countries the brilliancy of the sunlight,
and the heat, favoured the development of dim, dark sanctuaries, in which a high altar screen often
takes the place of an East window. This arrangement demands a translucent screen. Hence the
choice of metal, rather than wood or stone.
But in northern climes, where the lack of sunlight has caused the development of large windows,
the sanctuary is brilliantly lit, and the East window attains large proportions. Here the heavier
wooden or stone screenwork is preferred, as tending to subdue the otherwise painful glare of the
windows, and to mitigate the baldness of an otherwise cold or harsh interior.
Fig. 10
EARLY SCREENWORK
15
screens began to be adorned as soon as the art of woodcraft had sufficiently advanced to
make this possible. The delicacy and complexity of form assumed by the traceried
cancelli of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is remarkable, and its variety and
beauty constitute one of the great attractions of this work to the modern student.
With us the presence of the cancelli is harmonised with the arcaded form of screen,
and subordinated to this dominant feature, for the arcade, whether triple or multiple,
is characteristic of English screenwork.
§ 9. The Church in Rome exhibits in its earliest ecclesiastical structures a similarity
to those of the primitive Oriental church, but these are somewhat modified by ideas
borrowed from local building customs — the Roman house (Fig. 11a and b), with its
atrium and tablinum (answering to nave and sanctuary), and the schola or guild room,
usually an oblong building with an apsidal recess at one end, around which sat the
presidents of the guild, whilst a small altar stood in front for libations and incense.
Of the latter type is the little church in the catacomb of St. Agnes, of which a diagram
is here given (Fig. 12). But the third and principal factor in the modification of church-
building types in Rome is the Basilica, a type which has influenced the works of all
succeeding generations.
When Christianity was first publicly adopted and patronised by the leading Roman
citizens the " basilicas " or halls of the nobility were employed for the new worship,
and we begin to find a " basilican " type of church developed on the lines already described
— exhibiting the three principal divisions of narthex, nave, and sanctuary (the choir
being included in the nave).
■ <§>£>
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Fig. 11a
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Fig. 11b
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Fig. 12
16 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
But the nave in churches of the Basilican type was a section much more
important than the square middle part of a church described by ancient writers. 1 It
speedily became greatly magnified, and developed spacious aisles, and later on
transepts also.
The narthex, on the other hand, tended to become a purely external feature, or
cloister, and ceased to appear as a part of the church itself, since the enclosure of the choir
within a limited area in the nave permitted the free use of the surrounding space for the
laity, and no further division of the church was required for the purpose of orderly worship.
Thus the Basilican type of church, as developed in Italy, shows no longer a tripartite
character, but consists of two principal divisions only, viz., nave (containing choir) and
sanctuary. 2
Thus the description given by Durandus of the triple series of veils or walls usual
in a church does not apply to the Basilican church in its structural aspect, although it
does apply to all those churches which, following another tradition, have retained the
narthex as a primary feature, incorporating it with the body of the church for use as a
nave, that is, to accommodate the laity.
In place of the missing narthex, we find in the Basilicas an increased importance is
given to another division of a purely internal nature, formed, island-fashion, within the
nave itself — namely the choir enclosure, with its low wall of stone or marble — but this
does not in any way correspond to the original division of nave and narthex lost sight
of in the later basilicas.
The point to be borne in mind in contrasting the Basilican system of screenwork
with the original or, as we may term it, Oriental, tradition which the church builders of
Gaul and Britain tended to follow, is therefore that whilst the Italian model retain,
no transverse division of the body of the church, we, in the West, have perpetuated this
feature, and have elevated it, as will be shown, into a position of first-rate importance as
the principal division of the church. For such indeed is the nature of our own mediaeval
structures, wherein the chancel arch is not the representative of the sanctuary divisions,
but of the ancient choral limit3 — the sanctuary threshold being marked by a difference
in level, and sometimes by a beam or sanctuary screen, with the veil in mediaeval days —
the traditional landmark being perpetuated in our own days by the position of the
Communion rails which have become customary in all our churches, however
Protestantised they may be. What, therefore, was originally the narthex becomes
enlarged into a nave minus choir, whilst that which had been a nave, including choir,
becomes a choir pure and simple, and is structurally divided from the nave, and formed
into a chancel in union with the sanctuary.
1 Letter of Theodosius and Valentinian (Cod. Theod. lib. ix, tit. xlv).
2 The derivation of the Basilican churches from the civil Basilicas, and the striking analogies
between their parts and arrangements, are the subject of a highly interesting passage in the
" History of Incense," by Cuthbert Atchley, Ft. II, Chap, viii, shortly to be published by the
Alcuin Club.
3 Choir and nave being structurally one in the early church.
PLATE IIIi
Ambo on North Side of Choir, San Clemente, Rome
EARLY SCREENWORK
17
§ 10. The nave, which in the earliest days was square in form (code of Theodosius)
was in itself subdivided into three areas as follows :
(a) The lowest — occupied by penitents still undergoing probation.
(b) The middle and elevated portion reserved for readers, singers, and for
such of the clergy as were deputed to minister at the first service (missa
catechumenorum) .
In front of this, and facing the lower portion was the ambo, or reading desk.
(c) The highest, a position of honour, nearest the sanctuary, reserved for the
accepted penitents or " consistentes."
The lowest division (a) of the early naves corresponds to the yet earlier narthex,
which, as we have seen, was the place allotted to penitents and catechumens. This
division disappears in the evolution o$ the Basilican Church, and internal divisions of
the nave take its place.
The early choir, with its ambones, would not necessarily have been fenced or
screened until the sixth or seventh century,
when the division between it and the nave
became well marked, the separation being
doubtless needed for the sake of orderly
worship. In a.d. 533 Pope Boniface made
distinction between clergy and laity at Mass,
and in a.d. 566 the Council of Tours forbade
the choir to the laity, except for Communion.
This order was repeated by the Council of
Nantes, a.d. 658.
Thus originated the choir screen, and
from this beginning was evolved a series of
changes, the final product of which was the
choir screen with its " Jube " or roodloft
as we see it in the greater churches.
The Basilica of San Clemente at Rome
(Plate III) provides a valuable instance of
early choir arrangements. 1 Here the choir
enclosure consists of a low marble screen
to the westward, with rectangular return
walls on north and south upon which abutted
the ambones or elevated tribunes. It is
carried well down to the middle of the nave.
1 These screens, which belonged to the earlier
church (sixth century) were removed and brought
up into the twelfth century church which is built
over the other. (Lowrie : Christian Art and
Archeology, p. 168.)
1.
D'
JJ"
Fig. 13
3— (2239)
18 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
In some instances it was carried further. Spain provides some examples, of which
a typical specimen is here illustrated, showing the choir right down in the western part
of the nave, its wall being not far from the west door (Fig. 13).
The various features are figured as follows :
A. The choir.
B. Bishop's seat and eagle lectern, facing east.
C. Blind wall with altar attached.
D, D. Doorways in side walls of choir.
E. Iron screen at the east end.
F. Gangway to sanctuary, railed off for its whole length.
Note. — Upon the side walls of the choir are seats for the musicians who
are present at festivals.
Among the modifications in church arrangement which were introduced in Rome
was one affecting the position of the altar.
There seems to have been a tendency (most marked in the period from the ninth
to the thirteenth century) to push the altar to a position further and further to the
westward, even bringing it within the limits of the choir. In some Italian and French
churches the altar is said to be actually in the middle of the choir.
As an instance, the church of St. Clara of Assisi (circa 1253) has its altar in the middle
of the crossing, and the screen consequently is westward of the transept. This screen is,
of course, the sanctuary screen, but since the choir, contrary to ancient usage, has in
these cases been absorbed into the sanctuary, it may be regarded as equally, in respect
of its position, representing the choir screen, but dignified in virtue of its double office
by the addition of those features of adornment characterising the iconostasis.
Santa Sophia exhibited originally an intermediate stage of development, the choir
space being united with, but not absorbed in, the sanctuary. As will be seen by the
illustrations given (Figs. 14a and 14b), the choir platform or " solea " is greatly raised,
and is attached centrally to the front of the great pillared screen of the sanctuary. The
ambo, of remarkable size, occupied a central position.
§ 1 1 . In the union of choir space and sanctuary above referred to may be discerned
the germ of one of the most radical changes which ecclesiology has ever known.
Brought about in Latin countries (Italy more particularly) by the enlargement of the
sanctuary and the absorption of the choir within its limits, a parallel result was reached
in Western districts by a totally different — nay, opposite — means, namely the accentuation
of the outer, or choir screen as the principal structural division, whilst the sanctuary,
though still parted from the choir, and preserved within its original narrow limits, becomes
structurally one with it, the altar being at the same time placed still farther to the east.
In the East the sanctuary is not extended, but on the contrary, with lapse of years it
is the more rigorously enclosed, the mediaeval and modern forms of sanctuary screen
being a complete and solid barrier, entirely obscuring the altar from the choir. The
PLAT!' IV
Cairo. Interior of Coptic Church
Showing cancellated rood screen in foreground with rood panel
over, on the further side the choir, and beyond this the sanctuary
wall with its heavily curtained doorway and hagioscopes.
Above the wall is visible a portion of the series of panels forming
the iconostasis.
EARLY SCREENWORK
19
Coptic church provides a second or outer screen between the choir and laity (see Plate IV),
but this appears only as a light interior division, not as a radical subdivision of
the structure in the manner in which we find it in these islands.
EAST
Fig. 14a
During the period of the Norman Conquest, and the rule of Norman ideas, British and
Saxon influences were in abeyance. The Normans brought with them their own models
of Romanesque architecture and their own methods of church-planning, which were
largely Latin, as we may gather from the strong Basilican influence observable in the
larger churches built there under their auspices.
In the later Roman churches of the Basilican type transepts were thrown out at the
eastern extremity of the nave, in front of the sanctuary, and thus the choir became
centred between them. The larger mediaeval churches of Europe, with their transepts,
are a development of this arrangement, under Italian influence, and thus we find that
the choirs of our earlier monastic churches, i.e., those erected under Norman influence or
traditions, were placed in the nave, and partitioned off from its western bays by screens,
and even when the architectural style is purely English, this arrangement is observable.
Of this order, for instance, are the great churches of Saint Albans, Winchester, Chichester,
Westminster, Gloucester, Kirkstall, Rievaulx, and Tintern.
Thus many of our larger churches — that is to say, the Abbey and Collegiate churches,
are witness to the strength of the renewed Italian influence which came in with the
Normans and for a while dominated the national ideals.
§ |2- But when we turn to a general survey of our greater churches, as Englishmen
began to build them in the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries, we are at once
confronted with evidences of a very different influence at work here. This is
associated with a peculiar and very interesting development of architectural type, as
an offshoot from the Romanesque, borrowing all the wealth of suggestion that the
Norman could render, but assimilating this with other ideas, and becoming the
20
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
genuine and harmonious expression of architectural principles representative of the
highest advance in building science. We begin to observe this in such buildings as St.
David's and Glastonbury, which are both embodiments in the highest degree of the new
principle, full of grace and truthfulness of expression, and free from any element of self-
consciousness or affectation, being a purely spontaneous and natural growth. In the
western portion of Wells Cathedral we have another instance of this new development,
which finds perfect expression in such buildings as the abbey churches of Whitby or
Rievaulx, and in the Cathedral of Salisbury.
The thirteenth century was one of fervent religious feeling and growth, and witnessed
an extraordinary revival of national ideals in Church matters. A high artistic spirit
began to find expression in architecture and the allied crafts, and this was permeated
with a lofty and pure symbolism, such as later ages have altogether failed to maintain.
/
o o n c^
Fig. 14b
Santa Sophia : Sanctuary Screen, Ambo, etc., from West
EARLY SCREENWORK 21
Features of construction and of plan or arrangement, originating in necessity or con-
venience, began to wear a symbolic aspect, grafted upon them through the pious imagina-
tion of the monkish architects, and hand in hand with this growth of symbolism was
woven that web of legend and romance which has since so largely coloured our poetry
and literature. A glance into the pages of a writer like Durandus shows how this
symbolism is the very soul and inspiring power of all that we feel to be so sublime and
yet so tender and subtle in our own " Early English " architecture. Associated with
this development on the architectural side we find other evidence of the awakening of
the " English " spirit, born of the union of Celt and Saxon, in the production of a
new class of church buildings — a fresh departure in the planning of churches. This
new method, after a struggle with the Latin ideas of planning brought in by William
and his followers, ended by overthrowing them and establishing in Britain a type of
church which is not only markedly national, in a degree quite exceptional, but conservative
to the utmost extent of ancient principles.
We can trace in the buildings of this epoch an affinity with the old native school of
ecclesiology from which Ireland took her models, and to which the churches of the province
of Gaul were related in character — the source being Eastern.
Under this influence the following changes were effected :
(1) The square east end to the sanctuary, with east window, became a regular feature
in place of the apse, which, originally introduced by Roman colonists, had been revived
under the influence of St. Augustine's missioners, and again by the Norman builders, who
introduced it widely. 1
(2) The choir and sanctuary became structurally one, taking the form of a long
chancel, and at its junction with the body of the church (now the nave) appeared the
chancel arch, the principal structural division — the partition between choir and sanctuary
becoming in the smaller churches an internal one only.
(3) The elevation of the Host being introduced, we find open screenwork more usual
in lieu of the obscurity of mural barriers — the use of the veil being confined to Lent — at
the same time the altar is further withdrawn towards the east, a screen being placed
in the chancel opening, and sometimes another at the sanctuary limit. In the earlier
churches the altar was in advance of the east wall, with a stone bench behind it. Now
it was set back against the wall, and sedilia on the south side of the chancel were
substituted for the bench at the east end.
(4) Not infrequently the plan of the churches took the form of a Greek cross, the
choir being usually relegated to the eastern arm or chancel, leaving the transepts free
to the nave. But in some cases there appear to have been screens across both the east
1 The prevalence of the square east end in early days is thought by Scott to be very remarkable,
considering the close relations of Britain with Rome. The plan is unknown in Rome, and very
rare on the Continent, but we cannot, he says, evade the conclusion that it prevailed in Christian
Britain in the fifth century, and its persistence after 1,400 years is remarkable. Ireland was
Christianised from Britain in the fifth century by St. Patrick. The form of Irish churches is always
square-ended, showing that this was the tradition of their tutors, the British.
22 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
and west arms of the crossing, and this was probably connected with some collegiate
use of the chancel.
(5) In some large churches of the cathedral type, two sets of transepts are provided,
the first or western pair (which are the principal transepts) being generally thrown open to
the nave, the choir screen traversing the eastern arm of the crossing, and the whole space
eastward, as far as the second transepts, being occupied by the choir. The sanctuary
or presbytery was placed yet further to the east, beyond the second line of transepts,
these being thrown out to form a structural disconnection between choir and sanctuary,
and at the western limit of the latter it is probable that there was a second screen. This
has, generally speaking, not been preserved, though it remains to us at Saint David's
(Plate I), where it divides the chancel midway, there being no secondary transepts.
The choir is under the crossing and its screen divides the transepts from the nave. 1
The grandest instances of this cathedral type are seen at Lincoln, York, Beverley,
and Salisbury.
At Glastonbury the arrangement was typically English. This great church had
but one pair of transepts, being built before the period at which the secondary transept
was customary, yet here there is no encroachment of the choir upon the transeptal
area. The great stone choir screen, or pulpitum, stood in each case under the choir
arch, to the east of the crossing (Plate V).
Such are the main outlines of those changes which have been held to constitute the
greatest ecclesiological innovation of the Middle Ages in our own country. They have
given us in the first place a distinct type of church, and in the second place have caused
the roodscreen or chancel screen to become a central and distinctive feature in our
parish churches.
The beautiful sanctuary arches built by the Norman architects appear to have been
very generally converted into chancel or choir arches by the removal of the shallow
apse, and the prolongation of the eastern arm of the cross.
§ 13. Perhaps the most interesting of all English types of church-building is that of
which several specimens are known to have existed in the earlier period, in which the
triple division in the length of the church, into nave, choir and sanctuary2 (or as Rev. J. M.
Neale puts it, " Nave, Chancel, and Sanctum Sanctorum ") is strongly marked. It is
a division of which we may trace a counterpart in those Norman buildings which have
the central tower with its double arches beneath. At Peterchurch in Herefordshire
(Fig. 15) is a remarkable instance of the triple division, in which the chancel (which is
narrower than the nave and is separated from it by a heavy arch) is further contracted
midway on its length, and at this point a Norman archway of narrow dimensions admits
1 Secondary screens still exist at Brecon Priory, Edington Abbey (Wilts), and Ewenny Priory —
whilst there are remains of this arrangement at Dunstable and Dorchester Abbey. Tawstock
Church, Devon, has also a secondary screen of similar nature — in some of these cases the choir stalls
(Plate VI) may have been included to the eastward of the screen, in which case the screen becomes
a choir screen or pulpitum, indicative of a triple series, since the roodscreen would have been to the
westward, and a sanctuary screen or veil to the eastward, of it.
* That is, anciently, narthex, nave-choir, and sanctuary.
PLATE V
Glastonbury Abbey
The transepts and choir arch, with Abbot De Tantonia's screen, as they probably appeared circ 1500.
N.B. —The arch in the foreground is assumed as an artistic license in order to obtain the desired point of view.
EARLY SCREENWORK 23
to the sanctuary, which again has an apsidal
arched recess. On each side of the sanctuary
arch is a stone altar. By the separation of
the choir from the nave, and the resulting
separation of the worshippers under the three-
fold head of celebrant, clerks, and people, the
primitive idea of the tripartite division of the
Temple is perpetuated, and the marked
structural divisions such as we have cited in
churches like Brixworth and Peterchurch,
when regarded in the light of the ideas of
Durandus and other writers of his time, seem
to show that these features were not the
outcome of convenience merely, but had a
definite intention underlying them of a
symbolic as well as a historical tradition.
The Peterchurch plan would appear to
have been a fairly usual one in the eleventh
or twelfth century. Many instances still
survive, and we are able to give a number of
illustrations, some of which are gathered from
the Buckler Collection (Br. Mus.). The
churches of Checkenden, Oxon. (Fig. 16a) ;
Sutton, Kent; and Birkin, Yorks. (Fig. 16c),
show the square choir, and apsidal presbytery
or sanctuary. That of Dunham Magna, Norfolk
(Fig. 16b) is a pre-Norman instance.
Scotland provides a perfect instance in
Dalmeny Church (Fig. 16d), and another at
Leuchars (Fig. 16e), which has lost its old
nave. The plan of the church on Brough of
Birsay, Orkney, borrowed from MacGibbon
and Ross's "Ecclesiastical Architecture of
Scotland," Vol. I, presents an instance of
exceptional interest (Fig. 17). Here the apse,
originally open to the choir, was screened off
in mediaeval times by a stone reredos wall and
altar, the footings of which remain. The little
choir is almost a true square, and before its
western opening are the remains of two
circular turrets containing evidences of the
Fig. 15
Fig. 16a
Fig. 16b
Fig. 16c
PLATE VI
Tawstock Church, Devon
Secondary screen, dividing chancel from transepts.
Fig. I6d
Fig. 16e
Fig. 17
4— <2=39
Fig. 18
Fig. 19a
Fig. 19b
Fig. 20
Fig. 21
Fig. 22
28 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
former existence of spiral stairs (probably continued in wood) to a roodloft. The
Church of St. James's Hospital at Dunchurch, of which a fragment was sketched in
1808, and that of Newhaven, Sussex, also illustrate the tripartite principle. St. Michael's
Church, Southampton, is yet another instance of a choir beneath the Norman Tower.
Some of these churches have been altered by the prolongation of the chancel to the
eastward, whilst retaining the square central part unaltered. Of this nature are those
of Castle Rising, Norfolk (Fig. 18), Sunninghill, Berks. (Fig. 19a), and Brockley, Suffolk
(Fig. 19b), whose plans are given.1 Many more exist, but these are too numerous to
particularise, whilst probably a yet greater number have been altered out of all
recognition. Some further varieties are shown. At Breamore (Fig. 20), the sanctuary
is rectangular, and does not exhibit the degree of enlargement characterising the
previous examples. Hampnet Church (Fig. 21) is an anomalous instance, and
Tidmarsh Church (Fig. 22) gives us another method of procuring the tripartite plan.
The choir here is simply screened off from the nave, and the sanctuary arch is alone
structural.
There is another form of church plan met with in certain districts which requires
separate consideration, as it differs in one very important particular from those
above described as having been developed under twelfth-century influence. This is
found in churches of the Celtic districts — Wales and the south-west peninsula — and
in the later churches of the East Anglian counties. In neither of these do we find the
choir arch as a structural feature. It is entirely missing in the Welsh churches, and
almost entirely so in those of Devon and Cornwall. The Welsh churches are simple
parallelograms in which the screenwork forms the sole division internally. Much the
same may be said of the original Devonshire and Cornwall churches — but the general
addition of aisles to these has modified their appearance.
We will now endeavour to trace the origin and follow the modifications of the screen-
work as we find it in our parish churches, and it will be as well to turn back in the first
place to the beginnings. The churches of our Celtic forefathers were doubtless rude
and simple structures, but for any definite information as to their form we are dependent
upon such hints as may be gathered from early writings. There are descriptions extant
of the church built in the fifth century by Saint Brigit at Kildare, 2 from which it would
appear that there was a double nave — there being a partition down the centre, the
division on the right being reserved for men, that on the left for women (Fig. 23). Both
naves communicated by a doorway with the sanctuary, the screen in which these two
doorways existed being opaque — we are told it was decorated by paintings — and the doors
covered with veils. 3 The description implies a form closely analogous to the iconostasis
and shrouded sanctuary of the Eastern churches.
1 These are reproduced from the Buckler manuscripts.
2 In a " Life of St. Brigit by Cogitosus "; and a fifteenth century Gaelic MS. "Life of St. Columba,"
preserved in the Advocates' Library at Edinburgh.
'Warren: "Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church," p. 91.
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EARLY SCREENWORK
29
Fig. 23
So far then as documentary evidence can guide us, it appears that the British
(Celtic) churches contained a solid or opaque sanctuary screen. For the rest we may
assume, with Gilbert Scott, that they
were like the Irish oratories in their
general features.
The little churches of the Hebrides
and the north of Scotland are for the
most part built upon this plan and offer
a striking demonstration of the narrow-
ness of the sanctuary opening. We give
plans of those at Wyre, Orkney (Fig.
24a), Lybster, Caithness (Fig. 24b), and
Uyea, Shetland (Fig. 24c).
§ | H. The Anglo-Saxons, largely
Christianised by the northern mission-
aries, adopted their type of church
building, and we find it dominant in
most localities. In their heavy stone
wall separating sanctuary from nave and
penetrated, as at St. Lawrence, Bradford-
on-Avon, by a single opening of the slenderest
proportions, we have the counterpart of the
Kildare screen in another material and style
of building. In these churches of the " Saxon"
era, too, it is probable that the doorways were
veiled, by a curtain attachment to a rod across
the opening.
The custom of entirely enclosing the sanc-
tuaries of churches with a solid barrier very
probably had a practical, as well as a liturgic or
symbolic, side to it. In the earliest days of all;
when worship was extremely simple in form, and
confined to the tried and faithful few, there
would have been no active need of this, and De
Fleury says that the early Christians did not
always veil the Ceremony of the Mass, or if they
did, the custom was not a general one. Probably
it was at first purely an Oriental custom. A
fresco of a Syrian cemetery chapel, for instance,
shows a liturgical veil. But the sanctuaries in
the earliest days were open to the faithful
Fig. 24a
Fig. 24b
30 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
worshippers, the initiates in the liturgic secrets, and nothing stood in the way of unveiling
to them the view of the Holy Mysteries. * But with the Peace of the Church came a great
influx of new members, worship ceased to present the old difficulties or dangers, and it
became expedient to separate the Presbytery more effectually and to place a bar between
the neophytes and those sacred things which they would not understand, for they
were a rude crowd, often profane, and quite untried in loyalty. To a certain extent,
therefore, the solid barrier might appear to be characteristic of a church amongst
uncivilised people, but its liturgic and symbolic side is far more important, and must
not be lost sight of.
§ 1 5. The Eastern type of church with its veiled sanctuary represents the Johannine or
mystic tradition in Christian worship, being that aspect which appealed to the philosophic
mind of the Greek. It bears witness to the presence of a treasured and sacred inner
teaching, the Divine Sophia or Wisdom, of which the exoteric doctrine was but a partial
expression adapted to the imperfections of the human understanding.
In the church of the Grotto of the Apocalypse at Patmos is one of the most
ancient of the structural forms accompanying this school of teaching. Here the
iconostasis is simply a wall pierced by a door and two small windows, the whole
surmounted by a figure of Our Lord in the Byzantine manner (Dom. Calmet : " Diet,
de la Bible)." This apparently early instance of a sacred figure is probably
indicative of a regular custom. At Bradford-on-Avon there was no doubt a similar
figure (probably one of Our Lord in glory), as the two remaining figures of angels in
adoration testify.2
Not only in the more important features of our early church building and arrangement
is this Eastern influence found, but in minor matters — details of furnishing and equipment
— it is equally to be traced. For example, in the churches of the Orient it was the
universal custom in former times to use a " flabellum " or solid fan — generally of repousse
silver— to keep gnats off the chalice — the same object is represented more than once in the
Irish^Book of Kells. The Egyptians also used a " textus-case " of enriched metal for
holding their scriptures — corresponding to the Irish cumhdach in which a copy of the
Gospels is supposed to be sealed up. We find other links with eastern custom in the
Celtic practice of mixing the chalice before the Liturgy (afterwards common in non-
Roman parts of the west), and the pouring of the water first, as in Russia to this day.
1 In the " Pratum Spirituale " is a story told by John of Moschus (d. 620 a.d.) of certain shepherd
boys of the sixth century, who, playing at " church " went through all the ceremonial of the liturgy
and recited the Invocation and other prayers. He says that the children stood near the sanctuary,
and both heard and saw the service at the altar.
2 The angel figures furnish a counterpart to the Cherubim which appeared on the veil in the Jewish
Tabernacle.
Upon an Anglo-Saxon tablet of ivory, preserved in the University Museum of Antiquities at
Cambridge, may be seen a glorified figure of Our Lord, and beneath, a rood carried by two angels
exhibiting almost precisely the characters of those at Bradford-on-Avon.
EARLY SCREENWORK
31
Also in the short sceptre-like " bachul " or Bishop's crozier, and the position of the " Kiss
of Peace " in the Liturgy. A brief consideration of these interesting analogies may be
serviceable as tending to demonstrate the reality of the links which bound East and
West together in those primitive days of our Faith.1
The earliest Christian settlements in Britain probably dated from the latter half of the
second century. They were effected by missionaries from Gaul, and it has been suggested
that the Aurelian persecution, which took place in the South of Gaul about the year
177 a.d., may have stimulated this movement. They used a liturgy which was
to all intents and purposes identical with that used in Gaul.
To trace the various other chains of influence that bind East to West in those early
days were a fascinating task, but one outside the scope of this work. Whether by land
or sea, through the intercourse of Semite trader, 2 or the missionary activity of Christian
proselytisers, 3 legend and history unite in pointing to the Orient as being not only the
birthplace of our religion, but in a very real and intimate sense our early guide and tutor,
the parent of our primitive ecclesiological arts and customs.
Let us now consider more particularly the models followed by our Saxon ancestors
in the building of their churches, as regards the
enclosure of the sanctuary.
§ 16. The prevalent type of Saxon church
is that in which the sanctuary, which is of
small dimensions, exhibits a square east-end,
with a solid wall dividing it from the nave. This
would appear to be derived from the older British
types and most of the churches built about the
period of the re-Christianising of the people by
those northern evangelists, to whom a large share
1 Duchesne suggests that this liturgy, which after-
wards became of paramount use in the Western churches,
came to us through Gaul, from Milan, which he considers
to have been the active centre of development.
2 The Phoenicians were a northern tribe of Semitic
blood, and it is they who were the artists of the race.
All the distinctive features of the Jewish temple are
characteristic of them. Who can say how far they may
not have impressed their ideas — even their building
models — on people here ?
8 Of the legendary mission of the Apostles to Britain
little can be said. Until some more tangible evidence is
forthcoming these will remain legends only, and are
scarcely matter for serious argument. That of Saint Paul
is recalled, says Scott, by the fact that the original
Basilica of St. Paul-extra-Muros at Rome was until the
Reformation always under the protection of the British
sovereign — a traditional patronage which might appear
to suggest a confirmation of the story that the work of
the Apostle extended to these islands. Fig.
32 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
of successful mission work in the seventh century is attributed, would naturally have
followed their traditions.
The effectiveness of the barrier between nave and sanctuary is strikingly emphasized
in such instances as that of St. Lawrence, Bradford-on-Avon (an eighth-century church)
in which the opening which does duty as a chancel-arch is scarcely more than a mere
doorway (Figs. 25 and 5b, ante).
A chancel-arch of hardly greater diameter, measuring, in fact, only 4 feet 3 inches in
width, was standing until the middle of the nineteenth century, at Upton, Bucks. x
And there is another good example at Chalbery, near Blandford, Dorset. Across these
narrow openings a veil was hung, and the whole act of Consecration was hidden from
the people, probably for reasons of a practical, as well as a liturgic or ritual nature.
But side by side with the churches built after the primitive British model there are others
of the same period which conform to a different type. These are found in the more
southerly districts, and were erected by artificers from among the Roman settlers ;
and of these some fragments still remain incorporated with the fabric of later churches,
as in the case of the Church of St. Martin, Canterbury, restored by St. Augustine, of which
Bede says that it had been originally constructed by Roman believers, thus apparently
suggesting a distinction between native and Roman workmanship.
The remains of the Church at Silchester, excavated in recent years, show a distinctly
Basilican plan, 2 but the Roman type of church never became dominant here. The British
tradition was destined to survive not only the influence of the Roman settlers, and the
destruction wrought by the Saxon and British conquests, but even the power of the
Italian influence brought by Augustine and his monks. Certain features of Roman
importation — notably the apse — are observable in the remains of some of the churches
of the earlier Saxon period, but in a modified form.
Those churches, however, of which we spoke above, and which may be termed Romano-
British, present a feature of singular interest in the form of the screenwork which is
associated with them. This consists not in a single opening, like the British type, but
in a series of three arches, sometimes of equal size, supporting a wall placed across the
church. These recall the three arched portals, spoken of by Eusebius in his description
of the church of Paullinus above referred to.
It was then removed, and a wider one
substituted ; the stones of the original being
built into the east wall of the new south aisle.
The original arch is figured in the Gentleman's
Magazine, vol. 28. New Series, p. 489, Nov.,
1847.
2 There is no proof that this was origin-
ally built as a church, and the probability
seems to lie in the theory that it was a pre-
Christian building adapted, like others of its
class, to the purpose of worship. Saint
Augustine consecrated many buildings for-
merly used for heathen worship. See his
correspondence with St. Gregory in St. Bede's
FJG- -° " Ecclesiastical History."
PLATE VIII
EARLY ENGLISH SCREENWOR]
E[ *& Si
(A) Screen in Saint Mary's Hospital, Chichester
(B) Roodscreen, Stanton Harcourt, Oxon
EARLY SCREEN WORK
33
Of this nature was the mural screen in the very early and simple plan of the church at
Rochester (Fig. 26), where, however, the apse was shallow, and the arcade may be
regarded as a sanctuary screen rather than a choir screen.1
There are, however, other examples, as
that of St. Pancras, Canterbury (Fig. 28), in
which it is equally clear that this feature
marks the more outward division — the irvkai
copalai and fiao-iXiical — " beautiful and royal
gates," which in the early churches separated
the "naos " from the " pronaos " — the " four-
squared oratory of the people " from the
remaining part of the body of the church
between it and the* outer doors, 2 elsewhere
called the narthex.
§ 17- In pursuance of this argument, it may
be observed that the " four-square " form of the
Fig. 27
Fig. 28
intermediate section is strikingly in evidence in our own early churches, and whether we
regard such a plan as Brix worth, where the square cell lay within the triple archway (Fig.
28 ante), or that of Dover (Fig. 29), where the figure is cruciform, and the three archways
are severally in the north, west, and south — the principle is carried out with equal fidelity.
1 That of Reculvers (Fig. 27) was slightly deeper.
2 From a description given in a letter of Theodosius and Valentiniani
5— <«39)
34
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
But it will be not only more convenient in respect of terminology, but also historically
accurate to speak of the part enclosed between the sanctuary and the outer arcade — this
Fig. 29
square " oratory " — as the choir, using the word nave for the outer portion and thus falling
absolutely into line with later uses, and the modern sense of the words.
That which had at first been the " naos " or superior division of the body of the church
once contained several subdivisions, as appears from the writings of many ancient
authorities.
Furthest to the east-
ward was the place of
the "consistentes," next
the choir, whilst below
the ambo there was
room provided for the
substrati, or third degree
of penitents, and beyond
these others again — the
whole space within the
square (with the excep-
tion of that central
portion reserved for
canonical singers or
choir) being filled by
PLATE IX
Lavenham Church, Suffolk
The XIV Century Roodscreen
EARLY SCREENWORK
35
the people, having different stations or apartments according to age, sex, or
quality, etc.
But, in the sixth century, when, following Pope Boniface's orders, and those of the
Councils of Tours and Nantes, it became the rule to enclose the choirs in a definite manner,
this rule seems to have received two alternative interpretations.
In the one case the choir enclosure became insular in form, and was restricted to the
centre of the church, so that the necessity for the old outer division disappeared — this
was the Italian solution.
In the other case the whole of the " four-square oratory " was appropriated by the
choir, and the space without, which had been screened from it by an open colonnade,
or arcade, was enlarged into a full-sized nave to accommodate all the lay members of
the congregation.
§ 18- We will now return to the description of the triple choir-arcade, as we find it in
the sixth or seventh century in England. In 1806 there stood at Reculvers an early
and perfect instance of this feature, and before it was pulled down a drawing was made,
which has fortunately been preserved. A slight sketch is here given. (Fig. 30.) The
arches were of equal size, all having been open, so far as can
be ascertained, to the floor level. Here, and at St. Pancras,
Canterbury, whose foundations still remain, the space enclosed
within the arcade to the eastward is much increased, and is obviously
a true choir or chancel in intent. Still more notably is this the case
at Brixworth — a grand example of a seventh century church, now
mutilated by the " restorers " — in which there was a well-marked
division between sanctuary and choir, and another between choir
and nave.
The Brixworth sanctuary, which was small and narrow, opened to the choir by a tall
arch after the Basilican model, but some distance to the westward, and the nave was
spanned by one of these triple arcades (Fig. 31) supporting a wall and forming a
distinction between the
presbyteral space or
choir on the one hand,
and the' place of the
laity on the other. In
this instance the cen-
tral arch was wider
and loftier than the
side arches, and corre-
sponded in its propor-
tions to the sanctuary
arch beyond it, whilst
above each of the Fig. 32
Fig. 31
36
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
w//))/mimy^m%
Fig. 33
smaller arches was a clerestory window, opposite and similar to the small windows
still existing in the east wall, and flanking the sanctuary arch.1
The arcaded type of screen does not appear to be a feature of Roman origin, but it
occurs in buildings of southern Italy, and throughout the Levantine and other Eastern
districts where it appears as a sanctuary screen in churches dating from the third or
fourth centuries. De Fleury, in his work, " La Messe," gives a variety of examples of
this order, in which very frequently the central arch is much larger than the flanking ones,
and in others again the side arches are not pierced, but are simply recesses for altars.
In the East are to be found many early examples of these sanctuary arcades,
some having more than three openings, as at
Sion (Fig. 32). In England, these appear to
have been the rule, following ancient precedent,
and there seems in this an undoubted symbolic
intention.
In some of the examples given by De Fleury, the
central arch assumes an importance which causes it
to reproduce to some extent the character of the
triumphal arch of the old Roman Basilica (Fig. 33) ;
and where we have the lesser arches by its side,
we have what is really a compromise between the
Italian and the Levantine models.
Of this last nature is the screen or sanctuary wall
of the Chapel of the Blessed Martyrs at Nola, South
Italy, a Christian Pompeii of the fourth century
(Fig. 34).
In the East this type of screen, being used to
enclose the sanctuary, gradually changes its form,
becoming in process of time the solid Iconostasis
of the Greek Church. In England, as has been
shown, it assumes the position, after the sixth
century, of a choir or chancel screen, and thus
employed, it appears to have furnished the model
for a number of later examples, of which the leading
instances will be mentioned.
From the seventh down to the twelfth century,
any authentic specimen of the triple choir-arcade
is hard to discover. Partly no doubt this is
attributable to the popularity of other and rival
models
in which a single arch of wider dimensions
Fig. 34
1 Rev.
Church.
C. F. Watkins — Monograph on Brixworth
X
w
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. — X
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o
U
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X
ID
EARLY SCREENWORK
37
takes the place of it, and in which we have in consequence an outer and an inner
arch of similar character, as may be seen in many churches of the Norman period of
cruciform shape, or possessing a central tower, in the east and west walls of which the
arches lie. Others, like Peterchurch (Fig. 15), have the choir space thus separated,
independently of any tower.
Other churches again of the Escomb (Durham) type had no mural barrier, but
only some light internal partition (possibly the " veil " of Durandus), of which no
trace remains but the signi-
ficance of the position of the
north and south doorways.
There are nevertheless
some examples of the triple
arcade which possess to all
appearance a tenth or
eleventh century character,
but whose history modern
restorations have so entirely
vitiated that we cannot claim
them as authentic. There is
a group of churches in Sussex,
in the Brighton district,
which exhibit this feature.1
In the class very nearly
allied to this, in which the
side openings were short, and
mounted on a breast wall,
there are numerous instances
of an early date, but of the
genuine triple arcade we can
point to no more until the
thirteenth century is reached,
when several may be noted
as still surviving. Perhaps
the example most nearly
related to the earlier series is that of Wool in Dorset (Fig. 35), where three pointed
arches of equal size and height sustain the chancel wall.
Another and very beautiful thirteenth century instance is that of Westwell, Kent
(Fig. 36), where the arcade possesses a studied and refined architectural character. Here
1 Pyecombe, Patcham, and Clayton churches have it. Another, at Ovingdean, now shows the
triple arcade, but this is a recent modification of the original scheme in which the side openings did
not reach the floor. That at Pyecombe is believed to have been similarly treated.
Fig. 35
38
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
the three arches, which spring from slender cylindrical shafts, 17 feet high, are trefoil-
cusped, and above them upon the surface of the wall are the remains of rich medallions
and carved spandrel foliations. The central arch in this example is loftier than the
others.
n
s
in
Fig. 36
Instances of a somewhat later date are to be seen at Capel-le-Ferne, Kent (Fig. 37),
and at Welsh Newton in Monmouthshire (Fig. 38). In the former case the chancel waD
is retained for the full height above the screen, but in the latter, the wall does not rise for
more than a few feet above the arcade, its place having been taken in former times by a
tympanic filling of close boarding, as far as the roof of the church. (See " Tympana.")
At Capel-le-Ferne a curious feature is noticeable. This is the open fenestration or
clear window-like space in the wall above the arcade, just over the level of the former
PLATE XIa
The Roodscreen : Edlesbokough, Bucks.
PLATE XIb
The Roodscreen : Mobberley (Cheshire)
EARLY SCREENWORK
39
roodloft gallery. It may, we think, be confidently assumed that this was designed for
the reception in the first instance of the Holy Rood and figures, and secondly to serve
the purpose of a
hagioscope behind
the Rood Altar in
the loft, towards the
High Altar in the
sanctuary below.
A blind arch in a
similar position, with
the piscina by its side
denoting its sacred
use, is to be seen at
Little Hereford (Fig.
39) . Francis Bond
has called attention
to the curious parallel
to the Capel-le-Ferne
opening, 1 which is to
be seen in the great
screen of Trondhjem
cathedral.
Scotland furnishes
aparallel in Dunblane
Cathedral, where the
choir arch is sur-
mounted by a large
traceried opening.
Over the chancel
arch in the Cathedral
of Brechin is a
pointed recess, containing a central
feature is observable at Lincluden.
Fig. 37
opening, now walled up (Fig. 41), and a similar
1 Sicily, a meeting-ground in the eleventh century of East and West, supplies us with some curious
ecclesiological parallels in regard to work of this and the immediately succeeding period.
The island, which had been under Saracenic rule, was conquered and peacefully occupied by
Norman princes, and here, as everywhere else, the men of that remarkable race showed their double
prowess as architects and rulers.
In the chapel of La Martorana, Palermo, built circa 1 143 by George of Antioch, admiral to Roger II,
Norman King of Sicily, is a remarkable arrangement (Fig. 40) , recalling some of the features of our
early churches. The chapel, which has three naves in parallel series, is furnished with a choir-space
enclosed by low marble cancelli, and beyond this the apse-wall, eastward of the central nave, is
perforated by a narrow doorway, immediately above which is an arched headed opening of like width,
similar in appearance to that of Capel-le-Ferne. A slight diagram is given. There is a good photograph
of this chapel in the Proc. British Archaeol. Assoc, xii, 1, 28 (Apr., 1908).
40
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
But, speaking of this lofty opening over the chancel entrance, it may be interesting
to recall the fact that in some other churches, as at Castle Rising and Melton Constable,
above the chancel arch, openings of this order appear, in the first instance triple, in the
second double (Fig. 42 (a) and (b) ).
In the case of Castle Rising, the idea obviously suggests itself that here was the space
Fig. 38
allotted for the crucified figure, St. Mary, and St. John each having its own proper niche.
In the case of Melton Constable, it would appear that the rood must have been laid
upon the central pier, its arms lying on the flat spandrel over, whilst the openings at
the side would form niches for the figures as before.
This theory of their use does at least provide an intelligible reason for the presence of
these openings, and it would perhaps be less easy to suggest an alternative. At Langridge,
near Bath, over the magnificent twelfth century choir archway, is a single niche with
zigzag enrichments, containing a sacred figure.
PLATE XII
DETAILS OF WOOD SCREENWORK (XIV-XV Centur«0)
(A) XIV Century Panels : Halberton, Devon
(IS) Early XV Century Panels with Figure
Paintings : Southvvold, Suffolk
(C) Rich Late XIV Century Panelling in Dado of Roodscreen : Mobberley, Cheshire
6 — (2239)
42
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
§ 1 9. To proceed with the consideration of the triple chancel arches. The next step in
their development is that in which they become frankly a screen, and nothing more. This
is to be seen at Bramford, Suffolk (Fig. 43) in the very beautiful early fourteenth century
example there, and in the later specimen at Bottisham, Cambs. (Fig. 44), in which the
three arches are set in a framework of moulded stone, the spandrels pierced with small
quatrefoils. But the perfect flower of this particular line of screen development is
undoubtedly to be found in the superb architectural instances at Stebbing, and at
Great Bardfield, in Essex (Plates VI Ia and b). These most happily combine the principle
of the triple arcade with that of the single chancel arch — a trinity in unity — and being
relieved of much of their structural responsibility by the presence of the encompassing
arch, present an admirable degree of lightness and refinement of design. That of
Stebbing is the older, being of the
fourteenth century. Bardfield is
early Perpendicular in character.
In both cases the rood and figures
were inwrought in the original
design, and have in the latter case
been replaced.
In the foregoing series, ex-
cepting Bramford, the openings
run clear from the ground, and
there is every reason to consider
that they were anciently furnished
with cancelli or lattices in the
side openings and gates in the
centre (at least in the earlier
instances), although nothing of
the sort now remains.
The reasons for assuming this
to have been the case are briefly
as follows :
(1) The rule for the enclosure
of choirs in the sixth
century, and the need for
a real barrier for order's
sake.
(2) The known use of such
cancelli, which were a
traditional feature in the
primitive church (p. 13
Fig. 41 ante)-
PLATE XIII
WOOD SCREENWORK, XV-XVI CENTURIES
(A) Roodscreen : Charlton-on-Otmoor, Oxok
N. \
/ If. t s
a&agazte&iS^^j^ :'^i"-'v-~^--^ - - . ;"- "
(B) Roodscreen : Astbcry, Cheshire
EARLY SCREENWORK
43
Fig. 42a
Cambridge (Fig. 45) is a chancel
screen of wood having three
openings, the lights clear, the
heads arched and enriched with
feathered cusping. This is of the
fourteenth century. There are
numerous wooden screens in
Wales which exhibit the same
influence. They show a rough
suggestion of an arcade in timber-
framing with curved brackets, and
are usually double, being designed
for the support of a roodloft. A
very fine specimen of this kind
remains at Llanelieu, Diagram
Sheet B, Fig. 6. A most curious
example was surviving in 1810 at ^
Llangeitho (Cardigan), of which
(3) The evidence of the use of the
cancelli as surviving in later
screenwork (argument of
continuity).
(4) The existence of stone-built breast
walls in the lateral openings in
many examples of a kindred
class of screen.
Other varieties of stone screenwork
exhibit the same idea of the triple
arcade. In Compton Bassett (Wilts) we
see it in perfection, combined with a
screen of another order (Plate XLIb).
The same is to be seen at Le Folgoet,
Brittany — almost a sister screen to
the last, as regards general type, and
even in our wooden screenwork the same
feeling is reproduced. At Triplovv, near
Fig. 42b
44
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
a sketch is given (Fig. 46). * Others, now swept away, are noted in old archaeological
works. At Bronllys the arcade to the east was replaced by the chancel wall. The
same feature may be seen at Strensham (Worcestershire), and St. Margaret's.
Herefordshire (Plate
XXXa). Theroodloft
screen atHullavington
(North Wilts) shows
three plain open-
ings. It is of early
fourteenth century
work.
§ 20. This brings
us to the consider-
ation of another
variant of the choir
arcade.
In this the lateral
openings are either
filled up to the height
of a few feet with a
solid stone wall, or
marble slab, as in the
case of the sanctuary
screen of the Church
of St. Januarius in the
catacombs of Naples —
a third century proto-
type of some found
here (Fig. 47 ; also see
Diagram Sheet B,
Fig. 1) ; or else they
take the form of
window-like openings, and start from a height of some four feet or thereabouts
from the nave floor). An early instance of this type is given in Fig. 32 (Church of
Sion, Valley of Ateni, Georgia, where the openings are five in number. This dates
from the ninth century. Coming to England we have a probable indication of the
same feature in the ruined church of St. Pancras, Canterbury, and at Brixworth it
seems likely that the same rule held good. In most cases where these low walls were
employed, altars were affixed to them, or abutted against them, and this we
Fig. 43
1 Illustrated and described in Mayrick's " Cardiganshire."
PLATE XIV
Paignton Church. Devon
Sione Monumental Screen of the XVI Century. to the Kirkham Chapel
EARLY SCREENWORK
45
iwmiumii
mkmf
believe to have been the rule in later examples which remain to us now only in a
mutilated state.1
We have an interesting example of this type of chancel screen at Ashley, Hants
(Fig. 48 and Sheet B Fig. 3), dating from about the twelfth century— and there is, or was,
a very fine specimen
of thirteenth century
date at Otterbourne,
Hants. (Fig. 49 and
Sheet B, Fig. 4), which
has quite a finished
architectural character.
The best of this class
in point of architectural
merit is the screen
of Bramford, above-
mentioned (Fig. 43 and
B, Fig. 5). In all these,
however, the altars
have disappeared.
§21. We now ap-
proach the meeting
point of two streams of
ecclesiological tendency
— that which we have
1 The ruins of the
Church of St. Pancras,
Canterbury, seem to show
that there existed a low
wall between the piers en-
closing the lateral arches.
From the twelfth cen-
tury onward the custom of
placing altars on each side
of the chancel opening
seems to have been fairly
established, and to have
become, in the merely
parochial type of church,
an ordinary feature. Many
of our churches which
have lost these altars, retain still the piscinae in the walls north and south of the chancel which testify
to their former presence. Such we may see at Winterbourne Monkton, Wilts, or Scawton, Yorks
(Figs. 54 and 57), and many are mentioned by Bloxam and other writers.
In other churches indications of their original existence remain in the shape of decorations in
fresco on the wall space by the sides of the chancel arch. Fresco was one of the earlier forms of altar
back. An excellent and well-preserved painting of this kind was discovered not long since at
Hauxton, and there is fresco work in a similar position at Alveston, in Gloucestershire. The
Hauxton painting represents St. Thomas of Canterbury.
46
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
been following merging here with another, to whose source we must return in order
to trace the connection.
The prevalent Saxon type of church had, as will be remembered, a single opening
of small proportions in the sanctuary wall, such as we see at Bradford-on-Avon.
This served its purpose well enough as long as the mystic rite of the early closed
church persisted, but when by the twelfth century the sanctuaries had been opened up,
and the Act of Consecration was no longer veiled, the Host being elevated in view
of the congregation, it
becomes evident that some-
thing had then to be done
to remove, in so far as was
structurally possible or con-
venient, the solid obscurity
of the chancel barrier in
churches having the re-
stricted opening, and this
was done by breaking
through the wall on each
side of the archway, thus
forming small hagioscopes
or accessory openings.
We find these at first
very roughly formed. At
Baulking, Berks, are early
examples, quite of a make-
shift character (Fig. 50 and
Sheet C, No. 2). Those at
Bracebridge are interesting
as one is more carefully
shaped (Fig. 51 and Sheet
C, No. 3). At Stockton,
Wilts (Fig. 52), the hagio-
scopes are of small size
but perfectly formed. The
openings are framed by
pointed arches, and are
cut slantwise through the
wall. The rebate of the
doorway is towards the
west, and there are indi-
cations that another screen
PLATE XV
WOOD SCREENWORK WEST COUNTRY TYPE
(A) Marwood: N. Devon. XVI Century
\ > \- , \ < V
(B) Soi in Pool: S. Devon. Late XV Century
N.B. — The cornice enrichments and fragments of the vaultings are here seen roughly attai hed to the face
of the screen. This was done in numerous instances in Devon after the destruction of the Ilofts and
bressummers.
EARLY SCREENWORK
47
of lighter character would have originally fronted it, making a combination of the same
order as Compton Bassett.
Y///////M
Fig. 46
Other instances of the same kind are fairly plentiful, and some will probably be familiar
to our readers. From these it is but a step to those larger and more regularly-formed
openings which we have already observed in the cases of
Ashley and Otterbourne, and these might be quite as
legitimately appended to this series (C) as to the last — were it
not that their larger size seems to place them more properly in
the former category.
These small hagioscopes of the type C (which again we have
in common with the Oriental churches) 1 are to be found in
abundance in our later churches, and even when the choir
arch was much increased in size, it was often customary to add them. After the
thirteenth century, they begin to receive more careful treatment, and are fenestrated,
Fig. 47
1 See illustration, Plate IV, of the same arrangement in a Coptic church of Cairo.
48
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
divided into separate lights by small mullions, and tracery heads are sometimes added —
so that they become perfect little windows. See, for example, the diagram given of
that of Poltimore (Sheet C, No. 5). In this case the hagioscopes are small, the arch
relatively speaking large, but in many other instances, as at Curdworth, Warwick
(Fig. 53 and C, No. 6), Winterbourne Monkton, Wilts (Fig. 54 and C, No. 7), and
Sandridge, Herts (Fig. 55 and C, No. 8), their proportions are reversed, and we have
I
Fig. 48
quite a small central doorway with larger hagioscopes of several lights. In later
instances, as at Highway, North Wilts (Fig. 56 and C, No. 9), the omission of the
upper section of wall gives us the stone chancel screen, at first a solid piece of
masonry with architectural features few and bold, but later refined into such
delicate and perfect compositions as Compton Bassett, Wilts (Plate XLlB),and Totnes,
Devon, supply.
PLATE XVI
(A) Wells Cathedral: Details of Stone Screenwof
:*w<&* gtflHP'
-
-.. ► ■
,-.#•
am-
' -^ *
(B) Paignton-. Canopied Head of Stone Screen
s
EARLY SCREENWORK
49
§ 22- Occasionally, in the early churches, we find instances in which something
like a triple arcade with lateral altars is suggested, but instead of the side arches
being open above the altars, they are mere recesses. This type is found at Nola,
South Italy, and there, in the chapel of the Blessed Martyrs, exists perhaps the earliest
surviving model of the kind (Fig. 34 and D, No. 1). The arched recesses over the
altars are here filled with frescoes or mosaics. The resemblance to some English
Fig. 49
examples is striking. Particularly does its general arrangement recall that of Brixworth
(Fig. 32 ante). Other English parallels are those of Hauxton, Cambs. (Sheet D, No. 2),
or Scawton, Yorks (Fig. 57 and D, 3), in the latter of which it will be noticed that the
original design has been modified by the cutting of hagioscopes through the wall at
the back of the recesses. At South Shoebury, Essex (D, No. 4), are two large recesses
of this sort for altar backs, and these appear to be of thirteenth century date.
7— (2239)
Fig. SO
Fig. 51
Fig. 52
Fig. 53
Chancel Arch and Traceried Hagioscopes at Curdworth, Warwickshire
L
'" 1 1 1 . ■
^gi&aggiMi
ssi
d'T
Fig. 54
Chancel Arch, with Hagioscopes and Piscinae for Lateral Altars at
Winterbourne Monckton, Wilts
PLATE XVII
WOOD SCREENWORK OF THE LATER PERIOD (XVI CENTURY)
VAKIEI IES 01 DETAIL
(A) I- rom Roodsclcken : Llanrwst, Denbigh
(B) I' rom Bishop Salkeld's Chapel Cablisle Cathedral
EARLY SCREENWORK
53
In some cases, as at Urishay, Herefordshire (where the altars are still standing)
no arched recesses are seen, neither are there any hagioscopes to supplement the arch.
In this case, and at Llanfilo (Brecknock), (Plate XXXb), St. Margaret's (Plate XXXa),
and some others, the head of the chancel arch was concealed by the roodloft, nothing
being visible but a square opening, filled originally by a screen.
Fig. 55
Following this we have such instances as Little Hereford, and other like cases,
where a great breadth of wall is observable on each side of the narrow chancel arch.
That this formerly had altars attached, there can be no doubt whatever.
At Eartham, Sussex, the blank arched recesses have been pierced to supplement
the limited dimensions of the chancel arch. From these early instances we trace the
connection to later ones of the Ranworth type (D, No. 5), in which the same arrangements
subsist, but the chancel arch is of larger dimensions and is filled with a fine roodscreen,
continued as a panelled reredos to the altars, whilst over all runs the roodloft.
Into this category fall such instances also as that of Bronllys (Brecknock) where the
screen was a double one, being supported on pillars some six or seven feet out to the
54
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
west of the chancel wall — and the curious chancel partition at Sedgberrow, though differing
greatly from others of the class, must nevertheless be included. This was a very strange
form, and consisted of a wood-framed screen on a stone base, the whole of the framework,
nnniiiinniiiiB nun inFiFmnniiHriiiiiiirr nnnnnnririiii n ii I'H'i'ni
-7*™#te%r*tro^<y5£^-»i^r«^-^
Fig. 56
excepting only the central doorway, being filled with painted boarding forming a complete
barrier from roof to floor. The character of this screen was destroyed by the " restorer,"
Butterfield, who has taken away the boarding and left the naked ribs of the framework. '
1 The screen in its unrestored state is described in the Ecclesiologist, xxiii, p. 289. See also
Archaeological Journal, Vol. VI.
Fig. 57
DIAGRAM SHEET "A"
TRIPLE CHANCEL ARCHES
No. 1. Reculver
f / '','.'0 ■ , \ '. if]
i ■"■■ '■-.-. •>„ ,,**> y
y:
*
r
£-C
No- 2. Wool
i el
'
No. 3. Westwell
No. 4. Cai'EL-le-ferne
No. 5. BOTTISHAM
No. 6. Stebbing
DIAGRAM SHEET "B"
v//y////////^
No. 1. S. Januarius, Naples
/^ _
i
~
!
P|
No. 2. S. Pancras, Canterbury
No. 3. Ashley
No. 4. Otterbourne
No. 5. Bramford
No. 6. Llanelieu
(Wood Screen)
PLATE XVIIT
GREEK CHURCH ICONOSTASES
(A) ICONOSTASIS OF PERGAMON
j»*. ^SV "
(B) ICONOSTASIS IN THE CATHEDRAL OF MAGNESIA, ASIA MlNOR
DIAGRAM SHEET " C "
4^
No. I. Bradford-on-Avon
No. 2. Baulking
4.
No. 3. Braceeridge
EyMM
No. 4. Stockton
/r-,
No, 5. POLTIMORE
NO. 6. CURDWORTH
No. 7. WlNTERBOURNE MoNCKl
No. 8. Sandridge
No 9. Highway
8— (22391
DIAGRAM SHEET "D
u r\"
Tff
No. 1. Nola
No. 2. Hauxton
No 3 Scawton
No. 4. S. Shoebury
No. 5. Ranworth
SECTION II
MEDIEVAL SCREENWORK
§ 23. T N the course of our survey of the earlier mural screenwork of England we have seen
X. that the tendency has always been in favour of a type of chancel partition in which
arched openings, three in number, are set in a solid wall. This may be contrasted
with the typical Italian model, in which a* row of pillars sustains a level architrave, the
space above being almost invariably open to the roof. In England, the triple division, the
arcuated form, and the maintenance of the upward enclosure were never lost sight of, and
may be traced in numerous examples throughout the mediaeval period. The triplicity
of the main design may often be perceived behind the complexity of smaller subdivisions,
when the advent of a more perfect wood or stone craft has led to the addition of lighter
mullions and tracery, the equivalent of the " cancelli " or lattices of former times. But
in the larger churches it often happens that the width cannot be compassed without
the multiplication of lateral openings in the screen, and in the case of the wide aisled
structures of the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries (as commonly found in Devon) the
simple application of the principle is an impossibility, and the triplicity is secured only
upon an extended scale by the provision of three primary openings in the screen, in the
form of doorways, one in each aisle of the church.
The earliest screenwork of wood which we now possess is that which forms the balustrade
above the chancel arch at Compton, in Surrey, and this takes the form of a simple series
of round-headed arches on little shafts with Romanesque capitals. It is probably of
early twelfth century date. We have next a few representative instances of late twelfth
or early thirteenth century work, and this is seen to consist of very simple arcading, as
at Kirkstead Chapel, Lines, or at Thurcaston. Perhaps the earliest and simplest is
that in Rochester Cathedral, now attached to the east side of the choir screen. In
these, the rows of archlets are cusped, and all sufficiently reduced in size by their
multiplication to form an efficient grille.
We observe the increase of refinement and advance of skill in design and execution
when we come to the rather later specimens at Stanton Harcourt (Plate VIIIb), and at
Dorchester, Oxon (Fig. 58a), where the moulded shafts and buttress-form appendages to
the uprights constitute an important advance in ornamental character. Yet these early
screens follow in their type the stonemason's traditions rather than those of the true
woodworker, pointing to a reluctancy on the part of the early craftsman to abandon
those habitual ideas which had become instinctive through long association ; and to a
want of understanding of the real nature and capabilities of wood as a medium for artistic
expression in construction. Northfleet, in Kent (Fig. 58b), possesses a beautiful late
(59)
igmmori^ /imiyiHi •» *«nft7
napmm mm- mi
OfTAjt or BJW
Of Qovrsftt
5fUn »
DCTM Of
0A5C
Fig. 58
X
w
Eh
«
en
2
O
2
o
a
o
o
«
Q
<
<
c/)
O
2
O
u
MEDIEVAL SCREENWORK
61
thirteenth century screen, in which the openings are delicately traceried. We first observe
the inclusion of tracery on an important scale in the screen of St. Mary's Hospital,
Chichester (Plate VIIIa), a truly exquisite composition dating from early in the
thirteenth century, and one in which for the first time the design becomes properly
Fig. 59
characteristic of woodwork ; and a little later, when the geometric fashions of design
yield to the curvilinear we have such instances as the parclose screens of Ewerby, Lines
(Fig. 59), and those of Leake (Fig. 60), or Willingham, Cambs. (Plate Xa).
Thirteenth century screens are not numerous, for not only has time caused their
disappearance through natural decay, but they have too frequently been sacrificed to
make way for the more elaborate works of the succeeding centuries.
The fourteenth century provides us with a fair number of roodscreens, of more
elaborate pattern than their predecessors, as might be expected. Some of them are very
beautiful, and new variations in form are tried. That of Lavenham Church, Suffolk
(Plate IX) is an excellent example.
62
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
The arcaded form is frequently found, although until the invention of groined covings,
or vaultings, the general structure was rectangular— necessarily so in the case of those
screens which supported a loft or gallery.
In the larger screens the number of lights
is greatly multiplied, but in the smaller
churches, in a very large majority of instances,
it is to be noticed that the triple division
is maintained.
The roodscreens in the fourteenth century
were, probably for the first time, constructed
to support roodlofts, and thus they often were
kept low, and of a depressed form — the arcaded
form of the lights being less marked ; as an
example of this type we give a sketch of the
screen heads at Merton, Norfolk (Fig. 61).
This instance will serve to show how beautifully
the screen builders of this epoch reconciled
the presence of the traditional " cancelli " with
the clear openings demanded by liturgical
custom — the upper part of the screen being
filled with exquisite tracery, whilst the lower is
comparatively free from obstruction.
The arched headed form of lights are found very strongly marked in work of the
later fourteenth century, of which screens such as those at Curry Rivel (Fig. 88, Somerset
Section), or Warfield, Berks, afford instances.
And from this time onwards the tendency to insist upon the arcaded form increases,
until at last, when the full glory of wooden screenwork supervenes in the middle of the
fifteenth century, the great majority of roodscreens exhibit this form. Not only are
the lights or windows of the screens thus shaped, but the rich and cunningly-wrought
vaultings which they carry, for the support of the lofts, are beautifully adapted to this
arched form, and it becomes at last the most essential and characteristic ornament of
the screens, a diminutive copy of the glorious roofs of stone-ribbed vaulting, with its
hemes or fans, which are the pride of many a noble minster.
§ 24. In spite of the terrible havoc wrought in our churches by the malice of Puritans,
and the far worse mischief done by the well-meaning, but terribly ruthless " restorers "
of the last century, we have a surprising number and variety of examples remaining of
fifteenth and sixteenth century screens. It is impossible here to attempt anything
like an exhaustive description of the types, but a few of the leading varieties must be
mentioned. In the three county sections (Devon, Somerset, and Cornwall) alone is a
definite classification attempted. For the rest it must suffice to indicate those broader
differences of character which give individuality to the works of the several counties.
Fig. 60
MEDIEVAL SCREENWORK
63
A very large number of fifteenth century screens were designed, like those of the
preceding century, to support a plain horizontal coving or hollow projecting ceiling, and
we find this type very widely distributed. It is characteristic of the South and West
Midlands, Wales, Gloucester, North Somerset, Wilts, Oxfordshire, and other counties.
The class embraces an enormous number of varieties, but the illustration given — that of
the screen at Ashchurch, near Tewkesbury, Gloucestershire, is typical (Plate LXIIa).
Fig. 61
Illustrations are given in other sections of this work showing further varieties of
screenwork of this class. To these the vaulted screens, which are so plentiful
in the West of England, offer a great contrast. The West Country type of screens
is quite distinguished from any other, not only in the character of the detail, but
also, and chiefly, in the general construction of its parts. These usually consist
of a series of rich fenestrations of open compartments divided by moulded and
carved standards about 3 feet apart framed with a sill at the floor level, and a transom
rail about 3 feet 6 inches above, the space between sill and transom being filled with
three or four vertical panels having traceried heads, and often filled on the plain surfaces
below with painted figures. The arcaded openings above the dado-rail are each again
divided into three or four compartments by light shafts, and the arched heads filled with
tracery usually of the regular Perpendicular type. Above the open tracery, and projecting
from the spandrils of the arches, is a rich vaulting of polygonal section, the ribs moulded,
64 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
and the panels enriched with sunk tracery or carvings in low relief. A very perfect
instance of this may be seen at Marwood (Barnstaple), of which we give a photograph
showing the west side (Plate XVa).
Although Devonshire is the county richest in vaulted screens, the parts of Somerset
adjoining can also boast of a large number. The type of detail varies in different localities
(vide Somerset section). There is a type of singular beauty and refinement in South
Somerset, exemplified in the screen at High Ham (Plate LII), than which it would be
perhaps impossible to find any work of more exquisite refinement and graceful design
in the whole West Country. Another group of beautiful screens occurs in the Dunster
district.
Cornwall appears to have possessed at one time an abundance of vaulted screens,
but vandalism has been so horribly rampant in that county that practically only two
or three remain. St. Ewe has one of the best. The work is rough, not approaching
that of the Devon screens in quality. As we enter the southern and midland districts
we find a marked decrease in the number of the vaulted screens. One reason would
appear to be that the churches of the more central and southern counties were not so
systematically rebuilt in the fifteenth century as were those of Somerset and Devon,
and thus the older arrangements for the most part were perpetuated. But as we approach
the Eastern Counties we again enter into a promising field.
At Edlesborough, Bucks (Plate XIa), and Redbourn, Herts, are fine vaulted screens,
each presenting a marked peculiarity of type and of considerable merit. At Redbourn
the vaulting is perforated, giving a very light effect, suggestive of filigree-work.1
Further east we find large numbers of screens in Norfolk and Suffolk bearing evidences
of having once possessed a vaulted canopy for the support of a loft.
Screens of the Norfolk pattern are of entirely different character to those of
Devon, and as these represent the two leading types of English screenwork, a brief
comparison may not be out of place. The lights are taller and narrower than those of
Devon, and are far more open, there being in the majority of instances no tracery mullions ;
but the arcades are garnished with a double-feathered cusping, of minute and delicate
character ; while the heads of the openings are filled with a crocketed ogee canopy
starting from a little below the springing of the arch.
We may instance Trunch and Cawston (Fig. 62a and b) as leading examples. They
probably had vaulted canopies of an exceedingly fine order, springing from small fans,
which expanded into a continuous rising soffit, beautifully ornamented with ribs, hemes,
carved bosses, and tracery fillings. At Mobberley, Cheshire (Plate XIb), and Campsall,
Yorks, are screens of this type, and in these again we have the arcaded lights pure and
simple, quite clear of tracery, bringing us once more face to face with the older forms.
At St. Nicholas, Brighton, is another fine instance of this class of vaulting, and here
the lights contain the floriated ogee canopies and other enrichments of the characteristic
Norfolk type.
1 A peculiarity seen also in the screens of Halberton and Totnes, Devon.
PLATE XX
THE ROODLOFT AND ICONOSTASIS IN THE WEST
(A) RoODSCREEN AND L0FT : SaINT FlACRE, BrITTANY
IK ■ i
East Face West Face
(The panels illustrate nine scenes in the life of S. Nicholas)
(B) ROODSCREEN AND ICONOSTASIS (XVI CeNTURYI AT ClIAPEL OF St. NICHOLAS,
Priziac, Moreihan, Brittany
Rood Screen
S : Agnes' Church Caws ton Norfolk
Elevation
fafc
decile of JFea-t .
f f ? "f f -f
Fig. 62a
9— <2=39)
66 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
East Anglia also offers us other varieties. Some of the screens there are elaborately
traceried, as at Barton, Cambs, or Castle Hedingham, Essex (Plate Xc and d), and a
few would have assumed a very different form, such as the screen to the south aisle
at East Harling, which is more like the Devonshire order in its proportions, and in the
character of the vaulting.
The difference in the character of the mouldings and other small detail must be
noted, those of East Anglia being much more imitative of stonework features in
attenuated form than those of the West ; but they have a feature in common in the
painted figures of saints, prophets, sibyls, etc., which adorn their lower panels. Yet there
is the greatest possible divergence in respect of the quality of the paintings in the two
districts ; for whereas those of Norfolk are refined works of art, frequently of a masterly
character, their effect heightened with gold and with the relief of embossed designs,
those of Devon are mostly of rude and conventional design, coarse in execution, yet
picturesque in their ugliness, and very valuable in their antiquarian merits and their
symbolic interest.1 The fact that in these later screens the series of painted panels ran
the whole length of the screens is conclusive evidence that the nave altars were not
attached, as in the earlier screens, to their western side. Where altars existed in the nave
they must have been independent of the screens, unless the very elaborate pier-casing
which, in some instances, broke the continuity of the screens with its rich niches and
canopy-work may have served as the reredos for an altar. At North Molton, at the
extreme southern extremity of the roodscreen, is a semi-hexagonal projection to the
westward, which would appear to have been the support of an image connected with
some shrine. At Bradninch (Plate LXXXIb, Devon section), statuettes still remain
on the pier casings.
§ 25- Coming to differences in detail, we can scarcely venture to classify these, but
must refer our readers to the County sections, where a number of such differences are
exhaustively considered in regard to individual screens. 2 But there are certain points
that need to be brought out clearly — broad distinctions of detail which we find in certain
districts, and these we will now endeavour to explain.
The districts pre-eminent for the possession of an abundance of choice wooden
screenwork are :
(1) East Anglia, including Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Lincolnshire, and Cambridge.
(2) The south-west, including Somerset and Devon.3 (Cornwall has lost its once
high place in the list.)
(3) The Welsh Border, including parts of Denbigh, Montgomery, Radnor, and
Brecknock, with the parts of Shropshire, Hereford, and Monmouth adjoining.
In these districts the very large majority of screens remaining are in oak, and
1 Vide Illustrations in Part III. 2 See Plates XII to XVII at end of this section (p. 70)
3 In the Oolite freestone districts, including portions of the counties of Wilts, Somerset, Gloucester,
and Oxford, we find numerous stone screens, those of North Wilts being especially fine ; and in the
Bere freestone district of S. Devon are evidences of another large group once existing, though now
much reduced in numbers.
PLATE XXI
EARLY ITALIAN AMBONES
(A) Ambo in Cathedral, Ravello
(B) Ambo in San Lorenzo, Rome
■ 9*fo**f _/S «jrrT>j^
=FFFFFFFFTTTt?r
-^ r^^--^-
S r
4
68 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
we very seldom find stone screen work, save in certain parts of Somerset and Devon,
and in one or two other limited areas, where there happened to be a suitable free-working
stone in which choice masonry and carver's work was practicable. It is worthy of note
that the districts most rich in wooden screens to-day are precisely those in which the
native stone is refractory or coarse, as in Devon and Wales, or where stone is either
non-existent or extremely scarce, as in Norfolk and Suffolk.
Carvers were obliged to turn to wood in these localities, as the only material suited to
fine carving or moulding, and thus they learned to make the most of the good qualities
of the oak which in those days grew so freely in England.
But until the thirteenth century the arts of wood-working and wood-carving were
so little advanced that wherever the nature of the local stone rendered it possible, there
would stonework of a greater or less degree of elaboration be found, and it is from this
cause that we trace those peculiar differences in the woodwork which supplants it. So
conservative and so much the slave of habit and association is the average designer that
he is insensibly tied by the mental images which are habitual to him, and thus it is that
we find those forms which are proper to stone construction are transferred to wood,
when the change in material is instituted.
It is peculiarly interesting, therefore, to trace the influence of the stone screenwork
on the evolution of woodwork from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century. At first
the design was obviously borrowed from the stonemason's art and all the earlier screens
exhibit to a greater or less extent in their detail the character of stone mouldings, and
the heavy proportions of stonework. But in the fifteenth century, if not earlier yet in
some districts, the nature and capability of wood as a material became so thoroughly
understood that we see a special type of design elaborated, which has little or nothing
in common with the design of stone ornament, and the proportions are of a lightness
agreeable to the strength of the oak, and the tenacity of its fibre.
Although the clumsiness of stone proportion gave way to a lightness more appropriate
to the material, designers were loth to give up those features whose character was borrowed
from stonework — namely, parapets, buttresses, weather tables and drip-moulds, pinnacles
and battlements — and in some districts the ornamental parts of the design are chiefly
composed of these objects dwarfed to Lilliputian proportions. This seems a good deal
the case with the wood screens of the second or middle period — and much of the East
Anglian work dates from that time. But in the West Country, where we have an
abundance of late screens — some being immediately pre-Reformation — there is little or
no borrowed or imitative detail of this sort ; the features are bold and honest, well adapted
to the material. Beads preponderate over hollows in the mouldings, and the enrichments
all suggest wood or woody fibre and vegetative growths. There is an absence of hard
square edges, which, like hollows, never look natural in wood.
In this connection it seems important to recall the fact that it is in the very districts
wherein we find this more natural and real way of treating woodwork that the Church
had had a continuous history from Celtic times, so that older schools of woodcraft might
MEDIEVAL SCREENWORK
69
have been perpetuated, and the ideas and traditions of Celtic art would have lingered
in the imagination of West-Country men, who are largely of Celtic blood.
The British methods of church-building were all based on wood rather than stone
construction, and in the treatment of wood they excelled. The traditional character of
their ornament may be exemplified by two instances from the screens lately at
Moretonhampstead, Devon, and at Newtown, Montgomery (Figs. 63a and b), in which
the idea of twisted tendril-work is very strongly brought out. There is a striking
similarity between some of this detail and the interlaced tendril patterns which we find
incised upon early stonework, and which seems to imply a web of plaited wickerwork
as its originating character— such as we may reasonably suppose to have formed the
basis of the lighter screen or partition work constructed by our Celtic ancestors, whose
ornament was of the filigree type.1
Fig. 63
But those who designed and executed the earlier wooden screens betray a want of
knowledge of the material and of a sufficient familiarity with its capabilities. Their
work is simply an imitation of stone, with often the same proportions given to mouldings
that would be suitable in the latter material, and the work appears consequently lacking
in refinement.
At Clapton-in-Gordano, the old thirteenth century screen is undercut in a way truly
marvellous, but suggestive of fearful labour for the unfortunate executant. With the
development of the joiner's art in the fourteenth century, however, the splendid qualities
1 Sir James Hall entertained the theory that all Gothic art was only a kind of fossilised basketwork,
and he traced the origin of crockets and foliaged pinnacles to the sprouting buds of wickerwork
twined for ornament's sake upon long round poles. A valuable essay bearing on the " skeuomorphic "
origin of architectural detail, by Dr. Colley March, will be found in the " Transactions of the Lancashire
and Cheshire Antiquarian Society " for 1889 (Vol. VII).
70 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
of oak as a subject for fine and delicate carving became realised, and in such instances
as those of the parclose screens at King's Lynn (Plate Xb) we see the full realisation
of the dexterity and genius of the mediaeval woodcarver.
Side by side with the development of wooden screenwork, stone screens took on a
more open and graceful character, but at last began to exhibit a fatal defect (the converse
of the early defect of the wooden screens), namely, an attempt to imitate the lightness of
timber. But the penalty of this must soon have been painfully evident in the fragility
of the tabernacle work so treated, and in the final resort oak held the field. Thus in the
fifteenth century the wood screens are found to vastly preponderate over the stone ones. *
§ 26. We find that, as we approach the period of Henry VIII's reign, a change takes
place, and one not for the better, in the carved woodwork of our churches. It becomes
more careless, more hasty, and begins to exhibit a certain shallowness of effect — with a
mechanical use of tools. At the same time patterns multiply, and foreign ideas are more
and more brought into requisition. Thus we find Italian, French, and Flemish detail
introduced into English screenwork. The effect of this is undoubtedly an increase of
interest at first sight — but the impression is too often superficial — the attractiveness is
ephemeral unless the work possess vigour and truthfulness of expression — and this is
too often lacking.
By the time of Edward VI the decline reached its crisis. Hasty attempts to replace
ruined works in the time of Queen Mary betray their careless and imperfect nature, and by
the reign of Elizabeth ecclesiastical art in England was practically dead, yet the craft
lingered in domestic works. Under the first two Stuart kings we witness a fitful revival,
and then with the Commonwealth comes the last catastrophe, and all art is submerged
beneath the wave of militant Puritanism which regards the love of beauty as a sin.
The art of wood-carving in this country came to perfection in the fifteenth century,
by which time the experience of generations of native craftsmen had resulted in the
attainment of a mastery of design and executive ability unsurpassed in any other time.
Our forefathers under the first Tudors were indeed artists to the backbone. They
could think and feel, as it were, in the material they were working. Their best products
are instinct with vitality, and we who are now struggling out of the abyss of vulgarity
which the discovery of mechanical methods of production, imitative processes, and the
commercial taint of the past century have bequeathed to us, are but now beginning to
realise how masterly and how perfect as works of art most of these fifteenth century
wood-carvings are. Strange how the blight of barren ugliness should have so fallen upon
a nation as completely to efface in a few generations the instinct and power of beautiful
production ! Yet ere the shadow of a sad Puritanism fell, and a sterile coldness usurped
the place of the once resplendent glories of our churches, the seeds of decay were sown
and were fast coming to fruition.
1 We have an example of a choir screen of oak in the Augustinian Priory Church of Hexham.
X
X
V.
w
H
Oh
SECTION III
THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT
THE ICONOSTASIS OF THE EASTERN CHURCH
§27. ' I ^HE iconostasis, or solid screen of the sanctuary, developed from its simpler
I prototypes in the primitive churches of the third and fourth centuries, was
already known in Egypt, Libya, Greece, and Asia Minor before 420 a.d., and
in Spain before 384 -a.d. , whilst De Fleury gives us the instance of St. Januarius,
Naples, for which an earlier date is claimed. Naples, though in Italy, was a Greek city.
The mural form, such as we hear of in the Church at Patmos (grotto of the Apocalypse),
or in the rock-cut churches of Taurida, where only small openings existed, * is that most
closely identified with the Eastern liturgies.
In Italy it took, as we have seen, a more open form, such as St. Mark's, Venice, which
still offers us a good example, and it was there common until the eighth century, when
it began to be displaced, the latest examples being of the thirteenth century, and these
very rare. 2
The feature, in its Eastern form, was carried by Nestorian Christians as far East as
Ispahan and Malabar. Used alternately with veils by the Armenian Church, we can,
nevertheless, trace a continuous employment of the solid iconostasis in other churches of
the Orient. At first built of stone, they gradually incorporated choicer and more
expensive materials. An early specimen mentioned by De Fleury is that of the Convent
of St. Catherine, Mount Sinai, which was inlaid with ivory, silver, and mother-of-pearl or
tortoise-shell. Examples of the sixth century are found at Chio-Mghwime, and at
Martquoph, in the convent church. The former shows sculptures — on the one side
St. Simeon Stylites and his mother — and, further on, Evagrius searching for St. Chio (a
passage in the life of the hermit), and upon the other side the Crucifixion is represented.
The iconostasis at Martquoph exhibits painted figures of the Twelve Holy Doctors and
their names in Russian.
When the Christian Empire of the East reached the height of its glory, the churches
appear to have been of an almost incredible richness. The Oratory of Basil the
Macedonian, erected 867 a.d., is described by Constantine Porphyrogennetus as having
a magnificent iconostasis — a marvel of richness. Columns and plinth wall were all
plated with silver, the architrave with pure gold, and decorated with all the wealth
that Ind could furnish. Our Lord's name and image were inlaid thereon in many
places, with enamel. The interior of the chapel was almost all silver-plated.
1 Stroukow, "Ancient Monuments of Taurida," &c. (Moscow, 1876.)
2 St. Alexis on the A vendue (Rome) is one.
(71)
72 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
In Georgia, King Miriam built a chapel with an iconostasis of many arches, the cable
pattern being the chief ornament. In the Church of Ghelati, near Koutiiis, is a stone
iconostasis resplendent with saints' images covered with gold and jewels — brought
thither in ancient times by the patriarchs of Abkhazie. The iconostasis of Sion, Ateni,
Georgia (Fig. 32), is another instance of the arcaded type, which so strongly influenced
our Western builders.
Beginning with stone and other similar material, and showing frequently the arcaded
form, the iconostasis later tends to change its character. It becomes on the one hand
a more complete enclosure, the wall surface greater, the openings smaller, whilst veils
and finally doors are employed to make the division absolute — at the same time, stone
gives way to wood, and the mediaeval and later iconostases are all of this material.
The Church of Makalaken (Mingrelia) 1 has an iconostasis of brick of the ninth century ;
that of St. Sergius, Old Cairo, together with others in the same city, is of wood, enriched
with ivory, pearls, and marquetry. On one of the doors is a Coptic and Arabic inscription
in ivory inlaid : " Salute the Temple of the Almighty Father."
There are some curious panels of wood with bas-reliefs of the Nativity, the Lord's
Supper, and three saints on horseback, including SS. Mark and George, probably
fragments of an older iconostasis of the eighth or ninth century.2
M. de Rossi considers that about the ninth century the Orientals covered their screens
with pictures as a protest against iconoclastic heresy. Paintings are greatly multiplied
upon the later ones, which become a regular picture gallery in some cases.
The Mosaic representations of tenth century iconostases at Bethlehem have been
already alluded to. Several interesting iconostases remain of the thirteenth century.
One at Mount Kasbek, illustrated by De Fleury,3 bears an image of Our Lord upon a
gable-headed tablet with pointed pinnacle over, and a lesser tablet with a picture of the
Blessed Virgin at its base just over the gable. By the side of this opens the sanctuary
entrance — a large arch with rope-pattern mouldings, and beyond it, on the further side,
are two smaller arches, containing low cancelli.
At Smyrna, the Church of St. Demetrius has an iconostasis with three doors, decorated
with columns of precious marble, the central door having before the columns two lions.
The early chapel of Pnyx, near Athens, has a very simple iconostasis, consisting of
two divisions ornamented with painting, and a central doorway.
§ 28. In the fourteenth century the Venetians, having a wealth of Oriental marble
and other valuable materials coming into port, wished to increase the splendour of
their screen, and they accordingly replaced the low cancelli by a veritable iconostasis.
Nothing of the older screen remained but the small Roman arcades of the base. They
replaced the twelfth century work by panels of wonderfully rich marble, and erected upon
octagonal pedestals, eight columns surmounted by capitals fantastically foliated, and an
architrave supporting a silver cross. The position of this iconostasis corresponds to that
of St. Sophia.
1 De Fleury, " La Messe," Vol. Ill, pp. 105, et seq. 2 Middleton, The Academy, 1882, p. 267.
3 Ibid., Plate ccxliv.
PLATE XXIII
S
P5V£s
(A) Ambo on North Side of Screen, Salerno
p) Ambo on South Side of Screen, Salerno
THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT 73
At the same time that Venice was able to afford sumptuous marble for her iconostases,
the Orientals, by this time very poor, were constrained to build in wood, the poverty of
the material being masked by facile paintings.
M. Albert Lenoir (quoted by De Fleury) says of many Levantine sanctuaries whose
screens he has seen, that these screens are formed of a light frame of wood, of slight
elevation, and pierced with one or three doors, the surface divided into equal
compartments by little pilasters. In the richer churches, silver-plated covers to the
pictures are added. Generally the upper part, a sort of attic storey, consists of an unbroken
row of small tables representing the Twelve Apostles (the ancient traditional ornament
of the iconostasis) ; also the principal scenes in Our Lord's life. A wood carving, gilt, of
palm leaves and foliage occupies the centre, where there is a gilt cross. A flabellum, often
ornamented with angels' heads, is fixed upon the screen. Lamps burn before these
tables, and ostrich eggs are often hung over them, as in the mosques.
Among the best are those of St. Theodore at Pergamon (Plate XVIIIa), the Greek
Church of Livornia, and the Cathedral of Smyrna. A more modern instance is given in
the accompanying illustration of the Metropolitan Church of Magnesia, Asia Minor
(Plate XVIIIb).
§ 29- The Greek churches present a species of screen lightly constructed and
mounting nearly to the roof of the church, entirely masking the sanctuary for its
whole height.
The most beautiful example (says De Fleury) is that of St. Spirjdion at Corfu, the lower
part of which is decorated with tablets painted on a gold ground, and ornaments of beaten
silver — the part next above forms one great painting representing legions of angels forming
a celestial choir around a Crucifix in relief. Of the " attic storey " the first, or top tier
contains twelve panels divided by pilasters ; on each panel the portrait of one of the
Apostles, on a gold ground ; an equal number of subjects relating to the Gospel occupies
the row next beneath ; whilst in the lower part of the screen are three doors closed by
painted panels.
An iconostasis of the fifteenth century at Samari, in the Morea, consists of five arches
covered with paintings, and a series of small arched panels in the attic. That of St.
Demetrius, Mount Ossa (Thessaly), is also of five arches, the central one opening on the
sanctuary, the rest closed and ornamented with pictures, whilst above are a row of
small arches, with a large cross and statues of St. Mary and St. John overhead.
A. J. Butler, in his " Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt," gives the following
description of the screen of Abu-s-Seyfeyn, which will illustrate the type there found.
" It is a massive partition of ebony, divided into three large panels — doorway and
two side panels — which are framed in masonry. At each side of the doorway is a square
pillar, plastered and painted : on the left is portrayed the Crucifixion, and over it the
sun shining full ; on the right, the taking down from the Cross, and over it the sun eclipsed.
In the centre a double door, opening choirwards, is covered with elaborate mouldings
enclosing ivory crosses carved in high relief . All round the framing of the doors, tablets
10— (2239)
74 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
of solid ivory, chased with arabesques, are inlet, and the topmost part of each panel is
marked off for an even richer display of chased tablets and crosses.
" Each of the side panels of the screen is one mass of superbly-cut crosses of ivory,
inlaid in even lines, so as to form a kind of broken trellis-work on the ebony background.
The spaces between the crosses are filled with little squares, pentagons, hexagons, and
other figures of ivory, variously designed, and figured with exquisite skill.
" The screen is carried upwards, flush with the masonry setting of the large panels,
by some beautiful woodwork which serves as a mounting for a great number of pictures.
First comes a band of golden texts, with large letters carved in relief — on the dexter side,
Coptic, and on the other, Arabic, writing : then a row of small pictures, set in a continuous
framing or arcading of woodwork ; above this a second band of golden texts in Coptic
and Arabic ; then twelve small painted beams, projecting about a cubit, and fitted
each with an iron ring long disused, but meant to hold a pendent lamp. Above the beams a
third band of gold letters — all Arabic ; and lastly a row of eleven separate large pictures."
The Coptic churches usually consist of a nave and side aisles, without transepts — a
modified Basilican plan, with narthex at west.
They are divided transversely by three screens, 1 the rearmost section being occupied
by the women. Next, divided by a latticed screen, comes the men's section, larger and
more richly decorated, and this is partitioned from the choir by another screen, the altars,
three in number, in their separate apses, being hidden again from the choir by the gorgeous
sanctuary screen.
During the celebration the central folding doors are thrown back, and the silver-
embroidered curtain is withdrawn, so that the congregation may see the High
Altar. 2
The central door in the iconostasis of St. Sergius, Cairo, is covered by a silk curtain
embroidered with crosses. Every Copt, on entering the church, genuflects and kisses
this veil. It is here that the priest says the " Prayer of the Veil."
The curious points of similarity subsisting between some of the Levantine iconostases
which have been described, and our own roodlofts, cannot fail to have struck the reader.
The lower and upper tiers of paintings, corresponding to those which we find on the lower
panels, and again on the roodloft panels of our own screens in Devonshire, or in Norfolk.
Then, again, the general arrangement ; the provision of an " attic storey " above the main
arches or panels of the screen — like our own roodloft balconies in appearance, the
traditional "Twelve Apostles "figured there, exactly as we have them described in our own
churches of the Middle Ages— as at Long Melford, for instance— further, the lavish use of gold
and colour, the choice of wood as the constructive medium — the crowning of the structure
with the Crucifix, and figures of SS. Mary and John — all present an extraordinary parallel.
1 The code of Theodosius ordains a triple division — the rear for probationers, the middle for
choir, the front for accepted penitents. We find the reflection of this also apparently in the triple
screenwork of the Cistercian churches. Both Cistercians and Benedictines also used the Lenten veil,
and the Gilbertines interposed a veil between men and women [Martene : IV].
* S. Lane- Poole, in Art Journal, 1885.
THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT 75
The close relationship of East and West in this respect cannot be better brought out
than by comparing the illustration of the iconostases at Pergamon with that of one
of the richer roodlofts of our own country, or of Brittany (see Plates XIX and XX).
Save for the more complete enclosure of the middle portion of the height, and the
inevitable contrast of minor detail, there is no essential difference.
Asia Minor and Greece followed the plan of Santa Sophia, in using the iconostasis —
thus modelling their churches upon the " Temple of the new Solomon " — Justinian. The
use of the iconostasis has never been discontinued, and in this custom, East and West, the
two extremes of Christendom are united, although the position and function of the feature
is different. That enclosure (says De Fleury) which St. Gregory of Nazianzus considered
symbolic of the separation of earth and heaven, has thus continued as a representative
feature of worship in the two remotest bounds of Christendom.
THE ROODLOFT
Origin of the Roodloft.
§ 30. Having now followed the history of English roodscreens from their inception to
the period of their full development, it becomes necessary to look back to early times,
in order to trace the evolution of the roodloft, a feature so intimately associated with
the screen in our churches that the two cannot be disconnected.
The roodloft was a gallery surmounting the chancel-screen, and having on its
western or nave side a balcony front of ornamental panelling or niche-work, often highly
enriched with sculpture and painting, with another, usually of plainer character, to
the east.
It has been customary to regard the roodloft as having been developed from the two
ambones or raised tribunes of pulpit-form, which in the early Basilican churches were
placed, first at the sides of the choir enclosure in the nave (as at San Clemente, in Rome),
or as we find later and more generally, at the lower end of the choir.
The ambones, of which numerous fine examples still survive in Italy, were really large
pulpits, capable of holding a number of persons. 1 Illustrations of early ambones of
inlaid marble from San Lorenzo (Plate XXIb), and San Clemente, Rome (Plate III),
and from Ravello (Plate XXIa) are given.
They were used for the reading of the Epistle and the Gospel, of the Diptychs or Books
of Commemoration, the Acts of Martyrs, letters of Peace or Communion, etc. ; also the
Homilies of Bishops and Presbyters, and the regulations of Princes were read from them ;
sermons were delivered from the ambo, and it was there that the newly-converted made
profession of faith, 2 and, finally, they were employed for the canonical singers who alone,
1 Vide illustrations given by De Fleury in his work " La Messe."
2 Walcott's " Sacred Archeology."
76
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
of all singers, were authorised to ascend into them (Canon of Council of Laodicea). A
large candlestick by the north ambo supported the Paschal Candle, and there were iron
prickets for tapers. The most ancient ambo now surviving was considered to be that
Fig. 64
of the Church of the Holy Ghost at Ravenna, and is of the sixth century. We have in
that of St. Apollinace Nuovo, in the same city (Plate XXII) an illustration of another
early ambo, and among those in De Fleury's collection may probably be found some
earlier yet. The latest example of true ambo-form tribune is that of Saint Pan eras at
Rome. This is dated 1249.
Sometimes, following the most ancient usage, there was but one ambo, as at St. Sophia,
Constantinople. This one was large, jewelled, and hung with lights. It stood
conspicuously high, centrally on the west face of the " solea " or raised choir space
which here abutted on the great pillared iconostasis (Fig. 14b). The old Basilica of
St. Peter had but one ambo.
§ 31. When the tendency became strong to establish a marked separation between
clergy and laity in the larger churches, the ambones were united with a screen which
enclosed the choir. The screen grew taller and the ambones were raised with it, as in the
Church of San Miniato, Florence (Plate XXIV), and that of the Frari, Venice. The
X
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2
THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT
77
beautiful ambones of the Cathedral of Salerno (Plate XXIII) and that of the Cappella
Palatina, Palermo, which, by the kindness of Mr. Francis F. Fox we are able to illustrate
(Plate XXIIa), show the extraordinary importance of these tribunes and the honour
bestowed upon them. :
The screen tended to grow yet taller, and the ambones were raised with it, often being
placed upon the screen or projecting from it to the westwards, and ultimately they were
united in one broad gallery running across the screen from north to south, beneath which
would appear, in the centre, the entrance to the ritual choir.
77v
nimm
Fig. 65
Thiers mentions an instance, that of Sens Cathedral, in which there was a central
archway bearing the rood, flanked by elevated ambones, and their staircases of approach,
thus forming one united whole. We give an illustration of the choir screen and
ambones of St. Michael's Church at Pavia (a.d. 1188) in which the progressive
development of the ambones towards the later gallery- form is well seen (Fig. 64).
1 This early form in which the ambo or tribune is seen upon a low screen, is very rare in later
times, but is not altogether unknown, even in this country. Witness the instance surviving at
Nantwich (Fig. 65). The fifteenth century stone pulpit at Cirencester is mounted upon a similar
piece of walling, possibly a small section of an original low screen. Choir ambones are also recorded
at Soham, Cambs, where Richard Sokborne, Vicar, in his will dated 1502, requests that he may be
buried in the chancel of Soham Church, " inter Ambones scilicet ij lectoria " (Rev. J. R. Olorenshaw,
B.A., "Notes on Church of St. Andrew, Soham").
78 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
Lanfranc's Cathedral at Canterbury (repaired in the twelfth century) is described
by Gervase as having had a screen with a loft or pulpitum which separated in a manner
the tower from the nave, and had in its centre, and on the side towards the nave, an altar
of the Holy Cross. Thus it would appear that as early as the twelfth century, and
possibly the eleventh, the place of the ambones was taken by a continuous gallery —
afterwards known as the Jube. But it does not appear that in cathedral churches
the choirs were, as a general rule, enclosed in this manner until the latter half of the
thirteenth century, nor did they always contain fixed stalls, as may be inferred from
Durandus, who speaks of the dorsal hangings. Twelfth century Jubes are very rare —
that of Naumburg in Bavaria, a massive stone screen and loft of Romanesque
architecture, is the only existing instance that occurs to us.
§ 32. M. Viollet-le-Duc says that the great French cathedrals of the twelfth to the
thirteenth centuries not only possessed no Jubes, but were not constructed to take them. 1
The construction of these stone Jubes being very massive, the result was the
practical exclusion of the laity from any part in the choir services, and in the case of
monastic churches, this separation was still more marked, for in them the participation
of the faithful was only an accessory, as the monks had every right to such measure of
privacy as they desired. But as the monks had done in their choirs, so the Bishops
and Canons elected to do in the cathedrals, and thus we find that subsequently
to 1250 the choirs of Chartres, Bourges, Amiens, and Rheims were enclosed, whilst in
England the earliest existing choir screen of this order is that of Archbishop Peckham at
Canterbury, a.d. 1265-1331.
The early type of continuous gallery over the choir screen received in France the name
Jube, from the custom of the reader's asking a blessing in the words, " Jube Domne
benedicere," etc. The Jubes were, of course, chiefly used as pulpits, and the term roodloft
would be scarcely applicable to these earlier structures, since the rood and its pageantry
of figures were not attached to it until later times.
The Jube or pulpitum was usually erected on a solid wall to the eastward or choir side,
and on pillars with open arches to the westward or nave side, and under these there were
usually one or more altars for parochial use. The Continental Jubes, says Viollet-le-Duc,
had usually one central doorway (see Plates XXV and XXIX), but occasionally there
was a triple doorway. Several had two doorways, the principal altar lying between
them, and subsidiary altars north and south. Of this class are the Jubes of the Cathedrals
of Minister, Hildesheim, and Lubeck, illustrated in Pugin's " Chancel Screens " ; but
these are of later date. In England the rule is to have a central doorway. This we
1 He held that the Jubes only appeared in France after 1246, when, in consequence of the Act
of Union of the Barons of France, the Bishops were forced to surrender their claim to supervise
all law cases. Owing to this restriction they adopted the monastic method of seclusion, and retired
with their chapters into the privacy of closed choirs, in the cathedrals which were originally erected
for a civil as well as a religious purpose. These vast edifices had, in his opinion, been constructed by
the Bishops to afford to the citizens ample space for their civil assemblies as well as their religious
ceremonies — this civil jurisdiction by the Bishops being the real link uniting the ancient Basilica
and the Christian Church. His view, as affecting the choir enclosures, is now discredited.
THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT 79
see in most of our greater churches — at Canterbury, Wells, Carlisle, Christchurch, York,
Lincoln, Ripon, Southwell, etc., where no provision was made for altars ; and at Chester,
Exeter, St. David's, Chichester, Norwich, and Glasgow, where there was formerly an
altar on each side of the doorway, against the screen.
But the double-doored type is not unknown, and occurs in some of those churches
(fairly numerous in England) whose naves were devoted to parochial use, whilst their
choirs and transepts formed the Chapel of a Chapter of monks. The roodscreen in these
churches is of solid construction, built at the east end of the nave, and forming a complete
wall of separation between the two churches. Against the centre of the screen stood
the parish altar, often that of the Holy Rood (which must not be confused with the
Jesus Altar, which was dedicate in wojship of the Holy Name of Jesus), whilst on
each side were the -doorways used, no doubt, for processional purposes. This
arrangement may be seen at St. Albans, Crowland, Boxgrove, Blyth, Ewenny Priory,
Bolton Abbey, Waltham, and other places. The same feature existed at Dunstable and
Brecon. Some of these churches were Benedictine (as Blyth and Crowland), others,
including Waltham and Bolton, were Augustinian.
§ 33. Sometimes in collegio-parochial churches there would appear to have been
two screens, both of solid stonework, with lofts over. 1 This seems also the case in
connection with Cistercian communities. Such screens are spoken of in the " Rites of
Durham," and are as follows :
(1) The roodscreen, which would be situated at or near the east end of the nave,
between pillars west of the lantern. Upon this, or upon a beam above it, would
be fixed the Great Rood, and below it the Jesus Altar with doorway on each
side, the altar protected by a wooden screen.
Along the head of the stone screen would be seen panels with representations
of the Passion, wrought in the Balcony front, behind which there would be a
loft open to the choir side.
(2) Another solid screen to the eastward, with a loft, on which were the organs. This
loft was sometimes furnished with a central projection of pulpit form, from
which the gospels might be read. This would face the east and be provided with
a reading stand or lectern.2 In some cases there was a well-formed ambo or
projection of pulpit form, such as appeared at Ripon (Plate XXVIIIa) on the
west side of the loft. At Gloucester, the stone pulpit of the fourteenth century
was over the west choir door. This feature appears in some foreign jubes
(Plates XXIV and XXIX).
The great Cistercian Abbey of Fountains, Mother Church of the Order in England,
had a roodscreen (probably furnished with a loft) some distance down the nave, having
1 For an instance of a stone pulpitum, c. 1337, with a roodscreen in advance of same in a parochial
church, we are indebted to Mr. Francis Bond, who speaks of the Church of Ottery St. Mary as having
possessed both, until the " restoration " period.
* Such lecterns survive at Tattershall, and. until recently, at Merevale. One may be seen at
Priziac (Morbihan) in St. Nicolas' Chapel.
80 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
two doors, and one bay west of this a wooden screen as a protection to the altar. Then
there was a stone jube or pulpitum of great depth at the choir entrance, one bay westward
of the transepts, and it seems probable that beyond this again there must have been
a fourth, or sanctuary screen, of lighter sort, making in all four screens. But the apparent
complexity becomes clear if we regard those large monastic churches, which possessed
a fully-developed nave and choir, and double system of screenwork, as being in
reality nothing more nor less than two churches placed end to end, the roodscreen
being a reredos and its wooden enclosure the sanctuary of the outer church, whether the
same were for parochial use, or as in such cases as Fountains, for the lay brethren,
husbandmen, and others attached to the monastery, with sojourners and pilgrims.
The Cistercian Order, a branch of the Benedictines, founded at Citeaux (Burgundy),
a.d. 1098, were transplanted into England in 1128 by Walter Giffard, Bishop of
Winchester, and soon became numerous and influential. They built numerous fine
monastic churches, of a strongly-marked type, one of the peculiarities of which was the
multiplication of internal divisions, taking the form of screens, walls, and differences of
level. ' Usually there are traces of three such divisions, as at Kirkstall Abbey, where
one bay of the nave before the choir door was enclosed as a retro-choir for
infirm monks.
Dunstable Priory Church (Black Friars) is stated by one writer to have had three
screens. (1) A choir screen across the eastern arch of the crossing, having a central
door ; (2) A roodscreen, of solid stone, carrying a loft, and before which was the
" Jesus " altar ; (3) A wooden screen, west of the roodscreen, and probably a fence screen.
Brecon Priory Church seems to have been furnished with a like number of divisions. In
North Germany they are found. At Maulbronn (illustrated in Corroyer's Gothic) there
were the same number.
At Bolton (an Augustinian Church) the nave was used in like manner, and a piscina
for the rood-altar remains on the south side. Bristol, whose Church of Augustinian
canons (now the Cathedral) never had its nave completed, had a choir screen two bays
east of the crossing. But in the true Cathedral Churches, there was but one stone screen,
serving alike as roodscreen and pulpitum, and this had no central altar. At St. David's
the rood was on the west, and the ambo on the east side of the screen. 2 In the " Rites
of Durham " we are told that the organs were over the centre of the loft on the east side,
and adjoining them, probably immediately in front, was the projection of the ambo.3
The same record speaks of the " pair of organs over the quire door," and a " Letterne
of wood like unto a pulpit standynge and adjoining to the wood organs, over the quire door
where they had been wont to sing the nine lessons in the old time on principall dayes,
standing with their faces towards the high altar." 4
1 It is to be noted that the Benedictines and the Cistercians preserved the use of the Lenten
Veil drawn between choir and altar, and this is in use to this day in Cistercian churches.
2 Ecclesiologist v, 119. In the same volume, p. 163, the sanctuary screen is also described.
3 Surtees Soc. Edn. 1903, p. 16.
1 By the Salisbury Use the eagle lectern for the Gospel stood in the loft.
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THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT 81
§ 34. The Jubes in the Cathedral Churches perpetuated the uses of the early ambones,
and with the advance of the mediaeval period other uses accrued. In the Jube of Beauvais
in Lent a lesson was read from the office (Thiers), and from others absolution was given
on Ash Wednesday and Good Friday, the Blessed Sacrament was there placed, and
reserved on Good Friday, Mass was said, relics exposed, palms blessed, also candles for
days of Purification, and ashes.
We begin also to hear of altars on the roodloft, as well as beneath it. On the
Jube of Lyons was an altar in which the Mass of the Cross was said every day after
Matins. There was also an altar on the Jube of the Collegiate Church on Notre Dame
de Cleri.
Coming again to our own country we, find records of the same use of the Jubes of
roodlofts in the Cathedral Churches in the fourteenth century, as the following extract
from the Lichfield Episcopal Registrars will show :
" Bishop Scrope founded a chantry called the Chantry of Richard II at the
" Altar of the Holy Cross on the roodscreen of Lichfield Cathedral. Bishop Burghill
" in 1409 changed the site of the chantry to the altar of a newly-constructed chapel,
" by Bishop Scrope's tomb near the high altar, because of the peril incurred by an
" old priest or one in bad health celebrating in the roodloft, and because the faithful
" who were weak and infirm could not come to the altar or the Holy Cross without
"bodily inconvenience."1
The foregoing is evidence of a tendency of which we find traces elsewhere, to remove
the altars attached to the screens to a more convenient position. Thus, the altars which
in the earlier churches appear either against the western face of the screen, or against
the walls immediately to the north and south of it (as at Ranworth) were relegated in the
later churches to specially formed chapels, of which we have abundant instances. The
later churches were more frequently aisled than those of earlier date, and we often find
that where the nave alone is aisled the easternmost bay of each aisle is enclosed by
screenwork, forming a rectangular junction with the roodscreen on its western side as
at Dennington, Suffolk (Plate XXVIa), and Clyffe Pypard, Wilts, and in these enclosures
lie the altars. Next we find in churches of the Devonshire type, the aisles are prolonged
into chapels or side chancels, in which the altars are placed, the space before the
screen being cleared, so that in these churches the roodscreen extends its magnificent
breadth in clear view from north to south, becoming an image-bearing screen or icono-
stasis, like its Eastern counterpart, and displaying upon its lower, as well as its
upper panels, a continuous series of figures of saints, prophets, apostles, kings, virgins,
and martyrs, etc.
The arrangement at Ranworth is typical of those churches which, instead of
being aisled, were provided with a very wide nave allowing a considerable wall space
on each side of the chancel-opening. At Ranworth, not only the sites of the altars remain,
but their fine reredos work, in continuation of the character of the screen.
1 " Lichfield Episcopal Registers," Burghill, f. 206, communicated by Rev. R. M. Sergeantson.
II— (2239)
82 ROODSCREENS AND RQODLOFTS
§ 35. Near, or about the beginning of the fourteenth century, it is believed that
the custom of introducing the roodloft as a feature of the parish churches of England,
began. Hitherto it had been characteristic only of the larger churches, and, as we have
seen, its uses were such as would hardly apply to the parish church, since these lofts
were chiefly meant for rather stately ceremonies, often of a public nature — civil as well as
religious. But there were at least two reasons which operated to promote the erection
of such lofts in the parish churches. One was the increase of hagiology, or the cult of
saints, and the desire to represent them in a position of honour by affixing their carved
or painted figures in a prominent place where all the worshippers might see, and this
led to the raising of the screen into the character of an iconostasis, and the consequent
provision of an enriched upper tier or series of panels above the screen following a custom
which had from time immemorial been observed in the Eastern churches, where the
screens were surmounted by a row of panels, very often twelve in number, bearing painted
figures of the Apostles. Of this custom we find the exact counterpart in England in such
instances as Mitcheldean and Long Melford,1 and with this the Great Rood which had
hitherto been an independent feature was brought into more intimate union.
§ 36- The part played by the Rood as a factor in determining the form and importance
of our chancel screens must not be lost sight of, for there is no doubt that it takes a large
share in the genesis of the loft in our parish churches.
From earliest days it had been customary to place over the entrance to the chancel
a symbolic figure of the Redeemer upon the Cross with outstretched hands. This was
at first a mystical figure, draped and crowned according to the older ideal, but in later
times the Latin conception of the suffering Christ, the more human representation, took
the place of the glorified figure of earlier days.
Sometimes this Great Rood was otherwise placed. In the Saxon churches it appears
to have been situated occasionally over the south or main entrance, although Bradford-
on-Avon gives us a suggestion of its having been over the chancel arch — vide the adoring
angel-figures still existing. At Breamore, Hants, is an instance of the tenth century,
and here we have the figures of Saint Mary and Saint John on each side. At Headbourne
Worthy, it is at the west end of the church. At Romsey there is a stone rood against the
west wall of the south transept, and other external situations are recorded. But very
early we find the rood given a place of honour within the church, not only as a fresco
or mosaic, but as a sculptured figure, and we begin to find in the Western church these
roods placed upon a beam across the nave or choir.
There is an instance, said to date originally from about the ninth century, at Locmaria,
near Quimper, in Brittany, in which the figure stands centrally upon a beam in front of
the chancel arch. Another instance of the early type of rood is seen in the example at Lucca
(Fig. 66), in which the figure is purely symbolic in character. It is draped, according to
the earlier and less material conception. The custom of placing the rood upon a beam
1 J. M. Neale : "Views of Collegiate and Parish Churches," Vol. II.
PLATK XXVI
(A) Galleries over Side Screens, Dennington, Suffolk
(B) West Face of Rood Loft, Llanegryn
THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT
83
was adopted in our churches at least as early as the eleventh century, although they
were probably not general until the fourteenth or fifteenth century. A rood is
recorded at Battle Abbey a.d. 1095. Gervase,
the monk of Canterbury, relates that over
the screen in Lanfranc's Cathedral (which
was built a.d. 1070 to 1077) was a beam which
sustained a great cross, two cherubim, and
the images of St. Mary and St. John the Apostle.
Thus we see the origin of the term " roodscreen,"
the word " rood " being derived from the Anglo-
Saxon " rode," or cross bearing the figure of
Our Lord.
§ 37- The chancel wall had been the most
natural and convenient place in the early churches
for the affixing of the rood, but when the chancels
became more open, the custom of placing the
rood upon a beam may be assumed to have
become correspondingly more usual. When
ultimately the framed screen became definitely
established as the substitute for the mural
one, it soon was made to serve purposes other
than the primary one of an effective division,
words :
.Fig. 66
Pugin points this out in the following
" Like every object generated in necessity, the Church soon turned them to a
" most edifying account, and whilst the great screen was adorned with the principal
" events of Our Lord's Life and Passion, surmounted by the Great Rood, the lateral
" walls were carved with edifying sculptures and sacred histories."
In many churches the rood-beam appears at a great height over the screen, and there
is no permanent means of access apparent. At High Ham, Somerset, where the rood
and figures stood upon the beam, this was elevated above the lofty chancel arch, and
no structural approach seems provided (Plate LII).
At Banwell, Meare, and other places in the district, the beam ran across at a rather
less elevation, but still clear of the loft. At Cullompton, Devon, it was far above, quite
out of reach, but here the Great Rood is believed to have been suspended beneath it, since
it footed upon a carved " Golgotha " which rested upon the floor of the roodloft. But
the instances last quoted are all late fifteenth century ones, and we may take it that the
older position for the rood and rood-beam is one to a large extent independent of the
screen, but with the advent of the loft, the rood-beam is gradually brought more and more
into connection with it, until at last we find that the rood is often made to rest, with all
its pageantry, upon the rail of the loft itself, or framed to pedestals rising from the loft
84 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
itself, whilst upon the loft, in imitation of the great Jubes, would be found an altar of the
Holy Rood.1
This is then the primary purpose for which the roodloft is introduced into our parish
churches, and necessity for the provision of a deep (i.e. broad) floor, of very ample area
would be seen, if it was, as we believe records appear to suggest, that it was the practice
to allow the faithful here to ascend to pay their homage, and to worship at the foot
of the altar. The provision of rushes in the Tavistock record implies the traffic of
many feet.
The annals of church restoration in England during the last century are full of
instances of deep lofts, sometimes occupying the whole depth of the space beneath a
central tower, as at Winsham, or Axbridge in Somerset — and Box, Wilts, where the levels
of the ancient loft and the more modern ringers' gallery which succeeded it may still be
traced in the marks of the joist-stoppings in the walls. At Yetminster, Dorset, there was
a loft of great depth going right across the church, and furnished with several staircases.2
The earlier type of loft in the parish church was thus a spacious floor or platform, and
it was supported usually by a cancellated screen at its eastward boundary, and a beam
with posts, or a light arcaded screen at the westward side.
A whole series of double screens of this nature still exist in a more or less imperfect
condition. The Welsh examples, as Llanelieu (Plate XLIIa) and Llangeitho (Fig. 46),
show open arcades. That of Guilden Morden, Cambs, has a complete double screen
with flat loft over. The screen at Greywell, Hants, has cancelli under the western side.
Others, like Burton (Petworth), Sussex, have a beam with brackets for the support on
the western balcony.
§ 38- There were some instances in which the loft was constructed at a comparatively
low elevation, and cases are recorded in which apparently two lofts or galleries existed,
1 There is evidence of such an altar existing in an English parish church in the fourteenth century,
for in the Tavistock records we find an entry, dated 1392, of a charge for rushes brought to lay at the
foot of the altar of the Holy Cross in the roodloft. At Cullompton is still preserved the wooden
Golgotha, cut from a huge baulk of oak, which lay on the floor of the roodloft, and into which the
Cross was mortised. At Saint Herbot, Brittany, on the top of the screen may be seen a similar
feature, and here are also preserved the whole " pageant " of symbolic figures which we know originally
surmounted our own lofts. As to the former existence of altars upon our roodlofts there remain
also structural evidences in the piscinae which survive in the walls of the lofts, some of which are
mentioned by Bloxam, who was of opinion that they were very common in England.
a At Yetminster the loft stretched over the whole of the east bay of the nave, and of the two
aisles. There are traces of a wooden staircase to it having wound around the north-east column of
the nave, the stone of which has been cut away in places in order to fit the staircase to it. There
were three altars upon the loft — one in the centre, with two windows to give it light, over the chancel
arch — the others at north and south, with two, and one window respectively. The late J. H. Parker
considered that the central altar would have been dedicated to the Blessed Virgin ; but we are not
aware of his reason for thinking so. There were two other altars (connected with chantries) beneath
the loft (Proc. Somerset Archl. Soc, xx, p. 62).
At Box, Wilts, are traces of a very deep roodloft under the Central Tower. The stairs are just
inside the western arch on the north side, and these give access to two upper openings, one by the N.
side of arch on its western face, and the other inside the arch on the N. with the tower. There are
marks of a floor at a height of about ten feet, running the whole depth of the tower from west to east
(nave to chancel) and a second floor (perhaps raised later) about three feet higher. This shows that
the screen stood in front of the nave archway, and the roodloft thus had a great depth. It was
probably an early instance.
THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT 85
one above another. This appears to have been the case at Brecon Priory, and evidences
of a like arrangement are visible at Berkeley and elsewhere where there are marks of two
openings in the wall, one above another.
If, as some have supposed, the early lofts were used occasionally for the performance
of " miracle " or " mystery " plays, then one could understand that by keeping their
elevation low, they would remain to a far greater extent visible from the nave. But
the later lofts with their superior elevation and high balcony fronts would be singularly
ill-adapted for such displays, which indeed could scarcely by any possibility have been
visible from them, even if their narrower dimensions had permitted the players freedom
of action, which is doubtful. The upper gallery, where such existed, would have been
an approach to the rood and pageant of figures upon the rood-beam when suspended
high above the screen, *o that the acolyte or attendant having charge of these things might
trim the lamps, light and extinguish the tapers, deck the images with garlands on feast
days, and shroud them with veils in Lent. The great Lenten Veil hanging from its
hooks in the chancel arch, would also need facilities of access.
At Cirencester there are traces of an arrangement similar to that at Berkeley —
there being provision in the roodloft staircase for a second exit at a superior height —
namely at the level of the rood-beam, along which there was probably a light rail or
gallery.
§ 39- Roodloft stairs are not found built in the church walls until the fifteenth century,
and the walls of older churches were frequently pulled about and reconstructed in the
later times in order to form the staircase which generally assumed the shape of a turret.
The " vyse," or stair,1 was occasionally utilised for further access to the roof. We find
fifteenth century roodloft stairs in north and south walls, more often in the former
perhaps, but there seems no rule about this. In Devon churches they are frequently
duplicated, being found in the walls of both aisles. In churches built in the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries the stair turret becomes a regular feature. In the older churches
access to the loft was by means of an internal wooden stair or step-ladder.
§ 40. We have spoken of the cult of saints, and the provision of altars of the Holy
Rood as furnishing one reason for the construction of lofts and galleries over the screens-
The other reason which operated in causing the erection of roodlofts in our parish
churches was that which Micklethwaite 2 has made clear in his writings — namely, the
increasingly elaborate nature of the polyphonic music which accompanied the services
in our churches in the century or century and a half immediately preceding the
Reformation, and the consequent need for the provision of space in a gallery over the
screen for organist and musicians. As this use developed, so the older one decreased.
Earlier roodlofts occasionally show the pulpitum over the door on the west side — we
still see this at Coates-by-Stow, and remains of the same feature at Hullavington and
Sleaford — and there are no pulpits " in piano " known in our parish churches earlier
1 Whence the word " parvise " — the little room on the stairway.
2 " Parish Churches in 1548 " : J. T. Micklethwaite, Archcsological Journal, Vol. XXXV.
86 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
than the end of the fourteenth century, and even then their employment was only
introduced by slow degrees.
Towards the close of the fifteenth century pulpits would appear to have been
erected in increasing numbers. 1 he edict of 1547 calls for the provision of pulpits in those
churches which did not possess them. Sixteenth century pulpits are fairly abundant
in certain parts of England, and, from the character of the work upon them, it not
infrequently appears that some of these are of Post-Reformation date, as they are
enriched by the spoils of the roodlofts, if not constructed from their remains. Some of
the fifteenth and sixteenth century pulpits of Devonshire and Somerset are compositions
of singular beauty, and from their striking analogy of design to the screens and roodlofts
which were erected concurrently with them, are valuable as evidence of the probable
nature of the workmanship and design in the now destroyed balcony fronts of the lofts
themselves. We give illustrations of two Devonshire pulpits in order to show this
class of work (Plate LXXVIII), and an example from Somerset (Plate LIX).
The point to be observed in relation to these pulpits of the fifteenth and sixteenth
century is that they were erected concurrently with the lofts, and the inevitable inference
is that the lofts could not any longer have been used authoritatively for the purposes of
a pulpit. That they were generally employed in the fifteenth century and the times
preceding the Reformation as music galleries is, however, abundantly clear, and in the
present writer's opinion this view is borne out by facts which establish it beyond any
possibility of doubt. Indeed, if proof from antiquity were wanting, the theory would
still be well supported by the evidence of subsequent changes, and by the custom still
preserved in the Reformed Church wherein the musicians' gallery never ceased until
quite modern times to play its part, though banished in increasing numbers during the
eighteenth and early nineteenth century to the west end of the church on account (most
probably) of the unwieldiness of the organs then erected.
In rare cases the more ancient use of the loft as a pulpit would appear to have been
perpetuated to modern times ; and if this has been the custom continuously, then here
we have a fact of great antiquarian interest. In two Devonshire parishes,1 at least,
the pulpit is known to have stood upon the roodloft until a comparatively recent
date, and the same custom is spoken of in a third parish, Blackawton, though here, as
well as in the two other cases mentioned, the screens have been mutilated or broken up
within recent years.2
§ 41 . With the change in the use of the roodlofts and the removal to another place of
the altars which had in earlier days occupied positions upon their floors, came a great
alteration in their shape and construction.
The earlier lofts, as we have seen, were very deep, and were formed by floors resting
upon screens or beams at their eastern extremities. But the fifteenth century loft is
1 Viz.: West Alvington and Malborough. Ecclesiologist, vi, pp. 121, 122.
2 The screens of Malborough, West Alvington, and South Huish were broken up by an incumbent
who has attained an unenviable record as a hater of screens.
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THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT 87
usually a much narrower one, and is supported commonly by a single screen which
runs centrally beneath it and upholds it on both sides by a bracketed framework which
the ribbed vaulting encases and conceals. These later lofts vary in width, but their
average is from five to six feet, or thereabouts. The earlier lofts were often more than
double this depth.
Sometimes we find there is a shallow bay or projection formed in the cornice jutting
out to the eastward over the choir door, and designed to give additional space for some
purpose. At Merevale this takes the form of a large square projection, supported upon
pillars. At Montgomery and Dunster we find the feature less pronounced in form, and the
most probable explanation is that these spaces were provided to give room for an organ.
We find in our old church records rr/any instances of the use of organs upon the
roodlofts. In the " Rites of Durham," above quoted, mention is made of the " pair of
organs over the quire door " in the eastern screen. Until lately one or two of these
mediaeval roodloft organs actually survived. One was at Tong, in Shropshire ; another,
of which some portions have been preserved, is at Old Radnor. J. T. Micklethwaite
says of the (later) roodlofts, that certain parts of the services were sung there and they
were occupied by minstrels, vocal and instrumental — whom it was the custom for well-
to-do parishes to hire to sing the service on High Days. These minstrels sang pricksong,
whereas the plainsong singers sat in the quire.
The pulpit-like projections seen at Coates-by-Stow and Sleaford may have been used
in this manner by the choristers. Coates Church has a pulpit on the floor of date
seemingly coeval with the screen, and its presence suggests a different use for the pulpitum
in the loft.
The following extracts are adduced further to illustrate the pre-Reformation use of organs in
the roodloft.
In the accounts of St. Petrock Church, Exeter, the following occurs :
" 1473-4 (Edw. IV). To Walter Abraham, for making a seat in le Roode-lofte, when playing
on the organys ............. 7s. Od."
From the accounts for Louth Steeple, c. 1509 :
'' For setting of the Flemish organ in the Roodloft by four days ..... xxd."
From documents connected with the Beauchamp Chapel, Warwick, collected by Dugdale :
" Richard Bird and John Haynes, citizens and carpenters of London xii Feb., 28 Hen. VI, do
covenant to make and set up . . . finely and workmanly, a parclose of timber about an organ loft
ordained to stand over the west dore of the said chapelle according to patterns, all these things to
be made, set, fastened, joyned, and in as good sort as those in the quire of S. Marie's Church in
Warwick."
Ex. Croscombe accounts :
" 1487-8. Item Pay'd to Thomas Rogg for pleying at organs .... iijs. iiijd.
" 1488-9. Item. To Thomas More for pleying at orgenys ..... vj, viijd."
1528. St. Peter, Sheffield :
John Wickersley willed that his executors should " cause the loft in the Roode chapel wher
th' organnes now standes, to be new buylded."
Test. Eborac. (Surtees Soc), v, 247.
Ex Inventory of Edward VI Commissioners, Lyngfield (Surrey), 1547 :
" Item : ij peyr of orgens
xxiiij cuppis of latten for the rodeloft to set lightes upon."
Do. Farnham, S. Andrew :
" Item : An olde payre of organys which had xxvj pipes."
88 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
Ex Tavistock Churchwardens Accounts :
" 1538-9. Itm. paide to John Fysshcr for takynge downe of the olde orgons (on the Rood
loft) ijd.
Itm. for a gleeve to mend the litle orgons ..... id.
Itm. paide for blowynge of the newe Orgons when they were mended. . id.
Itm. paide to John Cutty, the Kerver, for making upp of a Selynge between the
Rodelofte & thus yelde ........ iiis. iiiid.
Itm. for a hooke and (hinges) to the dowre in the Rodeloft . . . viiid.
Itm. paide to the said John Cutty for makynge of a ladder to the newe argons and
for timber for the same ......... xiid.
Itm. paide to Mery the argon-player by the comaundemt. of the pisshe . . xs.
Itm. paide to the King's Visitours
Itm. paide to Mr. Maye for the exchange of a cope in the Abbey . viis. vid.
Itm. paide to Mr. Meye for the hole paymt. of the newe argons which he hadd
paid for the Churche . . . . . . . . .,,,,.'
In 1540 a payment was made for the Argons' repairs.
" Itm. for a key to the chest in the Rodeloft . . . . . . . . lid.
" Itm. paid to Sr. John Thus, pryst, for Redyng of the passion on Palme Sunday . xid."
In 1543-4, payments on % of organs continue.
S. Stephen's, Walbrook, ex Parish Accounts, temp. Edward IV. Inventory of goods in roodloft
include :
" 1 pair of Organs, and lid over the keys.
" 1 standing Lectern for music book and a stool for the Organist."
§ Wl- The roodloft, which was once the pride and glory of every parish church in
England, is now quite a rare feature. In most counties there has been a clean sweep of
these lofts, and nothing now remains but fragmentary evidence of their former grandeur.
In the Elizabethan era many, perhaps the larger number, disappeared, and those
that survived were in all probability those which from their not containing " saints " were
not of a nature to excite the iconoclastic zeal of the reformers. 1 Certain it is that the
majority which have come down to us in anything like a perfect or unmutilated form,
are instances whose simple treatment of tracery or panelling offers nothing visibly
offensive to Puritanical principles.
The Cromwellian era probably accounted for another considerable number, but we
believe it was reserved for the " Restorers " of the nineteenth century to make the greatest
havoc with these works of art. The lapse of three centuries had reduced most of the pre-
Reformation woodwork of our churches to a condition of decay — for the most part the
result of neglect — and the use of these galleries for the purpose of choir and minstrels,
or more fatal still, for the accommodation of village-school children, had worn them out.
Then, again, the Evangelical clergy never liked or understood the screens. They
preferred a clear unobstructed church, where minister and flock might worship together
unembarrassed by old distinctions, which they conceived to be not only superfluous but a
hindrance to worship. That the clergyman should be seen and heard was regarded as the
paramount requirement. The custom, also, of transposing the singers' gallery to the
west end of the church, originating in the requirements of the Elizabethan archbishops,
seems gradually to have established itself in popular favour. We find numerous instances
of this change being made in the seventeenth century — (Kentisbere and Bishop's Cleeve
are notable examples of pre-Cromwellian date) ; and, later on, towards the end of the
1 See " Post-Reformation " section, pp. 106-108.
THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT
89
eighteenth century, the western gallery had become quite an accepted and usual feature.
Such are the factors which determined the final disappearance of the loft over the chancel
screen.
The roodlofts of England and Wales still survive in sufficient numbers to
enable us to judge fairly well of their average character. We give our readers a list of
those surviving and those recorded, and it is hoped that with the aid of the several
illustrations which, largely by the courtesy of friends, we are able to reproduce, a good
general idea of their character may be gained.
A few examples of Brittany lofts are added, in order that a comparison may be
instituted — those of Kerfons (Plate XIX), Lambader, and Saint Fiacre (Plate XX) are
typical specimens and perfectly preserved. Would that our own iconoclasts had left
even one in all its ancient glories — but we must be thankful for what imperfect remains
have still been spared us, in spite of man's violence and the ravages of time.
§ 43. STONE ROODLOFTS OF GREAT BRITAIN
including Stone Jubes or Pulpita
. Peterborough (modern).
Southwell Minster (fourteenth
century).
St. Mary (c. 1825). [(modern).
Cowley. Hospital Chapel
Wells Cathedral.
Chichester Cathedral (Arundel
screen) .
Malmesbury Abbey (Roodscreen).
York Minster.
Ripon Cathedral. 1
Howden Collegiate Church.
St. David's Cathedral.
Ewenny Abbey (Roodloft).
Glasgow Cathedral.
Melrose Abbey.
Lincluden Chapel.
The Stone Balcony fronts, still remaining for the most part, exhibit a series of canopied
recesses for the reception of statuary, but in the case of Southwell, and some others, a
simpler treatment is indicated. At Southwell the upper tier of canopies has a delicate
tracery filling. The divisions of the roodloft at Exeter Cathedral were filled with
paintings — replaced in the days of the Stuarts by others which still survive, showing Old
and New Testament subjects. At Chichester, the beautiful Arundel screen, now
re-erected in the Campanile Tower, presents a series of hollow niches, their heads
delicately vaulted within the canopies and each still containing the pedestal which once
supported the image of a saint (Plate XXVIII).
More luxuriant in detail, and of far greater freedom of design are those roodlofts of
Northern Europe, two of which are the Jubes of Lierre, and Aerschot in Belgium (Plate
XXIX). But, in spite of their untrammelled richness, it is a question whether the
1 Said to come from Fountains. There are also traces of a roodscreen in the west of the crossing
— corbels for beam, and piscina for altar.
12— (2239)
Beds.
Dunstable Priory.
NORTHANTS
Berks.
Windsor, St. George's Chapel.
Notts.
Devon.
Exeter Cathedral.
Essex.
Waltham Abbey.
Oxford.
Bristol.
Cathedral (fragments) .
. ,
Modern screen (Iconostasis
Somerset.
only without loft behind) .
Sussex.
Gloucester
Cathedral.
Hants.
Christchurch Priory.
Wilts.
Herts.
St. Albans Cathedral (Roodloft).
YORKS.
Kent.
Canterbury Cathedral (1307).
Rochester Cathedral (west face
1 1
modern) .
Wales.
Leices.
Mount St. Bernard's (modern).
,,
Lincs.
Crowland Abbey.
Scotland.
,,
Lincoln Cathedral.
u
, ,
Tattershall Church.
90
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
restrained effect of the English design is not the more permanently satisfying. Any
sense of meagreness or formality would disappear with the addition of the statuary
and the consequent filling of the vacancies in the niche work.
§ HH. WOODEN ROODLOFTS OR ORGAN-LOFTS OF GREAT BRITAIN
Beds.
Berks.
Bucks.
Cambs.
Dorset
ii
Devon
Cornwall. .
Durham. . .
Essex . . . .
Glo's. . . .
Hants. . . .
Herefordshi
Hunts. . .
Kent . . .
Lancs. . .
Lincs. . .
London . .
Monmouth
Felmersham
Abingdon, S. Helen (19th cent.)
Childrey (part).
Marcham") ,
Drayton j removed-
Sutton Courtney (in Hall of
Manor House), said to have
come from a church in the
North of England.
Warfield.
Hillesden.
King's College Chapel.
Gamlingay (fragments).
Swaffham Priors (modern).
Buckhorn Weston (part).
POYNTINGTON (part).
Atherington.
Cockington (new church),
modern.
Kenton (restored), canopied
for paintings or bas reliefs.
Lew Trenchard (recon-
structed, with paintings).
Littleham (reconstructed,
traceried).
Marwood (east balcony).
Staverton (reconstructed), do.
Breage (modern).
Blisland (reconstructed).
Crantock (ditto).
Darlington (late substitute).
Hallingbury, Great (part).
Down Ampney (recent).
Woodchester Priory (19th
cent.).
Winchester, St. John Baptist.
Warnborough, South,
re BRiLLEY(part standing, 1867).
Hope Mansell (part).
St. Margaret's (plain panels
for paintings).
St. Ives (modern), with organs.
Kemsing, reconstructed (open
tracery panels).
Manchester Cathedral (re-
Sefton (part), [constructed).
Coates-by-Stow.
Sleaford (part).
Tattershall (stone).
Several good modern lofts.
Bettws Newydd.
Llangeview.
Monmouth
Norfolk .
Northumber-
land . . .
Notts. . . .
OXON
Shropshire. .
Somerset . .
Staffordshire
Suffolk. . .
Surrey . . .
Warwick . .
Wilts.
Worcester-
shire . . .
Yorks. . . .
Llangwm.
Ran wick (framework only).
Norwich, St. John Timber-
hill (reconstructed).
Sheringham.
Tunstead (remains).
Worsted (to Tower screen).
Hexham.
Egm anton (modern).
Strelley (part).
Adderbury (restored).
Boddicot (remains).
Charlton-on-Otmoor
(canopy) . [ ( modern) .
Cowley Fathers' Church
Hook Norton (recently re-
moved).
Sydenham (remains).
Horsepath Post - Reforma-
Woodstock? tion now re-
\ moved.
Hughley.
EASTBRENT(post Reformation,
now at west end).
Frome (modern).
Long Sutton (reconstructed,
with organs over).
Rodney Stoke (post Reforma-
tion) .
Sandon (1686). Illustrated
(Fig. 77).
Dennington (side galleries).
Compton (12th cent.).
Merevale.
Solihull (restored).
Wormleighton (fragments).
Avebury.
Cherhill (panels of gallery).
Compton Bassett (panels of
gallery, now a pew).
Corsham (remains).
Edington.
Hullavington.
Mere (restored).
Besford.
Leigh.
Strensham (with painted
Flamborough. [figures).
Hubberholme.
Leeds (one or two good lofts
in modern churches).
For Welsh Lofts see " Wales " list of screens. There are nineteen in the list, but of these three or
four are fragmentary or doubtful.
The list of modern lofts does not claim to be even approximately exhaustive.
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THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT
91
t
Of the lofts yet remaining in our parish churches, the larger number show a
simple treatment of traceried panels.
At Sheringham, Norfolk, is an instance of an open framework, with light tracery only
in the heads of the panels. The loft
now placed in the church of St. John,
Timberhill, Norwich, is of like character,
rather more elaborate. There is another
at Derwen, in Denbighshire, of the same
order. The panels at Gamlingay, Cambs,
now placed over the tower screen (Fig.
67), are of this nature. »
That which now decorates the Hall of
Sutton Courtney Manor House, Berks,
has another series of pierced traceried
panels, of early fifteenth century type.
More frequently the panels are
boarded in solidly, furnishing a back-
ground for paintings. Such we see at
Edington, Corsham, and Hullavington,
Wilts ; Warfield, Berks ; Merevale,
Warwick ; St. Margaret's, Herefordshire
(Plate XXXa) ; Coates, Lines; Strensham,
Worcs ; and such Welsh examples as
Llanfilo (Plate XXXb). At Strensham
alone [excluding Hexham, which was not ™>
a parish church] are the figure paintings
preserved in this position, though, as is well known, a great number of those which
appeared on the lower panels of the screens were suffered to remain.
The Strensham series consists of twenty-three panels, unfortunately re-painted
in modern times, but still most interesting. They comprise saints, kings, apostles,
etc. We illustrate a group of these panels (Plate XXXIXa).
Next we have a series of examples in which the panels of the gallery front are filled
with more elaborate tracery, occupying the whole of their surface ; in fact they are
solid panels, perforated with an elaborate fretwork of geometrical, curvilinear, and other
forms. The most perfect and characteristic example of this sort is in the loft at Llangwm
in Monmouthshire. In the fragments of the old loft at Newtown, Montgomery, we see
another. At Partrishow, or Patricio, in the same county, the pattern of the tracery
panels is like that of the window-tracery of the Perpendicular period (Plate XXXIa).
We find the same at Hubberholme, Yorks (Plate XXXIIa), and on the east side of
the screens at Llanwnog, Montgomery (Plate XXXIb), or Llanrwst, in Denbighshire
(Plate XXXIIIa and b). At Littleham, near Bideford in Devon, the new roodloft has
Fig. 67
92 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
been designed by the architect on lines similar to that of Partrishow. At Llanegryn
Merionethshire, the east side of the loft is a beautiful piece of work (Plate XXXIV).
By the kindness of Mr. Fletcher Moss, the author of " Pilgrimages to Old Homes "
(Series IV), who has allowed us to use his block, we are able to illustrate this magnificent
'example.1 The panels are here all different and the designs show great skill and
imagination. The variation gives a great richness of effect. Parallel instances may
be found in Brittany in the lofts of the chapels of Sainte Barbe (le Faouet) and Saint
Fiacre (Plate XXa), where the fretwork is most elaborate.
Next in order of elaboration come those lofts which, beneath richly-carved canopied
heads, contain panels of varying size for the reception of figures, either painted, or carved.
In many, perhaps in most, English instances, particularly in the West Country, it is
thought that paintings predominated. 2 We have in the loft surviving at Atherington,
N. Devon, an instance of this arrangement (Plates XXXVb and LXXV). Here the
original paintings have been obliterated, and others of Elizabethan date — heraldry and
inscriptions — substituted, but there can be little doubt that this front was originally
furnished, like that of Exeter Cathedral, with sacred paintings, although the projecting
canopies are suggestive of a bolder treatment.
It is stated by an old parishioner in Marwood (N. Devon) that the fine gallery of the
loft, which was removed in the middle of the nineteenth century, contained statuettes.
This is quite probable, as there must have been many of a type designed for their
accommodation, throughout the country. The roodloft at Kenton, reconstructed from
old fragments, exhibits a series of flat broad panels, probably designed for paintings,
though possibly for bas-reliefs (Plate XXXVa).
The tabernacle work in the canopies above is of the richest and most delicate
description (vide illustration, Plate XXXVI), and glowing with rich old colour and
deep bronze-shaded gold.
Turning to other parts of the country, we find the grand loft at Flamborough, Yorks
(Plate XXX IXb), suggestive of a similar treatment — and here it would seem certain
that statuary occupied the niches. This work also retains some of its ancient colour
and gold decoration.
In the case of some of the Welsh roodlofts there would appear to have been an
abundance of statuary. At Llanegryn, the west front of the loft (Plate XXVIb) consists
of a series of large tracery-headed panels alternating with small niches, duplicated in
the height, i.e., one being placed vertically over the other. At Llananno (Plate CXXXIa)
there was a continuous series of carved figures, which has been restored in recent years
with great success. This may be compared to the arrangement of some of the lofts in
Brittany, notably those of Lambader, La Roche, or Kerfons. That of Priziac (Morbihan)
(Plate XXb) is a curious and late instance in which the corrupt taste of the period gave
birth to a degraded and semi-Pagan symbolism. Here, on the east side of the loft,
1 The old roodloft of St. Columb Minor is believed to have been of this nature.
2 At St. Michael's Mount, the panels of the loft bore the symbols of the Passion.
THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE KOODLOFT 93
are seen figures of the saints in the old manner, bearing their symbols, but interspersed
alternately with these are representations of Bacchantes and other creatures of Pagan
mythology.
The west side of this loft, which we also illustrate (Plate XXb), provides an instance
of the bas-relief treatment, which may very probably have had counterparts in this
country. Here nine incidents in the life of St. Nicholas are pourtrayed, of which a
portion are shown in the photograph.
The perfect little roodloft at Avebury, Wilts (Plate XLIIb), has a series of canopied
niches with open backs. Doubtless these once held statuettes. There is much original
gold and colour on this loft, which has been well restored. The screen beneath it is,
however, modern excepting the tracery (heads.
It will thus be seen that the arrangement and detail of these lofts was exceedingly
varied, and there seems to have been no rule as to their treatment. Here and there we
find in old parish accounts, entries given showing the character of these lofts, as at Yatton,
Somerset (vide Somerset section). It was probably a question of money, whether the
loft was plain or rich, and in many cases, special bequests were made by private
individuals. The examples above mentioned embrace the best and most perfect
examples of ancient lofts surviving in this country.
Of modern lofts there are now several erected which reproduce the old character, but
most of these are far less costly and elaborate than the old, particularly in regard to
sculpture, which is missing in most cases, and in others very sparingly applied.
The loft at Lew Trenchard (Plate XLa), with its series of painted panels, is a revival
of the old type of Devonshire loft, described by Rev. S. Baring-Gould as the " Poor
Man's Bible." It furnishes a series of pictorial tableaux representing scenes from Our
Lord's Life and Passion, and between these are narrower divisions with paintings of saints
of local repute. The roodloft at Kenton has within recent years been enriched by the
addition of figures of angels carved in semi-relief, filling the compartments beneath the
projecting canopies. This treatment, though not the ideal one, has added greatly to the
interest and beauty of the general effect.
THE TYMPANUM OF THE SCREEN
§ 45. We have mentioned the fact that in some cases the upper rail of the roodloft
balcony itself furnished the necessary support for the rood and its attendant images. In
many churches of limited height the screen and roodloft would together attain so large
an elevation as to leave little room for an independent rood-beam. Sockets, apparently
for figures, are visible in some cases in the upper face of these rails, which also carried a row
of basins and prickets for tapers. Such sockets are described at Llanrwst upon the eastern
balcony rail, and taper-holders are mentioned as surviving until recent times at Maidstone.
94
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
Over this rail, on the eastward side of the loft, would formerly have been seen a
partition of close boarding or plaster work enclosing the whole space over the loft up to
the crown of the chancel arch, or to the roof of the church, as the case might be.
Sometimes the chancel-opening was low, so that there was a complete and solid stone
wall above the roodloft, as at Patricio, Llanfilo, and other Welsh examples, at Avebury,
Wilts (Plate XLIIb), at St. Margaret's, or at Little Hereford, where the wall was recessed
for a rood altar ; at Tickenham, Somerset, where it was pierced by a small hagioscope,
or at Capel-le-Ferne and Sandridge, where larger openings were provided. r
Fig. 68
But of the boarded partition or tympanum there remain sufficient examples and
records or traces of former ones to show that the arrangement was of common occurrence
in all parts of England and Wales.
It was usually of close boarding, sometimes perforated with small lights or hagioscopes,
as at Llanelieu (Plate XLIIa) or Bettws Newydd 2 (Fig. 68) , but more usually appears to
1 At St. John's, Glastonbury, a rather large hagioscope has just been exposed over the chancel-
arch, accessible from the former roodloft. At Godmanchester are two single-light openings in
this position.
3 The openings at Llanelieu are small perforations, irregularly placed : but Bettws Newydd has
two regular three-light traceried openings.
PLATE XXX
(A) Roodloft, St. Margaret's, Herefords'iiiki-.
{ B) Roodloft. Llanfilo. Br
ICKXOCK
THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT 95
have been completely closed in, and so placed as to allow space on the top of the rail for
the carved rood and figures to stand in relief against it. These figures were generally not
carved all round, but were in about three-quarter relief ; their backs being secured by
rivets or pegs to the boarding of the tympanum which formed a background of striking
character, as it was usually painted with a " Doom " or representation of the Last
Judgment. In the illustrations we give of the Wenhaston and Dauntsey tympana, the
position of the rood and figures, where they were attached to the boarding, will be
clearly seen.
Perhaps the best known instance of this feature is the example from Wenhaston,
Suffolk (Plate XLIIIb), discovered a little over twenty years ago, and now preserved in
the church. It had been coated with whitewash, and the existence of the paintings only
became known after removal and exposure to rain. It is well described by C. E. Keyser,
F.S.A. (" Archaeologia," liv), and a fine coloured reproduction is there given.
The Dauntsey tympanum, sketched by the present writer, has been described in the
Journal of the R.I.B.A., Vol. XII, No. 20 (1905), and we here reproduce the drawing by
the permission of the Editor (Plate XLIIIa). One panel is lost. The general scheme is
rather different from that at Wenhaston. The souls of the dead are seen beneath the earth
in their shrouds, the godly souls rise by a steep path to the gates of the Heavenly City,
where, as at Wenhaston, St. Peter receives them. On the other side the fate of the
wicked is very graphically portrayed, and much space is devoted to this ghastly subject,
to which the debased symbolism of later mediaeval times gave" prominence.
Our Lord, upon the rainbow, with SS. Mary and John interceding for sinners, appear,
as at Wenhaston, and we also note the darkened sun and the blood-red moon, the flying
angels with their trumps summoning humanity to the bar of the Eternal.
From the nave this display of imagery, with the symbolic background richly coloured,
must have furnished a striking object lesson to the simple rustics who were congregated
there. The worship of their fathers, impregnated with mystic tradition, conveyed to eye
and ear, through symbolism of form and ritual, the great inevitable things of life and death,
the relation of man to his God, and here in the chancel screen the worshipper was taught
to see the image of that stern barrier which parts the pilgrim of earth from his eternal
abode. Ranged all along below, and again above the veil, Apostles, Prophets, Virgins,
Martyrs, Saints and Sibyls stood lifting their faces in triumph and encouragement to the
believer. The snares of Death and Hell lay about his pathway in the shape of hideous
fiend and dragon, a warning to the hardened and impenitent, but above, the great rood
and the galaxy of glorified images spoke of the triumph of the Divine scheme of
Redemption, and reminded him who passed beneath of Our Lord's conquest of death,
and of the promise of the final overthrow of the powers of darkness.
In forming a mental picture of the old-time chancel barrier with all its splendour of
statuary and tabernacle work, not the least impressive factor would be the richly-painted
Tympanum, whose shadowed depths, half-revealed by the light of the twinkling lamps
and tapers, would add a mysterious suggestiveness and sombre dignity to the whole, and
96 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
serve to accentuate the brilliancy of the ornaments, gleaming with gold and colour,
which stood before it.
§ 46- The Tympanum may be regarded as a substitute in more permanent form for the
outer veil which, once more to quote Durandus, it was customary to interpose between
the people and the clergy. It takes the place of the chancel wall, or mural screen, in those
churches which had been opened up when the fashion of providing chancel arches of large
dimensions came in. In later churches we find the chancel arches sometimes prepared for
the reception of a tympanic framework, by the substitution of a plain rebate for the
usual mouldings.
The custom of erecting these solid " Tympana " over the screens persisted in a remark-
able manner all through the Reformation period, and subsequently, down to modern times,
whilst there is sufficient evidence that its old symbolic meaning was not lost sight of —
nay, rather, it was accentuated by the increased appreciation of Old Testament teaching
and imagery which characterised the Reformation era. Sometimes, in place of a boarded
tympanum or in addition thereto, there was placed behind the great rood in the old
days a hanging of some rich material.
Thus we find that in Post Reformation days these " tympana " were constructed, and
were sometimes painted with representations of veils or curtains.
At Rose Ash, North Devon, before the recent " restoration," there was such a
tympanum over the chancel screen, bearing a painted eye, symbolic of the Divine
Omniscience, piercing through a drapery of festooned red curtains — the old " amphithura"
or parted veil — whilst a curious example still survives at Lockington (Leicestershire)
(Fig. 72), where the parted veils are looped aside to give room for a symbol of human
sovereignty — the arms of Queen Anne. (See Post-Reformation section, p. 110.)
As illustrating the way in which the thought of the seventeenth century was penetrated
by the ancient symbology, we may quote the following from a description of Holyrood
Chapel by Father Hay, a chaplain of James II. :
" This splendid temple was divided into three parts — the sanctuary, approached
by steps, and in its centre the Holy Table — the choir, appropriated to the clergy,
with a pulpit from which the Epistles and Gospels were wont to be read, and the
narthex or nave, in which was the defined place of prayer for the people.
" A middle, or ornamental door, separated choir from nave. The people, apart
from the clergy, joined in the divine mysteries through open lattice work," etc.
§ 47- It has been shown that the choirs of our churches have, since the sixth century
or thereabouts, been included within a mural screen, and we have traced this under the
several forms of chancel wall, chancel arch, triple arcade, stone fenestration, stone or
wood cancelli, and tympanic partition. This is the first veil in its manifold forms, many
of them being in use concurrently.
Where then shall we look for the second veil — that which according to our national
THE ICONOSTASIS AND THE ROODLOFT 97
liturgical practice would have extended between the clerics or choir, and the celebrant
priests at the altar ?
At Brixworth or Peterchurch we have seen it as an inner archway, before which a
veil was hung — but with the development of the symmetric rectangular chancel of our
parish churches, no structural feature is any longer observable at this point, and the
delimitation of choir and sanctuary becomes a purely internal one. It appears to have
taken the form of a beam, or light screen, across the chancel, just at the point
where our modern usage prescribes the Communion rails — and here it was that in
pre-Reformation days the " Lenten Veil " — the second veil — was suspended.
In many churches we may still observe the corbels half-way down the chancel, on
north and south sides, where the beam originally ran. In others hooks are still visible.
The larger churches had regular " cancelli " at this point, such as are still seen at Saint
David's, but from all available evidence it would seem that in the smaller a beam only
was usual, though this beam seems occasionally to have supported a narrow loft, which
may have been used as an iconostasis of secondary nature, or as a reliquary.
It was probably also a support for tapers, like the roodloft, and in this capacity would
have been a rather important feature, in regard to the propinquity of the altar.
In the churches of Brilley and Michaelchurch, in Herefordshire, the whole sanctuary
was canopied over, the ceiling or tester being supported by a beam upon posts over the
step marking the choir limit.
At Easting and Postling, Kent, are evidences of a beam at this point, and at the latter
church are traces of a narrow loft which formerly ran across the sanctuary. This was
supported upon two beams, but it is believed there was no screen below. The roodscreen,
of course, traversed the church in the usual position.
13— '2230)
SECTION IV
POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK
§48. TT^ROM the foregoing description of the uses of the roodloft in the English parish
J7 churches, it will be seen that these may be conveniently summarised under
certain heads, as follows :
(1) As a jube or pulpitum — for the delivery of homilies or exhortations, the reading
of the Epistle and Gospel, and other lections, also for the singing of psalms, etc. This
was the earlier use, before the provision of pulpits on the floor of the church — the
musical uses becoming gradually more and more emphasized to the final exclusion of the
older customs and the creation of a regular minstrels' gallery.
(2) As an iconostasis — for the support of the rood and attendant images, with their
occasional background, the painted " Doom " ; for hanging-lamps and candles, the loft
itself supporting altars (more frequently in the earlier examples); either in honour of
the Holy Rood, or of some saint — and perhaps a Golgotha at the foot of the cross. The
loft would also be employed for the exposition of the sacred elements, for the ritual veiling
and unveiling of the. figures, for their decoration with boughs and garlands on festal
days, and for the maintenance of the rood-lights. Upon the front were displayed pictures
of a sacred or legendary character, together with minor statuary of figure paintings and
religious emblems and heraldry.
As an iconostasis, the roodloft was condemned at the Reformation, the uses above-
mentioned being abolished on the ground of their superstitious nature. Certain paintings
were nevertheless allowed occasionally to remain for the edification of worshippers.
These include the figures upon the lower panels of the screens which are very frequently
those of Apostles and Prophets ; whilst here and there the great painting of the " Doom "
or Last Judgment which was over the screen, was maintained until covered by the
Jacobean tablets of the Law. In the once fine painting preserved at Gloucester Cathedral
(Fig. 69) we have what appears to be indubitably a Post-Reformation work. The
reasons for this opinion are given in Mr. Scharf's valuable monograph in the Archaeologia
for 1854. In this instance the panel was upon the face of the screen.
Instances are recorded of the setting-up of paintings of prophets or evangelists upon
the screens subsequently to the Reformation, 1 and the figures of Moses and Aaron were
quite commonly fixed over the screen, with the tables of the Law.
1 This is recorded of the choir screen of Bristol Cathedral, p. 102 note.
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POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK 99
As a pulpit, the roodloft has never, so far as we are aware, been specifically
condemned, but this manner of employing it had fallen into abeyance with the introduction
of the pulpit on the floor of the church, so that the Reformation brought little change
in this respect, and the use of the loft as a pulpit survives only as a faint tradition, and
in very rare instances.
From the comparatively large number of Jacobean or Carolean pulpits in our churches
it might doubtless be argued that in the Elizabethan era, at all events, there was still a
scarcity of this particular piece of furniture. Later we shall adduce other arguments
tending to show that the loft may still have been in use at that period for like
purposes.
But it is chiefly for the purpose of a singers' and minstrels' gallery, with seats and
desks for the choristers, and space for the organ, that we believe the lofts were retained.
This use was certainly permitted to continue at the Reformation, in spite of the
orders for the taking down of the roodlofts, and survived in many of our country churches
until the Victorian era. 1
NOTE ON GALLERIES
1 The use of galleries in our churches before the Reformation is evidenced by records dating in
some cases from the close of the fifteenth century. These speak of " lofts " containing pews, but it
need not be generally assumed that so sacred a place as the roodloft was necessarily invaded by
pew-renting parishioners. That there were other lofts we know, and there are numerous instances
of such pre-Reformation lofts at the west end of the churches.
The following extracts from MS. records preserved in the Vestries of Bristol parishes are given
us by Mr. Cuthbert Atchley. They tend to show that the proprietary pew was a well-established
feature of the churches of this late period.
From the " Reseyte of Setys [seats] of St. Nicholas, Bristol.. 1520."
" Itm. of Griffyth Barbor, of remevyng down fro the lofte . . . . . . . . . ■ viijd."
[Three similar entries follow]
" Itm. of John Andrewys for hys pew in ye lofte . . . . . . . . . . . . • • xiid."
A further item gives the charge for seats in the body of the church at 20d. In the same MS. for
1524 occurs the following:
" Itm. of John Pille for changing of his sete owte of the lofte in-to the church . . . . . . viijd."
In the pew receipts of Christ Church with St. Ewen, Bristol, for 1534 occur a large number of
items.
" ffor the in-largen of the lofte in the churche and the new pewyes all-so there made."
The custom of placing young people in the loft, which was traditional in the Victorian era, finds
its pre-Reformation counterpart in the following extract from the parish accounts of St. Andrew
Hubbard. 1499-1502.
" Itm. paid ffor a pew makyng in the loft for the maydens .. .. .. .. . • viijd.'
Brit. Mag. 1848, p. 577.
But it certainly comes as a shock to find evidence of the invasion of the roodloft itself by pews
at this date. That a place set apart for uses so sacred could thus be employed seems to point to a
great degeneracy of custom and a loss of the older ideals of reverence in the worship of the period.
Nevertheless we have one indubitable instance of this in the same accounts, for 1511-12.
" Itm. paid for the makyng of the pewys in the rode-lofte . . . . . . . . vjs. viijd."
The frequent occurrence of pews over the chancel screens in notes of earlier nineteenth century
restorations would tend to suggest, in the light of the above extract, that this custom may, here and
there, have been continuous from the late pre-Reformation times.
11th canon of Council of Exeter, 1287, under Peter Quivel, Bp. Exon., concludes : " Also we have
heard that parishioners often quarrel concerning the seats in church, two or more of them claiming the
same seat, whence great scandal arises, and divine service is often hindered ; we therefore enact that no
person in future shall be allowed to claim any seat as his own, the nobility and patrons of churches
being alone excepted, but he who first comes to church to pray shall choose his own place for prayer."
100
ROODSCREENS AND RCODLOFTS
§ 49- Before considering this important point in detail, let us for the sake of chrono-
logical exactness, view the changes brought about by the Reformation in their proper
sequence, as affecting the subject of this essay.
The great step taken in King Henry VIII's reign, which heralded the Reformation,
was the suppression of the monasteries, and this resulted in the speedy dismantling of
many noble churches which were either pulled down, left to decay, or secularised. In
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consequence of this, a great deal of the heavier and less intrinsically costly furniture (such
as carved oak screen work), which had graced the monastic churches, was removed by
pious hands and reinstated in the parish churches. Thus we find quite a number of cases
in which the chancel screen of the parish church is reputed to have come from some
neighbouring abbey or priory at the Dissolution : and although tradition doubtless does
not always speak correctly, there is probably truth underlying a number of these reports,
although it would occasionally appear that the origin of this idea is to be found in the
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fact that much of the fine carving was done prior to the fifteenth century by artists
attached to the monasteries, as Conversi or Lay Brethren. l
At Aysgarth the screen of exquisite workmanship is said to have been brought from
Jervaulx Abbey, and its position in the church lends colour to the legend. Llanrwst
screen, with its roodloft, and the beautiful screen and stallwork at Montgomery (Plate
XLIVb), are the subjects of a similar report ; Richmond Church has the stalls and
canopies from Easby Abbey, and many similar instances might be cited. Many churches
possess screens which obviously do not belong to them. This often enough was the
result of vandalism on the part of churchwardens in a neighbouring parish, and a laudable
wish to save beautiful work which has been rejected by its unappreciative owners. But
others again, have not the appearance of rbodscreens proper, either in scale or proportions,
and these may well have been rescued from the dilapidations of a neighbouring Abbey. 2
§ 50- Until the year 1547, which was the critical year for our parish churches, no great
change took place in their interiors. The burning of lights before images had been
forbidden by a decree of 1538, which ordained that " onely that light that commonly
goeth about the crosse of the church by the roodloft, the light before the Sacrament of
the Altar, and the light about the sepulchre," should be suffered to remain : and in 1547
all lights were forbidden, save two upon the altar, before the Sacrament, "which," say the
King's injunctions, " for the signification ' that Christ is the very true Light of the World, '
they shall suffer to remain still." By the same decree, all images which had been abused by
pilgrimage or idolatrous worship and offerings were to be destroyed, and all pictures or other
representations of feigned miracles, obliterated. Shortly afterwards a further decree was
issued by the King, that all images, without exception, should be removed and taken away.
Accordingly we find that there ensued a general demolition of roods and images.
On September 5th, 1547, according to the Chronicle of Grey Friars, the images at St.
Paul's were removed at the commencement of the King's visitation, those at St. Bride's and
other churches following : " and so alle images pullyd downe thorrow alle Ynglonde att that
tyme, and alle churches new whyte-lymed, with the Commandments written on the walles."
The royal arms, with their supporters, the lion and Tudor greyhound, now first made
their appearance in a conspicuous position in the churches.
The great rood at St. Paul's, with the images of St. Mary and St. John, were removed
on November 17th, by night, and at the same time all roods and attendant images
remaining in the parish churches were pulled down and sermons delivered against them.
The removal of images in Edward VI's reign may have been the cause, incidentally,
of the destruction of some of the carved frontals of the roodlofts, but these were not
yet themselves condemned.
There are records of the erection of numerous new screens and roodlofts in the later
years of Henry VIII's reign. In the West Country, especially, many fine specimens of
screenwork still survive which may be referred to dates between 1530 and 1547.
1 E.g., the screen of Abbotskerswell Church, Devon, said to have been the handiwork of the
monks of Sherborne.
2 See note on Alford, Somerset.
102 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
The noble choir screen which once adorned the Cathedral Church of Bristol was the
gift of a citizen, Thomas White, whose will is dated 1542, and was erected between
1543 and 1547. It bore upon its front a series of statues in finely-carved tabernacles,
the arms of King Henry and Prince Edward's badge being placed within the spandrels of
the great doorway.1
So late as 1546 we find in the churchwardens' accounts for Bletchingley the following :
" Item : for setting up the Rood lofte. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Xd.
nayles for the same . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ijd.
for mending of the organs . . . . . . . . . . . . ijsiiijd."
Also " for paynting the qwyer and the Rood loft, the King's Arms, the outer
aisle adjoining the qwyer, etc. . . . . . . . . Vl£ XVs. ijd."
Later in the same year, and following the Archdeacon's visitation, this entry occurs —
" Item : Paid to the labourers for pulling down the Rood . . . . Xiiijd."
Later yet, in 1550, there is an entry in the Ashburton parish accounts referring to the
repair of the Roodloft, and in the accounts for St. Martin's Parish, Leicester, for 1551
(5th Edward VI) the following occurs :
" Paid for painting the Rood loft 40s."
The removal of the ornaments from the roodloft was accompanied in some cases by
the painting of the Scriptures on the loft, but in others the alternative course was adopted
of covering the surface with a cloth. Thus we find in one case a charge for " XXV ells
of cloth for the frunte of the roodloft whereon the Commandments were written," and
at Smarden, Kent, a cloth to hang before the roodloft to deface the monuments, vj
tabernacles that wer yn the same roode lofte written with scriptur and the Kynges
Armes sett yn the mydst of the same cloth."
Wandsworth parish accounts supply us with an instance of the removal of a roodloft in
1552, the year which witnessed the publication of the Second Liturgy of Edward VI, viz.:
6 Edward VI. " Paid for pulling down of the Rowde lofte and setting up
of the scriptures, that is to say, the creacion of the worlde, the coming
of our Saviour Xt, the Beatytudes, the X Commandments, the
XXI articles of our belief, and the Lord's Prayer, the Judgement of
the World, the Kinge's Majestie's Arms iij£ xijs. vjd."
The latter years of this King's reign witnessed the pillage and confiscation of the
more valuable contents of the parish churches, but the chief visible changes consisted in the
removal of the images, frescoes, and altars, with their reredoses and sculptured histories.
1 This beautiful work, being a source of pride to the citizens of Bristol, we can understand how
loth they would have been to have it mutilated, and their unwillingness to comply with the rule
calling for the removal of its ornaments is evidenced in the letter written by Elizabeth's Commissioners
in December, 1561, to the Dean and Chapter, wherein the continued existence of these tabernacles is
complained of (see Bloxam, Companion, p. 110, footnote). After the removal of the tabernacles
and images had been effected, paintings of the twelve minor prophets were inserted in their stead.
The royal arms and badge above referred to are still preserved, and have been incorporated with other
fragments in the newly-constructed side screens to the choir. The fine and deeply-moulded arched
head of the great doorway was to be seen until a few years ago in the cathedral grounds, where it
was preserved, but has recently disappeared, having (so the writer is informed) been sawn up by order
of one of the cathedral clergy to provide stone for some other purpose.
PLATE XXXIII
! i f I • ROODSCREEN AND LOFT LLANRWST : DENBIGHSHIRE
(A) West Side
(B) East Side
POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK 103
This spoiling of the churches must have been a terrible blow to the people who were
still at one with their church. In these days of freedom, when a man's life and his home
are inviolate, and the standard of domestic comfort is raised ; when a self-reliant indi-
vidualism has taken the place of child-like dependence — when too there is so universal
a diffusion of popular art and education, and means of recreation or entertainment are
provided for the people on all hands — it is difficult to realise how much the parish church,
with its beautiful and stately adjuncts, and impressive services and symbolism meant to
the humble villager or townsman of those days.
Having nothing in his rude home save the simplest necessaries of life, all his instincts
and cravings for the sublime or the beautiful would seek and would find nutriment in his
church. In the stress of a rough life, it would be there that he would go for peace of
mind and for strengthening of spirit. Feeling himself the child of a community in close
family relation with his fellow-parishioners, he would be sensible of a personal share and
interest in the building which was at once the focus of his social and of his religious life, the
fount which vitalised his dawning sensibilities, and the mould which gave them concrete
expression — a retreat within the shadow of whose symbolic and mysterious beauty he
would for awhile find redemption from the sordid and the commonplace, and a sanctuary
from the violence of turbulent times.
§ 51- The accession of Queen Mary, in 1553, was immediately followed by an attempt
to restore the ancient features of our churches to the state in which they were before 1547.
and evidence is plentiful of the zeal with which this intention was carried into effect.
New roods and images were carved and set up to replace those destroyed. To give
two instances only, at Minchinhampton, and at St. Helen's. Abingdon, roods were re-
erected within a year or so of the Queen's accession. It is stated by an old writer that
" the carvers and makers of statues had a quick trade in roods and other images that
were to be set up in churches." " Everything," says Pugin, " was done to remove the
objectionable things that had been introduced during Edward's reign. The texts of
Scripture that had been placed on the screens and walls were washed out, and in one
instance the cloth painted with the Commandments which had hung before the screen
was taken down and cut into surplices."
In 1554 we find in the records of Ashburton parish, the entry :
" Strykynge oute of the Scriptur upon the Rode Lofte . . . . . . vjd."
And we may easily infer the nature of that which took its place. So strongly did the
West-Country people cling to their ancient faith and ritual, that the changes in Edward's
reign had contributed largely to the rising which took place in 1549. The reaction in
1554 must have been most welcome to them.
In Bishop Bonner's visitation articles of 1554, we find Article IX : " Item : Whether
there be a crucifix, a roodloft, as in times past hath been accustomed," and in the
Articles of Cardinal Pole's Visitation in 1557 :
" Whether they have a rood in their church of a decent stature, with Mary and John
and an image of the patron of the same church."
104 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
The churches were inspected by Dr. Story, to ascertain that each one had " the rood-
lofts supplied, the crucifixes to be plac't with the images of Our B. Lady and St. John,
the one on the right hand, and the other on the left, and the King's Arms with a lion
on the one side, and a dragon on the other side, to be removed from the altar, and to be
set in a place more convenient."
The royal arms were, as may well be understood, peculiarly obnoxious to Catholic
instincts, and to see them placed over the altar must have appeared the direst profanity.
Dr. Martin, in conversation with Archbishop Cranmer in 1556, speaks of the order for
these as " Doune with the arms of Christ, and up with a lion and a dog."
Other instances given by Bloxam show the bitterness with which this emblem of the
State usurpation of ecclesiastical headship was regarded. '
§ 52- The natural reaction from the religious persecutions which disfigured Mary's
reign, and the return of numerous exiles from abroad, infected with a militant Calvinism,
created a force potent for change, destined to find expression in Elizabeth's reign, but this
time through a changed temper and habit of the people themselves rather than through
State interference. Protestantism began to be firmly bitten into English life, and
innovations hostile to the old order of things became more spontaneous, and were less
unwillingly accepted. Elizabeth in her first year set to work to re-establish the order of
things as it existed in the second year of Edward VI, and thus preserve the continuity of
the Church, but the Puritan or Calvinist faction tried hard to develop a presbyterian
system within the Church, and a spirit of disaffection was developed, fostered by
unordained men, the pioneers of the political dissenters of later days.
The Queen was actuated by much real reverence for the fabric and ornaments of the
churches, as her decree of 1560 bears witness. She had a horror of sacrilege. But
almost simultaneously with the commencement of her reign we find these objects
deemed superstitious, such as roods and images, which had been erected in Mary's reign,
were once more to be destroyed. In St. Margaret's, Westminster, the rood was removed
in 1559, but the roodloft, which had been built at great expense in 1519, was allowed to
remain in its original place until the following year, when it was reformed. Its " new
reforming " was a considerable charge to the parish. The work was accomplished in
1560, and was accompanied by charges for " new organs in the Pulpitte."
" In this year," says Henry Machyn, " those parishes which had been backward in
removing the relics of idolatry were now compelled to do so." Stone altars were removed
and tables of carved wood substituted. In this year also (" the ij yere of Queen
Elizabeth ") " was alle the rood loftes taken down in London, and wryghtynges written
in the same place."
At St. Dunstan's-in-the-East the parishioners and churchwardens received from the
Archbishop a letter concerning the pulling down and " translation " of the roodloft. And
it is on record that the parish committee agreed that it should be taken down and
translated at the discretion of the churchwardens.
1 Bloxam, " Principles of Gothic Architecture," pp. 114-5.
POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK 105
In 1561 (3 Elizabeth) an order was issued which throws further light upon the
intentions of the Queen and her advisers with regard to the manner in which it was
proposed to deal with the roodlofts and screens.
" Imprimis, for the avoiding of much strife and contention that hath heretofore
" risen among the Queen's subjects ... for the using or transposing of the Rood
" Lofts, Fonts, and steps within the quires and chancels in every parish church.
" It is thus decreed and ordained that the roodlofts as yet being at this day aforesaid
" untransposed shall be so altered that the upper part of the same with the soller
" be quite taken down, unto the upper parts of the vautes, by putting some convenient
" crest upon the said beam towards the church, with leaving the situation of the
" seats (as well in the quire as in /the church) as heretofore hath been used.
" Provided yet, that where any parish, of their own costs and charges by common
" consent, will pull down the whole frame, and re-edifying the same again in joiner's
" work (as in divers churches within the city of London doth appear), that they
" may do as they think agreeable, so it be to the height of the upper beam aforesaid.
" Provided also that where in any parish church the said roodlofts be already
" transposed, so that there remain a comely partition between the chancel and the
" church, that no alteration be otherwise attempted in them, but be suffered in
" quiet. And where no partition is standing, there to be one appointed."
Not once only, nor twice, were such orders promulgated ; and indeed there would
appear to have been considerable difficulty in persuading or enforcing the rule in scattered
parishes, for in the visitation articles of Archbishop Parker in 1569 we find inquiries
made as to whether the roodloft was pulled down according to the order prescribed, and
if the partition between the chancel and church was kept.
Again in 1571 the direction is given in the injunctions of Archbishop Grindal that " all
roodlofts are to be altered," and once more in 1576, Grindal enjoins that the enquiry
be made " Whether your Rood Lofts be taken down and altered, so that the upper part
thereof with the soller or loft be quite taken down unto the cross beam, and that the said
beam have some convenient crest put upon the same ? "
Even so late as 1573, and in so populous a centre as Norwich, " the vigilant Bishop
of that diocese was informed that there was a Popish roodloft still remaining in St.
George's church in Norwich, with the fashion and order as was in the time of popery.
' This, many good people, and especially one Morley of that parish . . . were as
fond of it." (Strype's " Life of Archbishop Parker," p. 450.)
If this was the case in a place like Norwich, 1 how much greater must have been the
difficulty of procuring the removal of the lofts in more distant and rural places, especially
1 A very much more stringent interpretation was placed upon the injunctions of 1561 by some
of the East Anglian people. Puritan feeling at this comparatively early date was very strong in
the Lincolnshire district. Peacock (" English Church Furniture ") quotes many records to this effect.
At Ewerby the roodloft was taken down in 1561, and with the " bordes " desks were made. At
Great Gonerby, in the first year of Elizabeth's reign, the roodloft was converted into stalls and the
rest was burnt. Here the zeal of the laity certainly outran the royal instructions. At another church
the wardens were directed to take down their roodloft " and superstitious dome," a.d. 1572.
14— U239)
106 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
in the West Country, where Catholic feeling and tradition had preserved its vitality.
Instances of defiance of the archiepiscopal mandates seem to have occurred in such
places as Chudleigh and Ashburton, in the former of which the loft was first pulled down
in 1562, and the process had to be repeated in 1577 — and in the latter case first in
1563-4, and again in 1579-80. Others seem to have escaped destruction, or to have been
surreptitiously re-erected prior to 1583, in which year the Rev. Thomas Barrett com-
menced his visitation of the Archdeaconry of Exeter (6th April, 1583) by enquiring
" Whether all images and other superstitious things were clean defaced, and Rood,
lofts, taken down. If not, thro' whose fault it is so." The latter sentence seems to
indicate a determination at last to punish the offenders.
From the foregoing it appears very clear that the removal of the screens themselves
was never thought of by the reforming clergy. On the contrary, they seem always to
have been studious to preserve the chancel partition, regarding it as a necessary feature,
and ordaining its restitution where removed. It is evident also that the " taking down "
of the roodlofts did not necessarily, and was not intended to, imply their complete
destruction. 1
The terms employed in these Elizabethan injunctions, when speaking of what is to
be done to the roodlofts, should be carefully noted. We find the churchwardens are not
instructed in definite or unmistakable terms to destroy the lofts, but to " alter," " reform,"
" transpose " or " translate " them. These words seem obviously to denote one of two
things, viz., either that the lofts, as lofts, were not objected to, but that the gallery-fronts,
with their carved tabernacle work, were to be taken down simply for the purpose of
removing all objectionable features, and their place to be taken by some inoffensive
substitute of " joiner's work," which would enable the platform to be used with security
as a singers' or minstrels' gallery as in former times : or that it was desired that the
lofts should be translated — i.e., removed — to a position more consonant with reformed
church principles. 2
In the case of St. Margaret's, Westminster, it will be noted that the record describes the
loft as having been " re-formed " for use as an organ-loft, a new organ being added at
the same time.
Instances of the entire transposition of the lofts are fairly numerous, and there remain
to this day a number of roodloft balconies or gallery fronts which have been thus dealt
with and these have been removed to the west end of the church.
An examination of the screens remaining in our churches shows that the orders of
1 The authors of the " Hierurgia Anglicana " remark as follows : " It has been generally but more
hastily assumed, that roodlofts are condemned by the Anglican Church. It must be borne in mind
that the injunctions for taking them down referred not to the lofts, quoad lofts, but to the crucifixes
which surmounted them " ; and they proceed to argue that the loft is of the nature of a pulpit,
being the Western equivalent for the analogia, or Epistle and Gospel tribunes found in the Greek
Church. "Now this use," they say, "is sanctioned even by prelates of the Genevan School : Grindal
(1571) orders that the Communion Service should be read at the altar, all except the Epistle and
Gospel, which are to be read from the pulpit."
2 By the terms of the order of 1561 which is for the using or transposing of the roodlofts, it
seems clear enough that this choice was left to the parishioners.
PLATE XXXIV
East Face of the Roodloft Llanegryn, Merionethshire
POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK 107
Archbishops Parker and Grindal were in the majority of cases obeyed. Thus we
commonly find that all the ornamental superstructure was taken down as far as the beam
over the vaultings of the screens, which was furnished with a carved cresting, the platform
of the loft being in many cases preserved, though sometimes dispensed with — in which
case the vaultings also disappeared, and a flat screen only remained. Occasionally the
staircase to the loft was stopped up in Elizabeth's reign.
At the same time the choir and organist were located at the west end of the church,
where a gallery or loft was constructed for their use, the old framework of the roodloft,
with much of its characteristic ornament, being frequently utilised for the purpose.
Such entire transportation occurred in the case of Flamborough and Strensham.
The former loft, after a sojourn of many centuries at the west end of the church, has
now been restored to its original position over the screen, and it is a truly magnificent
piece of work. The latter was transposed entire, figures and all, in Elizabethan days,
and yet remains so. l
At Pennant Melangel, in North Wales, is a finely-carved panelled gallery in the
west, which would appear to have had a similar origin.
That of East Brent is a notable instance in Somerset, of Post-Reformation date.
But in a number of cases the roodloft was retained as a singers' or minstrels' gallery,
and the organ placed thereon, and this continued until modern times. Many, such as
Chedzoy, have only suffered removal at a comparatively recent date. This fine loft was
transposed to form a western gallery in 1841 (Ecclesiologist,- Vol. IV, p. 197). The
records of nineteenth century "restorations" are full of instances of the removal of these.
§ 53- Others, especially in the West Country, retained their ancient gallery fronts,
which only disappeared when at last worn out. Some of these were replaced by Carolean
panelling, as in the case of Cirencester, whose beautiful gallery stood over the screen until
Sir Gilbert Scott cleared it away, and St. Mary's, Taunton, of which a sketch is given
(Fig. 70), showing the curious, but not unusual, arrangement of a large pew placed in more
modern days upon the screen, filling the chancel-arch, and facing towards the nave so as
to obtain that great desideratum of Protestant worship, a good view of the pulpit.
The extent to which the interior of a noble and beautiful church could be disfigured by
the barbarities of the " churchwarden " era may be realised by reference to the illustration
we give (Fig. 71), which is taken from a photograph of Winchcombe Church, Glo's., before
its restoration. In this we see an exaggerated instance of the"flying pew" over the screen,
whilst the position of the " three-decker " pulpit, and the consequent distortion of the
seating, with such minor adjuncts as the stove pipe, complete a picture of sad deformity.
Cullompton, Totnes (Plate LIb), Tiverton, and Uffculme are amongst those which were
retained in Devon, and in which a Georgian framework took the place of the older one.
1 Merevale furnishes another instance of what appears to be a singers' gallery of fifteenth century
workmanship, with a large central projection for the organ. This is now at the west end of the
church ; but it is not in its original place, and has been cut clean in half to fit its present cramped
position. The ornamental detail is returned around the ends, showing that it originally had its
extremities exposed, and in the north end is a narrow door of access.
108
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
At Wigan the old organ-gallery over the roodscreen was removed in 1847 ; that of
Manchester, with its old organ, in 1860.
Such instances as these illustrate the practices arising from the instructions of the
i Elizabethan archbishops,
which, as we have seen,
left two alternatives open
to parochial authorities in
their dealings with the
roodlofts.
1. To reform them by
removing all superstitious
features and ornaments,
leaving a plain surface for
the Scriptures, etc., to be
written on.
2. To "translate" or
" transpose " them, prob-
ably to the west end of the
church, there to occupy
the position afterwards
recognised as the proper
one for a singers' gallery.
The extreme care
that was taken by the
authorities to prevent any
misinterpretation of in-
structions which would
involve the removal of
the screens themselves is
strikingly evident in the
sixteenth century injunc-
tions. Not only were these
" comely partitions " to
remain, but if removed new ones were to be appointed. They represented an essential
feature of Church arrangement sanctioned by the highest and most ancient authority.
There is every evidence, too, that the Reformers intended to maintain the traditional
idea of a complete veil or barrier between nave and chancel, and this we see in the
preservation of the tympanum of the roodscreen.
§ 54- The origin and history of this solid barrier in our churches of the pre-Reformation
period has already been dealt with, and reference has also been made to the tympanum
with its painting as it appeared in Tudor days. It remains to be shown that this feature,
Fig. 70
POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK
109
though no longer used for the display of superstitious paintings, persisted after the
Reformation. Where the roodlofts had been removed, in obedience to the general order,
a tympanum of lath and plaster was often constructed vertically over the screen, and
on this it was customary to paint
the royal arms with texts of
Scripture, etc.
Thus at Sandford, Oxon, the
upper part of the chancel-arch
was boarded up and painted with
the arms of Elizabeth (1602).
Prior to 1604 the Ten Com-
mandments were ordained to be
exhibited on the east wall, and in
the letter to the Dean and Chapter
of Bristol, dated 1561, above
referred to, the instruction is
" upon the walle of the East end
of the quier whear the cornni table
usually doth stande, the table of
the Commandments to be painted
in large characters," etc.
In the spring of 1604 (new
style) King James authorised the
publication of new canons, 141 in
number, amongst which was one
ordering that the Commandments
should be set upon the east
wall of every church, where the
people might best see and read
them ; whilst other chosen sentences were also to be written up in convenient places.
The space above the chancel screen was used as the most conspicuous and convenient
place. Accordingly we find the tympanum or partition above the screen used for the
exhibition of these tables, and in many instances such partitions were constructed where
formerly none existed. The chapel of Wyke Champflower, 1 built in this reign, had a
screen with solid tympanum over, bearing on the west side the royal and episcopal arms,
the east side being entirely covered with a close writing of selected extracts from the
Psalms and Gospels. This tympanum is still standing, though the screen has been
removed. Others may be mentioned at North Lydbury, Salop ; Lockington, Leicestershire ;
and Ellingham, Hants (Plate CXXVIIIb), the latter being of especial interest, and
affording one of those cases in which the original painting of the Doom is covered
1 Near Bruton. Somerset.
nr
Fig. 72
P3
>
X
X
w
<
X
w
<
Oh
POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK
111
in this manner.
The tympanum
at Lockington is
a very curious
one, dating from
1704, and is
alluded to in the
previous section
(p. 96). An illus-
tration is here
given (Fig. 72).
At Woodbury,
Devon, such a
partition existed,
and was only
pulled down in
1848, when it
was found that
the Command-
ments had been
Fig. 73
written on it no fewer than three
times.
At Parracombe, Devon, is another
surviving instance, but here the
inscriptions are of Hanoverian date
(Fig. 73).
§ 55. But in addition to these
writings, the setting-up of which was
not a matter of compulsion (for King
James's canons of 1604 were never en-
dorsed by Parliament), paintings were
often set up upon the tympana, and
these were sometimes of a character
near akin to those of the pre-Reforma-
tion period. That of the Doom in
Gloucester Cathedral above-mentioned
is the most notable instance of a post-
Reformation painting of this character.
It was discovered concealed behind
plaster upon the west face of the
Fig. 74
112
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
choir screen in
Gloucester Ca-
thedral, some
sixty years ago.
An illustration
has been given,
taken from a
monograph by
G.Scharf,F.S.A.
(Fig. 69).
At Bride-
stowe, Devon,
until recent
years.the screen
was surmounted
by a boarded
partition ex-
hibiting on its
Fig. 75
Fig. 76
western face
the royal arms,
with half-length
figures of Moses
and Aaron, and
on its eastern
face a well-exe-
cuted painting
of the Resurrec-
tion. (See Figs.
74 and 75). This
appears to be an
enlarged copy
of one of the
paintings on the
roodloft at Exe-
ter Cathedral,
which are of
very early post-
Ref o rmation
date. The Bride-
stowe painting
was put up in
PLATE XXXVI
DETAIL OF CANOPY-WORK ON GALLERY FRONTS
(A) Rood-Loft : Kenton : Devon
(B) Rood-Loft : Staverton : Devon
POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK
113
Queen Anne's reign. Many other examples of paintings over the screen might
be cited. Mitcheldean Church has one of the most complete sets. Two very large
panel paintings of Moses and Aaron may be seen at Washfield, Devon. They
were formerly over the screen, but now are hanging near the west end of the church.
Others remain at Helpringham, Lines, over the screen.
Fig. 77
§ 56. With very few exceptions, screens of the post-Reformation period did not bear
lofts over them. This is only what might be inferred from the Injunction of 1561.
Probably the sole surviving exception is that of Rodney Stoke, Somerset, x an example
1 Possibly the Jacobean screen at Wimborne was of this character, as mention is made of an
organ-loft in connection with it. The gallery at East Brent, Somerset, now at the west end of the
church, is said to have been removed from the chancel-opening, where it occupied the traditional
position of the roodloft. It was erected in 1635, and exhibits a large rectangular projection or bay
in the centre, evidently constructed to take the organ. That of Berrow was similar. The screen
and loft at Sandon, Staffs, are a half-century later (1686). It is permissible to suppose that this
gallery was originally erected for minstrels, but it has been used as a pew, probably for a long period
(Fig. 77).
15— (2239)
114
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
happily still perfect, and of which an illustration is given (Fig. 76). Here we have
a distinct attempt to revive the old idea of the pre- Reformation roodloft, and it is
interesting to note that this loft was in use until some time in the Victorian era as a
singers' gallery. The Church in Stuart times seems to have frankly accepted the
Elizabethan order concerning the screens, and, though studious to maintain, or, where
necessary, to provide them, and to complete them by extending the partition over
(corresponding to the veil of older times), the loft was omitted. The singers' gallery
was generally placed in the west, this becoming its recognised position, though in
rare instances (as at Ditcheat) it was located in a transept. ■
Their western position for a gallery is found in East Anglia very much earlier than
this. That at Worstead Church, Norfolk, dates from 1550. Galleries at the west end
of Jacobean date are numerous. There is one at Newdigate, Surrey, dated 1627.
That of Kentisbere is very early and of good design. The galleries at Gressenhall,
Norfolk, and Piddleton, Dorset, bear date 1635. That of Bishops Cleeve, near
Cheltenham, is one of the finest examples, and was erected about 1640.
§ 57. It is interesting to observe the perpetuation of the old Gothic forms in the
immediate post-Reformation type of a screen as exemplified at Lustleigh, Devon (Plate
XLVIa) a truly beautiful instance of the adaptation of an old model to meet the exigencies
of the reformed rules. There is another charming
example at Holbeton (Plate LXXXVIII), both
being celebrated for the richness of their work-
manship. Both the above are essentially Gothic
in design.
In the Elizabethan era we begin to observe
Renaissance screens, but these were certainly
erected in much greater profusion during the
two succeeding reigns, when the confusion
resulting from the great upheavals of the sixteenth
century had cleared, and Catholic principles had
re-asserted their power in the Church of England.
The number and fine character of the screens,
stalls, and other church fittings erected in the
reigns of James I and Charles I bear eloquent
testimony to the wonderful recovery of the Church
and the consolidation of her principles during
those reigns after the confusion of Elizabeth's
1 At Portishead the minstrels' gallery was located
over the porch. The old musical instruments are
preserved, and form a very interesting collection. The
illustration shows a hand-organ, large drum, and
several wind instruments, sufficient to form a somewhat
Fig. 78 powerful orchestra (Fig. 78).
PLATE XXXVII
DETAILS FROM SCREEN AND ROODLOFT
Athkrtngton, N. Devon
mi
mi
■A,
itm
Cornices
POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK
115
time. Many of these works bear witness to the zeal and munificence of private
donors, who, emulating the spirit of more ancient times, gave generously of their wealth
and their labour to provide for the orderly equipment and adornment of their houses
of worship. Magnificent examples of screenwork, dating from the reigns of James I and
Charles I, are to be found in all parts of England.
Tilney, All Saints, Norfolk, and
Passenham, Northants (1626) furnish good
instances ; at Trentham in Staffordshire
is a fine example ; whilst the south-west
of England has abundant examples.
At Wimborne the screen and organ
loft, together with *the choir stalls, a
magnificent work, date from 1610. It is
lamentable to think that modern vandals
have swept away the screen. The choir-
stalls are returned, and have miserere
seats. This instance is noted in the
Ecclesiologist as being of peculiar interest
from a ritual point of view, being erected
before the Laudian reaction in favour of
Catholic arrangement.
Ditcheat, Somerset, possessed another
perfect example of a chancel screen, with
holy doors complete and a set of chancel-
stalls returned at the west end, the whole
dating from 1630 ; but all were ruthlessly
demolished not many years ago, and the
best portions used by the rector for the
decoration of the rectory -house.
Perhaps the most splendid instance sur-
viving is the screen at Croscombe, near
Wells (Plate XLVIIIa), of which a portion of the detail is also shown (Fig. 79). This
example dates from 1616.
In 1639 Sir Paul Pindar, at his own cost, repaired the great choir screen of St. Paul's,
adorning the front with statues of the Saxon kings, and the inner side with figures of
angels. Other stately and magnificent screens erected in the Laudian era are those of
St. John, Leeds (a.d. 1634), and that which formerly stood in Great St. Mary's, Cambridge,
and which was erected under the authority of Cosin, who was then Vice-Chancellor.
The Church of St. Giles-in-the-Fields was beautified by the gift of a screen of carved
wood to replace the former one. This is described in a petition dated 1640 by the Puritans
against Dr. Heywood, the Rector, as being " in the figure of a beautiful gate in which is
Fig. 79
116
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
rjjgwifr ff in" nrt«iF QsVfeup Tc.r'ftiybYfcuiW'? Jo pi/ery tine that Mifv
carved two large pillars and three large statues ; on the one side is Paul with his sword,
on the other Barnabas with his book, and over them Peter with his keys."
Much of the fine work of this date to be found in the churches of the south, south-west,
and other parts of England bears witness to a fidelity to ancient principles and a dislike
of Puritanical innovations. The strong affection for the old order of things even brought
an endeavour to revive the old " Gothic " style of church -building, an art well-nigh
forgotten and altogether out of fashion.
The church at Ruscombe, Berks, built in the Laudian period, is a very fine
instance of Carolean Gothic, and until late years retained its screen of
carved oak, with solid tympanum over for the support of the Tables of the
Law and the figures of
3
Moses and Aaron. The
screen, alas ! went to the
builder's yard at the
"restoration," and is now
lost. The old paintings
only recently disappeared.
The church at Low
Ham, Somerset, affords
a still more perfect ex-
ample of this tendency.
Here we have a complete
building, with western
tower, nave, aisles, and
chancel, all in a very
passable imitation of
Gothic, the windows
having a resemblance to
Decorated tracery. The
chancel is fenced off by a
screen of beautiful design and workmanship, but betraying in its execution the curious
blunders that would naturally arise from the attempt to reproduce a forgotten style.
The spirit of the builders is shown in the text from Proverbs, which is carved along
the cornice on the western face of the screen :
" My son, fear thou the Lord and the King ; and meddle not with them that are
given to change."
On the eastern face is another text, part of which is visible in the illustration
(Fig. 80).
The effort to reproduce the character of the Gothic work extended to the carved
detail. This we observe in the enrichments of the cornices at Rodney Stoke (Fig. 76)
which both in character and in arrangement are adapted from older models. Except for
Fig. 80
POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK 117
the flatness and superficiality of treatment which differentiates the Jacobean from the
Tudor carvings, there is an unmistakable resemblance.
§ 58- A few extracts may here be introduced in order to show the attitude of the
representative clergy and laymen to the question of the screens at this time.
Thus Bishop Montagu, in his visitation articles of 1638, asks : " Is your chancel
divided from the nave or body of your church with a partition of stone, boards, wainscot,
grates, or otherwise ? Wherein is there a decent strong door to open and shut (as occasion
serveth), with lock and key to keep out boys, girls, or irreverent men and women ?
The same Bishop ordered that in his diocese of Norwich the screen doors should be shut
during the Communion, and not opened until it was finished.
The Bishop of Llandaff (a.d. 1634) mary also be cited as certifying " that one Williams
Newport, Rector of Lingua, in Monmouthshire, hath fulled down the partition between the
chancel and the church and sold part, and disposed the rest to his own use, with some other
violences, to the great profanation of that place, for which the Bishop desires leave to
bring him into the High Commission " (Archbishop Laud, " Troubles," p. 533).
" More churches," says a writer in 1638, " have been built and adorned in the reign of
King Charles than in the reign of many kings before. . . . The chancel, being divided
from the church by grates of wood curiously carved, or of iron, or of brass, into comely
works, is not only very graceful, but according to the laws and orders of the building
observed by the primitive Christians."
Hooker, the great Elizabethan divine, to whose influence we owe perhaps the
reconstitution of the Church, and who, to quote Collier, " baffled the Presbyterian cause
so effectually that they have never since been able to appear in the controversy to any
purpose," defended roodscreens in the following words :
" Our churches are places provided that the people may there assemble themselves in
due and decent manner according to their several degrees and order. Which thing being
common unto us with Jews, we have in this respect our churches divided by certain
partitions, though not so many in number as theirs. . . . There being in ours for local
distinction between the clergy and the rest . . . but one partition, the cause whereof at
the first (as it seemeth) was, that as many as were capable of the Holy Mysteries might
there assemble themselves, and no other creep in amongst them."
Dr. Cosin, Bishop of Durham, who erected the grand and massive screen formerly
standing in that cathedral, was accused in 1642 by the Puritans of going further in the
direction of the Hebrew Temple divisions. The following is quoted from " A Catalogue
of Superstitious Innovations," etc., brought into Durham Cathedral, p. 14 :
" Whereas the rubrick saith, chancels shall remain as they have done in times
" past, our new-fangled Durhamers, and other country priests (following their
" example) have made cancellos inter cancellos, chancels within chancels, that is, an
" enclosure to divide their altar eastward from the quire, as the Sanctum Sanctorum
" was separated with curtains from the rest of the Temple. Who ever heard of
" two chancels in one church, till Durhamers invented it, contrary to the rubrick
118 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
" and the example of all churches in England in former times ? So that they have
" a holy church, a more holy chancel, and at the east end thereof a most holy
" enclosure where the altar must stand, into which no man or woman may have access,
" but priests only."
Archbishop Bancroft also defends the distinction between nave and chancel (circ.
1578), which he says " doth greatly offend the tender consciences (forsooth) of the purer
part of the Reformers. Insomuch as Mr. Gilbey, a chief man in his time among them,
doth term the quire a cage." Grindal, who was suspended for his Puritanical leanings,
was insistent on the preservation of the screen.
The policy of Laud, who in the teeth of fierce opposition attempted to restore many
ancient ceremonies and observances in the Church, inspired the Puritans with horror,
and with a dark suspicion of a secret intent to lead the country back to Popery. Thus
the way was prepared for the Puritan reaction which came with the Cromweilian era.
We should look in vain at the Commonwealth time for signs of respect for ecclesiastical
tradition. Berwick-on-Tweed is almost singular in possessing a church of this period ;
and although the interior arrangement is on Presbyterian lines, strangely enough the
space surrounding the Communion Table is enclosed by screenwork.
In 1644 an ordinance, dated May 9, was promulgated for " the taking away of all
organs," and this included an injunction that roods, fonts, and organs should not only
be taken away, but utterly defaced. In the zeal of the Puritans for the destruction of
the organs, which frequently stood upon the screens, more of the carved woodwork was
laid low. Yet the total amount of damage done to the screens at this time seems to have
been comparatively small. Much mischief, however, was done by the fanatical persons
to the paintings of saints, prophets, apostles, etc., which adorned the lower parts of the
chancel screens, especially in East Anglia ; and it is to this date that the wanton
obliteration of their features is probably to be ascribed.
§ 59- With the restoration of the monarch}- under Charles II the continuity of ancient
principles of church building and arrangement is again apparent, and, with due allowance
for the growth of Italian forms and fashions, a fair degree of fidelity is maintained.
Wren, who cannot be accused of any great leanings towards the older forms — witness
his original and rejected scheme for St. Paul's — was nevertheless careful in his churches
to preserve the customary separation. At St. Peter's, Cornhill, one of his City churches,
may be seen a high chancel screen ; and at All Hallows, Thames Street, was another,
which has been preserved elsewhere since the church was pulled down. Some
of the churches then erected contain a low partition answering the same purpose.
The chancel screen of Lydiard Tregoze Church is of this date, and differs from earlier
examples in one essential feature — namely, the absence of a central doorhead.
This period also is not without its apologists for the use of screens. There is a sermon
in print by Bishop Beveridge, who defends them, speaking of the " cancelli," or partition
of lattice-work, as having been employed in all considerable churches ever since the days
of Constantine the Great. He points out the great symbolic importance of the feature.
PLATE XXXVIII
A'l HERINGTON, N I >i \ ON
I
mm.
CAHCPlE.5
- (
\\ r*> /->
f
/■■
-/
.. j
j
Canopy Work on Koodloft
POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK
119
§ 60. Towards the commencement of the eighteenth century the tendency to intro-
duce innovations in style and arrangement of churches becomes more marked. Old
traditions are weakened, and individual taste and fashion begin more and more to
obscure and to dominate ancient principles. Neo-Paganism in literature and art and a
growing scepticism in religious matters caused the study of Christian antiquities to be
neglected. There was an increasing apathy in Church matters. Yet the old " High
Church " school pursued the even tenor of its way, and vestiges of its quiet undercurrent
Fig. 81
of thought and practice, and adherence to ancient usages, may be traced in those
churches, few in number, which were refurnished at this period on the old lines. At
Crowcombe, Somerset, the chancel is enclosed by a screen and parclose of singular beauty,
of early Hanoverian date (Plate XLVIIIb). Another and later example is that of
Cruwys Morchard (Plate XLIXa). This is late Georgian, but yet exhibits a very close
accordance with older models as regards general arrangement. Stalls line both sides
of the chancel, and are returned against the screen to the westward. Both the western
screen and the parclose are Corinthian in design, as the illustration shows, and are of
refined character. The royal crown reposes upon a carved cushion beneath the pediment
of the central door.
Occasionally chancel gates are found to take the place of high screens at this date.
These may perhaps be regarded as having a practical rather than a symbolic importance,
but may nevertheless be regarded as " screenwork," and as such come within the scope of
this book. An illustration is given of the gates at Wickhamford, a small Warwickshire
church, containing many Post-Reformation features of interest (Fig. 81).
120
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
The latest instance known to the present writer which is clearly belonging to the old
order, and not a product of the nineteenth century revival, is in the quaint old church
of Molland Botreaux, North Devon, until lately unrestored. Here is a quasi-screen formed
of two large openings, having in the centre a chancel gate, set in an arched doorway, the
whole surmounted by a solid plastered tympanum bearing the Tables of the Law and the
royal arms on another panel, with the date 1808 (Fig. 82).
The new century
brought with it the
stirrings of revival, but
little knowledge or re-
gard for the time-
honoured landmarks of
the Church's history.
In the new fire of Evan-
gelical zeal the externals
of worship were apt to
be disregarded, if not
treated with contempt.
Features of high an-
tiquity, almost apostolic
in their origin, but whose
history and meaning
had been forgotten,
were set aside indis-
criminately as so much
mediaeval or " popish "
rubbish, and fell under
the ban of an ignorant
prejudice.
The churches were
cleared of obstructions
and opened up to the
fullest extent, so that
the congregational idea
of worship, "all seeing" and "all hearing," should be achieved.1 To this end galleries
and three-decker pulpits were multiplied, and screens were swept away wholesale.
In Cornwall nearly every screen was sawn down to the level of the rail beneath the
lights.
Some lofts remained which had been fitted up as pews. (See note, p. 99.) What were
known as " flying pews " were of this order, and frequently filled the chancel arch. These
were usually occupied by the lord of the manor or leading resident, and being proprietary,
1 The same ideal was aimed at in nearly every Cathedral in France in later days.
Fig. 82
PLATE XXXIX
THE ROOD-LOFT AS ICONOSI ASIS
(A) With Panel Paintings: Strensham: Worcester
(B) With Niches for Statuary : Flamborough : Yorks
POST-REFORMATION SCREENWORK
121
were left alone, and the screen consequently retained. But when the revival set in, and
Church principles were once more recognised, the immediate effect, though favourable in
principle to screenwork, did not always tend to the preservation of the remnants of ancient
work.
Galleries, flying pews, tympana, and tablets, accretions of Post-Reformation days,
were cleared away in hundreds by the early restorers, and where old screens remained
these were frequently discarded by reason of the expense which would have been
incurred in their restoration, for they were generally mutilated and rotten through
eighteenth century neglect.
These earlier restorers, too, had a preference for thirteenth century models. This style
was an easy one to imitate and cheap jvithal. Simplicity of design being thus in vogue,
much of the elaborate later work was suffered to go, and elementary geometric forms
were repeated ad nauseam in pitch pine or other softer wood.
But with more recent years have come discernment and a more jealous regard for the
treasures of antiquity that still remain. This feeling it is desirable to foster yet more
strongly, since it is to be feared that there are still much prejudice to be disarmed and
ignorance to be enlightened. Of late years the chancel screen has received a gratifying
mcrease of appreciation at the hands of clergy of all shades of opinion, who seem often,
in default of actual knowledge of its historic claims, to realise instinctively its fitness and
desirability.
It has been our endeavour to show the sustained regard in- which the screen has at all
times been held by scholarly Churchmen and men of moderate views.
Those who desire to perpetuate in our churches this beautiful feature may certainly
appeal with no small confidence to the verdict of our ecclesiastical history, which, whether
it embody primitive custom or Reformation principles, gives throughout an emphatic
and unmistakable sanction to the chancel screen in our parish churches.
SECTION
ELDvOTCN
. -O PLAN
fffi mt mi mi
Chancel Screen (temp. 1670). In the Almshouse Chapel, Bray, Maidenhead
16— (2239)
PART II
screenwork in the county
of Somerset
Part ii
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF
SOMERSET
THE woodwork in the churches of Somersetshire exhibits a great diversity of type,
both in general features and in,detail — the variations being much more strongly
marked than we are apt to find them in other districts. Many specimens of
screenwork form a class by themselves — being original compositions, and very unlike any
others. Of this order are the screens at Fitzhead (Plate LIVb) and Curry Rivel (Fig. 88)—
the former a late example of the arcaded and vaulted screen, the latter an exceptionally
early specimen of the same class.
The Somerset screens, for this reason, do not fall quite so readily into groups as do
those of Devon, which, in spite of their peculiar differences of detail, present for the most
part a decided family likeness.
But there are nevertheless some very well-marked groups in the county, and some of
these follow very closely the main territorial divisions, those of- the north-east or Mendip
district, for example, conforming to one type, those of the Dunster district to another,
whilst in mid and south Somerset are other groups of which mention will be made.
The screens also require classification according to date, there being a large number
of works of a comparatively early and simple nature in contrast to the more elaborate
structures of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
Following these broad lines we may group the screenwork of the county under two
main heads, classifying them as follows :
A. Early screenwork, in which the framework of the screen finishes with a rectangular
head, originally supporting a simple fiat ceiling or hollow coved soffit to the roodloft,
generally to the west of the screen, so that the whole projection was on that side.
B. Screenwork of the later type in which the lights have arched heads, and the loft
is supported by " fan-vaulting " on both sides of the screen, thus bringing the width of
the loft centrally over it.
To the above we may add a third list of Post-Reformation screens, which cannot be
included in either of the other sections.
The following are the lists of existing screens or fragments of screenwork coming under
the above heads, and the date of the work where known has been in each case added, those
whose actual date has not been determined having been assigned approximate dates, such
as in the writers' opinion may reasonably be inferred from the character of the detail and
the general type.
(125)
126
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
Fig. 83
A (1) Porlock (removed), 1250-1300
CULBONE.
Weston in Gordano (original tracery removed).
Portbury (Fig. 84).
Meare (old screen in N. transept).
Williton (remains).
Enmore (now at Huish Episcopi).
Pawlett (Figs. 83 and 83a).
Luccombe (removed).
With tracery of a simple nature, generally
of a " Decorated" appearance set in
> rectangular-headed compartments. Date
probably anterior to the fifteenth century,
say 1350 to 1380.
(2) NUNNEY.
Backwell.
Wellow.
Congresbury (chancel screen)
Compton Martin.
W. Pennard.
Priddy.
Mells.
PlLTON.
Loxton.
The north-east Somerset or Mendip group
of rectangular - headed screens having
tracery of a distinctive Perpendicular
' type and varying in date from about 1400
to the latest Pre-Reformation period (see
individual notices).
(See Fig. 86.)
PLATE XL
TWO DEVONSHIRE ROODLOFTS (RESTORED
(A) ROODLOFT AT LEW TrENCHARD
Restored in 1899. Showing the " Pool Man's Bibh "
(B) ROODLOFT AT StAVERTON, DEVON
Restored in 1891-2
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET
127
NOTE TO LIST A (1)
In the earliest the work is extremely plain, that of Culbone is the rudest in execution ;
others of the same class are those of Enmore (now at Huish Episcopi) and Pawlett ; whilst
the remains of screens at Williton and Luccombe
bespeak the same character. The examples at
Enmore and Pawlett (Fig. 83 and a) have
refinement which shows a date approximating to
the end of the fourteenth century and the same
may be said for the work at East Quantoxhead
and at Portbury (Fig. 84).
Detail at A
(HE/iD ok
MULLIONS)
NOTE TO LIST A (2)
The screen at Nunney is the earliest. The
formation of the crockets and terminal foliage — the
shape of the archlet over same, and the general
style and execution of the work point to an early
and good period of the art. It may be placed as a
work of date not much later than 1420. The
Backwell, Congresbury, Wellow and Compton
screens are later — but all good and vigorous in
design. Priddy shows a falling off ; this and
Pilton are much later — the date of Pilton is 1508
(vide Parish accounts). The screen at Loxton is
so debased that it may be regarded as late
sixteenth century work.
Mull i on
IX ins.
Fig. 83a
A (3) Congresbury (S. Chapel screen).
Whitest aunton.
Elworthy (panels).
Brompton Ralph (remains).
Evercreech (panels) now in western gallery.
Screens in which the tracery heads are of
purely decorated or fourteenth century
type, but the lights are arcaded, and set in
rectangular heads. The date of these screens
would vary probably from 1350 to 1308.
A (4) Raddington, c. 1400.
Cheddar.
Chew Magna.
Keynsham, c. 1465.
Long Ashton, c. 1500.
Wrington.
Bridgwater (now parcloses to chancel), c. 1400.
Whitchurch (S. transept screen).
Thorn St. Margaret.
Winsham.
Otterhampton.
Stockland Bristol.
Staple Fitzpaine.
Screens having a more or less Per-
pendicular character of tracery, but
exhibiting, within the rectangular frame-
work, an arcaded form. They are of all
dates and periods from c. 1400 to c. 1530,
and follow several distinct schools of
design.
128
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
STONE SCREENS
It may be convenient to group with class A the stone screens of the county, since
they have the same leading characteristic of a rectangular framework for the support
of the loft, and their construction does not admit of anything in the nature of ribbed
vaulting. Of this order are the screens at :
A (5) Brympton d'Evercy (Fig. 129).
Chilton Cantelo.
Kilmersdon (Fig. 85).
Stoke-sub-Hamdon.
Stone bases to roodscreens occur at :
CONGRESBURY. PUXTON.
Compton Dundon. Williton (removed).
In the case of Congresbury and Williton, the screen was
of wood, on a stone base.
Other specimens of stone screenwork in the county are
those of Wells Cathedral (the Jube and transeptal screens),
and Prior Bird's chantry in Bath Abbey, but these come
into a different category, since they do not belong to the
class of parochial screenwork. There was also a stone
screen in recent years at Creech St. Michael.
Owing to the predominance of Celtic over Saxon models
of church-building in this country, we do not find any
marked traces of the mural screen or chancel-wall with
narrow opening, such as early churches in counties more
centrally situated show us. There are several churches
with chancel-arches of moderate dimensions, it is true, but
there is, so far as we are aware, no complete instance
remaining of the chancel-wall of early type with narrow arch
or doorway between two windows or hagioscopes, except at
Nunney, where the arch is a considerable width ; but the
church at North Stoke, near Bath, before the recent
reconstruction, is said to have possessed a partition of
this nature. At Ashill is an instance of a narrow arch
with side arches forming a triple opening to the chancel,
and the remains of another at Seavington.
Before passing to the consideration of the screens of the later, or fan-vaulted type,
a few remarks on the ecclesiology of the county may be useful.
The churches of the more northerly part of Somerset present a striking contrast to
those of the western and southern districts. Whilst the latter in most cases reflect to
a great degree in their plan and general structure the character of the Devon and Cornwall
churches, the former approximate far more nearly to the average English type as it is
found all over the Southern Midlands. The division between nave and chancel is more
strongly defined, the chancel-arch is a customary feature, the nave is generally far
superior in height to the aisles, and these are not often found carried so far to the eastward
Fig. 84
PLATE XLI
DOUBLE SCREENS (CANOPIED). WITH TRIPLE OPENING
(A) ROODSCREEN : BURGHII.L : HEREFORDSHIRE
Shewing Cancelli to East and Triple Colonnade to West
(.H) Stone Roodscreen : Compton Bassett : Wilts
Shewing Cancelli to East and Triple Arcade to West
-/f
-13
-iz
-10
-8
-6
-i
Fig. 85
17— (2239)
130
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
as is the case in the true West-Country type of church. Hence, as might be expected, the
arrangement of the screenwork is found to exhibit corresponding differences of character,
and, saving in one class of churches of an intermediate type, it is quite unusual to find
any indications of the continuous screen running across nave and aisles without a break
as we see it in the West.
In place of this there would appear to have been ordinarily a central high screen
between nave and chancel, with separate screens to the aisles or chapels where such
existed. The naves being superior in height to the aisles, and frequently clerestoried,
these secondary screens would often have been lower than the roodscreen.
The intermediate class of churches above referred to are those which lie on the frontier,
so to speak, of the south-west peninsula, in which the old British traditions of church-
building and church art maintained their ground against other influences. These
y» buildings betray a strong tinge of West-Country feeling,
and often exhibit a compromise between the two
ecclesiological types. We see this in the abnormal
widening or opening up of the chancel arch (often at
the cost of stability, as at St. John's, Glastonbury) —
the motive being the reconciliation of the existence of
the structural barrier with the utmost degree of clearness
or continuity for the interior. Among the churches of
this order are those of Portishead, Wrington, Long
Ashton, Chew Magna, Bishop's Lydeard and several
others. Occasionally we find in these churches a screen
across nave and aisles of continuous design — the sections
/^f uniform in pattern and in height, as at Wrington,
m Backwell, and Chew Magna, or of slightly divergent
patterns as at Lone Ashton and Cheddar.
Fig. 85a r °
But the churches of the north-east district, which are
structures of the more definitely " English " order, give us a well-marked variety of
screenwork, classed in the foregoing list as A (2). The localities in which specimens of
this order survive are practically all comprehended in the Mendip area.
The churches of Nunney, Wellow, Compton Martin, Backwell, West Pennard, Priddy,
and Loxton, all have more or less perfect specimens remaining, whilst at Mells, and
possibly in one or two other places, are fragments of work of a similar description.
These screens though representative of the earlier type of roodscreen (i.e., flat-headed)
are not all of early date, by any means, but in this part of the county the later work
follows faithfully the older type instead of being supplanted generally by screens of the
more elaborate " vaulted " type, as we find further west or south. The tracery heads
which characterise this group of screens present a series of narrow compartments of
rectangular shape in which appear canopies of ogee form (Fig. 86) enriched with foliage
crockets and finial, the canopy open below with a cinquefoil cusping to the head of the
light, and the space above the canopy filled with simple Perpendicular tracery. The
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132
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
design is varied within certain limits in the specimens extant, but a reference to the
Plate will show how strongly marked is the unity of character pervading the whole group.
In other localities we get something of a nature which recalls this type, but nothing
precisely similar, so far as we are aware, exists outside the county limits — so that we have
here a complete little local school of design. There are one or two Devonshire examples —
the screens at Parracombe and Atherington (chancel screen) (Figs. 87 a and b), which bear
some slight resemblance, but the difference in detail is really greater than a brief inspection
would suggest. Similarly the Gloucestershire type — as exemplified by the screen at
Ashchurch (Plate LXIIa) strongly recalls this variety — and the illustration here given of
StlilMUKIUlM(UMtUUlUUlUttUUUi}A£mr
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Fig. 87
the Ashchurch screen is of special value in that it shows the nature of the original coving
for the roodloft which headed all these screens. It is to be regretted that except at
Keynsham (Plate LIIIa) where the screen itself is of a different type, no specimen of this
coved or canopied head is extant in the county, although in the immediate vicinity we
may yet find the feature surviving at Willand (Devon) (Plates XLVIIa and LXXXa),
and at Milborne Port (Dorset border), whilst at Christian Malford, Wilts, is an
exceptionally fine and lofty one.
The illustration of the Raddington screen (Fig. 99), in which a certain amount of
conjectural restoration has been attempted, also shows this feature, and at Avebury, Wilts,
(Plate XLIIb) such a screen and loft may be seen in all its pristine glory surmounted by
the enriched balcony-front with its row of niches for statuettes, and the loft, it will be
noted, projects to the westward of the screen, finding an independent support on a
beam or bressummer in front.
PLATE XLIII
PAINTED '* DOOM " PANELS ON SCREEN TYMPANA
a
A) From over the Roodloft at Dauxtsj{y, Wilts
(B) From over the Roodloft at Wenhaston, Suffolk
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET
133
(B) The general group B of Somerset screens embraces all those which were designed
according to a later model, more highly developed in an artistic sense. These were
framed to support a loft placed centrally over them, the ribbed vaulting between the
arched-headed lights projecting some two or three feet on east and west sides for the
support of the loft and its beams, with the cornices and galleries. These fan-vaulted
screens may be grouped as follows in the general list B, fixed or approximate dates being
given as before.
B (1) [The Minehead or Dunster Group.]
MlNEHEAD.
Dunster (nave screen).
Carhampton.
Bicknoller.
Cannington.
Timberscombe. ,
WlTHYCOMBE.
Brushford.
St. Decuman's.
West Quantoxhead.
(2) Trull. [This screen approximates in character to the above group.]
I Quite " Devonshire " in character, of the " Exe Valley " type,
like those at Bradninch and Kentisbere.
A type bearing marks of Flemish influence, in the detail of panels,
etc. The panels preserved at the two last mentioned localities
are of the same order as the work at Milverton. [See indi-
vidual notices.]
Having arched openings usually of four lights, filled with Per-
pendicular tracery and closely affiliated to the screens of Devon,
but with some characteristic differences of detail, which create
a local type.
Halse.
Nynehead.
(4) Bishop's Lydeard.
Lydeard St. Lawrence.
Wiveliscombe [remains].
East Pennard [remains].
NOTE TO B (1 to 4)
The arcades are divided by stout bead-moulded standards from which rises the
graceful vaulting which is their most conspicuous ornament. This vaulting, like most
of the Devonshire examples, consists of panels enriched with sunk tracery, usually of a
geometric kind, divided by moulded ribs. Over all runs a cornice enriched by several
rows of conventional vine-leaf and pomegranate enrichments divided by heads, and each
screen had originally a carved upright cresting to complete the series at the top, and
underneath a smaller inverted one. The roodlofts which these screens supported were
of an average breadth of about 6 feet, except in some cases like that at Minehead where
there was a width of about 8 feet.
B (5 to 8)
This screen requires separate classification, being of unusually
early character for a fan-vaulted screen — very rude and massive
in execution, and with many peculiarities of detail (see note).
Three late screens, of different types, each quite unlike any other
remaining in the county. The last is a very poor and late piece
of work ; temp. 1525. (See individual notices.)
B (5) Curry Rivel.
B (6) FlTZHEAD.
(7) Norton Fitzwarren.
Long Sutton.
B (8), We now come to a very important class of screens, also fan-vaulted, but of
great size and dignity of proportion, and presenting a marked difference in detail to
those under previous heads. They include the following :
High Ham (1499), Queen Camel (c. 1450), Trent (c. 1440), Middlezoy, Mere (c. 1450).
Kingsbury Episcopi, and Banwell (1522).
134 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
Their leading feature is their refinement and rather severe type of Perpendicular
tracery. The tall arcaded lights being divided at half their height in the case of High
Ham, Mere, Queen Camel and Trent screens by a traceried transom-bar, the cornice
ornaments and the enrichments of the vaulting also have a character of their own.
The screen at Milborne Port shares their character in its tracery, but has a horizontal coving .
Altogether these screens form a class peculiar to this county. The screens at Banwell
and Kingsbury Episcopi are different in many respects to the rest of the group and are
both very much later — that of Banwell being a late sixteenth century screen in which the
traceried transom is omitted and the tracery itself has not the refinement of the earlier
examples. But Kingsbury is also later and has been so very much altered and modernised
that it is difficult to see what its original character really was. The best examples are
those of High Ham, Mere and Queen Camel, which are certainly by far the finest screens
in the county, and whether for their dignity of proportion, the beauty of their detail, or
the admirable skill and precision of their workmanship, are equally admirable.
The fan-vaulted screens are usually found in connection with a particular type of
church — one almost universal in Devon and Cornwall, and which possesses no structural
division between nave and chancel.
The barrel roof runs continuously from east to west without a break internally, the
aisles being generally continued eastward flanking the chancel. There being no chancel
arch, the roodscreen assumes a character of prime importance and necessity, as well as
a symbolic or liturgical value. Hence the accentuation of dignity and respect bestowed
upon this feature in the West Country.
In the Minehead district of Somerset are several churches of this type, and hence the
vaulted screens are relatively numerous.
Minehead, Selworthy, Porlock, and Dulverton are among those churches which offer
examples of the continuous roof — St. Decuman's exhibits a slender stone arch, a mere rib
following the curve of the roof over the chancel-opening, and the aisles are, as in a
Devonshire church, continuous north and south of the chancel.
An examination of any of these churches of the south-western type will readily enable one
to gauge the importance of the screen in their internal economy. Their injudicious removal
has but too often left the churches thus cleared a mere empty shell, naked and forlorn.
The frequency of this type of church in the south-west arises from the fact that towards
the close of the fifteenth century a great era of church building and church enlargement
was inaugurated, and churches in Somerset and Devon were very largely rebuilt under the
influence of a school of building associated with those districts which were more peculiarly
the home of the Celtic men, and in which the customs and traditions of the original
British church still lingered.
In this process there was a tendency to discard the simple fittings which had done
duty in the more ancient structures, in favour of more elaborate woodwork, of ampler
proportions, and this was carried out in a wholesale manner in Devon and Cornwall, and
more partially in Somerset.
PLATE XLIV
CANOPIED SCREENS
(A) Roodscreen : Conway
(B) Roodscreen and Loft: Montgomery
Fig. 88
ROODLOFTS
SOMERSET has lost all its Pre-Reformation roodlofts. Two or three appear to
have been removed within living memory, including those of Kingsbrompton and
Chedzoy. In several churches there are beautiful remains of panel work which
probably once formed part of the rich balcony-fronts of the old lofts. But at least the
splendid sub-structure of ribbed and traceried vaulting, with the manifold and delicate
enrichments of the cornices is in many cases preserved to us, and for that we may be
thankful. It would appear that the lofts were in many cases panelled with traceried
compartments something like those we see in the base of the screens, but with rather
greater richness of detail, and it is probable that many were decorated with a series of
statuettes as at Yatton, or in less ambitious works, with paintings on the panels. But
there is a very interesting point in the ecclesiology of the district, in the evidence that
exists for the continuance of the use of the lofts after the Reformation as music galleries
as at Minehead (see note) and their actual erection for this purpose in the time of the
Laudian revival. (See Post-Reformation, Section ante, p. 113.)
Traces of some of the pre-Reformation appanages of the roodloft are fairly plentiful
still. At High Ham we have a fine example of the rood-beam in its ancient position over
the loft, and the stumps of rood and figures may yet be seen, whilst there are other
instances remaining of the survival of the beam. Frequently too we find the enriched
ceiling or " canopy of honour " in the eastern bay of the nave roof over the position of the
rood, as at Ditcheat. At North Cadbury the hooks for the rood, and for the " Velum
Cjuadragesimale " or Lenten Veil (which hung in the arch over the screen for the forty
days) are still existing — and in several cases the solid " tympanum " or boarded filling
which in some of our churches was provided as a permanent substitute for this veil, is
still standing — as at Raddington, and Trull : whilst Winsham provides us with an instance
of a pre-Reformation tympanum having its surface painted with a representation of the
Crucifixion. Of the " Doom," which was the customary painting in this position,
Somerset provides no surviving specimen. There is one other painted tympanum, viz.,
that of Wyke Champflower, but that is Post-Reformation in date.
Painted Screens. — The county furnishes a fair number of instances of screenwork
retaining mediaeval colour decorations, but in no case so far as we are aware, do any
painted figure-panels now survive, though it is stated that such have been discovered at
Wellow and at St. Decuman's, or at least traces of them.
The following screens show colour decoration : Backwell, Banwell, Bishop's Lydeard,
Carhampton, Chew Magna, Combe St. Nicholas, Long Ashton, Long Sutton, Minehead,
Pawlett, Pilton, Raddington, Stockland Bristol, St. Decuman's, Wellow, and White
Staunton.
Post-Reformation Screens. The county is singularly rich in Post-Reformation
woodwork, and not only in screens, but in pulpits, pews, and other church fittings is this
evident.
(136)
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SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 137
There is a great deal of fine work dating from 1616 down to the end of Archbishop
Laud's supremacy, and other work of an interesting nature but of a much later date is
found at Croscombe, and in a few other places. The following is a list of screens, in some
instances supporting lofts, which are of post-Reformation date : Bridgwater (Elizabethan),
formerly supporting loft ; Berrow, 1637, ditto ; East Brent, 1635, ditto ; Rodney Stoke,
1625, ditto ; and at Bath Abbey, until the restoration under Scott in the middle of the
nineteenth century, was a Post-Reformation screen and music gallery or organ loft,
probably erected about the beginning of the nineteenth century.
Post-Reformation screens without lofts exist at Croscombe, 1616 ; Ditcheat (remains),
1630 ; Keynsham, 1634 ; Low Ham, 1620 ; Bruton, 1620 ; Norton St. Philip, c. 1600
(debased Gothic); Countisbury, c. 1700; Isle Abbots; North Newton, 1626-28;
Thurloxton, same date ; Crowcombe, c. 1728.
Of fine screenwork which has been broken up for the purpose of forming western
gallery-fronts we have the following instances : Church Staunton, Chedzoy, East Pennard,
Evercreech, and other galleries containing old work are to be found at East Brent,
Banwell and Nettlecombe, whilst others were standing in 1873 at Durston, Wilton
(Taunton) and Tolland.
The record of the destruction of screens in Somerset is a very serious one, and the
comparatively recent date of the removal of screens in some instances reflects no great
credit on the persons concerned. Amongst those removed may be mentioned the
following — Bishop's Hull, since 1843 ; Blagdon, early nineteenth century ; Brompton
Ralph, c. 1880 ; Cannington (broken up), 1844 ; Chedzoy, 1843-4 ; Cleeve, since 1843 ;
Church Staunton, early in the nineteenth century ; Combe Florey, since 1844 ; Compton
Martin, c. 1870 ; Combe St. Nicholas (last surviving part), since 1882 ; Creech St. Michael ;
Puxton, since 1844 ; Halse (North aisle part), 1843 ; Hill Farrence, 1857 ; King's Brompton,
c. 1860 ; Luccombe, c. 1845 ; North sub Hampden (burnt), c. 1891 ; Quantoxhead West,
1857 ; Raddington (mutilated and doors removed), since 1844 ; Williton, about 1853 ;
Enmore (removed) in the eighties ; West Buckland, since 1873 ; Witham Friary, 1832 ;
Wiveliscombe, 1828; Wootton Courtney, prior to 1850. Of others only the lower part of
the screen has been retained ; this is the case at Isle Abbots, Limington, Old Cleeve and
Ruishton ; in the two latter churches the remains are used as a panelling to the sanctuary.
In tracing the many interesting parallels found in the design of screens belonging to
certain groups, and in the character especially of the small detail and carved enrichments
applied to screenwork throughout this county and neighbouring districts, one is insensibly
led to speculate upon the question — to what school or guild of carvers may these works
be attributed The strong family likeness between the screens of north-east Somerset
(Group A 2) has been noted : also the striking character of the High Ham — Queen Camel
group — and others, whilst there exists in the detail of the lower panels of the Dunster
screen, and others in its neighbourhood a like similarity of design, remarkable in that it
is not found in the sister county of Devon, although in other respects the work on these
" Dunster " screens bears such a strong resemblance to those of Devon.
18— (2239)
138
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
The design of these lower panels, which consists of a couple of short trefoiled panels
under an ogee canopy, enriched with carved crockets and finial, is noteworthy, and we
here reproduce it (Fig. 89). It is peculiar to the district, and may be traced in slight
forms at St. Decuman's, Bicknoller, and elsewhere
in local screens which were probably erected at a
somewhat later date, under the influence of the
Dunster screen, as their prototype. 1
In distinction to these, it will be observed that
the lower panels of the screens at Timberscombe,
Minehead, St. Audries, and others, exhibit a very
different arrangement, and one which is common to
Devonshire screens — namely, four flat panels, with
tracery in the heads, and a row of quatrefoils at the
foot. These points of detail may prove to have
a practical value, as well as an interest, if they
serve to furnish a means of tracing the origin of
the work.
It is often the case that a screen is reputed to have
come from some local monastery, and this is said of
several screens in Devonshire, and of some in Somerset. 2
This does not necessarily imply that the work was
removed from such and such an abbey or priory at the
Dissolution, though this may be sometimes the case,
as at Brushford, where we understand there is
documentary evidence to show that the screen was
removed from Barlinch Priory, but it is far more
likely, generally speaking, that this saying simply expresses a tradition that the screen
in question was carved by the craftsmen, whether monks or lay brethren, attached to
certain monasteries.
Thus in the case of Dunster, the evidence seems all in favour of the theory that such a
school of woodcraft had existed in this monastery and has left its mark on the surrounding
district.
In earlier years, no doubt, most of the beautiful carvings which went to adorn our
parish churches were produced within the walls of the monasteries, those cradles of art
1 What we may call the Dunster formula, namely, this little arrangement of the twin lights under
a canopy, is to be seen in some very early timber framework at the back of the Luttrell Arms Hotel.
We also have it in a very graceful and delicate form in the screen which was formerly the altar-screen,
or eastern enclosure, of the parochial part of the church at Dunster, now standing in the south
transept (Plate LVII). This screen is of much earlier date than the nave-screen, probably not later
than the close of the fourteenth century, and the feature in question is perhaps its leading ornament,
being repeated in series above and below the transom-bars. This ornament has been faithfully copied
on the late fifteenth century nave-screen.
2 As e.g., W. Quantoxhead screen, from Cleeve ; High Ham screen, from Glastonbury,
etc., etc.
Fig. 89
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SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 139
and science in troublous times — but with the diffusion of learning and the advent of
more settled conditions in the times of the first Tudors, there is little doubt that a
numerous class of lay craftsmen grew up and contributed in a large measure to supply the
demand, which in those days must have been literally enormous, for carved work,
sculpture, and what not.
The old parish accounts of Yatton, Croscombe, and Pilton seem to throw some light
upon this question, as the employment of professional carvers, probably members of a
free guild, is recorded.
In the churchwardens' accounts of Croscombe parish, we find that the whole of the
work for Saint George's Chapel at Croscombe was carried out by the Freemasons of
Exeter. '
At Pilton all'the carving of the roodscreen was done by an Exeter carver, and there
is an item of 2s. 4d. in the account for the year 1521, representing the expenses incurred
by the churchwarden in visiting Exeter to confer with the carver there.
The Yatton .churchwardens' accounts are interesting. In 1447-8, three men were
sent to Easton-in-Gordano where there was a fine " alure " or roodloft, to inspect this as
a model for one which was contemplated for their own church. Others rode to Frome
Selwood and to Bitton, presumably for the like purpose, and one, W. Stubbe, was sent
to Bristol to view the " tabylment " or altar-sculpture.
In 1448 we find :
" Item. Pd. for the tabyl of the hye awter . . . . . . . . . . , . xj marcs, xs.
,, In costage of the same tabyl .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. xvijd.
For costage of 2 wings of ray silk for the hy auter . . . . . . . . xvijd."
(Cloths, wire, and rings, are also charged.)
"Item, for the Rodeloffte, to Crosse (the joiner) .. .. .. .. viij marcs, xiijs."
In 1450:
"Item. Payd. to Crosse for the Rodeloffte .. .. .. .. .. .. vjs. viijd."
In 1451, '■ Payd. to Crosse for the aler (alure, i.e., loft)
xxs.
vj. viijd.
ij marcs, iijd."
ijs. vijd.
vjs. vjd.
xxd."
anoder payment for the aler ..
In 1454, Payd. Costage yn. settyng uppe of the aler, the first days
,, Payede for divers colers to the aler . .
,, For the paynter ys here a wyke (week)
The accounts for this year include also the ceiling (syler, schylyng) boards carried from
Southampton with drawings and colours for same, " the trussing of the Crosse with the Maryes, iiijd.'
" Item. Iron to the Rodelofte
gold to paint the angell . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vjs.'
Etc., etc.
And in 1455 :
" Item. To Crosse ' ys ale ' yn setting uppe of the poste of the Rodelofte . . . . iijd
A crampe of iron in the Sowthe side of the soler . . . . . . . . . . xijd
for a chandelier yn the Rodelofte to Jenken, Smyth, of Comysbury . . xiijs. iiijd
, For ale gevyn to Crosse yn certeyn tymis yn hys worke, to make hym wel wellede . . ijd
, for ernest-peny to the image maker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . jd
, to settyng up of the ymages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iiijd
, for the ymages to the Rodelofte in number Ixix .. .. .. .. £u] xs. iiijd.'
1481 —
" Item. For the closynge (parclose screens) betwyxte the churche and the chaunsell, etc.,
including nayles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxd.'
140
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
It is interesting to note that the images, sixty-nine in number, cost about a shilling
apiece. That it should have been the practice to send so far as Exeter for a carver for
the Pilton and Croscombe work is curious, and seems to point to the existence of a superior
order of craftsmen in that city. History proverbially repeats itself. To-day it is again
the practice of many to send to Exeter workshops for precisely this class of work, and
often from a much greater distance !
An individual mention of each screen known to be existing in the county follows, and
in addition to these it has been thought advisable to include a brief mention of other
woodwork in the churches, as e.g., pulpits and benches, where such seemed worthy of
special remark.
Fig. 90
PLATE XL VI I
PERPETUATION OF ANCIENT FORMS
<ft£Hl *g<ra<imftfliic€^t
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lit
(A) Pre-Refokmation Cornices : Willand : Devon
i"Wg =?•% ^fc "4NP-» ^*l '
ill) Their Po.st-Reeokmation Countekpart (1C24)
Wasiifield: Devon
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET
141
APPENDIX A
List of Existing Roodscreens
Alford.
Backwell.
Banwell.
BlCKNOLLER.
Bishop's Lydeard.
Brent, East (Post-Reformation, with gallery,
now at West end).
Bridgwater.
Brushford.
Brympton d'Evercy (stone).
Cannington (imperfect).
Carhampton. '
Cheddar (aisle portions).
Chew Magna.
Chilton Cantelo.
Combe St. Nicholas (parts).
Congresbury.
Croscombe (Post -Reformation, seventeenth
century).
Crowcombe (Post -Reformation, eighteenth
Cuckl.ington. [century).
Culbone.
Curry Rivel (aisle parts).
Donyatt (part).
Dunster.
Elworthy (Fig. 90).
Enmore (at Huish Epi.).
Fitzhead.
Halse.
High Ham.
Isle Abbots (lower part).
Keynsham (S. aisle part).
Kingsbury Episcopi.
Limington (lower part).
Long Ashton.
Long Sutton. [century).
Low Ham (Post -Reformation, seventeenth
Loxton.
Lydeard St. Lawrence.
Meare (2).
Middlezoy.
Milborne Port.
Minehead.
North Newton (Post-Reformation, seventeenth
century).
Norton Fitzwarren.
Nunney.
Nynehead.
Otterhampton.
Pennard, West.
Pilton (at N. Cheriton).
Portbury (part, now in tower).
Priddy.
Quantoxhead, East.
West (taken apart).
Queen Camel.
Raddington.
Rodney Stoke (Post-Reformation, with gallery).
St. Decuman's.
Staple Fitzpaine (2), (parts).
Stockland Bristol.
Thurloxton (Post-Reformation, seventeenth
century).
Timberscombe.
Trent.
Trull.
Wellow.
Weston-in-Gordano.
Wells Cathedral.
Whitchurch (aisle screen).
Whitestaunton (mutilated).
Winsham.
Wrington.
Withycombe.
APPENDIX B
Parclose, Tower, and Chantry-Screens, Etc.
Backwell (stone).
Bath (Prior Bird's Chantry).
Blackmore Chapel.
Bridgwater (Post-Reformation) .
Bruton (Post-Reformation).
Compton Martin.
Congresbury.
Croscombe (2).
Crowcombe.
Dunster.
Isle Abbots (Post-Reformation).
Keynsham
Kilmersdon (stone).
Mark (Post-Reformation).
Marston Magna.
Meare (3).
Mells.
Monksilver (now a chancel screen)
Norton Fitzwarren.
Norton St. Philip (2).
Pilton.
Puriton.
Stoke sub Hamdon (stone).
Thorn St. Margaret.
Trull (2).
Wellow (painted).
Wells Cathedral (several).
Whitchurch.
Whitestaunton (stone).
142
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
APPENDIX C
Fragments
Berrow (Post- Reformation, formerly
supporting loft).
Bishop's Hull.
Blagdon.
Brockley.
Brompton Ralph (Fig. 91).
Bruton (panels in Post - Reformation
tower-screen) .
Castle Cary (R. S.).
Cannington (parcloses).
Chedzoy.
Compton Dundon (base).
CONGRESBURY.
DlTCHEAT.
Do. (Post-Reformation).
evercreech.
Glastonbury St. John.
HlLLFARRENCE.
Isle Abbots.
Kilton.
Kilve.
luccombe.
Mells.
MlLVERTON.
Nettlecombe.
Old Cleeve.
Pennard, East.
Puxton (base).
Ruishton.
Selworthy.
Shepton Mallet.
Somerton.
Spaxton.
Stogumber.
Taunton St. James.
West Hatch.
Wells, St. Cuthbert.
Williton.
WlVELISCOMBE.
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Fig. 91
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SCREENS IN SOMERSET CHURCHES
DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF THOSE SURVIVING
AND RECORDED
With some further Ecclesiological Notes
ALFORD (All Saints). This little church is rich in ancient woodwork, well and
reverently preserved.
The chancel screen is of singular character, entirely unlike anything else in the county, and
more reminiscent in its proportions of the screens at Brigstock (Northants) or Walsoken. It is
immensely high for the church, so high, in fact, as to make it a matter of doubt whether it
could ever have been intended for its present position. Nor has it the appearance of a
roodloft screen, but rather that of a stately parclose, suited to a transeptal aisle-arch in
some large conventual building. We give an illustration (Fig. 92).
From these indications and the proximity of the parish to the abbeys of Glastonbury and
Bruton it may not unreasonably be held that this screen is the spoil of one or other of these
dissolved houses — probably Glastonbury once owned it.
The screen is square-headed, there being on each side of the central bay three rectangular
divisions filled with tracery of an early type — probably dating from the commencement of the
fifteenth century. These rectangular lights, which are of great height, are divided in their
height by two transom bars, the lower a mere tracery bar, connected with the upper by a
series of vertical divisions giving six little lights, with trefoiled archlets in the heads under
the major transom.
Above the major transom is more tracery, the space here being divided into three lights,
and breaking into a close reticulation of curvilinear type.
The doorhead has segmental curves, and the spandrels are finely carved. Above it are three
two-light divisions of the framing, each containing good tracery of the same type. The cornice
enrichments are missing, exhibiting a large casement moulding in which the vine-leaf once ran.
The church boasts of a magnificent Jacobean pulpit of black oak, carved all over, with its
canopy-back against wall, to match — the tester, or canopy, however, missing, which is a great
pity. There is an arched recess in the wall behind the pulpit (on the north side of the chancel
arch) which before its alteration probably marked the position of the roodloft stair.
The bench-ends in this church are admirable specimens of early fifteenth century work,
finely wrought, with elaborate sunk tracery panels, their vigorously-moulded sides being
carried up with tall curved shoulders having a hollow sweep to hexagonally-mitred poppy-
heads. The chancel-stalls are worthy of note. A screen has within recent years been placed in
the tower arch. It is a good example of modern work, and well suited to its place.
The bench-ends have a similar outline to those of North Cadbury, which show foreign
influence. Those at Alford are quite English, and better cut than the Cadbury ones.
James Fitz James was Rector of North Cadbury, 1521-41, whilst John, his brother, was Lord
of the Manor of Alford. The date of the Cadbury benches is 1538-40. 1 (See North Cadbury.)
1 Som. Arch. Proc, XXXVI, p. 56.
(143)
Fig. 92
PLATE XLIX
POST-REFORMATION SCREENS. (LATE XVIII CENTURY)
(A) Chancel Screen and Parclose, Cruwys Morchard, Devon
l\i ; q I Hill
i HI!
(B) Chancel Screen, Ermington
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET
145
ASHILL (St. Mary). This church is remarkable for the possession of a triple chancel arch
of Norman date — a feature almost unique in the county of Somerset.
ASHTON : LONG. (See Long Ashton.) *
AXBRIDGE (St. John Baptist). The roodscreen and other screenwork was broken up and
turned out of the church a very long time ago, and from time to time fragments of the old
carvings have been heard of in the hands of local people, among whom they seem to have
been distributed — but no trace can now be found of them.
This church originally seems to have possessed two screens, both of which had lofts. There are
two separate staircases, one considerably to the westward of the other. The eastern one is
just east of the central tower, on the N. side, and access is gained to it from the N. chapel ; the
other is in the south-aisle wall.
Similar arrangements may be noted at Wedmore, Clevedon, Crewkerne, and in other
cruciform churches, but the loss of the screens themselves makes it a matter of doubt as to
what precise form they took — whether, for example, they had separate lofts as at Edington,
Wilts, or whether the loft overran the whole depth between the screens, forming a deep floor,
as at Winsham.
Jiead of Uppe r Panels
B^CXWE-UV. CMUf\CH, Somerstt .
f»NEL5 of Screens .
Jiead of Lower Panels
Mullion.
JijlJ Heal ,SSjje.
Fig. 93
itj— (2239)
146 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
BACKWELL (St. Andrew). The screens remain to nave and both aisles. Though practically
uniform in character, the three sections are separate, though whether this was originally the
case is perhaps doubtful. They are at present placed within the thickness of the arches.
The central section is of three main divisions, those on north and south extremities being
of five lights each (the usual narrow rectangular lights, with tracery heads as per diagram
Figs. 86, 93). The cornice retains two rows of very beautiful vine-leaf enrichment, showing
coloured decoration. The convex profile of this ornament gives it a very rich appearance. We
find the same convexity, with equally good result, at Congresbury and Keynsham. The doors
remain, with finely carved head, very like that of Wellow — and the lower panels exhibit the
same similarity.
The south-aisle screen seems the same in most respects as the centre, and is uniform in
elevation, but the north-aisle section appears to be about a foot higher.
The chancel piers, which are fiat on their west face, each contain a small rectangular
hagioscope symmetrically placed. Carved heads are built into the wall above them as corbels
at the level of the roodloft, for support of the beams.
On the south side of nave, just under the roof by the chancel wall, is a two-light window
for the illumination of the loft, which would otherwise have been very much in the dark, as
there is no clerestory to this lofty nave.
There is also a small stone screen in the church. The pulpit is modern and fairly good ; the
benches poor.
BANWELL (St. Andrew). (Plates LIVa and LXVIIa.) The roodscreen is a very fine
late Perpendicular work, having been erected in 1522.
It is of seven bays, spanning the nave, and is of tall and stately proportions, supporting
a wide loft. The openings are arcaded, with very pointed heads, filled with fine Perpendicular
tracery, each opening divided centrally by a stout vertical member running into the head,
and again subdivided by lesser mullions, making four lights to each bay. The fan-vaulting,
perfect on both sides, exhibits a singular grace of character, from the large number of ribs,
there being seven free ribs to each fan. The whole screen retains its ancient colour, which
was faithfully restored in 1821.
The cornice on the west side strikes the eye on account of its extraordinary depth and richness.
There are no less than five bands of enrichment, divided by beads, in addition to which there
are crestings above and below, the upper cresting being a very tall one. The central band
of courant vine is of remarkable size and character, showing the usual sinuous stem interwoven
with huge elongated leaves, the smaller interstices being filled with bunches of grapes, and
twisted tendrils (compare the similar member at Atherington). The cornices on the east side
are also good, though less complex ; the two deep bands of running ornament present a marked
and pleasing contrast of character, whilst the inverted cresting below is original and effective.
The access to the roodloft is by a staircase in the north-east angle of the nave wall. Nothing
now remains of the gallery of the roodloft, but Rutter says that in 1829, " the oak panelling
and railing " remained above the cornice on the side towards the nave. The peculiar depth of
the western cornices, which appear to form a double tier, rather suggests the idea that the
ornamental beam, with its cresting, which in the old days formed the head of the gallery-framing,
may in this, as in so many other cases, have been brought down and laid upon the top of the
cornice beam on the removal of the roodloft. The loft in this church must have been a glorious
thing. In the mind's eye it may be pictured — a row of statuettes or bas reliefs, in delicately
canopied niches, all aglow with gold and colour, standing perhaps five feet or so above the
cornices. The splendid proportions of the chancel arch were obviously designed for a great
PLATE L
ORGANS UPON I UK PooDl.oi'"'!"
The plate shows this ancient custom revived at Long Sutton Church,
Somerset. The same has been done at St. Ives. Hunts. ; Coton,
Cambs., and elsewhere.
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 147
display here. At the apex of the arch still remains the sculptured angel which bore the chain
from which depended the holy rood ; and the position of the beam on which it rested is defined
clearly for future restorers by the " angel " corbels built into the sides of the arch just above
the springing, and about eight feet clear of the roodloft floor. The arrangement may
readily be realised on reference to Meare Church, Wilts, where a complete parallel is visible.
At Banwell may also be seen at the apex of the chancel arch, the figure of an angel holding
a papal tiara from which depended the chain which supported the head of the great rood.
There is a screen at the west end of the church, of fairly good modern work, supporting
a gallery front of Elizabethan date (1590), formerly part of a pew set up by Bishop Godwin —
which is a fairly good example of work of that date, and formerly stood to the westward of the
chancel screen on the south side. The Bishop was Lord of the Manor. He had no rights as
an ecclesiastical dignitary in the church, but attended in his secular capacity.
The churchwardens' accounts are very complete, and give a good deal of information as
to the robdscreen and its erection. The following are extracts :
1521. " Pd. for a paper to draw the draft of ye rode-lofte .. .. .. .. ihjd.
for the making of the Endentur and the oblygacyon for the Kervar . . js viijd."
1522. " Pd. to the Kervar at Willa Jervy's house £23
for Brede and Ale for men to take downe ye Rodelofte . . . . . . 9d."
(i.e., the older roodloft, which this one replaced.)
1525. " Pd. to Robert Hopton for gylting in ye Rodelofte, and for stayning of the
clothe afore the Rodelofte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . £5 "
1531. The " Rode " was sold for the value of 65 bushels of wheat (about £3), and taken to
Uphill for shipment. This was probably the older rood, superseded by the new work.
The cost of the Banwell roodloft would be something like £460 of Our money, which enables
one to form some idea of the estimation in which the " Rodelofte " was held in the Middle Ages.
There was an organ upon the loft, as was generally the case. It stood at the foot of the
High Cross, where it remained until its final removal in the last century (vide Rutter). In the
parish accounts we have the following entry :
" Pd. for mending of the belys of ye orgons .. .. .. .. .. .. 4d."
In the south porch, over the inner door, was formerly a gallery similar to those at
Weston-in-Gordano, Portishead, etc., etc. The roodscreen lights were, in the early part of
the nineteenth century, filled with stained glass. This church, in addition to its screenwork,
also retains the enriched cornice which formed the head of the old choir-stall backs. Stalls
and back panelling are gone, but the church retains its old benches, with a fine series of poppy-
heads. The roofs are also very good examples of late fifteenth century work. The pulpit
is of stone, an interesting relic of mediaeval days, and one of a notable Somerset series. The
Banwell roodloft was used until quite recent days as a singers' gallery ; the choir and
musicians being located there. The verger (1905) remembers the barrel organ which stood upon
the loft. Som Afch Proc u a 41 and j ]8. iUd^ m i; ]8. iUd^ XVj j 39.
ibid., XXXI, p. 41 (1S85) ; ibid., LI, p. 74-75 (1905) ; ibid., LII, p. 72 ; Rutter's
"Somerset," pp. 140-142 ; Bris. &■ Glos. Arch. Soc. Proc, 1903, p. 23 (photos) ;
Ecclesiologist, III, p. 27 ; " S. Kensington List of painted Screens."
BATH ABBEY. There was never a roodscreen properly so called here, for the Abbey
Church was not completed when the Reformation supervened, and the nave was therefore from
the first used for the reformed worship. But a screen with an organ-loft over it stood across the
chancel-opening until after the middle of the nineteenth century, and fortunately a drawing
of this is preserved. It is a most interesting instance of the perpetuation of Pre-Reformation
148 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
forms. The date of its erection has not been ascertained. It may be compared to the pulpitum
of St. Mary's, Oxford, erected about 1820, and still standing.
The Abbey contains a very beautiful oak parclose designed by Mr. J. 0. Scott, F.R.I.B.A.,
and erected in 1885 to the memory of a late rector, Rev. Charles Kemble.
Builder, Apr. 24th, 1886 (illustration of Kemble Memorial Screen).
Of old screenwork the Abbey can boast of one very beautiful specimen — Prior Bird's chantry
on the south side of the choir. This is a glorious piece of late Tudor work, extremely delicate
in detail.
There is no old wood screenwork now remaining in the Abbey. The benches are modern,
and very good, with richly-carved ends, but they are too crowded.
BERROW. This is one of the churches in which a Post-Reformation chancel screen and
minstrels' gallery over, are known to have existed. (See S. Brent and Rodney Stoke.)
The screen was cleared away not very many years ago, and the framework, or portions of
it, are preserved in the church, attached to the wall of the tower. Upon the beam is carved the
legend : " I was set upright and even : In the year 1637 : He is of the Lord accurst : Who in his
dealings is not just," with the names of the churchwardens responsible for the work. There is
nothing remarkable in the detail. The beam rested on turned shafts, but the mouldings were
simple, and there is no evidence of any enrichments.
BICKNOLLER (St. George). The roodscreen is standing in the nave, but the north-aisle
section has been removed. The surviving portion comprises five divisions, and retains its
doors. 1
This is one of the fan- vaulted screens of the Dunster series dating from about 1500. The
proportions of the screen are pleasing, the vaulting being perfect and excellent in contour, the
fillings traceried with simple intermediate rib, and cusped tracery fork to archlet in head with
carving in lozenge and spandrels similar to that of the St. Audries' screen (West Cjuantoxhead).
The tracery of the arcaded lights follows the usual Perpendicular pattern. The lower panels
of the screen are the same as those at Dunster. The cornices are very good, and consist of
four rows of enrichments on the west side divided in the customary West-Country manner by
single beads, and finished with crestings above and below. The top row of ornament is
unfortunately missing. The screen has been renovated, none too well, and is rather loosely
held together in parts.
The church is famous for its carved bench-ends, which are superb.
Camden Soc, " Hints to Church Builders," 1842, 2nd Edn. ; Som. Arch. Proc, HI,
pp. 63, 68; Ecclesiologist, III, p. 162.
BISHOP'S LYDEARD (St. Mary). This fine church possesses many attractions for the
antiquary.
Its roodscreen is perfect, and Perpendicular in character, being one of the fan-vaulted screens
of the true West-Country model (Plate LVIIIa). It spans the nave and south aisle, the vaulting
encircling the pier. To the nave are five bays, with doorway in centre. The tracery of the
lights is rather stouter than the average, and the mullions have no little moulded caps or bands
but run down without a break. In this respect the detail corresponds to that of early fifteenth
century models such as those of Halberton or Uffculme (1420). The panels in the lower part
of the screen are of singular beauty, traceried with a delicate network of late Gothic forms,
1 Bicknoller screen is mentioned as one of four divisions in the Camden Society's 1842 publications
(this implying, in their system of classification, that there would be nine bays altogether — four on
each side of the central one). This would suggest that the aisle-section was standing in those
days. The screen is also referred to in their book as " having a magnificent roodloft."
PLATE LI
(A) Post-Reformation Gallery at west end .of Church
Churchstanton : Somerset
(B) RiiODSCREEN, WITH MODERN GALLERY AND PEWS IN THE Pl ACE OF THE RoOD-LoFT
Totnes Devon
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 149
very Flemish or French in feeling, and probably the work of foreign carvers. They are akin to
those at Wivcliscombe and Lydeard St. Lawrence. (See note on Wiveliscombe.)
Upon the fillings of the fan-vaulting appear embossed stars, as at Norton Fitzwarren. These
are gilt, on a blue ground. The cornices are complete, fine, and of unusual interest. On the
west side are no less than five bands of enrichment, varying much in width and character.
The central band in the series carries the Creed in Latin, in Gothic lettering, and, doubtless
designedly, the words " passus sub Pontio Pilato, crucifixus et mortuus " come immediately
below the rood.
The other cornice enrichments include a narrow and a broad belt of vine-leaf, one row of
patene, of alternating design, long, rectangular, and square, and another band of foliage, possibly
meant for the " water crowfoot," with sinuous stem, under which comes the pretty little inverted
cresting. All the members are divided by plain beads, after the Devonshire manner.
The whole screen retains its ancient colour decoration, being brilliantly gilded and illuminated.
The effect is very fine. The date of the work, if judged by the character of the lower panels,
would hardly be earlier than 1500. The last bay of the nave roof is finely decorated with
carved work and colour as a canopy of honour to the rood.
The roodloft stair remains with its two doorways. Until about the middle of the nineteenth
century the loft was used, and fitted with pews ; and there was a plaster back, or tympanic
partition filling the chancel arch, which is here widened to the utmost, as we so often find it in
Somerset to harmonise with West-Country ideals of church interiors.
(Vide St. John, Glastonbury ; St. Mary, Taunton ; Chew-Magna, etc., etc.)
In 1873 a beautiful parclose screen divided the choir from the chapel, but whether this is
still in existence, has not been ascertained. It has been removed from the church.
The church also contains a magnificent series of old carved bench-ends, of late Perpendicular,
and a Jacobean oak pulpit which is certainly one of the finest in the county. It is encrusted
with carving, and stands upon an octagonal stone base.
Ecclesiologist, III, p. 30 ; Jeboult's " West Somerset." II, p. 28 ; Som. Arch. Proc,
II, ii, p. 49 ; ibid.. Ill, ii, p. 58 ; Camden Soc, " Hints to Church Builders," 1842.
BLACKMORE (CHAPEL). The chapel of Blackmore Manor House preserves a good and
perfect example of an early sixteenth century manorial chapel — the west portion divided into
two floors, the upper floor or gallery communicating with the principal rooms, the lower being
for the domestics, screened from the east part, which is carried for the full height of the chapel
for the altar and officiating priest.
An instance of this arrangement may be seen in the chapel which stands in the village street
at East Hendred, Berks, and another is provided at Bowringslea, S. Devon, where the beautiful
old screen from S. Huish is utilised, in two tiers, in the same position.
BISHOP'S HULL. The roodscreen, which was standing in the early part of the nineteenth
century carried on its cornice the Creed in raised gilt letters, as at Bishop's Lydeard. The
church still contains a good deal of carved woodwork. Jeboult mentions a panelled altar
screen, and a pulpit constructed of old carvings. There are also some remains of bench-ends,
one representing the Resurrection.
(Rev. J. M. Neale's " Symbolism of Durandus, ciii," 1843.) Som. Arch. Proc, XVIII, p. 46;
Jeboult, " West Somerset," II, p. 25.
BLAGDON. The body of the church is a modern barn ; the old church contained a screen
of which some fragments exist, or until recently existed at Aldwick Court. An old church-
warden who died some years ago, aged 93, remembered Mr. Wills of Aldwick bringing his trap
and fetching away the carvings of the old screen for his house. There is certainly some old
150 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
work there still, but its origin seems a little doubtful. There are a few good remains of screen-
work nailed on to a wall in the grounds ; also eight very interesting and well-carved " miserere "
seats. The original source of this work is unknown, but tradition states that it was brought
from Worspring Priory. Quite recently an announcement has been made of the discovery and
intended restoration of the roodscreen of Blagdon Church. At the time of going to press we
are unable to obtain particulars.
Communicated by J. Allen Bartlett, who has some measured sketches of screen work.
BRADFORD. (See note on Wellington ; also Som. Arch. Proc. XXXVIII, p. 23.)
The chancel arch is cut clear away on the face, for reception of a late screen and loft, now
destroyed. Mr. Easton, the late Vicar (ob. ael. 98) remembered the screen in a barn in the
village.
BRENT, EAST (St. Mary). This church until recent years furnished an example of the
perpetuation of an old Pre-Reformation feature in Stuart times. A screen of open character
traversed the chancel arch, and upon it stood a gallery for choir and organist, with panelled
front. On the rebuilding of the chancel in recent years, this gallery was removed bodily to
the west end of the church, where it now stands, but much of the work has been renewed.
It bears the date 1635, with the names of William Morrish and Nicholas Isgarr, Churchwardens.
The loft has a square projecting bay of large size for the reception of the organ. Berrow was
probably similar in design. Som. Arch. Proc, LI, p. 42.
BRIDGWATER (St. Mary). The old roodscreen was a very massive work of comparatively
early date (1420). It was removed some years since, and the two wings utilised as parclose screens
(Plate LVa). The old arrangement, subsisting until a recent period, was remarkable, as in
addition to the roodscreen, and about six or eight feet in front of it, a second screen, of
Elizabethan date, spanned the chancel threshold. The corporation seats appear at this date
to have been placed between these screens, in the form of stalls.
In an old number of the Archceological Journal is a plan of the church as it was, showing
the screens in line right across nave and aisles, also a woodcut showing the effect of the view
from the porch through the fenestration in the wall there, on through the N. Chapel, and the
hagioscope in the north transept wall, through the north-aisle screen, into the chancel beyond —
with a dotted line on plan showing the direction of the view.
The two sections of the old roodscreen are of unusual character, consisting of a series of
rectangular compartments, set in a very massive framework with a good buttress enrichment.
The tracery is early in type, and the whole composition is more suggestive of fourteenth than
of fifteenth century work. It is affiliated to some of the earlier screenwork in the county, being
of the same date as the screens at Halberton and Uffculme. The Bridgwater screens are of
black oak, well preserved, with lustrous surface. There is another and smaller section of
screenwork in the church of similar type, filling an archway between the north transept and the
porch. It is united to a bench or stall on the transept side.
The Elizabethan screenwork which formerly ran across the chancel-opening (Plate LVb) is
a work of consummate taste, the detail being, perhaps, as fine as anything the period can show.
It now acts as a screen for the Corporation seats in the south transept, or south-aisle chapel,
opening by two arches into the south wall of the church, near the eastern extremity of the aisle.
The screen is solid up to the height of the book-board, and above that, breaks into a series
of open arcades, delicately feathered and supported by shafts encrusted with the richest of
diaper-carvings — the whole surmounted by an entablature enriched with ornament in bas-relief
on the frieze, interspersed with bosses and scutcheons, and having, above the cornice an arabesque
bratishing of free and bold design.
PLATE LII
ROODSCREEN & BEAM
High Ham : Somerset
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 151
In the chancel stalls are preserved a number of ancient carved panels, incorporated with
the fronts, and completely filling them.
The pulpit is a celebrated and beautiful example of early Perpendicular woodwork, probably
coeval with the roodscreen. It rests upon a stone stem ; and has a wide repute as one of
the earliest known specimens of wood pulpits in English churches.
" Hints to Church Builders," Camden Soc., 1842 ; Talbot Bury, " Ecclesiastical
Woodwork " ; Archaeological Journ., vol. Ill ; Som. Arch. Proc, II, ii, p. 38 ;
ibid., VII, ii, p. 100 ; ibid, XLIII (1897), p. 15.
BROCKLEY. The church has been described as being full of beautiful old carved work
in wood and stone, a good deal having been collected and placed there by one of the Smyth-
Pigott family. Rutter speaks of an altar-piece composed of a stone screen of several
compartments, surmounted by elaborate finials, and tracery, etc., also an " elegantly-fronted
gallery." Rutter's " North West Somerset," p. 32.
BROMPTON RALPH (St. Mary). The roodscreen stood in perfect order, a thing of
beauty, until a wanton vandalism was perpetrated about the year 1884, and it was cleared
out by the late Rector, and taken at his instance, by a local carpenter named Criddle, to his
house, Hartrow Manor — part of it was there made into an overmantel for the dining-room,
and other portions worked into a sideboard.
Rev. S. Escott, the present occupant of Hartrow, has the remains of this screen in his custody,
and he showed these to one of the writers. They were lying loosely about in his carpenter's
shed. There are several of these fragments, probably quite sufficient to enable the work to be
reconstructed on the old lines, but much has been used up by the carpenter from time to time,
and the best carvings have been appropriated for domestic use. There are one or two tracery-
heads remaining, as well as some of the moulded framework, but it is not well preserved. The
heads are very fine, and recall those of the screen at Elworthy (Fig. 90) though they are
rather later in the style, as the illustration shows (Fig. 91.)
The old screen before its wanton destruction must have been very fine. It is one of those
cited as a model for church designers by the Camden Society in one of their earliest publications
(" Hints to Church Builders," 1842), and from this we learn that it was very rich, with three
divisions on each side of the central doorway. The doors were preserved, and dated from
Charles II (Ecclesiologist).
Both this screen and that of Elworthy (a neighbouring parish) show a type of screen with
arcaded openings, set in flat spandrels, or rather, cut out of flat rectangular panels, these being
set in a rectangular frame [vide illustration of Elworthy). Thus they had no fan-vaulting.
In both cases the flat surfaces exhibit more or less modern colour, and it is the writers' opinion
that illumination of some sort would have been the original mode of treating these spaces.
The old pulpit from this church is now a sideboard in the Rectory House of Lydeard
St. Lawrence.
Som. Arch. Proc, LII, pp. 60-61 ; Ecclesiologist, III (1844), p. 162 (illustration) ;
Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 26 ; Camden Soc.'s " Hints to Church Builders "
(1842).
BRUSHFORD (St. Nicholas). The screen is of the fan-vaulted type, and very similar in
character to those of Withycombe and the screens of the south-west of Devon. It is of five
bays, all of which have most unfortunately been robbed of their tracery, so that nothing
but the bare open arcades, with their superincumbent vaulting, remains. Even the dado-rails
have been for the most part sawn through, and the lower panels removed. Some of these
have gone to build up the pulpit, which is attached to the southern bay of the screen.
152 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
The cornices are excellent, and, with the vaulting, have undergone restoration. The west
face shows three bands of enrichment divided by beads, and furnished with a lower cresting
of a well-known type.
The north-end bay is filled up with blank panelling, but retains a thickened central mulhon,
carrying the carved scroll which goes round all the principal framing.
The roodloft stairs are on the north side, and there are both doorways existing, with wooden
frames. The screen is massive and perhaps rather large for the church, though not more so
than some others. It is stated that there is documentary evidence that it came from Barlinch
Abbey (presumably after the Dissolution). Som. Arch. Proc, XXIX, p. 59.
BRUTON (St. Mary). Formerly a grand and lofty roodscreen and gallery crossed the
chancel arch. The turret-stair and doorway still remain.
The screen would appear to have been returned at right angles enclosing the aisle chapels,
as at Dennington, Suffolk, or Cliffe Pypard, Wilts ; and the loft approached by stair-turrets
in the aisle-walls, of which portions yet remain. The chancel of this church was conventual,
the nave constituting the parish church, and containing the altar of S. Aldhelm.
The nave was re-built, and afterwards extended one bay to the eastward by Gilbert, Abbot
of Bruton.
Some traceried panels of fifteenth century work, doubtless from the old screen, are now
incorporated in the massive Renaissance tower screen, which bears the date 1620, and contains
some curious Jacobean tracery work in arched lights like that of Ditcheat, now in the old
Rectory there. Som. Arch. Proc, VII, i, 5; ibid., XXIV (1878), p. 35.
BRYMPTON D'EVERCY (St. Andrew). This church possesses a fine stone chancel screen
(Fig. 129) of simple design, consisting of a series of plain arched fenestrations, well moulded,
and having a cornice. Attached to the west side is a stone shelf or bench, the use or intention
of which has been a matter of interest to antiquaries. The cornice beam is thought to be
older than the screen.
The screen dates from the time of Henry VII, and was the benefaction of a member of the
Sydenham family. It is one of a group of stone screens, which are fairly numerous on the
southern border of the county.
The screen has an earlier appearance than the date would suggest. As a matter of fact the
original cusping to the heads of the lights (probably once richly feathered) has been barbarously
cut away, giving an appearance of plain Early English work. This screen has been compared
to the stone screen at Broughton in Oxfordshire. Compare also Bradford Abbas, Dorset.
Measured drawing in " Spring Gardens Sketch Book," VIII, 28 ; Som. Arch.
Proc. IV, ii, pp. 6-8; ibid., XVII, i, (1871), pp. 83-89; ibid., XXXII, illustration
(1S86), p. 33 (Broughton. Oxon.).
BUCKLAND (WEST). The face of the arch is cut away, as at Bradford, but in a bolder
and more irregular manner. Vide note on Bradford Church (supra), also note on Wellington
CHURCH. Som. Arch. Proc, XXXVIII, p. 24.
BURRINGTON. The old screenwork has disappeared from the church. There are two
modern parcloses, of fair character, and a dwarf chancel screen of very amateurish design, not
conforming to any of the recognised principles or traditions of form and detail.
CADBURY (NORTH). The roodscreen has been removed, but some interesting indications
remain in the form of three iron staples let into the chancel arch, one being at the apex. Of
these the central one was doubtless used as holdfasts for the chains supporting the great rood,
PLATE I.I 1 1
SOMERSET RO( iDSCREENS
*«* *<
(A Keynsh \m
(B) East Quantoxhead
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 153
but, from the position of the side ones, it has been conjectured that they supported the ritual
veil drawn during Lent across this part.
There are two niches remaining in the east wall indicative of there having been an ancient
reredos here. The oak bench ends are dated 1538-40, and exhibit a variety of styles — Gothic
and good Renaissance detail blended (as at Milverton) . Those in the south-west appear
English, the rest Dutch in character.
A close parallel to these bench-ends is found in those at Lapford, where the ornamental
detail is said to be precisely similar, and the benches there are attributed to Dutch workmen.
(See Alford supra.) c . , D vvv rT
v ' ' Som. Arch. Proc, XXXVI p. 56.
CANNINGTON (St. Mary). The screenwork in this church has had rather an unfortunate
history, since we learn from the Ecclesiologist that in 1843 or 1844 the roodscreen was cut down
and formed into a fence for two large proprietary pews, whilst at the same time the beautiful
Perpendicular pulpit being removed from its proper place, the carved benches sold to the
contractor and the stained glass cleared away. Though thus in a large measure shorn of its
ancient glories, the church retains an impressive dignity, and there is abundant evidence of
the care and pains which have been bestowed upon it in later restorations.
Originally, the roodscreen ran across the whole width of nave and aisles (which are here
unusually lofty) one bay westward of the aisle terminations, and the staircase to the loft is
in the north wall. There were no doubt return screens or parcloses in the two arches to the
east of the roodscreen.
Prior to the last restoration the mutilated remnants of screenwork were returned to form
enclosures in the aisles, and the central gangway was cleared (vide plan preserved in vestry),
but subsequently all the existing work was carefully renovated and restored in a large measure
to its ancient position. As the work stands now, there is a central roodscreen of five bays,
without doors, and this is largely of modern work very skilfully executed and toned to a deep
rich brown, so that it is by no means easy to distinguish, at a general glance, the new from the
old. The type of work is similar to that found in the Dunster district, the lower panels
exhibiting the ornament characteristic of that type (vide Somerset Arckceological Journal for
1906), whilst the arcades are filled with the usual Perpendicular tracery. The fan-vaulting
has completely disappeared, likewise the ancient cornice, and there appear instead a series of
flat spandrel-pieces between the arches, relieved with sunk trefoiled tracery, and a new cornice
of fairly good design over. There are two portions of screenwork in the aisles, in line with this
screen, of similar character, and each of two bays, but they do not quite fill the width of the
aisles, and each one is made out to the width necessary to meet the piers by the insertion of
what appear to be fragments of parclose screenwork — that on the north side looks like a
piece of original work (except the top section), whilst that on the south is new. The aisle
screens proper appear to have a good deal of original work in them. The division adjoining
the wall on the extreme north is an old one, and was formerly a doorway — possibly the
original central doors of the roodscreen before the 1843 changes. That on the extreme south
also appears old, and it will be noted that these two original fragments retain the thickened
central mullion running into the head of the arch, whereas the new portions do not reproduce
this feature.
The pulpit is interesting, of a beautiful and refined late fifteenth century type, but much
of the work appears to have been renewed.
Ecclesiologist, III, 27; Somerset Arch. Journ., XLIII, p. 39.
CAMERTON (RADSTOCK). Has an excellent modern screen in oak.
20-(2239)
154 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
CARHAMPTON (St. John Baptist). The church possesses a fan-vaulted screen with arcades
filled with Perpendicular tracery of the ordinary type. The heads are much more pointed
than those of Dunster and Minehead screens.
The fan-vaulting is perfect, and well-proportioned, being vigorous in line, the filling between
the ribs having a simple tracery enrichment.
The cornices are most remarkable, seeing that they consist of no less than five perfect rows
of very delicate work, all quite different ; and the crestings are perfect at top and bottom.
The whole was repaired and repainted in 1862-3. The painting was unfortunately overdone,
the colours being too brilliant and the right quality of paint has not been used. The ancients
used a medium which gave a delicate bloom, and did not conceal the natural texture of the wood,
but modern restorers too often bedaub good oak with shiny paint or varnish, which quite alters
for the worse the appearance and texture of the surface, and gives rise to unpleasant impressions
of newness.
In 1842 a parclose-screen existed, but all trace is now gone.
Som. Arch. Proc, VI, p. 16 ; ibid., LII, p. 67 ; Camden Soc, " Hints to Church
Builders," 1842 ; " Bath Field Club Transactions," VIII, p. 274.
CASTLE CARY (All Saints). Part of . the old roodscreen has been restored, and is now
fitted to the vestry archway.
There is a richly-carved pulpit of fifteenth century work with a row of canopied niches
for statuettes, very like those at Long Sutton, Queen Camel, etc.
Som. Arch. Proc, XXIV, p. 50 ; ibid., XVI, p. 3.
CHEDDAR (St. Andrew). The roodscreen has disappeared, all but a small fragment
preserved in a prayer desk, but there remain two aisle-screens, of remarkable character, and
marked difference of design.
That in the north aisle (Plate CXXXIIb) is perhaps the best and consists of a series
rectangular compartments having Perpendicular tracery in the heads, exhibiting a well-marked
arch and traceried spandrels. Each division is of three lights, separated by slender mullions of
unusual length. The main framework is well moulded and has a beautiful carved enrichment.
There is an excellent running ornament in the head. The central compartment is furnished
with double doors.
The lower panels are traceried, and contain a very remarkable feature, the small lights
in the heads of the tracery-panels being pierced, apparently for the benefit of persons (probably
children) kneeling at the screen, who could thus witness the elevation of the Host at Mass
celebrated in the chantry within.
The screen in the south aisle is plainer, the compartments narrower, there being seven as
against five on the north side. The tracery is simpler, both in fenestrations and lower panels,
and the latter have none of the peculiar openings above referred to.
The pulpit is a very fine fifteenth century stone composition. The quality of the detail is
good, and the foliage possesses an unusual character of design, well worthy of study for purpose
of reproduction. Sqmj Afch joum XXXIV (1888), pp. 42 and 75, and 1859, p. 41.
Nothing is now left of the central division of the screen but a small portion of the ornamental
work incorporated with the prayer-desk. It seems to have been of unusual design, as regards
the arrangement of the foliage.
The door of access to the roodloft yet remains, and there is an enriched ceiling, or canopy
of honour, of two bays over the position of the loft.
Rutter's " Somerset," p. 184 ; Som. Arch. Proc, XXXIV (1888), pp. 42 and 75.
PLATE LIV
TYPES OF VAULTING AND CORNICE WORK IN SOMERSET SCREENS
(A) Roodscreen: Banwell (East Side)
(B) Roodscreen: Fitzhead
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 155
CHEDZOY (St. Mary). The roodscreen with its loft was standing in a perfect state
in 1841 — but within a year or two after, the loft was taken down and removed to the west
end to form the front for a singers' gallery, in which position it appears to have remained for
many years. The screen was also removed, part being converted into a frame for a plaster
representation of the " Lord's Supper."
There is now a chancel screen, chiefly of modern work, but incorporating some of the old.
It is mentioned as being one of those worthy of note in Worth's " Guide to Somerset"
(for 1885). The altar-rails are Jacobean.
There is a curious old pulpit with linen-fold panels ; and the church also possesses a fine
series of old bench-ends in their original position. An embroidered cope dated 1500 is one of
the treasures of this church.
Som. Arch. Proc, XLIII (1897), p. 42 ; Ecclesiologist, IV, p. 197 ; Worth's
"Guide to Somerset," Stanford, 1885.
CHELVEY (NAILSEA). There is some good Jacobean panelling in the manorial pew of
the "Tynte" family. Som. Arch. Proc, XXVII (1881), p. 50.
CHEW MAGNA (St. Andrew). The roodscreen, with its aisle-continuations on north and
south, survives in a fairly complete state, but has undergone a good deal of renovation, and has
in consequence lost in a great measure the look of antiquity. It was anciently a painted screen,
and the colour enrichments have been restored, once in 1754, when the fabric, being out of
order, was repaired and re-decorated with colour. It was again repaired in the latter part
of the nineteenth century. It is stated that the present colour is a careful restoration of the old.
The design is one of a class found in the Bristol neighbourhood, other related screens being
those of Keynsham. Wrington, Whitchurch, and Long Ashton ; but the Chew Magna screen
has features quite distinct from the rest and in the^e respects stands alone'. The most distinctive
feature is the tracery which is unlike any of the others. The fenestrations are wider than those
of the usual North Somerset pattern of screen, the openings being divided into two lights,
headed by a four-centred depressed arch filled with tracery of a type rather unusual here, though
commoner in Wilts, Gloucestershire, or the Midlands. Between the openings are buttressed
standards, like Long Ashton, Keynsham, etc., but inferior in effect, and more attenuated. The
screen is in three disconnected parts, as at Long Ashton and Wrington, and the central part has
the appearance of having been shortened as it abuts at each end against the pillars with a
half-bay. The arrangement of the cornices, with the flat spandrels filling up the space over
the traceried openings, has a modern appearance, and it is probable that the original arrange-
ment has been modified. But the screen belongs to a class which although containing
arcaded lights, never would have had the fan-vaulting or groined soffit to the roodloft
characteristic of the Devon or West Somerset type (of which Banwell is the nearest instance),
but would certainly have been furnished with a continuous coved ceiling under the loft, such
as we see at Willand.
The doorways (one in each section) are extremely wide, the central opening most unusually
so (compare Fitzhead). The doors are missing. It may be questioned whether the width has
not been altered in modern times.
This church also contains a carved oak desk of the Perpendicular period (temp., Bishop
Cornish) which is noteworthy.
Ecclesiologist, XXI, p. 117 ; Som. Arch. Trans., XIV, ii, 98 ; " Hist, of Chew
Magna," Fredk. A. Wood, p. 2186, also illustration of screen (PI. V), and Desk
(Pis. XVII and XVIII) ; Rutter's " Somerset."
CHEWSTOKE. This church has a screen designed by the late Mr. John Norton, some
years ago, on the restoration of the church.
156 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
CHEWTON MENDIP (St. Mary Magdalen). There are in this church a massive Jacobean
balustrade and gate, fixed as a septum before the altar. There was formerly a triple chancel-
opening of Norman date, but this was cut away in mediaeval days for the insertion of a wider
pointed arch, and at the same time the corner of the south wall was pared away.
Som. Arch. Proc, XIX, p. 33.
CHILTON CANTELO (St. James). This church has a stone screen, well restored, said to
exhibit some unexplained features, in the form of certain stone projections from the walls
of the chancel and transept by the screen, some of which have been thought to be brackets
for images, but not all are equally suitable for this purpose.
Rev. C. Goodford, Som. Arch. Proc, XX, p. 70.
CHURCH STANTON. (1) A good roodscreen existed here up to the earlier part of the
nineteenth century. Nothing is ascertained of the fate of its fragments.
(2) There is in the church a most interesting western gallery in which a quantity of old oak
panels are incorporated. These comprise (a) a series of what appear to be bench-ends, richly
carved, and exhibiting a great variety of detail, with some Renaissance admixture and dating
probably from about 1530. and (b) some very rich traceried panels, purer in style, like those at
Wiveliscombe, now turned over and used as a book-rest, supported by lesser fragments of
carving (Plate LIa).
CLAPTON-IN-GORDANO (St. Michael). In the tower arch is a massive oak screen of
thirteenth century date, of enormous solidity and deeply undercut. It is handsomely moulded,
and has two arched openings with a tracery wheel over same, within the principal arch. It
formerly belonged to the old hall of the Manor House, and stood for many years prior to its
removal here, as a gateway to an orchard. Rutter gives a woodcut of it.
There is a simple reredos on the east wall consisting of a moulded shelf, and two corbels for
lights. The ancient candlesticks of latten are still extant, which stood upon these corbels.
The bench-ends in this church show some simple poppy-heads, rudely cut, which are among
the earliest known.
Rutter's " North-West Somerset," pp. 223, 229 ; Som. Arch. Proc, X, i, 25,
illustration of Benches.
CLEEVE. (See Old Cleeve.)
COMBE FLOREY (St. Peter). The roodscreen, with its doors, was standing perfect in
1844-5, and is one of those mentioned by the editors of the Ecclesiologist as models for architects
to follow. Since that date it has disappeared and no trace can be found, but possibly Hartrow
Manor House in the adjoining parish, if it were to disgorge all the church work it has appropriated,
could reveal something of interest.
The fine old oak pulpit and bench-ends still remain.
Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 44 ; Ecclesiologist, III, p. 162.
COMBE ST. NICHOLAS (St. Nicholas). The roodscreen, of a type characteristic of a
district of Devon, elsewhere described as the " Exe Valley " type, was removed many years
since, when the church was renovated.
Two sections only were retained, and these, with their fan-vaulting attached, have been placed
as parcloses to north and south of chancel.
The original vaulting is preserved, and a single enrichment of the cornice over. The work
is very beautiful, having all the refinement indicative of an early and good date for the work.
The screen at Halse is similar in many respects.
The old screen, of which a portion was still standing in 1882, was famous for the
unexceptionable delicacy of its lines, and the beauty of its enrichments.
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158 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
It retained its ancient colour, which, in the surviving sections, has been badly " restored " —
in fact, what appears now is quite modern.
A good deal of the fine carved work, with figures of birds, etc., was carried away, and most
of it got into private hands. Some reached South Kensington Museum, and a few fragments
have within recent years been restored to the church. The pulpit is decorated with a cornice
of old vine ornament from the screen. At the summer meeting of the Somerset Archaeological
Society in 1882, the then President said he had a small portion of it worked into the cornice
of his library bookcase.
The church has been fearfully injured by renovations which have destroyed its appearance
internally, and left little or nothing of interest.
Som. Arch. Proc, XV, p. 5 ; ibid., XXVIII, p. 36 ; Western Morning News, April
20th. 1905 ; Worth's " Guide to Somerset."
COMPTON DUNDON (St. Andrew). There is in this church the base of a screen. It is of
stone, breast-high ; very massive, and perfectly plain. Nothing is left of the superstructure,
and it is open to conjecture whether this was of stone, like Brympton d'Evercy, or of wood,
like Congresbury. In the eastern extremity of the nave-wall is a small window for lighting the
roodloft. Som Aych_ proc Ix p 22; Worth's "Guide to Somerset," p. 131.
COMPTON MARTIN (St. Michael) (Fig. 94). Within living memory there stood in this
church a light Perpendicular roodscreen almost precisely reproducing the features of those
still standing at Wellow, West Pennard, etc. It is alluded to in an early number of the
Somerset Archcvological Journal, and in a subsequent number (1873) its disappearance is
noted. Enquiry as to its ultimate fate has been unsuccessful.
The type of work may be judged of by examination of the screenwork still remaining, which
is a counterpart of it, as regards detail, the doorway being like Wellow.
The existing screens enclose a chapel at the end of the south aisle, and offer a favourable
specimen of work of this class. The carving is bold and good, and there is a small enrichment
incised in the transom-rail which is worthy of notice.
Proc. Somerset Arch. Soc, XIX (1873), i, pp. 26, 27 ; Rutter's " Somerset," p. 198 ;
Bath Field Club Trans., I, p. 127.
CONGRESBURY (St. Andrew) (Plate LVI). (1) The roodscreen remains in a comparatively
perfect state. It is of excellent Perpendicular work, and resembles in its general character
the screenwork typical of the district, but has a superiority of design, in that the narrow
square-headed lights are grouped in triple series within well-proportioned panels of heavier
framework ; and the frame is boldly moulded, with well-developed enrichments inserted in the
main hollow between the beads. This remains in the head, but is lost in the upright
members.
The cornices have two rows of fine vine-leaf ornament in addition to the enriched member
above described, which follows along the head under them, forming a single group.
The tracery-heads are exceptionally good of their kind, as will be seen on reference to the
photographic illustration.
A peculiar feature of this screen is that the wooden cill below the lights (which is very massive,
and about 12 in. deep) rests upon an ancient stone base about 2 ft. 6 in. high, having on either
side of the central opening, to the west, the remains of small stone buttresses of ornamental
character. These have been cut away, however, and but little is left of them. The screen
doors have been taken out, and now (1906) form part of a modern tower-arch screen of good
Perpendicular design.
Fig. 95
160 KOODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
(2) There is a screen fencing the chantry chapel on the south side of the chancel (Fig. 95)
This is largely of modern workmanship, especially in the upper portion, but contains some
interesting old work of an early type, the tracery in the pointed heads being especially noticeable.
This screen appears to have been shortened, and does not fit its present position.
The upper part seems not to belong to the lower, but has been rather roughly fitted to it.
The lower part is furnished with a stall to the eastward, with moulded arms — apparently a
choir-stall. The chancel is fenced on the south side by a parclose screen of modern workmanship,
in imitation of the work last described, and this is placed upon a panelled stone base, which
appears to be old, and corresponds to that on which the chancel screen rests.
(3) Tower screen (modern) containing the old roodscreen doors, as above described.
The roodscreen was reconstructed at a fairly recent date.
Building News, Sept. 5th, 1890, measured drawings; Worth's "Guide to
Somerset," p. 74 ; Som. Arch. Soc. Proc, X, i, p. 9, illustrations ; ibid., X, i, p. 29 ;
ibid., Ill, ii, 38.
COUNTISBURY. (See DEVON.) Som. Arch. Proc, XXXVIII, p. 61.
CREECH (St. Michael). The south aisle, which was the private chapel of the " Celey "
family, of Charlton, was formerly separated by a handsome stone screen, from the nave. There
is a reading-desk, dated 1634, in which, and also in the pulpit, some fragments of the old
roodscreen are believed to be incorporated.
Worth's " Guide to Somerset," p. 74 ; Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 38.
CREWKERNE. This church, which possesses a central tower, is one of those which appear
to have had two screens — an arrangement not infrequently found in the county. Corbels
on the eastern piers of the crossing mark the one — and a door, high up over the western
arch points to the existence of another — both having lofts over them.
Som. Arch. Proc, XXXVII, p. 20.
CROSCOMBE (St. Mary the Virgin) (Plate XLVIIIa). This church is replete with ancient
oak, despite the fact that some of its treasures were taken out some years since and sold. Part
are now in a house at South Petherton.
The chancel screen is a most imposing and dignified structure, dating from 1618, the gift
of one of the Fortescue family, who also gave the pulpit. It towers up into the roof and its
many tiers of fine ornament have a wonderfully grand effect. It bears the royal arms on a large
central panel, under which are lesser heraldic achievements, 1 including the arms of Fortescue.
The arabesque bratishings above the screen and pulpit are free and bold in design, and very
effective (Fig. 78).
The screen originally stood one bay further to the west, and since its removal, the two
parcloses which formerly filled the first arches to the eastward were removed — now there remain
only two parcloses, in the arches furthest to the east. These are extremely fine, and are encrusted
with flat carvings of good design, like the chancel screen. The arabesque panel illustrated is
from the back of the latter, and is given as a good example of the Decorative composition of
the period.
The form and arrangement of the two reading-pews in front of the screen will be noted.
This is an usual Post-Reformation plan, but not often seen now, as the restorers have swept
most of them away. An old sketch of Tiverton screen shows precisely the same arrangement,
and reading pews of this kind may still be seen (though on one side only) at Raddington,
Somerset, or Little Somerford, N. Wilts.
1 On the cornice are the following coats, viz., (1) Azure, on a bend engrailed argent, cotised or,
a crescent for difference. (2) The same, impaling or, on a fesse dancette between three cantons sable,
each charged with a lion rampant of the first ; three bezants.
PLATE LVI
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SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 161
The screen itself is a strange testimony to the ecclesiastical ideas prevalent at the times,
showing the mixture of High Church feeling and Erastian principles.
The chancel arch here is a mere rib, without any abutment in aisles. The ornamental
tie-beam in the Jacobean roof of chancel just behind the arch is probably inserted there as a
tension-bar. Until 1845 the position of the screen was just behind this arch.
The pulpit is a grand piece of work, and its sounding-board a thing of beauty. 1
There are a great many benches of late fifteenth century work in the church, with simple
traceried ends and backs, and a few fairly good poppy-heads. Other benches are Jacobean.
Architectural Review, Vol. Ill, p. 91, illustration ; Building News, 1889, July 26,
measured drawing ; Collinson's " Somerset," III, p. 469 ; Soni. Arch. Proc,
XXXIV, p. 69.
CROWCOMBE (Holy Trinity) (Plate XLVIIIb). There is a beautiful screen of the later
English Renaissance to the chancel, with a return, or parclose, of the same character. The
work probably dajes from about the time of George I and exhibits grace and refinement, with a
departure from the severe formalism of the period in the beautiful pierced scroll work with
which the heads are filled. These give the screen an appearance quite suggestive of earlier
forms, and are no doubt inspired by the idea of the Gothic tracery-heads.
The church contains a beautiful pulpit of late seventeenth or early eighteenth century date
(vide illustration, and a splendid series of sixteenth century bench-ends, carved with vivid and
bold designs — dated 1534).
CUCKLINGTON. The old roodscreen has been removed from its ancient position, and now
stands in the north aisle.
It is of oak, very substantial, and well moulded, but extremely plain, consisting of three
main divisions, each containing four narrow square-headed panels, having a little tracery of
good character in the heads.
CULBONE (St. Culborne) (Fig. 96). This diminutive church (measuring 33 ft. x 12 ft.
internally) retains its roodscreen of early type, consisting of three compartments, of which the
centre contained the doors. These have disappeared, most unfortunately, as the compartment
is now a wide blank rectangular space. The side panels are tilled with tracery of a massive
and early type, each having four lights with semi-circular cinque-foiled heads, the lower
cusps foliated — and superimposed on these heads are a band of quatre-foiled wheels or
circles — all enclosed in a framework bearing the scroll pattern (or twisted leaf and stem device)
common to West-Country screens. The design is comparable to that of Williton (fragments),
Enmore, Pawlett, and that of Luccombe was probably similar, but this appears much earlier,
being ruder and more massive than the others, and more archaic in its tracery forms. It
probably dates from 1380-1400.
The original character is somewhat marred by the substitution of later and thinner mullions
for the original shafts, whilst the screen suffers also in effect from the loss of its cornice
enrichments, and the presence of a very poverty-stricken piece of fretwork which in 1906 was
still doing duty as a cresting.
The roodloft here would have been a simple hollow or flat coving inclining westwards to the
beam or bressummer of the gallery, as described elsewhere (pp. 125 supra).
The beam supporting the rood was overhead, traversing the chancel-wall on its western face
at a higher level, where a corbel still remains to indicate its former position. The lower panels
of the screen show the linenfold pattern, which also appears on old benches in the church.
Som. Arch. Proc, XXXV (1889), p. 25 (E. Buckle) ; ibid., LII, pp. 26-28 and p. 62
(F. Bligh Bond) (illustration) , Worth's " Guide to Somerset" ; Athen&um, Sept. 15th,
1906, " Churches of the Carhampton Hundred," by Dr. J. Charles Cox, F.S.A.
1 On it are engraven the arms of Bishop Lake, of Bath and Wells. The greater part of the body
of the pulpit is richly coloured, which heightens the effect.
"21— (2:39)
162 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
CURRY RIVEL (St. Andrew) (Fig. 88). The central part of the roodscreen has been swept
away, but there remain the two aisle sections, each of four bays or divisions, and standing
perfect with their fan-vaulting and cornices. These screens are most extraordinary and are
like nothing else which the writers have seen. The lights are arcaded, and traceried, being
divided by a stout central mullion running to apex of arch, and again subdivided (making
four tracery lights in each division) by lesser mullions, carried to tracery in the heads of a
Decorated order, the strangest feature of which is its wildly uneven and irregular execution.
The lights are transomed, but not in the ordinary way. The transoms here are like square
tablets pierced with quatrefoils (a carved patera between their cusps) let in between the mullions,
and rather recessed behind them. These also are strangely irregular in shape.
The screens are enormously massive — another proof of their early date — and the vaulting
springs from shafts, not engaged with the main standards, but detached, and standing at
some distance clear from the screen, resting at foot upon the projecting rail, which here stands
out far in advance of the screen panels and framework generally. The whole of the execution
is heavy, and like the work of a man accustomed to work of a coarser order than screenwork ;
but the fan-vaults are skilfully developed and have a very graceful sweep. The cornice
enrichment has a large vine-leaf rather of an early character. Altogether the indications go
to show that the screens would not be likely to date much later than the end of the fourteenth
century, and they might well be earlier than this.
The church contains some fine oak benches with poppy-heads, and ancient stalls in the chancel.
Worth's " Guide to Somerset " ; Som. Arch. Proc, XI, p. 21 ; ibid., XL, p. 28.
DITCHEAT (St. Mary Magdalene). Formerly in this church was a carved oak screen
with stalls and chancel-fittings of Jacobean date, and the following reference is made to the
same in the " Proceedings of the Somerset Archaeological Society " :
Vol. 13 (1863), Part 1, p. 23, " Screen, stalls and choir-fittings, dated 1630, of unique character
and valuable historically, as typical of the arrangement of that date." In the Ecclesiologist,
Vol. 6 (1846), p. 184, it is described as follows : " There is a perfect roodscreen of two bays
on each side of the holy doors, which are perfect, and quasi-stalls, with desks returned, and
running to the extreme east end, where they terminate against the wall, enclosing as it were
in their arms the sacrarium, which is confined by rails. The date of this woodwork is 1630,
a date which is twice repeated on the western side of the screen, with the initials W. W. and
T. H. respectively. The work is cinque-cento, but with an appreciation of pointed forms, e.g.,
an exaggerated pierced vine-pattern fills the space below the crest. This instance of Catholic
arrangement is very curious, and not less curious is it that in the north-eastern bay of the
nave stands a rich cinque-cento gallery of apparently the same date, and therefore one of
the earliest in England. It is excessively curious to find thus standing side by side in the
same church, and apparently the work of the same hand, so late a specimen of ancient Catholic
and so early a one of modern Protestant arrangement."
Reference is also made to this work in Phelps's " History of Somerset," Vol. 2. He says :
" A small carved screen divides the chancel from the tower. . . . There is a large carved
seat or gallery in the north aisle, on which formerly stood an organ. A row of oak seats with
high panelled backs, and desks in front, extends around the chancel, and over the screen are
carved the arms of Hopton, dated 1630, who most probably caused the seats to be erected."
Both stalls, screen and gallery, were swept away not many years after the visit of the Somerset
Archaeological Society in 1863, and whatever was considered worth preserving seems to have
been taken to the old Rectory House, then the residence of the Rector, and the sounder parts
used for the adornments of the hall and passages. The present Rector, Rev. C. E. Leir, whose
PLATE LVII
Screen in South Transept, Di nster Church, Somer i
Fig. 96
164 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
father removed the fittings, says : " The chancel screen being in great disrepair was removed
some forty years ago, and the sounder portions annexed by the Rectory (now Priory) as the
fittest place for same." This statement may be compared with that in the Ecclesiologist in
respect of the condition of the screen in 1844.
Major-General Leir Carleton says, under date April 24th, 1903 : " I remember the
arrangement of the chancel and the rest of the church before the alteration which my father
made some fifty years ago.
" The chancel floor was in a terribly ruinous state, difficult to walk over, and the chancel
seats around were ditto and inconvenient, so that when he repaved the chancel he pulled them
down and in their place put up the present handsome choir-stalls. There was an oak screen,
also dated 1630, but it was not a handsome one. That was taken down at the suggestion
of Prof. Freeman."
The Somerset Archaeological Society again visited the church in 1878, when nothing was
said about this work, and a third time in 1890, when Rev. Preb. Thring briefly alluded to the
former screen. The doors of the old screen, forming the central compartment, are now standing
in the Priory and are in very good condition. They have arched heads with a feathering, and
they are set within an arched head, filled with tracery of an interesting type — foliage and
arabesque. Upon the frame are illuminated shields with arms and dates 1785 and 1812. The
approximation to the Gothic form of the head, and the vine leaf in the tracery below, give the
work an added interest. The execution is rather rough. There is also a quantity of carved
panelling arranged around the walls which may very possibly have been originally at the back
of the stalls. Whether any of the cornice remains has not been ascertained.
Within the wide squint or hagioscope on the south side of the chancel-arch is a remnant
of the pre-Reformation screen, consisting of a section of the lower panelling. It exhibits the
customary divisions with ornament of cinquefoil head and quatrefoiled wheels in the spandrels.
There is a similar hagioscope on north side of arch.
The chancel is much modernised, and has a bare appearance with its flat plaster ceiling
and naked walls. The stalls substituted are an obvious innovation for the older work — though
solid and expensive, they are essentially Victorian.
The stairs to the former roodlof t are in the north wall of nave, and in addition to the fifteenth
century access-door in the church, have also an external approach — a very unusual feature.
The stairs commence with a straight flight outside the wall of north aisle, being carried thence
on a stone arch across the aisle into the tower pier, from the west wall of which a door opens
on to the loft. There is a canopy of honour to the roodloft still remaining, in the shape of an
enriched and coloured section of the nave roof.
The pulpit and reading-desk, both Jacobean, stand under the western arch of the crossing.
Both have been much injured by renovations of a careless sort, the desk being painted and
grained. The rich cinque-cento gallery spoken of by the editors of the Ecclesiologist has
disappeared, and its ornamental features have doubtless been appropriated with all the rest
of the seventeenth century woodwork.
Thus has Richard Hopton's pious gift been converted to private use and enjoyment ; all
that is now left in the church being the oak tablet bearing his achievement, placed there to testify
to his gift. Som Afch Proc ^ XIII p 23 . iMd ^ XXXVI pp 26-28 ; Ecclesiologist, VI (1846),
p. 184 ; Phelps' " Hist, of Somerset," II, pp. 266 et seq. ; Worth's " Guide to
Somerset."
DONYATT (St. Mary). A part of the old roodscreen is now made into a screen for the
tower-arch. There are also some old oak benches {temp. Henry VIII), showing the linen fold
panel. Som. Arch. Proc, XIII, p. 23.
PLATE LVIII
WEST SOMERSET ROODSCREENS (FAULTED TYPE)
(A) Bishop's Lvdeard
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(B) Halse
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 165
DOULTING. The chancel screen is modern, having been placed in the church about forty
years ago, when the fabric was to a large extent rebuilt. It is of oak, solid, and in style a sort
of early " Decorated," but more Victorian than anything else. It has a central-gabled canopy,
with wrought-iron work introduced into the fenestrations.
There are also aisle-screens and north parclose of massive oak, modern but good — being
middle Decorated in character and much more in conformity with ancient types. The transept
roofs with their rich Perpendicular cornices and " angel " corbels are a notable feature of this
church. They have been very skilfully reconstructed.
DUNSTER (St. George). (1) The church at Dunster contains what is perhaps the most
celebrated example of screenwork in this district. Its history is elsewhere recorded, and as
to this, we need do no more than remind our readers that it was erected in 1499 to furnish
a division between the parochial and the monastic parts of the church. It stretches the whole
width of the church, from north to south, having no less than fifteen compartments, including
' the central doorway. Above the vaulting, which is perfect, are the enriched cornices. On the
west side these consist of four rows of very delicate conventional ornament, carved in hollow-
relief, and attached to concave surfaces, or '' casement " mouldings in the beam, divided by
beads. In one of these rows the original ornament has disappeared and its place is taken
by fragments of a small cresting from another part. The original hanging or inverted crest-
ing remains below the beam, but of the uppermost or erect cresting only a trace remains. The
tracery-heads are of peculiar shape, being more segmental than usual, and low in proportion to
their width. This was often done to give better development and straighter or less hollow ribs
to the vaulting. Around the openings is seen the stem and twisted leaf-ornament, and below
the rail the solid sections are panelled in a manner characteristic of work in this
neighbourhood. (See introductory note, p. 138.)
The screen possesses one feature of particular interest in the rectangular projection over
the vaulting eastward of the choir doors. The object of this was probably the accommodation
of a choir organ, which was a customary part of the equipment of these lofts for some time
prior to the Reformation ; though it may be argued with some show of plausibility that this
space may have been used for the reception of the oak " Calvary " forming the foot of the great
rood — a heavy baulk with sockets such as we still see preserved at Cullompton (vide note on
Cullompton, Devon).
We incline, however, to the " organ " theory in this instance, in view of the strength of the
evidence as to the universality of these instruments, in such a place.
The following note, contributed by Rev. C. H. Heale, is of interest in connection with the
principal screen in this church :
1514. " Symon Pers by will proved May 15, 1514, left 20d. to the Rode lyght."
1674. Ex parish accounts : " Pd. Wm. Warman for mending the Rod' loft & for timber
about it 7s/-"
1704. " Pd. for cleaning the Rodloft, the pillars and windows . . . . . . 2s/-"
and in connection with the smaller screen, now in the arch leading to the south choir chapel,
the following is of especial interest as tending to show the concern which Royalty took in Dunster
Church :
In the will of King Henry VI, proved in 1471, mention is made of a " reredosse " bearing the
roodloft parting the choir from the body of the church.
" This beautiful screen," to quote the words of an antiquary, " formerly stood between the
eastern piers of the tower, which was no doubt its original position."
Savage, who wrote circa 1800, says that the Vicar (Parson Lee) had just then had it
whitewashed.
166 ROODSCREENS AND POODLOFTS
(2) There is a parclose screen of singular beauty now standing in the arch leading from the
south transept into the S. choir chapel. We give an illustration (Plate LVII). The screen is
perfect, with its doors, and appears to be of early fifteenth century date. The design is very
rich and delicate, with its fillings of pierced tracery above and below the middle rails, which
are again divided by a filigree band. Formerly this screen may have stood between the eastern
piers of the tower, but there was another screen of similar design in the church not many years
ago, and one of the pair was no doubt the old roodscreen, before the erection of the great screen
in 1499. Som. Arch. Proc, VI, i, pp. 8-9 (illustration of screen) ; ibid., VI, ii, p. 1 ; ibid.,
XXXV (1889), p. 40; ibid., LII, pp. 56-61, and 64-66, with illustrations ; Building
News, Sept. 9th, 1898 (sketches and sections of parclose screen) ; Arch. Assoc. Sketch,
Book III (3rd series), Plate 6 ; " History of Dunster," Sir H. Maxwell-Lyte, K.C.B.
DURSTON. An open screen to the tower with gallery over is mentioned as standing in
1873. There are also some old bench-ends. Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 46.
ELWORTHY (STOGUMBER). The chancel-screen is a composition of mixed character.
The tracery heads (six in number) are of early date — distinctively " Decorated," and unlike
anything else remaining in the district, save those of Brompton Ralph, which are now
disintegrating in the sheds at Hartrow Manor (Fig. 90).
These Elworthy panels have been incorporated with a screen of Laudian date, along the
cornice of which runs the quaint legend :
" O Lord, prepare our arts to praye : Anno 1632."
There is a simple ornament above, but the rest of the screen is quite plain.
The choir-stalls in this church are noteworthy and contain in their panels a type of
enrichment similar to the Dunster screen panels.
Som. Arch. Proc, LII ; Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 47.
ENMORE (St. Michael). The beautiful little screen of this church was quite wantonly
turned out at the Restoration under Ferrey in the " eighties," and was removed to Huish Episcopi,
where it found a home in the church, and now does duty as a tower screen (Fig. 97).
It is one of a class of screens which, though of simple and unassuming design, are of special
interest. This one and the old screen of Williton Church were sister screens, evidently
designed by the same hand. The screens at Pawlett, Culbone, Staple Fitzpaine, and East
Quantoxhead are related to this group — as are also (but less nearly) those of Winsham,
Otterhampton and Stockland Bristol.
The screen has rectangular compartments, divided each into four lights, the head being filled
with a reticulation of ogee quatrefoils supporting carved lozenges between the cusps. The
door is perfect. It has the rare characteristic of being single, not folding. This is mentioned as
a peculiarity in the Ecclesiologist for 1844.
A new tower screen of Renaissance character, adapted from the work in Bridgwater
Church, has been recently erected. Ecclesiologist, III, p. 162.
EVERCREECH (St. Peter). Some panels of a fourteenth-century screen are formed into
a gallery-front across the tower-arch, together with two other panels which have the appearance
of bench-ends. The screen panels are something like those of Elworthy, or Congresbury
(south aisle chapel screen), but have pierced spandrels enclosing the arched tracery heads in
a rectangular frame. All are smothered in paint.
The chancel is a fourteenth-century one — the east window of an earlier date than the side
lights, which are about the same date as the screen panels.
There is a fine fifteenth-century roof to the nave, retaining what is apparently old colour,
though it may have had a conservative restoration. It has the dull surface or "bloom"
characterising the old colour-work, and shows a blue, or greenish-blue, white, red, and black,
the beads being twisted in black-and-white, and red-and- white, bosses and angels' wings gilt.
PLATE LIX
Long Sutton, Somerset : Mediaeval Pulpit and Roodsckeen
(the coving of loft is modern)
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
Fig. 97
168 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
EXFORD. Parts of the old roodscreen were preserved circa 1850 in one of the Rector's
outhouses. Dr. Cox says that they consisted of beams, and other fragments. No trace of them
could be found on recent enquiry.
EXTON (St. Peter). The roodscreen was standing complete until shortly before 1845,
when one half of it was removed to make a passage from the reading-desk to the priests' pew
in the chancel. It is to be feared that all has now disappeared. The screen formerly supported
the royal arms. Ecclesiologist, IV, p. 246.
FITZHEAD (St. James). This church has been rebuilt in anything but a conservative
manner. The roodscreen (Plate LIVb) was removed at the rebuilding in 1849, and for many
years found a place at the west end of the church, against the wall, the vaulting having apparently
been removed on the further side to accommodate this. It is at last restored to its rightful place
— an enormous improvement to the church. The most striking feature is the great gap in the
centre, which is spanned by a continuation of the vaulting as a depressed elliptic head. This
work is probably modern. The old work is very peculiar in design. The framework is
immensely solid, lower panels plain, standards between lights bearing shafts with caps of curious
design like the heads of rainwater pipes in wood ; the arcades filled with good Perpendicular
tracery, the mullions unbroken by any band, as at Halberton, Bishop's Lydeard, etc. The
vaulting is, perhaps, the strangest feature. The ribs intersect, not with the customary angular
rib, but with a curved one, and in meeting they are turned upwards to unite with the curve
which crosses them at a rather higher level. The fillings are delicately traceried with narrow
Perpendicular panels, cusped and forming interlacing ogees at their intermediate length. Above
is a magnificent cornice of three enrichments divided by beads, there being an independence of
quality about this as there is about the rest of the work. Unfortunately the crestings are
missing (Plate LIVb). Jeboult's •■ West Somerset," II, p. 48.
FROME (St. John Baptist). In old days a magnificent roodloft spanned the stately
nave of this church. It is mentioned as having been inspected as a model for the loft and
screen at Yatton in 1447-8. All trace of this structure has vanished. An Early English doorway
and piscina on the south of the chancel-arch determined the position of the old work, but the
position of the door shows that the old gallery ran further to the west than the new one
does. There is an extremely handsome modern screen and loft. The screen is not of the
Somerset type, but is more East Anglian in character. It is of six lights, the doorway occupying
the width of the two central — having a feathered ogee head forking the mullion over. There is a
fine fan-vaulting, and above this an extra projection for some feet in the form of a richly-traceried
hollow coving rising to the bressummer of the loft, which is enriched with vine leaf. Above
rises the gallery front, with a series of rectangular traceried panels, and above the loft rises a
traceried pedestal for the rood, with brackets for statues of SS. Mary and John. At the south-
west corner the gallery is corbelled out to give access to the door before mentioned. The whole
is richly coloured and gilt, and furnishes an excellent example of a successful revival of the old
glories of this feature of our mediaeval churches.
Grose : " Antiquities," p. 65 ; Som. Arch. Proc, XXXIX, p. 16 ; Som. and
Dorset Notes and Queries, March, 1905, p. 213.
GLASTONBURY (St. John). There are extensive remains of old screen work now forming
the backs of two pews, and the partition dividing nave from tower. These are of plain character,
and consist of the lower panels of a former high screen, with a double dado-rail, containing
pierced tracery of rather unusual type.
PLATE LX
ROODSCREEN, MlNEHEAD CHURCH, SOMERSEl
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 169
HALSE (St. John Baptist). This church is one which approximates very nearly to the
Devonshire type. There is no chancel arch, hut only a deep moulded wooden rib, marking the
chancel limit in the roof. But the roodbeam with its stone corbels at the springing of the rib
has been restored within recent years, and when the rood and figures are added, will give
a very good effect. The beam is embattled on the upper edge, but otherwise plain. The
roodscreen is very handsome, and entirely of a Devonshire pattern, the type being that
classified in the Devon Association list (1903) as " Exe Valley" (Plate LVIIIij).
There are five lights in the arcade to nave, and in the north-aisle section (recently added)
are four more. The tracery is delicate and enriched by the incorporation of little tilting shields
held between the cusps. The same feature is repeated in the tracery heads of the lower panels.
The fan-vaulting is original and perfect to nave, and has been faithfully followed in the aisle-
screen, which is the work of Herbert Read, the carver, of Exeter. It has well-moulded ribs and the
sides form a hollow hexagonal pyramid like most of the Devon vaultings, a good rise towards
the outer edge giving elevation. The cornices are of three rows, with excellent character in the
enrichments.
These are of equal width, divided by simple beads, and retaining their crestings at top and
bottom. They are comparable to the cornices at Brushford, Kentisbere, etc., etc.
Until 1843 there stood in the north aisle a screen, described as being like that at Kingsbury
Episcopi in character. What became of it is not known. The roodloft stairs remain in the
north wall, with upper door giving access to the new loft. A feature of special interest is the
aperture in the nave-wall, over the arcade, for access from one part of the loft to the other.
This feature is seen occasionally in Devon and Cornwall, but is not usual in churches outside the
true " West-Country " ecclesiological district.
The pulpit is modern — a fair piece of Perpendicular design — the benches are modern, and
very poor, being the result of uninstructed local effort, in thin material.
Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 52 ; Ecclesiologist, II, p. 62.
HIGH HAM (Plates LII and LXVI). The roodscreen here is a glorious work, on which it
is scarcely possible to lavish too high praise. Whether considered as a composition in regard to
its general effect, or studied in detail it seems to represent the highest traditions of the art in
this county, and to unite perfections as no other specimen can be found to do.
The proportions are stately, the lights being tall, and transomed half-way down their length —
the height of the screen being shown by the fact that the doorhead is beneath the transom-rail.
Tracery of the most refined Perpendicular type fills the heads, and there is tracery again below
the transom. The vaulting is complete and very fine, the ribs finely moulded with carved bosses
at the intersections, and the fillings richly traceried in a manner somewhat different to the
Devonshire examples.
The cornices are a marvel of successful composition, combining all the luxuriance of the Devon
models with a clever and complex grouping and proportioning of the members which gives them
a distinctive character. The enrichments are superb. Between them the plain mouldings are
clustered in a most effective manner.
Tradition has it that this screen came from Glastonbury Abbey — this does not necessarily imply
that it was brought here as spoil from the dissolved monastery, but far more probably that it
was carved within its walls for Abbot Selwood, who built this church in the year 1476, or for his
successor. The screen dates from 1499. The cornices still show remains of colour decoration.
A notable feature in the church is the moulded rood-beam with paterae carved upon it,
which crosses the west face of the chancel wall at a height of some 8 or 10 ft. above the roodloft
floor. This is seen in the illustration (Plate LII).
22— (2239)
170 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
The rood and its attendant figures of SS. Mary and John formerly stood upon this beam :
and the stumps of their pedestals can still be discovered.
The church contains a series of fine old benches with a few good poppy-heads.
The roodloft stair is on the north side of the chancel arch.
Som. Arch. Proc, XL, p. 34 ; ibid., XI, i, p. 25 ; Worth's " Guide to Somerset " ;
R.I.B.A. Journal, 1905, Oct. 15th, p. 639; A. A. Sketch Book, XI (measured
drawings and date given), Plate 11.
HILLFARRENCE. There was a beautiful screen in this church until the grievous vandalism
which occurred in 1857 under the much abused name of " restoration." In this year the body
of the church was practically rebuilt, and the screen, which was a fine specimen of the fan-
vaulted order, was turned out, and sold to the owner of Nynehead Court, who, being no vandal,
made the best use he could of it in the repair of Nynehead screen, etc. (See Nynehead.) The
remaining parts were taken to Nynehead Court, where they made a long sojourn, and have
only recently been removed to Chipley Park, another country house in the neighbourhood, by
the proprietor.
Hillfarrence Church still contains some fine carved bench-ends. The screen was described
by the Camden Society in 1842 as being of very good Perpendicular work, with good groined
coving, and cited as a model to church restorers.
Camden Soc, " Hints to Church Builders," 1842.
HUISH EPISCOPI. The screen at present in the tower-arch is the roodscreen from Enmore
(Bridgwater). (See Enmore.)
The chancel screen or " partition " of this church was taken down in 1774, by the decision
of a vestry meeting. (See Minutes of same, Dec. 21st, 1774.) There is a roodloft staircase
remaining with an ornamental doorway, and. until the rebuilding of the chancel within recent
years, a dormer light existed here. Som. Arch. Proc, XL, p. 80.
ISLE ABBOTS (St. Mary). This church retains the lower part of the chancel screen upon
which some traces of fifteenth century painting have been recently discovered. There is also
a Jacobean screen in the tower archway, with other work of the same period around it.
Church Builder, Jan. 1909 (with illustration). Som. Arch. Proc, XL., p. 26.
KEYNSHAM (St. John Baptist). There is a very handsome screen of oak, blackened by
time, to the south aisle chapel (Plate LIII). It is of five lights, the central one being an open
doorway, like those at Long Ashton, with a pointed-arched head, enriched by three orders of
cusping, this triple feathering giving a great richness and delicacy of appearance. The side
compartments are arcaded, and have good Perpendicular tracery, but these are set within a
rectangular head, the spandrels being traceried in harmony with the rest. The mullions have no
band or cap. This is an early feature. There are some pretty clustered buttress-form
appendages to the main posts. The spandrels to the central opening are large, and filled with
excellent carving. Along the head of the screen is a magnificent band of enrichment, which
exhibits all the choicest qualities of its kind. Its convexity is specially notable, and gives a
richer quality than most. Above this is a very fine coving, panelled, with moulded ribs and
between each rib a bronze star with rays, sixteen in number, and at top is a splendid cornice
with its ancient enrichments, the whole forming an exquisite composition.
This screen is the only surviving section of a series (similar to those at Long Ashton and
elsewhere) which once spanned the church. The others were destroyed by the fall of an ancient
north-east tower, about the year 1634. The screen in point of detail, as well as general arrange-
ment, may be compared with those at Long Ashton, but a comparison will show that it is far
superior in design and workmanship. It is probably also quite fifty years earlier in date.
PLATE LXI
ROODSCREEN, XOKTON FlTZWARREN, SOMERSET
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 171
The fall of the tower in the seventeenth century necessitated the erection of a new
screen, and one was constructed in the reign of Charles I to supply its place. This has now been
removed to cover the archway on the south side of chancel, where it acts as a screen for the
organ. It has the usual early seventeenth century character, but is rather commonplace in
design and rough in execution. " Church Builder," I, p. 8.
KILMERSDON (SS. Peter and Paul). The roodscreen has disappeared, and in its place is
a screen of hammered iron, very good of its kind, but looking singularly out of place beside
the beautiful old stone screen which fills the arch on the north side of the chancel-opening.
The latter (Fig. 85) is a magnificent piece of work, full of rich early Perpendicular detail. It is
of three divisions, each of two lights with pointed arches in the head containing lesser arches
formed by the tracery fork. All the work is enriched with feathered cusping. The doorway is
beneath a heavily-feathered ogee supporting the central mullion. The cornice is deep and rich
with four angels corbelled on the face, one over each main division. Below the transom-rail are
four openings with traceried heads, each now provided with a grid. The screen does not appear
to fit its position, and there is a local tradition that it was brought here from old St. Andrew's,
Holborn. We are not aware that this report is in any way authenticated, and it appears
improbable in any case that " Holborn " can be correct.
The responds of the chancel arch appear to be prepared for the reception of a screen (probably
also of stone) and there are mutilated remains of canopied niches on each side of the arch.
Som. Arch. Proc, XXX, p. 63.
KILTON. The scanty remains of an old screen are now incorporated with a wretched
modern affair, in pitch-pine. The old part consists of a plainly- moulded oak-head bearing some
flat paterae — poorly executed, and of no great interest.
KILVE. There are some slight remains of the roodscreen now employed as a doorway below
the western gallery, leading from the church into the tower. The character of the fenestration
is like that of Stockland Bristol.
KING'S BROMPTON (St. Mary). There stood in this church, until comparatively recent
years a fine screen, with arcaded lights and fan-vaulting, having its roodloft which contained
some original panels.
Unfortunately, when the church underwent a somewhat drastic restoration some thirty or
forty years ago, the screen was removed and deposited in the vicarage stable-loft. Upon the
resignation of the then Vicar some years later, all his goods were sold, and the greater part
bought by a woman broker of Tiverton, who, without any authority, claimed and removed the
screen, and it has since been impossible to discover any trace of it, in spite of the earnest
endeavours of the present Vicar and his churchwardens. Dr. Cox remembers that the screen
was fan-vaulted. Other particulars are communicated by the present Vicar.
In the Ecclesiologist for 1845 (Vol. IV, p. 246), it is described as a magnificent roodscreen
and loft, barbarously whitewashed, and the carvings of the lower panels reversed above the loft.
Som. Arch. Proc, L. II.
KINGSBURY EPISCOPI (St. Martin). The central portion of the roodscreen alone
remains. It is said to have formerly extended across the church. The type is one peculiar to
Somerset, and may be compared with that of High Ham, but is of much later and more
meagre design, poor in execution and detail of tracery.
It contains, however, some very good panels in the lower part carved with fruit and foliage
designs in rather low relief, but very spirited and effective, with quatrefoils above having enriched
spandrels forming square frames. These panels are of late date, probably a Jacobean imitation
of Gothic work.
172 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
The upper part of the screen was restored about 1843. It was one of the earliest works
undertaken by the Camden Society. As might be expected of that date, the fan-vaulting is not
a success, but a very crude attempt, each fan having two faces only, perfectly plain. The
tracery is spidery, and of inferior character, but there is excellent work in the cornices. Viewed
as a whole, however, the work presents a good appearance.
Som. Arch. Proc, XL, p. 42, and XI, p. 18.
LANGFORD BUDVILLE. The roodscreen is gone, but evidence of its former glory remains
in the decoration of the nave ceiling over the chancel-threshold.
Som. Arch. Proc, XXXVIII, p. 49.
LANGPORT. No screenwork remains, but the roodloft turret stands at the N.E. angle of
the nave — and there are indications in the east pier of a former chapel enclosure (aisle-screen
and parclose) with a squint in the north side of the chancel arch.
LIMINGTON (St. Mary). There remains in the chancel-opening the lower part of a screen,
with large panels filled with linen-fold ornament. The work appears rather late in date. Two
ancient pews were described in an early number of the Somerset Archceological Proceedings as
bearing heraldic panels, and having formed part of a screen. The roodloft stair is on the north
side of the nave.
The church contains some fine carved bench-ends.
Som. Arch. Proc, VII, ii, pp. 4, 5 and 7, sketch of figs, and panel ; ibid., XXXII,
p. 74.
LONG ASHTON (All Saints). The roodscreen is in three divisions, uniform in height
and in general appearance, but varying considerably in detail. The screens are of a florid and
remarkable type peculiar to this county, dating from about 1480, associated with a local class
of churches with lofty aisles intermediate in character between the true West-Country church,
and the average Midland or South-Midland type. (Plate LXIIId.)
The lights contain tracery set in a rectangular framework, but the arcaded form of opening
is well marked within the traceried compartments. The framework is well moulded, whilst
on the face of the uprights the buttress-form of enrichment takes the place of the grouped
shafts with moulded cap which is generally a feature of the groined screens. This screen,
of course, had a continuous hollow coving along the head.
The tracery of the nave-screen (which has four two-light bays each side of the central opening),
is something like Wrington — that of the aisle-screens is more like the usual Perpendicular — and
these have each two three-light divisions each side of the centre.
The doorways are notable features, the arched heads having most elaborate and complex
featherings, with major and minor cusps all heavily foliated, giving a very rich appearance. The
doors to these screens, all now missing, would have been low doors only, probably no higher than
the dado-rail.
The roodloft having disappeared, its magnificent head-rail with bold convex vine-leaf
enrichments and tall crest was brought down and superimposed upon the cornice proper, so
that now the screen-heads appear to possess double cornices, the upper member being fully as rich
and deep as the cornice itself. The effect of these screens, with their wealth of gold and colour
(restored shortly before 1829) is very fine, and their enrichments being of a high order, merit
careful study. A similar arrangement of screenwork may be seen at Wrington, or Chew Magna,
where the sections are disconnected. At Keynsham one section only remains.
Rutter's "North-West Somerset," p. 14; Som. Arch. Proc. XVII, p. 45;
Ecclesiologist, III, p. 28.
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 173
LONG SUTTON (Holy Trinity). The roodscreen is standing, together with continuations to
both aisles of equal height and similar design ; but the three sections are completely divided by
the stonework of the nave arcade. Anciently these sections were in some manner united, as the
loft undoubtedly overran the whole length, and the three screens still retain their fan-vaulting
and cornices, which exhibit some good vine-leaf ornament, and another rather unusual variety
of foliage. Bloxam describes the church as having in his day "a splendid wooden roodloft,
elaborately carved, painted, and gilt, which extends across the whole breadth of the church, and
is approached by means of a staircase turret on the south side of the church." This turret-stair
was built at a date subsequent to 1490. The screen itself is of late character, circa 1520, rather
poor in detail as compared with such specimens as Trent, High Ham, etc., and appears to have
suffered grievously by unskilful renovation. The colour decorations are not happy, the effect of
the twist on the nosing beads of the mullions, and on the vaulting ribs, being anything but good,
and inspiring grave doubts as to the fidelity of the restoration in this particular. (Plate L.)
The original vaulting seems to have disappeared, as the present work is inferior in execution,
and poor to the point of meanness in design — indeed, absolutely destitute of character. It is
wrong in form, having no rise from the apex of the lights outward to the cornice, which is such
an important feature of the old work. The panels in the lower part of the screen are also
absolutely plain ; whereas some display of ornament in this position is well-nigh universal in
screens of this class and date, although we have exceptions at Norton Fitzwarren and Chew
Magna. But the worst feature of the whole is the coarse modern coving with its cheap and
heavy cornice, and distorted Victorian angels on the hollow panels overhanging the west
front of the screen. This erection ruins the old proportions, and nothing can be said in
favour of an addition at once so pretentious and so obviously cheap, save that it has enabled
the organs to be re-instated in the position rightfully theirs, both before and after Reformation
changes. Over the roodloft the nave-ceiling still retains its ancient coloured ornament. The
pulpit (Plate LIX) is a magnificent piece of sixteenth-century work (date 1530) beautifully pro-
portioned, the sides being covered with finely-canopied niche-work. It is of the same class as
those at Castle Cary and Queen Camel. The statues are unfortunately missing. The font cover
is Jacobean.
Som. Arch, Proc, XL., p. 38 ; Dollman's " Pulpits " ; Bloxam's " Gothic
Architecture, II, 40.
LOW HAM. This church, which is a building of Carolean date, temp. 1620, and of unusual
interest from the fact that it is entirely designed in imitation of the churches of the pre-
Reformation days, contains a well-proportioned chancel screen of oak, exhibiting some good
detail. The screen is complete without any provision for a loft, the cornice being very rich and
perfect. The running enrichments and cresting are works of singular beauty and originality,
recalling the best traditions of the art. Upon a band along the west side are carved in Gothic
letters the words " My sonne, fear God and the Kinge, and meddle not with them that are given
to change " — and along the east, " Christ is the end of the law for righteousness to everyone
that believeth." (Fig. 80, p. 116, ante.)
Beneath these, at the junction of the four main uprights of the screen, are placed winged
cherubs covering the intersections, and between these over the heads of the openings, other
smaller ones, making seven on each side. The lights are filled with quaint tracery of quasi-
Perpendicular design, but showing to what a great degree the art had been lost, as they are really
nothing but a species of fretwork having but a superficial resemblance to the genuine Gothic work,
and betraying a curious ignorance of its principles. The effect on the whole is quite beautiful,
this defect being noticeable only on detailed examination.
Som. Arch. Proc, XL, p.32 ; R. I. B. A. Journal, Vol. XII, No. 20 (Oct. 14th, 1905). pp. 655-6.
174 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
LOXTON (St. Andrew). The screen here forms the sole distinction between nave and
sanctuary. It is of curiously rude and debased workmanship, all the detail being degraded
(Fig. 86). The lower panels show the linen-fold pattern, which the others of the "North
Somerset " order do not.
LUCCOMBE (St. Mary). The chancel screen was taken down in the " forties " of the
last century, when a considerable re-fitting and alteration of the church, on mean lines, was
carried out by the incumbent. The best parts of the lower tracery of the screen were used as a
reredos, or rather, a sanctuary-panelling, right across the east end of the chancel, behind the
altar. Another row of carving was fitted in front of the western or singers' gallery. Parts of
this tracery was in deal, painted in imitation of dark oak. There is no doubt that this screen
had a regular roodloft with panelled and traceried front, to which access was had by a stair
in the north wall. It had no fan-vaulting, and the style of the tracery was something like that
of Culbone or East Quantoxhead. Probably the form taken by the roodloft was that of a
horizontal coving or hollow ceiling, to the westward, there being a beam across to carry the loft
on this side. Anyhow, there is no doubt that there was a roodloft here prior to Rev. T.
Fisher's " restoration."
Many portions of the old work were used up in a subsequent " restoration " in the making
of a new low screen, but a good deal more was thrown away at that time.
Mr. Buckle reported in May, 1894, that portions of the roodscreen were found beneath the
flooring, retaining sufficient old colour to show that the structure must originally have presented
a very ornamental appearance, but there was not enough to establish the design, either of
structure or decoration. The old work which had been applied in the earlier restoration to the
gallery and altar-back had since been used up for the new low screen to the chancel. The
pulpit and reading-desk were described in 1889 at the visit of the Somerset Society, as being fine
specimens of late woodwork. Som. Arch. Proc, XXXV, p. 32 ; notes by Dr. J. C. Cox, F.S.A.
LYDEARD ST. LAWRENCE. There are two screens in this church, both being originally
of the fan-vaulted order, but having long since lost their vaulting and upper enrichments. A
few years ago they were both in a melancholy state, that in the north aisle especially being
deplorably mutilated, and little more than the skeleton of a screen.
The nave-screen was rather better, but in addition to the loss of the upper parts, the doors
had also gone. What remained showed five bays, filled with Perpendicular tracery, the lights
being unusually long, through the lowness of the dado-rail. The lower panels are fitted with
beautiful tracery of the most delicate description, showing a fine reticulation of flowing lines
forming a network of quatrefoils holding carved lozenges between the cusps — the same sort of
work may be seen at Bishop's Lydeard, Milverton, Wiveliscombe, etc., and shows an inspiration
more foreign than English. This screen is now partially restored by the addition of a good
cornice, with handsome vine-leaf enrichment, and cresting — but the vaulting is sadly wanted,
as the whole space between the lights and the cornice is a flat and unsightly blank. The pulpit
is a remarkably fine Elizabethan one, and the bench-ends are superb sixteenth century work.
The roodloft stair is on the north side of the church.
Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 64 ; Camden Society, " Hints to Church
Builders," 1842.
LYNG. The screen has gone, but there are indications of a former partition between nave
and chancel, the face of the arch on the western side having no moulding, but being constructed
to receive a solid " tympanum " or filling above the screen. The roodloft stair is on the north
side. The church retains a fine carved pulpit, in which old benches are incorporated, also a
series of bench-ends in situ with grotesque figures upon them.
Jeboult's " West Somerset " (1873), II, p. 61 ; Som. Arch. Proc, XLIII, p. 51 ;
note by E. Buckle.
PLATE LXII
TYPES OF SCREENWORK IN GLOUCESTERSHIRE AND NORTH SOMERSE1
(A) ROODSCREEN, ASHCHURCH (GLOS.)
(B; Screen in Pii.ton Church, Somerset
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 175
MARK (St. Mark). This church contains screenwork of Perpendicular character, but
of Post-Reformation date (1634).
MARSTON MAGNA (St. Mary). The roodscreen has disappeared, though the staircase to
the roodloft remains. There is a light screen of sixteenth century date, containing some
Renaissance detail, now standing in the archway to the chantry chapel.
MELLS. This church had originally a very lofty chancel screen in keeping with the stately
proportions of the fabric ; as is evidenced by the great height of the doorway of access to the
roodloft, which still remains in the wall on the north side of the chancel arch. A number of
carved traceried panels from the old screen remain, and are incorporated with the lectern, altar-
rails, credence-table, book-rest over same, and elsewhere, but the present chancel screen, which
was reconstructed in 1881, is virtually^, new composition, and can hardly be commended as a
design, since it not only fails to reproduce the ancient character of screens in this neighbourhood,
but fails to exhibit that grace and lightness of design which the old work shows. The lights are
headed by very ponderous canopies of depressed ogee pattern, singularly heavy and clumsy, and
this feature mars the good effect of the tracery work above, which is excellent. There is a rood
upon the screen several sizes too big for it.
The parclose and aisle-screens are the really interesting feature of this church. Here we
have a really scholarly and artistic reconstruction incorporating a number of panels, apparently
ancient, the design of which accords to some extent with the rest of the series, though it has
points of originality. (Fig. 86.)
The church was originally seated with Jacobean benches, having tall ends of striking and
original character, but at a recent date the writer saw these relegated to the vestry, where they
were acting as a wall-panelling, excepting a few still in situ at the west end of the church.
MERE (St. Michael). Although this church is in Wilts, a descriptive list of Somerset
screens would be imperfect without reference to the roodscreen here, as it belongs by virtue of
its character entirely to the group of Somerset screens of which High Ham, Queen Camel, and
Trent are the principal surviving specimens. Of these, it is most nearly like that of Queen Camel,
being quite a sister screen in its proportions. It is very perfect, and a work of great dignity.
(Plate XXXIIb.)
Within recent years the roodloft gallery has been replaced, together with the beam with the
great Rood and attendant images, as in former days, which gives it a great distinction and
grandeur of appearance, and enables one to realise the old-time effect.
Before the restoration of this church, the chancel arch was filled with a partition or tympanum
probably Post-Reformation in date, and this no doubt displayed the Tables of the Law, with
figures of Moses and Aaron, etc., as was the custom.
In the north-aisle arch is a much older screen, of massive character, with Decorated
tracery, formerly, it is believed, the roodscreen of the church, but displaced on the erection of its
more magnificent neighbour in the fifteenth century (circa 1450). The bridge which gives access
to the loft, and unites the two screens at varying levels, is ornamented with several coats of arms
and a merchants' mark on original panels, indicating (says Rev. J. A. Lloyd) the contributors to
the cost of the reconstruction of the church in 1450. The roof over the roodloft is enriched with
painted panels. On the organ-loft in the north chantry is the original doorway to the bridge
leading to the roodloft, and under this, in the fine oak parclose which fills the arch towards
chancel-side, is a curious squint cut diagonally through one of the mullions of the screen. Here
" Gerard the Bedeman " used to take his stand to see the proper moment to ring the Sacring Bell
(through the squint), and pull the organ bellows. Similar fine parcloses fence the chancel on
176 ROODSCREENS AND POODLOFTS
the south side, filling the arches right to their apex. The chancel contains stalls for the
four chantry priests, the Rector and Vicar on south side. They have carved subsellae.
On the north side of the chancel is a recess for Easter sepulchre, and an arch raised for an
organ-loft in the fifteenth century. Half of the panels of the roodloft parapet on the east side
are original. The churchwardens' accounts mention the whitewashing of figures of the Twelve
Apostles which were painted on twelve of the western panels, in the centre being probably
St. Michael, to whom the church is dedicated. These were defaced in 1560. The rood-beam
is in its original hole, and retains the old corbel on the south side, but the wall having been
rebuilt on the north side above the screen did not show the holes for beam and corbel.
Rev. J. A. Lloyd says that the screens of Mere and Queen Camel were the work of a guild
of carvers who executed both at about the same time ; and they are in their main features
identical in design.
Previous to the erection of the rood-beam, a rood had been fixed to the western balcony of
the loft, but it looked so out of place that the Vicar and his architect instituted a search for the
sockets of the old beam — which, together with the corbel, soon came to light on the south side.
The loft here is 6 feet 1 1 ins. wide, and contained in the centre, a small altar, with a marble
slab upon it, for daily celebrations by chantry priests, which is now lost. Within recent years
there was a heavy high pew on the loft.
The screen had on its north side several small painted shields bearing charges as follows :
(1) A Merchant's Mark ; (2) Clyvedon ; (3) Caraunt ; (4) Baynton ; (5) Hungerford ; (6) Prince
of Wales ; (7) St. George's Cross ; (8) Berkeley ; (9) Stourton ; (10) Hungerford (with mullet
for difference) ; (11) St. Bartholomew's Hospital ; (12) Caraunt (with crescent) ; (13)Wadham;
(14) Bettesthorne. 1 The Trinity shield and Arms of Chichester are mentioned by Rev. J. A.
Lloyd. Som Arch Pf,oc IX (1859) p 23, et seq. ; "The Church of S. Michael the
Archangel, Mere, Wilts," by Rev. J. A. Lloyd, F.S.A. ; notes by Rev. J. A. Lloyd ;
Wilts Archceol. Mag., xxix, p. 22 ; Aubrey's " Wilts " ; Hoare's " Wilts."
MIDDLEZOY (Holy Cross). There is a rather good chancel screen in black oak, of the
High Ham type, but simple and plainer. Its lower parts are well preserved, but it has
lost all its cornice enrichments. Until a comparatively recent date it was placed further to
the westward, in line with the front edge of the chancel arch, but has now been shifted back so
that it shows the front of the arch, and the work is badly done. There is a Jacobean pulpit.
Som. Arch. Proc, XLIII, p. 47.
MILBORNE PORT (St. John the Evangelist). The church contains a fifteenth century
screen, of Perpendicular style, remarkable for its having retained its coved top — -or canopy
— to the roodloft. It is of kindred type to the screen at High Ham, in respect of its traceried
lights. It stands in a side arch.
Som. Arch. Proc, XVI (1870), p. 36 ; Worth's " Guide to Somerset," p. 140.
MILVERTON (St. Michael). The roodscreen is modern — a memorial, dated 1903. It
incorporates a number of old panels in the lower portion. These are the centres of bench-ends,
cut round, and the bottoms sawn off, cutting the tracery panels they contain, and spoiling
their appearance. In the new screen abundant height has been allowed for the proper
restoration of these panels to their full length, but this has not been done, and the absurd
mistake has been made of sticking them in, in their mutilated state and filling up the space below
with the conventional Devonshire ornament of a row of quatrefoils. The result is a hopeless
1 Aubrey's " Wilts." Hoare's " Wilts " gives the series very differently arranged, and the
Chichester and Trinity Arms do not appear in it.
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SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 177
incongruity. The new parts of the screen have some dignity of proportion on the west side, but
it is a complete sham, as it presents to the nave the appearance of a fully-groined roodloft
screen, whereas the back is perfectly flat, and there is no gallery, nor space for one at top.
Another unsatisfactory feature is that the lights are too long, and are without mullions, the
tracery being stopped with pendents at the springing. The fan-vaulting is of unorthodox type
with multitudinous small ribs set to a circular sweep, and intersecting with a curved soffit-rib
not found upon any old screens, except Fitzhead, which is, however, very different. The
cornice to the west side is fairly good, but on the east the finish is very meagre — there is no
cornice worth mentioning, only rows of patera ornament one above another, and no mouldings
to the screen itself, except a single chamfer to the tracery, and one ogee on the frame.
There is an old panel fitted into the most southerly compartment of the screen, which probably
gives the date when the oak work in the church was completed. It is inscribed : " The Yere of
Oure Lorde God MDXL. " Like the rest' it was probably part of a bench-end. Among the others
are several grotesques, deeply cut, occupying the upper part of the panels, the lower section
being Gothic tracery — but this has lost more than a third of its length. Among the grotesques
are the griffin, dragon, and unicorn. The whole of the nave of the church is pewed with similar
designs — a complete set — and the aisles have also a fair number left. The bench-fronts to the
gangways are remarkable for their excellent series of figures in high relief set in the panels, and
there is an even better series in the chancel-stalls, which pourtray the Apostles, for the most
part — but among the figures on the north side is one of the Blessed Virgin treading on the Serpent,
very finely cut and really a noteworthy example. The figure holds a book in the right hand, and
in the left a cup, out of which rises a dragon's or serpent's head, which are the usual symbols
of St. John. The choir-stalls have a very good appearance, with their, fine poppy-heads, but
much of their framework is modern.
In the vestry are more of the old panels, in which this church is singularly rich. One of the
best bench-ends exhibited the royal arms (in garter) of Henry VIII, with the royal badge of
England and Arragon — the Rose and Pomegranate.
Many of the bench-ends are beautifully cut with a fine ornament of Flemish appearance,
very like what remains at Wiveliscombe, though a little coarser in execution.
Som. Arch. Proc, XXXVIII, p. 52 ; Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 65.
MINEHEAD (St. Michael) (Plate LX). This church possesses a remarkably fine roodscreen
of the fan-vaulted type similar in its general appearance to that of Dunster Church and probably
erected about the same time or shortly after. The date, 1500, will therefore be an approximately
correct one for this screen. 1 In 1842 there was a parclose screen of character agreeing with the
roodscreen in the church. (Camden Society's " Hints to Church Builders.") Much of the
detail is the same as at Dunster, but the tracery in the panels of the vaulting is different, as
is also that in the lower compartments of the screen. The cornices are very good, presenting
three rows of vine-leaf enrichment between the beads on the western face of the beam, and the
hanging cresting is particularly fine. But the upper crest has disappeared.
The tracery in the lights is believed to be a faithful reproduction of the old, but unfortunately
during a lengthy period of neglect, when one part of the church was given up to the use of
school children, the openings became denuded of their tracery. It was perfect in 1842. The
curious low segmental curve of the heads will be marked. Though appearing scarcely so
graceful as the true four-centred arch, this form was often preferred in connection with these
vaulted screens, since it allowed of a better development of the ribs of the vaulting at their
springing, and by rendering their curve flatter and more uniform, enabled the workers to cut the
1 Agnes Smyth, by will proved 15th January, 1532, left 20d. " to the Rode of Minehead Church."
23— (2239)
178 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
whole height of the vaulting panels out of one solid piece of oak, without undue sacrifice of
material.
A small feature in the Minehead screen is worthy of note. Attached to the standard on the
north side of the chancel doorway (to the west) is a small bracket and niche for a statuette,
possibly that of the patron saint, or in connection with a former altar immediately to the north
of the door.
The Minehead roodloft is approached by a staircase of unusual dimensions — quite a broad
flight, winding around a semi-octagonal bay of large proportions, having a large mullioned
window in it. Several suggestions as to the purpose of this have been made, all more or less
unsatisfactory. Probably ceremonial (i.e., processional) use can best explain it. The loft itself
is unusually wide, a fact which must be considered in connection with the wide approach. It
spans eight feet, whereas the normal width of such lofts is about six feet. The loft at Minehead
is one of those whose use has been perpetuated, though in a manner quite other than that
designated by its pious founders, until recent times. Like so many others in the West, it was
turned into a pew for school children or grown-ups. Many of the fine old ornamental fronts to
these lofts, though condemned by Elizabeth's Commissioners, were nevertheless retained in
the West by the people, who loved them, and only disappeared when completely worn out by
hard use.
In the case of Minehead the churchwardens' accounts show that the loft was thus re-used
and fitted with seats in 1630. The following entries are quoted, as of general interest :
" For nailes, railes, boardes, etc., for the work about the roodloft .. .. 4s. Id."
"For a painting of the Kinge's Armes and other work .. .. .. 13s. 4d."
And in 1639-40 : " For new placing the Kinge's Armes :
" For mending the stayre window.
" Conrad Clark, for taking downe and whitenynge the Kinge's Armes in the
roodloft 2s. 6d."
" For setting up on the screen again . . . . . . . . . . . . 2s."
1660. " Pd. for taking down the Kinge's Armes 2s."
1660. " Pd. for beere when we agreed with the painter to draw the King's
Armes (the old tablet was too mutilated to go up again. The
frame for the new one was made at Minehead, and sent to
Bridgwater to receive the picture).
" Pd. the painter for drawinge the Kinge's Armes and setting them up
in the church
1684. " Pd. for timber, bordes and work about the skreens
1743-4. " Pd. Putting up the King's Arms
" Pd. Richard Phelps (painter, of Bridgwater) painting Kinge's Arms
(And 9d. for beere)."
1790-1. " The pew over the screen let, for the term of their lives, to six persons."
Photographs are extant taken before the last restorations (i.e., prior to 1886), which show a
plain panelling, apparently of Georgian date, upon the screen. Dr. Cox says the seats
remained and were used by the school children up to the restoration in 1887-9.
Camden Society's " Hints to Church Builders," 1842 ; S. Kensington list of
Painted Screens; Athenceum, Sept. 29th, 1906 ("Churches of the Carhampton
Hundred," Dr. Cox, F.S.A.) ; Som. Arch. Proc, XXXV (1889), p. 15 ; ibid., LII,
pp. 19-24, 57 and 67 ; Minehead Churchwardens' Accounts ; Archil. Assoc.
Sketchbook, Vol. IV, pp. 28-31 (measured drawings showing screen and modern
gallery over, detail of cornices, Jacobean pulpit, and Altar Table).
£5 14s.
8d.
£\ 5s.
Od,
£2 17s.
Od,
PLATE LXIV
A) RoODSCREEN, TRULL, SOMERSET-
(B) ROODSCREEN, TlMBERSCOMBE, SOMERSET
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 179
MONKSILVER (All Saints). The screen now standing as a chancel screen is not the original
roodscreen. This was sold by the churchwardens in Taunton many years ago, probably before
1844, when it is believed that the existing work was established in its place, on the occasion of
the restoration described in the Ecclesiologist. The original screen was a fan- vaulted one : the
present one being a parclose screen removed from the Lady Chapel in the south aisle. It has
been a good deal renovated, and the tracery-heads appear to have been altered, but the lower
panels contain some excellent work.
The pulpit is a beautiful example of late wood-carving, with a strong Flemish feeling in the
detail. The class of work is the same as is found in the screens at Lydeard St. Lawrence and
Bishop's Lydeard ; at Whitestaunton, in a similar position, and also at Wiveliscombe, and
Milverton. The bench-ends in this church are beautifully carved, showing much originality
of design. They are very complete.
Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, ,p. 70 ; Ecclesiologist. Ill, 157 ; Som. Arch.
Proc, LII.
NEMPNETT THRUBWELL. The church possesses a handsome modern roodscreen of three
bays, fan-vaulted, and containing in its arcades tracery of a rather flamboyant order. The
roodloft is adorned by several statues after the designs of the elder Pugin.
NETTLECOMBE. The screen has gone, but there are some old panels worked into a western
belfry gallery over a modern screen. The pulpit is of Queen Anne date. The great feature of
this church is its wonderful font.
NORTH NEWTON (St. Peter). The church contains a finely carved and very massive
chancel screen of Post- Reformation date, and a splendid pulpit to match, both being the gift of
Sir Thomas Wrothe (temp. Charles I). The screen has five large arched openings, with semi-
circular heads, clear of tracery — and is richly ornamented with bold carving. There is a massive
cornice. A screen of almost identical character is to be seen at Thurloxton, the next village.
North Newton Church also contains a carved door to the vestry, known as the " Parable "
door, as it shows a quaint sculptured representation elaborately wrought, of the parable of the
Ten Virgins. It also has other symbolic carvings of the True Vine ; the Bread of Life ; and the
Holy Dove. The pillars of the screen are carved with figures representing (1) Faith, with her
shield ; (2) Hope, with her anchor ; (3) Charity, with a Dove ; (4) A quaint and literal
representation of S. Luke i, 35. Some antiquaries consider (3) to represent St. Peter, the patron
saint, holding a cock. The date of the screen is probably 1626-28. The pulpit is of richly
moulded and beautifully-carved oak, with handsome panels of the " Jewel " period. This screen
reflects the High Church feeling of the Laudian days.
Monograph by Rev. L. H. King, M.A., Vicar.
NORTH STOKE. Before the church was renovated, the chancel was divided from the nave
by a solid wall or screen in which were two window-lights and a door.
Tunstall, " Rambles about Bath," p. 196.
NORTON FITZWARREN (All Saints). The roodscreen (Plate LXI) is of fine Perpendicular
work, dating from the end of the fifteenth century. 1 It has been a good deal altered, having
been restored about 1870, and again renovated since. Mentioned in 1842 as having " a
magnificent roodloft, it was one of those listed by the Camden Society as a model for future
use. At this date a parclose screen also existed. In 1825 the screen was covered with an
oak graining. The church underwent some alterations about the end of the eighteenth
century, when the roodloft stair, which was on the north side, was removed (Jeboult).
1 1500 seems a probable date. The name of Ralphe Harris, Churchwarden, is carved upon it,
and has been thought to be evidence of local execution.
180 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
As the work stands at present it consists of five bays, the two extreme being narrower than
those next the door — being two-light openings, whilst the others are four-light. The tracery
of the arcades is very curious, the mullions running up uninterruptedly into the heads, with
pinnacled buttress-form attachments on face, trefoiled ogees springing from the sides of same,
with prettily-carved canopy work above them, forming a series of little gables between the
upright divisions in lieu of tracery proper. The doorway has a very beautiful head, a depressed
ogee in form, richly crocketed above. The doors remain. The panels beneath the transom-
rail are moulded with plain rectangular heads, like Pawlett, Chew Magna, etc., but this is an
uncommon finish. The screen is fan-vaulted and of unusual type. It has not the orthodox
rise towards the outer edge, consequently the cornices come down too heavily over the
fenestrations, giving a heavy look, and hard shadow.
There is a very interesting form of ornament in the fillings of the vaulting, and one quite
unusual in the county — namely, a series of small embossed stars, probably executed in gesso.
The only other places in Somerset, so far as we are aware, in which this feature may be seen,
are Bishop's Lydeard and Trull. The cornices, as they now stand, consist of four rows of rich
ornament, the lowest, cut in the solid, exhibitfng the legend of the Dragon of Rhodes and his
victims. J Above this come three rows of foliage ornament, the first and third being vine-leaf,
and the second, a water crowfoot, or some similar plant. The lower vine-leaf band is of excep-
tional beauty and originality, free in design, and very well cut. Above the screen are a modern
rood with the crucified figure and attendant imagesof SS. Mary and John, very creditably carved,
but the rood being quite plain, looks coarse above this fine screen with all its delicate
workmanship.
(2) There is another vaulted screen in the north aisle similar to the roodscreen in character.
The vaulting is original and perfect on the west side of both these screens, but missing on the
east side. All the forms and details are unlike the local work. The ribs of the vaulting
are not mitred. The panels run out to the bressummer. The bosses show the rose in
splendour.
(3) There is a fine parclose screen with tracery similar to that of the other screens. All show
traces of ancient colour and gilding.
Jcboult's "West Somerset," II, p. 67 ; Notes by Rev. C. H. Heale ; Worth's
" Guide to Somerset " ; Camden Society, " Hints to Church Builders," 1842 ;
Som. Arch. Proc, XVIII, p. 42, with legend of dragon ; ibid.. Vol. LIV (1908), p. 146.
NORTON ST. PHILIP (SS. Philip and All Saints). There is no roodscreen, but in each
aisle there stands a high screen of carved oak, rather elaborate, but not of the best period
either in design or workmanship. They are, in fact, a sort of debased imitation of Gothic
work, and may very probably date from the seventeenth century.
NUNNEY (All Saints). This church, which has been barbarously treated and
modernised internally, yet contains a feature of great interest in the arrangement of its
chancel opening in which a portion of a very beautiful screen fortunately survives.
The chancel arch here is narrower by several feet than the chancel itself, and the balance
of space on either side is utilised for the formation of hagioscopes. These take the form of small
traceried window-openings, and belong to a very interesting series, representing in varied forms,
1 It is stated by a local antiquary that this ornament was placed upon the screen by a late
incumbent, who bought it in an old furniture shop in Taunton. Records say that many old screens
and rich carved work were sent in to Taunton to be sold, after the edict of Archbishop Parker, and
Taunton was full of this work.
PLATE LXV
CORNICE ENRICHMENTS IN DEVON AND SOMERSET SCREENWO
^
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(A) Uffculme, Devon
(B) Trent, Somerset
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 181
an arrangement traditional in the English Church, and probably eastern in its origin (vide
previous section).
The screen is of the true North Somerset type, but richer in its detail, and finer in execution
than most. There are the usual narrow rectangular lights (Fig. 86), but the alternate mullions
have been removed, and pendents substituted, probably in the seventeenth century, whilst the
original lower panels have been replaced by later substitutes, of a sort of coarse fretwork.
The cornice enrichments are singularly fine, and there is a magnificent and most original
cresting, of tall proportions, offering a first-rate example for reproduction. The doors are perfect,
and contain some beautiful tracery-heads under a depressed arch. Above them are a pair of
excellent carved spandrels, in rich relief. Altogether, such original work as remains on this
screen is worthy of special note.1 Som. Arch. Proc. XXXIX, p. 34.
The screen was removed some years ago, and sent to Frome, but in consequence of remarks
made at a visit of the Somerset Archaeological Society, it was brought back and re-fixed. Would
that the Society's influence might have prevailed in other cases, such as Ditcheat and Compton
Martin, where also the screens have been removed !
NYNEHEAD (All Saints). The nave section of the roodscreen remains, and is of the
fan-vaulted type, with pointed arched heads to the lights, showing tracery of the " Exe Valley "
type, like Halse, Combe St. Nicholas, and the Kentisbere class. The screen has been to a large
extent renovated, and the cornice enrichments are almost entirely new, though part is said to
have belonged to the Hillfarrence screen. The new enrichments, the work of a Wells carver,
do not quite follow local patterns, but are a fair approximation. There are features about
the screen which look like seventeenth century work, as for instance the caps to the shafts.
The original screen, however, is probably no later than Henry VI's reigrt. The roodloft stair
is on the north side.
Attached to the organ-case is some very fine carving — a part of the enrichments from
Hillfarrence screen, which was bought, on its being turned out of that church, and used for the
repair of the screen here, and general adornment of the church. There are two pieces of this
carving, each about 6 ins. wide, and 4 ft. 6 ins. long, fastened one above the other.
Jeboult's "West Somerset," II, p. 73; Som. Arch. Proc, XXXVIII, p. 61.
OLD CLEEVE. The roodscreen has been destroyed, and all that now certainly remains is a
number of the lower panels, formed into a dado against the east wall of chancel. These exhibit
a sunk enrichment very similar to some at St. Decuman's, having a crocketed canopy over an
arched tracery-head in each division. There is a quantity of vine-leaf enrichment attached to the
wall-plate along the south-aisle wall — which is reputed to have come from the screen, and this
may be so, as it is rather an anomaly in its present position, and does not fit very well to the
space. The screen, together with a north parclose, were standing in 1843, and are noticed by
Rev. J. M. Neale in his translation of Durandus. He describes the destruction of a dragon as
not only being carved along the roodscreen, but the parclose also. This is possibly the same
piece of carving which has been transferred to Norton Fitzwarren.
The following are extracts from a will concerning the church :
" Wm. Byconylls by will Nov. 3, 1448, left to the repair of the north aisle 100s., and to the
repair of the ' canopy celarium ' before the cross of the same, 20 marks."
Neale's " Symbolism of Durandus " (1843), p. ciii ; Bath Field Club Trans., VIII, p. 275 ;
Rev. G. Weigall in Som. Arch. Proc, LII, pp. 39-45.
1 An examination of the details of the crocketing in the tracery seems to show that this work
has a much earlier date than others (see comparative diagrams). The finial especially shows this,
and the arched compartment enclosing it has not the depressed form characterising the others. It
is probably no later than 1420.
182 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
ORCHARDLEIGH. The corbels for the support of the Lenten veil remain in the north
and south faces of the chancel wall, between choir and sanctuary, as in many other churches
of the Mendip district. The staple is still to be seen in the hand of one of the figures.
OTTERHAMPTON (All Saints). The roodscreen, of three divisions, remains in a perfect
state. It is of dark oak, unpainted, and is late Perpendicular in style, probably dating from
the sixteenth century. The design is curious and contains many original features. It bears
a remarkable resemblance in its general proportions, character of tracery, and design of lower
panels, to the screen at Winsham. {See Comparative Elevations, Figs. 101 and 102.)
Other screens of a somewhat similar nature are those of Stockland Bristol (the next parish
to Otterhampton) and Staple Fitzpaine. All these show rather elaborate and original tracery
heads in rectangular compartments with a depressed arch form within pierced spandrels. In the
case of Otterhampton the form is quite the late Tudor type.
PAWLETT (St. John Baptist). This little church is fortunate in having escaped modern
renovations to an unusual extent. It retains a beautiful little screen of early Perpendicular
type (Fig. 83), having simple tracery, rather of the same order as that of East Quantoxhead
or Enmore.
The doors have been removed, but are preserved in the vestry. The cornice is fairly
complete, and is well moulded. It contains some excellent vine leaf enrichment, and there is
a good deal of old colour and gilding remaining on the screen.
The church also contains a good old pulpit of black oak (Jacobean in date) and some old
benches.
PENNARD, EAST (All Saints). The old roodscreen has been destroyed, but there are
fourteen exquisitely-designed panels incorporated in a western gallery, which have the
appearance of having at one time formed part of it. These are delicately traceried, with richly
varied designs, having a distinctly Flemish appearance for the most part, some being of a
" Flamboyant " order. One seems evidently to be a bench-end — a central panel carved with
the " Pelican in her Piety," under which is the sacred monogram, and crown of thorns. This
panel is wider than the rest. These panels may be compared with those at Wiveliscombe
(in a similar position), Bishop's Lydeard (in the lower panels of the screen), etc., etc. The
roodscreen, now standing, is modern, and calls for little remark. In the chancel-seats is some
good Jacobean work, and the pulpit is a good specimen of early Georgian work.
PENNARD, WEST (St. Michael). This church retains its roodscreen in a very perfect state,
the cornices being in exceptionally good order. It has the usual row of narrow lights set in a
rectangular framework. The tracery-heads, as will be seen in the illustration (Fig. 86) are shorter
than most of the others, and of a slightly different detail, a necking being introduced around the
finial. In the spandrels of the doorhead appear the Tudor Rose and Pomegranate, on the
north and south side respectively. This fixes the date of the work as the first years of
Henry VIII's reign.
Below the transom-rail on the south side of the screen are some very good panels of Early
Perpendicular character, those on the north being of a different design and apparently
" restoration " work, and within the wide " squint " or hagioscope on the south side of the
chancel arch, is a low barrier or framework containing three more panels of a rather different
design, which look as if they had belonged to the old rood-loft gallery-front. The two side ones
are the best, and are carved with a sort of enlarged oak leaf, or smooth-edged vine leaf filling the
elongated quatrefoils in their upper part— a rather original composition. The centre panel is
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 183
more ordinary. The great width of the squint by the chancel arch is to be noted. ' There is a
similar feature at Ditcheat, barricaded also with an old piece of fifteenth century screenwork.
The Church of West Pennard also retains fine old Perpendicular roofs to north aisle and chancel,
and the excellent fifteenth century traceried doors to west and south entrances are specially
worthy of note. Som. Arch. Proc, XXVI (1880), p. 71.
PILTON (St. John Baptist) (Plate LXIIb). This beautiful church has been despoiled of
most of its choicest interior features. The roodscreen which originally stood one bay west of
the chancel arch was removed when the church was renovated, and after remaining for many
years in the care of the Gale family, was offered to North Cheriton Church, and there
re-erected as a chancel screen with considerable alterations, and the addition of modern work.
The chancel arch in Pilton church is a composition of great beauty, Late Perpendicular in
style, richly panelled in the soffit ancVobviously designed in this case for the roodloft — to be
revealed in its full proportions beneath the loft and not cut or hidden by it, so that all its
delicate detail would appear within the symmetric framing of the roodscreen. This is
evident from the comparatively low proportion and depressed head of the arch, leaving a
large balance of wall space over, in which may still be seen the set-off or shelf which indicates
the position of the loft floor, the door of access to which is in the northern angle of the
chancel wall.
It is probable that the loft extended westwards to meet the roodscreen, but this can only be
a conjecture, since no positive evidence remains. The alternative would be a roodloft gallery
of narrower dimensions, independent of the screen, and hanging against the wall over the
chancel arch, a less likely supposition.
The screen was of tall and dignified proportions, the detail, so far as may be judged from
what remains at North Cheriton, was of late character probably coeval or nearly so with the
chancel arch. The parish accounts of 1498 mention a payment to Robert " Carver " for the
" Trayle under the roodlofte," and in 1508, David Jonys, " the peynter," is paid for his work.
The wall above the chancel-opening is of great height, and formerly exhibited a large fresco,
which was blotted out by the vandals in 1850. It has been described as a picture of three kings
meeting Death in the guise of three skeletons.
The rood and attendant images no doubt found a place over the loft in their customary
position, and contributed to what must have been a singularly rich and stately whole. The
position of the rood-beam has not been ascertained, but there remains in the south wall of the
chancel an "angel" corbel for the support of a secondary beam or screen before the altar, as
we have at Leigh-on-Mendip and elsewhere.
The screen (now at North Cheriton) is said to retain traces of mediaeval colour. The openings
have four centre-arched heads, each divided by mullions into four lights, and the heads filled
with late Perpendicular tracery. The central mullion is thickened and ascends unbroken into
the heads of the arches. Beneath the dado-rail (which has a sunk enrichment) are some
very handsome traceried panels. The work has been a good deal pulled about to adapt it to its
present place, and the head of the middle compartment has been lifted bodily above the screen,
whilst in order to fill up the space within the limb of the arch, a quantity of spurious " Gothic "
tracery work has been added, giving a general effect, curious, and on the whole, not
unpleasing.
But although the roodscreen has gone from Pilton, that church retains its north-aisle screen,
with a return, or parclose, of similar design (Plate LXIIb), and consisting of a range of narrow
1 It contains the approach to the roodloft staircase, which is entered by a door on the outer, i.e.,
south side, half-way through the passage.
184 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
vertical rectangular lights containing tracery of the " North Somerset " type (Fig. 86).
These screens enclose a chantry chapel at the east end of the north aisle, now, alas ! invaded by
the hideous varnished pewing, with which this church is crammed.
The section crossing the aisle contains a pair of gates, later than the screen, and a subsequent
insertion. They are probably of early seventeenth century work, having a strong Renaissance
admixture with a general Gothic form — and the tracery heads over have been mutilated for their
reception. Below the dado-rail of the screen are wide panels of a similar late character,
exhibiting a variety of arabesques and foliage in low relief. There is an excellent vine-leaf
cornice enrichment on the screen, probably dating from about 1498, when the screens were
erected. The ancient colour upon this screen is preserved in comparative perfection.
There was standing in Pilton Church not many years ago a fine Jacobean pulpit, dated 1618,
but this again was turned out to make room for a modern vulgarity, and has been re-erected
in a Yorkshire church. The old pulpit-cloth was made from an ancient cope.
Som. Arch. Proc, XIII, p. 21, and XXXIV, p. 63 ; Som. Record Soc, " Pilton
Churchwardens' Accounts."
PORLOCK. The old roodscreen, with its loft, is said to have been erected between the years
1250 and 1300. It remained standing until 1768, when it was taken down. Some parts of
the demolished screenwork were found during the restoration, 1881-91 — including fragments
of linen-fold panelling, all bearing traces of brilliant colouring, and one showing part of the
figure of an angel bearing a shield.
Dr. Cox remembers that about the middle of the last century there were a great many
fragments of the screen, both tracery and beams, preserved in the tower. At this period there
were various people living in Porlock who claimed to remember it standing, which seems to
suggest that some portion may have remained in the church until a later period than 1768.
All the old fragments in the tower have now disappeared. There is a small window close to
the roof-rib by the chancel-limit which appears to have been provided to give light to the
roodloft. Note by Dr. Cox, F.S.A. ; Som. Arch. Proc, LII, pp. 29-30 ; ibid.,
XXXV, p. 28 ; Note by Rev. C. H. Heale.
PORTBURY (St. Mary). The roodscreen has been removed within recent years, and now
stands in a much curtailed condition in the tower-arch (Fig. 84). It is stated that in the process
of "restoration" the chancel arch was so modified in size or shape that the screen would no
longer fit. Marks of the ancient roodloft may still be seen in the wall over the pulpit. The
screen is interesting from its obviously early date, and agreeable design. Unfortunately, the
traceried-head of the central doorway is missing, but there remain on each side three
rectangular-headed compartments, containing excellent Decorated tracery of archlets with
feathered trefoil cusping, and tracery spandrels — the head of the screen being surmounted by
a good plain cornice with two simple enrichments. Under the rail are tracery-headed
panels, showing simple trefoiled archlets with foliage spandrels.
Som. Arch. Proc, XXVII, p. 69.
PRIDDY (St. Lawrence). There are three sections of screenwork in this church, all of the
representative local type. The roodscreen stands in the chancel arch, and the others in the
arches north and south, in line with same. Both the roodscreen and that on the north are
ancient, but the south-aisle section has been added in recent years, being the gift of a local family.
It is designed in conformity with the old, but is not so good in detail. The roodscreen, as it now
stands, shows six narrow lights, with the usual crocketed tracery-heads (Fig. 86), to the north
side of the central opening ; four in the central compartment over the door head, and four
more on the south. Probably the last section was originally wider, but no doubt the screen must
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 185
have been narrowed when set back. There is the usual flat four-centre door head, but the
doors are missing ; and the cornice enrichments and cresting have also disappeared.
The lower compartments exhibit the usual pattern in the heads, of a cinquefoiled ogee arch
supporting two quatrefoiled circles.
The screen in the north aisle is precisely similar in detail, but smaller, having three lights over
the door, and two on each side. The hollows for two rows of enrichment remain in the cornice,
but these were missing in 1902, when these notes were made. A remarkable stone pulpit stands
engaged with the pier respond on the south side of the chancel arch, the wall behind it being
curiously cut away.
PURITON. This church retains a small plain screen of oak.
PUXTON (St. Saviour). There is a'plain stone screen in this church, of late date, very
massive, and about four feet high, to the chancel-opening. It is the lower part of the old
roodscreen. Traces of the old roodloft balcony have recently been discovered on the face of
the nave walls. Archceological Journal, LVI, p. 150 (1899).
QUANTOXHEAD, EAST (St. Mary). In this little church, whose interior possesses in a
singular degree the old-world charm of mellow tones and rich harmonious detail, is a screen of
the earlier and simpler type (Plate LIIIb), with rectangular openings, quite clear in their lower
part, but having in their heads a pendent veil, as it were, of graceful quatrefoil tracery. This
effect is produced by the loss of the mullions, which have been removed, as in so many other
cases. The main framework divides the screen into three parts, each sidelight being further
divided by a secondary main mullion, and as may be seen by the truncated ends of the tracery-
bars, a single tracery-mullion was originally connected with these and formed two narrower
lights in each division. The work is decidedly early, as the solidly-moulded framing shows.
Against the main standards are pinnacled buttress ornaments, and the cornice is embattled.
The lower panels are traceried, and a pair of low doors, rising only the height of the transom-rail,
stand in the central opening. The screens at Culbone, Pawlett, Enmore, etc., are in a measure
related to this. Some years ago there was a plastered or boarded tympanum over the screen,
with paintings upon its face. The church contains a complete set of very fine bench-ends,
with varied and original designs. The pulpit is a very early Renaissance work, with angle
uprights and panels richly carved.
Som. Arch. Proc, LII, pp. 61-69 (illus.) ; Building News, March 24th, 1893
(sketches) ; Collinson's " Somerset " (Braikenridge interleaved copy). Vol. Ill, has a
sketch showing the original mullions in the screen.
QUANTOXHEAD, WEST (St. Audries). The roodscreen, which was taken to pieces when
the old church was demolished, circ. 1857, has fortunately been preserved, and after a sojourn
of nearly fifty years in the lumber room at the Manor House, has been placed by Sir A. Acland
Hood in the hands of a local antiquary, with a view to its ultimate restoration to sacred uses.
The writer's attention was first drawn to the work by a notice in an early publication of the
Camden Society, in which it was spoken of as a very beautiful screen, and recommended as a
model. On local enquiry, all trace of it seemed to have disappeared, but it was at length fo'und
under an accumulation of lumber, and by Sir A. Acland Hood's permission, the fragments
were measured and photographed, and the drawing made, from which the accompanying
illustration is here reproduced by the courtesy of the editor of the R.I.B.A. Journal
(Fig. 98).
24— (2239)
186
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
The fragments are wonderfully complete — the crestings alone are missing, and have
been added in the drawing according to conjecture. It will be seen that the screen is
one of seven divisions, the lights small, and acutely pointed, the tracery very good and
substantial. The screen is fan-vaulted, the fillings being prettily traceried. The cornice has
Rood ScREEN StAudrils W. Somerset.
From old Church pulled down in 1853.
E.LE.VAT10N
Bay Door
Part Elevation
Standard.
Fig. 98
four rows of choice enrichments, in which the vine and pomegranate motifs are
delicately treated. The lower panels are well traceried. The whole has been covered with
yellowish paint, beneath which are some traces of older colour, but nothing to give any clue as
to the original scheme, if any, of illumination. The Camden Society record a tradition current
in the early part of the last century that this screen came from Cleeve Abbey.
Camden Society's "Hints to Church Builders," 1842; R.I.B.A. Journal, 15th
Oct., 1904, pp. 549-551 ; Som. Arch. Proc, Vol. LII, p. 63 ; Ecclesiologist, III, p. 162 ;
Collinson's " Somerset " (Braikenridge interleaved copy in the Museum of the
Som. Arch. Soc, Taunton), Vol. Ill, f. 467, has an old sketch showing the screen
in the original church, circ. 1845.
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMKKSKI 187
QUEEN CAMEL (St. Barnabas). This glorious screen, majestic in its proportions, and the
chaste severity of detail, belongs to the family of Somerset screens of which High Ham
is the selected representative.
It is transomed, like High Ham, half-way up the lofty lights and in the arched heads is a
delicate grille-work of Perpendicular tracery, the term being in this instance specially well
justified. There are five divisions, the screen being to the nave only. The work is in perfect
order, retaining the doors, and the fan-vaulting and cornices complete. The vaulting has some
very simple tracery in the heads of the panels. The cornice enrichments are excellent, and very
rich, but their luxuriance is restrained by the grouped bands of simple mouldings which encase
them (Plate LXVIb). Altogether the spirit animating this work is one inclining to severity,
notwithstanding the abundance of detail. A screen of very similar nature is to be seen at
Meare, just over the Wilts border, where the effect has been further enhanced by the restoration
of the roodloft. 1 Queen Camel screen stands just to the west of the chancel arch, which is
very tall, and is panelled under the soffit. The screen appears to have been moved from its
original position, not being quite long enough to fit. The ends have the appearance of being
cut off.
The roodloft was erected by the parishioners — not by the Rector (Som. Arch. Proc. XXXVI).
It is in excellent condition, and retains the mortises for images upon the beam and two larger
mortises close together in the centre, for struts to the rood. There are also two more large
mortises at equal distances on either side, indicating the position of four large images, two
on each side of the rood — with smaller ones between for statuettes or candlesticks. The chancel
arch, like that of Pilton, appears coeval with the screen itself. On the cap of the nave-respond
on north side is a carving of vine-leaf with sinuous stem, something like what is on the screen.
A few feet clear of the loft are two curious grotesque heads attached to a moulded rib following
the east side of the chancel arch, with crocketted canopy work just below.
The lower panels of the screen are enriched with cinquefoiled ogee tracery-heads under foliated
canopies like screens of the Dunster district — but with a single tracery panel below, instead of
two, as at Old Cleeve. The pulpit is a magnificent specimen of mediaeval woodwork, like those
at Castle Cary and Long Sutton, and contains a range of fine nichework in which formerly there
were a series of statuettes. The screen, some few years ago, underwent a careful restoration by
Pearson. Bath Field Club Proc, I. p. 99; Som. Arch. Proc, XXXVI, p. 43.
RADDINGTON (St. Michael). The roodscreen is very interesting, being of the earliest
Perpendicular work. It is of five divisions, three of which, i.e., the doorway and the two lights
on the north, retain their tracery-heads, which exhibit arched fenestrations set in rectangular
heads, the spandrels being carved. The south side of the screen is nothing but a skeleton
framework, one light being gutted for the reading-pew, and the other for the pulpit approach. The
front of the reading-desk, facing west, is fitted with panelling dated 1713, incised like Jacobean
work. The roodloft stairs are gone, the recess which once contained them being now used for
a window to light the pulpit.
Some years ago this screen was badly mutilated, the moulded bressummer from the west
front of the loft being carried back and attached to the head of the screen itself, the feet of the
two carved triangular spandrel-brackets which supported it at each end, being cut off, together
with the bases of the little shafts attached to them. An old water-colour sketch preserved
1 Other screens affiliated in design are Banwell and Kingsbury Episcopi (both of which are later
and much inferior in execution), whilst Pilton roodscreen (now at North Cheriton) has points of
similarity.
188
ROODSCREENS AND RCODLOFTS
in the interleaved copy of Collinson's " Somerset," now at Taunton, shows the screen and
tympanum in a more perfect state, and considerable remains of colour and gilding.
Fig. 99
In the accompanying illustration (Fig. 99), these brackets are shown restored to their
original form, and the beam brought forward to its proper place some feet westward of the
screen, the space between being panelled with a hollow coving, supporting the loft. The rood-
loft itself we have not endeavoured to restore in the sketch, but the rood-beam with its
" tympanum " above it is still there, the latter being now plastered over. Doubtless this once
PLATE LXVI
CORNICE ENRICHMENTS IN SOMERSET SCREENWORK
. *.. r ', ■* ^ , '. >*^-i - -» <-^> ^*-> <- -»*v» » ^vrv >v?* -»",u?^ -^~f* ^v^-
». «-»».v7
(A) Roodscreen : High Ham, Somerset
■M
(B) Roodscreen : Queen Camel. Somerset
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 189
formed the background for a rood and statuary, and possibly, like so many other partitions of
this kind, displayed some sort of sacred picture. The detail of this screen, particularly of the
cornice, is good. It is to be regretted that the doors are missing. They were perfect in 1844,
and were cited as a good model for adaptation to modern work in the Ecclesiologisl of that year.
The church underwent some " restoration " in 1845 and 1852.
Som. Arch. Proc, XXIX, p. 18 ; ibid., LII, pp. 59, 60 ; Ecclesiologist, Ill, p. 162 ;
Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 79 ; Exeter Dioc. Arch. Soc. Proc.V, ii, p. 126;
Sketch in Collinson's " Somerset " (Braikenridge Collection) in Taunton Castle
Library, Vol. III.
RADSTOCK. The church contains a richly carved oak chancel screen erected to the memory
of the former vicar, Mr. Nelson Ward, by members of his family, from the designs of
F. Bligh Bond.
RODNEY STOKE (St. Leonard). The screen and loft in this church are of quite exceptional
interest, as they furnish perhaps the sole surviving instance of a chancel screen with minstrels'
gallery over it erected in the seventeenth century in accordance with ancient precedent and in
a style approximating to that of the century previous under the influence of the Laudian
revival (vide pp. 113-114). The church was thus adorned by the zeal of Sir Edward Rodney,
temp. Charles I, who threw the heavy beam of black oak across the chancel arch, and thereon
erected the ornate and beautiful gallery-front as we still see it, but the floor of the gallery itself
has been cleared away. This loft was used for singers and instrumentalists right down to the
Victorian era, a witness to the continuity of the old traditional use of the loft, at least in
the West Country (Fig. 78).
The beam is covered with shallow surface-carvings in imitation of the lost Gothic craft, and the
date, 1625, appears on two shields. Below it is a chancel screen of four "open panels with curious
arabesque heads. The gallery-front above consists of a balustrade of nine openings.
R.I. B. A. Journal, Oct. 15th, 1905 ; " Hierurgia Anglicana," 1848 edn., pp. 67, 68
(note) ; Som. Arch. Proc, XXXIV, p. 30 ; ibid., IX, i, p. 42 ; Walcott's " Sacred
Archaeology."
RUISHTON (St. George). Except for a half-dozen traceried panels, and a small quantity
of other ornament, the roodscreen is entirely gone. The fragments remaining form a panelling
against the east wall of the chancel, on each side of the altar, and from their nature, inspire a
profound regret that the rest of so fine a work has vanished (Plate LXIIIc). These panels are
richly traceried, with exquisite carved canopies over the traceried surface, the refinement of the
work being more suggestive of mediaeval cabinet work than screenwork. These are made up
into a rectangular framework, three on each side of the centre, and furnished with a cresting
of the usual strawberry-leaf type. The roodloft stair exists on the north side of the church.
Som. Arch. Proc, XVIII, p. 66; Jeboult's "West Somerset," II, p. 81.
ST. DECUMAN 'S (Watchet). There remain in this church two screens, uniform in height
and in general character but different in detail — the roodscreen, and another in line with it
across the south aisle.
There is no screen in the corresponding position in the north aisle, nor is it probable that the
fellow screen to those now surviving has been in existence for generations past, seeing that the
roodloft doorway of access to the loft, in the north-aisle wall, is masked by the heavy mural
monument to the brothers George and Henry Wyndham, who died in 1613 and 1624, the position
of which, and its bulk, would prevent such a screen being fixed here.
Within living memory, however, there was a slight piece of screenwork in the north aisle —
this was cleared away when the Earl of Egremont, with men in his employ, began to demolish the
190 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
screens. The Vicar stopped this proceeding, and the woodwork remained in the state in which it
was then left, for fifty years or so — until 1891, in fact — when a general restoration took place.
A curious feature of this church is the existence of a second roodloft stair in the south wall,
one bay westward of the other. The late Vicar, Rev. C. H. Heale, an expert antiquary, considers
that this was the older staircase, and marked the original line taken by the screenwork, prior
to 1491 or thereabouts. Up to that date, he believes, the church possessed a central tower,
which fell, and in its fall, mutilated the screenwork. The registers mention the reparation of the
church at this date. The church was then re-built without a central tower, the nave being
carried one bay further to the eastward, and the screens, he thinks, re-erected at a late date, in
this new position. A new roodloft stair turret was built in the north wall, in preparation for a
loft, but it appears doubtful whether the staircase was ever used — the fact that a slab was placed
over the upper doorway (circa 1625) showing that it was certainly out of employment in those
days, and indicating a probability that the screens then had no loft at all.
There is, of course, the alternative possibility — a possibility only — that the southern section
of the screenwork stood at one time in advance of the other — and by means of a return screen
at right-angles to connect with the roodscreen, the desired access would be got from this side
by a zig-zag passage along the top of the two screens. This is the arrangement surviving at
Dennington, Suffolk (Plate XXVI), and which may have existed in other churches, but
Mr. Heale's theory holds the ground for probability in the case of this church.
The roodscreen is very like some of the others in the neighbourhood, exhibiting the customary
tracery. It has unfortunately lost all its fan-vaulting, its place being supplied by flat carved
spandrels added at the restoration in 1891. The spandrels and cornice over were added at that
date — the cresting superadded later by Mr. Heale, who also placed the carved rood over the
centre. In a photograph taken some years before the restoration, the two arcaded bays south
of the central door are seen to have been cut away down to the dado-rail, and their place
taken by an open elliptic arch having a classic cornice, and " Grinling Gibbons " foliage spandrels
standing out in bold relief on a flat ground. The work looks rather like that in Crowcombe
screen, and may have been erected under the same influence. The date might reasonably be
put down at about 1720. Mr. Heale says that there used to be a family pew of the Wyndhams
in St. Peter's Chapel at the east end of the north aisle, with carvings and open Italian work
very like that at Crowcombe in character, but coarser than what was on the screen. All
this has now disappeared, and the roodscreen, with its two restored bays, presents a symmetrical
appearance. The screen in the south aisle offers, as a variant, a thickened central mullion
running into the arched heads. The lower panels exhibit several varieties of design, mostly
having a family likeness to the " Dunster " pattern, and there are considerable traces of ancient
colour on both sections of the screen, chiefly bluish-green, and red, with twists of red and
white, black and white, and green and white, on the beads. There is also a parclose screen of
simple Perpendicular character. The chancel arch in this church is a mere stone rib — a
compromise between the West Country and Southern or Central English types of church.
" St. Decuman's Church," by Rev. C. H. Heale ; Som. Arch. Proc, LII, pp. 68-69 ;
ibid.. VI, p. 15.
SAMPFORD BRETT (St. George). The old roodscreen has disappeared, and it is stated
that it was taken out and destroyed in 1843, at a time when the church was sadly pulled
about and modernised. The screen had stood for some time previous to its destruction, at the
east end. The chancel at this date was lengthened, the old tracery of the windows removed,
west door added, etc. (The window tracery lies still in the rectory garden.) At the same
time a carved oak-font cover disappeared. The church still retains some very fine old
bench-ends, which are now its sole remaining glory. Communicated by Rev. C. H. Heale.
PLATE LXVII
COMPARISON OF CORNICE ENRICHMENTS (SOMERSET AND DEVON)
(A) Roodsckeen : Banwell, Somerset
No. i
No. 3
No. 2
(B) Roodscreen: Atherington, N. Devon
SCREENWOKK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 191
SAINT KATHERINE'S, BATH. Dr. Tunstall, writing in 1847, describes the hall as being
then divided by a screen of elaborate workmanship, bearing the arms of King Henry VII. The
church contains no screen, but has a very fine pulpit of Tudor date, with decorations and colour
described by Dr. Tunstall as resembling that upon the screen at Wellow.
SEAVINGTON (St. Mary). There are remains of a triple chancel arch in this church.
SELWORTHY (All Saints). At one time a screen of oak, beautifully carved, stood all across
the church. Its destruction is usually attributed to " Cromwell's soldiers," but if this be so,
then, says Dr. Cox, " they were kind enough to store away considerable portions of it in that
wonderful building, the old Tithe Barn." In that place, some fifty years ago, were the main
beams of the cornice, for nave and both aisles. These were seen by Dr. Cox, who is also quite
certain that this screen was one of the fan-vaulted order, like those of Minehead and Dunster,
though there were not many'parts left. This screen was, as a matter of fact, destroyed at the
same time that the well-made western gallery was put up, and the oriel thrown out of the parvise
to make a state pew for the Aclands.
Large parts of the Selworthy screen were formerly kept (about 1850) by the old Sir Thos.
Acland — grandfather of the present squire — in two small houses in Bossington. It is believed
that some portions are still preserved, though not accessible to inspection.
Dr. Tunstall's " Rambles about Bath," p. 237.
The oak gallery referred to as standing at the west end of the church appears to be a late
eighteenth century affair. The following notes are contributed by Rev. C. H. Heale : — " John
Home of Selworthy, by will, probably 1544, bequeathed 20s. towards the making of this screen.
Edward Stenyng, by will, probably Jan. 29, 1524, bequeathed to the rode-lighte in the south aisle,
6s. 8d." Som. Arch. Proc, LII (1906), p. 34 ; ibid., XXXV, p. 20.
No doubt the screen must have been considerably damaged by the Cromwellian troopers, as
a detachment of Sir Hardresse Waller's brigade were quartered in the parish during the Civil
War, and it is recorded that they wrecked the church, destroying the glass, and throwing down
the altars.
SHEPTON MALLET (SS. Peter and Paul). Fragments of the old roodscreen are worked
into the fifteenth century pulpit, and other parts of the church.
Note by Prof. F. J. Allen : Som. Arch. Proc, XXX, p. 18.
SHIPHAM. In the old church demolished in 1843 was a western gallery over the Baptistery
at end of nave. This had a front of mediaeval panelling with traceried enrichments, probably
from the screen. The gallery was mounted on a solid wall, and approached by an external flight
of steps on the north side of the church.
Collinson's " Somerset " (Braikenridge collection), Vol. Ill, f. 600 c, in Taunton Museum.
SOMERTON (St. Michael). What appears to be the lower part of the old roodscreen now
forms a septum between the nave and south aisle, being turned at right angles from its true
position. It has some fair tracery work. The chancel is lined with fine Jacobean panelling
in excellent order, having a very rich effect. There is also an illuminated pulpit of carved oak,
dating from 1615, and appearing coeval with the panelling. These features, with the oak stalls
(which are fairly good) give a very satisfactory and pleasing appearance to the chancel. The
altar-piece is dated 1626, and the Communion Table is of the same date.
Som. Arch. Proc, XL, p. 37.
192
ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
SPAXTON. The screen is removed, but the church is full of old carved oak. There is a
mediaeval pulpit, with panels, English in character ; but the bench-ends are Renaissance,
exhibiting Flemish feeling. One bears the date 1536.
Som. Arch. Proc, VIII (several pages of illustrations of woodwork at
commencement of vol.) ; ibid., XLIII, p. 37.
STAPLE FITZPAINE (St. Peter). (1) The screen at present dividing nave from chancel
is not the original screen of the
church, but has been brought
here from another and much
smaller church, probably that of
Bickenhall (now destroyed). It
contains the old doors, used as
fixed lights, and there is an
unsightly gap in lieu of central
doorway. The heads of the
screen are of a rather unusual
Fig. 99a type, somewhat similar to those
of Stockland Bristol. A
neat embattled cornice
surmounts the screen, but
the head and framework
seems mostly modern (Fig.
99a).
(2) Two portions of what
appears to be the former
roodscreen of this church
still survive — one consists
of a couple of bays with
very good traceried heads,
arcaded, in rectangular
framework — the other shows
a third tracery head now
made into the back of the clergy seat
illustration of the latter (Fig. 99b).
Fig. 99b
The tracery of each is different. We give an
Proc. Som. Arch. Soc, Vol. LIV(1908), p. 149.
STOCKLAND BRISTOL (St. Mary) (Fig. 100). The roodscreen was removed from the
church when the latter was rebuilt many years ago, and portions of it remain in the custody
of the Lord of the Manor.
It was a small, rectangular-headed screen of the same class as those of Otterhampton and
Staple Fitzpaine, but showing considerable variety in the pattern of the tracery heads, and that
of the panels below the rail. The folding-doors remain, also one side bay, in a fairly perfect
state, and fragments of another. The illustration shows the effective nature of the tracery,
which would make this screen an excellent model for new work. The cornice is unfortunately
missing. The work shows colour and gilding, apparently ancient. There is some hope of a
partial restoration of this screen, but not in its ancient form, because the proportions of the
church are altered.
Fig. 100
25— (2239)
194 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
STOGUMBER. The roodscreen has been broken up, but some interesting fragments
survive. (1) Two pieces of the lower panelling, now fastened into a modern door at the head of
the roodloft staircase. These are fixed one above the other, and between them is a piece of
vine-leaf cornice enrichment. (2) Two of the traceried fenestrations of the screen are preserved
in the Vicarage Loft, where they form part of a discarded set of altar-rails. They exhibit a
character somewhat similar to that of the screen at Otterhampton — and are of late Perpendicular
work (rectagonal heads). There is also a good fragment of vine-leaf cornice about 14 in. long.
Note by F. C. Ecles.
STOKE ST. GREGORY. The screen is gone, but there is a very remarkable pulpit, curiously
carved, and a handsome reading-desk with linen-fold panels, and shields dated 1595 and 1268.
The bench-ends are also very fine. Jeboult's " West Somerset."
STOKE-SUB-HAMDON (St. Andrew). There is in this church a stone screen of the
fifteenth century, removed some years ago to the eastern arch of the north transept. The
church also contains a fine Jacobean pulpit.
Ecclesiologist, XXIII, p. 304 ; Bath Field Club Proc, II, 356 ; ibid., IV, 249 ;
ibid., VI, 230 ; Som. Arch. Proc, IV, ii, 1, 9, 11 ; ibid., XVII, i, 56.
TAUNTON (St. Mary's). The mother church of Taunton has been rebuilt and retains no
ancient screenwork. In the published account of the old church and its restoration is an
interesting picture of the nave, showing the chancel-arch filled with a deep gallery over the
screen, the front being apparently Jacobean, and having the royal arms in centre. Over the
arch are the Tables of the Law, with large figures of Moses and Aaron. A sketch is given. (Fig.
70, ante.) The church contains some notable modern woodwork — there is excellent sanctuary
panelling, and a particularly fine screen and gallery to the tower.
Jeboult's " West Somerset," III, p. 29.
TAUNTON (St. James). The oak roodscreen, finely carved, was removed some years ago,
sold for £3, and re-erected in an adjoining house. Mr. Jeboult, about the year 1870, rescued
some of these fine old carvings, and sent some of them to the Somerset Museum, where portions
of the churchyard cross may also be seen. Jeboult's " West Somerset," III, p. 29.
TAUNTON (Wilton Church). Had an old western gallery with the royal arms on it in
the seventies. Jeboult's " West Somerset," II.
THORN ST. MARGARET'S. The church has been rebuilt in a poor style, but a few old features
are retained, amongst these being a section of the old screenwork, now fitted as a vestry partition
on the south side of the chancel (Plate LXIIIb). Only about half the screen remains. Before
the church was rebuilt it had stood for some time in the arch which separated the tower from the
body of the church, but how long, is not known. The surviving portion consists of two perfect
and two imperfect bays. The two perfect sections are narrow, each divided by a single mullion
into two lights, and having rather rudely-cut Perpendicular tracery in the heads. These appear
to have been the doors of the old screen. The two mutilated sections each form part of a four-
light compartment balancing in width that of the two-door sections together, and suggesting
an original arrangement like Otterhampton, Stockland-Bristol, or Winsham, but the work is
much coarser and contains debased forms. The mullions have a rough baluster form, and
there are buttress-like ornaments upon the standards of very unusual character.
Jeboult's "West Somerset," II, p. 91.
PLATE LXVIII
CORNICE ENRICHMENTS COMPARED
The large vine-leaf in the upfir row (No. I) may be compared with those in Plate LA'//,
also the members numbered (2), (3a) and (3b)
No. i
No. 3A
S&
tf&
j^ j^* iv jW r
No. i
No.
\ ;^i^t:^ fc'ttya :£ :fc£ v£* a ■' * - * * $ > * £ »
(A) Roodsckeen : Pinhoe Chdrch, Devon
No. i
No. a
No. 3
(B) Roodscreen: Kingsnympion Church, Devon
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 195
THURLOXTON (St. Giles). The screen here is almost a counterpart in style of the screen
at North Newton, but this has only three bays to North Newton's five. With its massive fluted
pilasters, heavy entablature, and deep arched heads all in black oak, it wears a dignified and
sombre aspect, relieved somewhat by the delicate feathering of the arcades, and the fine
enrichments of the frieze. The pulpit which stands at the south-west of the screen is a fine
piece of work, with figures in bold relief occupying the panels. The benches retain some work
of a character agreeing with that of the screen.
TIMBERSCOMBE (St. Michael) (Plate LXIVb). There remains of this screen the nave
portion, consisting of five bays — the south-aisle portion has gone. This is a fan- vaulted screen,
and happily what remains is well preserved, vaulting and cornices being perfect. The arcades
are filled with well-proportioned tracery of Perpendicular type, the tracery heads being slender
and acutely pointed as at St^ Audries' (W. Quantoxhead screen). The cornices on the west
side consist of the customary four rows of well-executed carvings, but on the east the members
are uncarved, and consist of simple contours in the solid. It is to be regretted that at a recent
date the panels of the vaulting and some other features of the screen were smothered with paint
in the worst possible taste — patches of pale blue and sickly salmon alternating.
Som. Arch. Proc, LII, p. 67, and Plate VIII.
TINTINHULL. There was originally a stone screen in this church, the upper part of which
would appear by an entry in the church accounts to have been removed in 1451-2 for the purpose
of erecting a new roodscreen and loft upon its base. A rood was also added in the same year.
40s. is the cost mentioned of the roodloft, and 6s. 8d. for wainscoting same. The fact that the
breastwork of the older stone screen was retained is worthy of note, owing to the fact that
parallel instances exist in the county (Puxton, Compton Dundon, etc.), and in one case
(Congresbury) the stone base is surmounted by a fifteenth century wood screen.
TOLLAND. In 1893, this church is described as possessing some portions of its old rood-
screen, worked into the front of a western gallery in 1839. The roodloft stair turret and stairs
remained. There was a well-carved Elizabethan pulpit, and curious old bench-ends. Other
portions of the screen were lying in the belfry in 1844.
Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 93 ; Ecclesiologist, III, p. 30.
TRENT (St. Andrew). The roodscreen is of five bays, very perfect, except that the north-
end bay has been despoiled of its tracery in order to accommodate a doorway in the east wall
of nave, and that at the southern extremity has had one-half the tracery also removed. The
screen is of the transomed variety, like those at Mere and Queen Camel, but not so lofty or
well proportioned. The detail of the lights is similar, but in this screen the central doorhead
rises higher than the transom-line of the lights. The screen stands against the west side of the
chancel-arch, in the same position as those at Mere and Queen Camel. No roodloft door is
visible owing to the modernisation of the walls. The fan-vaulting remains, and exhibits a very
remarkable feature in the girdle-rib which intersects with the fan-ribs, and runs round the
vaulting-fan half-way up its height. The cornices are extremely fine, and contain three rows
of enrichment with a small top-cresting, all retaining old gold and colour (Plate LXVb). The
pulpit is a most interesting Renaissance work in oak, full of rich figure-sculpture, by a foreign
artist. It appears Flemish or German. It stands by the south end of the screen. Opposite,
against the north end, stands an old reading-pew, facing towards the church. This is covered
with Gothic niche work, and appears to be made out of a pulpit similar to those at Queen Camel
or Long Sutton, as the design is obviously the same — though the detail is inferior. The latter
196 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
remark applies generally to this screen, which is like a poor copy of Queen Camel screen, whose
general features are here reproduced in a rough fashion, neither detail nor proportion being
at all comparable to the other.
The lower panels here have the same sort of foliated canopy that we see on the St. Decuman's
screen and others in that district. The church retains some interesting old bench-ends with a
few poppy-heads.
Som. Arch. Proc, XX, p. 76 ; Arch. Assoc. Sketch Book, 3rd series, III, pi. 6.
TRULL (All Saints). There are invaluable remains of old screenwork and other mediaeval
oak fittings in this church. The roodscreen is unfortunately mutilated. It is of three bays
spanning the nave (Plate LXIVa). These are of extraordinary width. They have arched heads,
and the screen retains its fan-vaulting, which is very beautiful, the ribs being multiplied (seven
free ribs to each fan) and their narrow fillings encrusted with rich embossed ornament of the
Kingsnympton type (see Plate LXVIIIb {Devon section), said to be the work of a local carver,
though to some extent influenced by Renaissance ideas. There is evidence of the former
existence of a thickened central mullion running up through the middle of the lights into
the head (as at Hartland, Burrington, Tiverton,1 etc.), which would have restored the good
proportion of these bays, but this, together with all the tracery, has been cleared out by some
vandal of the nineteenth century. The cornices are among the best in the county, and consist
(on the west side) of four tiers of magnificent vignette-enrichment, held by single beads, the
lower or hanging crest also remaining, though the upper is missing. These are like the cornices
of some of the Devon screens, as Kentisbere — but we can find close parallel in Somerset at
Halse, Brushford, Withycombe, or Bicknoller.
The roodscreen is unusual in form, as it is complete to the nave, and never extended to the
aisles. There is no provision for staircases, in the aisle walls, but the approach to the loft is
curiously contrived within the pier on the north side of the screen, which is flattened for
the purpose. It takes the form of a steep flight of steps — almost a stone ladder. This is
now blocked up.
There are screens in both aisles, placed in line with the roodscreen, but of entirely
different character, and not constructed to carry a loft. These are of excellent Perpendicular
design, light in character, with rectangular tracery heads containing an arcuated form in pierced
trefoiled spandrels. The double dado-rail with its pierced interstitial member (Plate LXIXb)
is singular and very pleasing, being filled with beautiful tracery of ogee quatrefoils, giving
a sinuous horizontal line. Between the cusps are carved paterae, very rich in effect.
In the hollows of the moulded framework are small embossed stars, like those upon the
vaulting at Norton Fitzwarren and Bishop's Lydeard. Over the doorhead of the north aisle
screen is an obscure inscription. The lower panels are very good examples of the linenfold
pattern but these have been recently badly mutilated by the schoolboy tenants of the pew
abutting on the screen.
Against the pier on the south side of the chancel-opening is a panelled casing, made up of
old fragments. It forms a back to the pulpit. This is, perhaps, the most remarkable in the
county, having several faces, each exhibiting a large niche containing a carved figure of rather
remarkable size. These most interesting carvings are in a singularly perfect state, and
represent the four Latin doctors. Over their heads are foliated canopies, behind and above
which are placed demi-figures of angels, filling the heads of the compartments. The angels
of the pulpit are marked by crocketted buttress-standards, the salient members supporting
smaller statuettes in hollow niches, of a diminutive order.
1 Now at Holcombe Rogus.
Fig. 101
198 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
There is no chancel arch in this church, which thus may be classed as one of the true
West-Country type — but over the threshold dividing nave and chancel is a plastered
tympanum, such as originally furnished the background for rood and images above the loft,
and bore, probably, a painting of the " Doom." What is beneath this particular tympanum
is not ascertained.
The bench- ends are remarkably fine. Most of them are traceried, much in the same style
as those at Milverton and other neighbouring churches, but a few show figures forming part of
an ecclesiastical procession, viz., a priest, a deacon, or chorister, cross-bearer, etc. The date
1510 is visible on one of the benches.
At the west end of the aisles is some woodwork dated 1560, and inscribed with the maker's
name, Simon Warman, which also appears upon the benches at Broomfield.
Colling's " Gothic Ornament," Vol. II, plate 42 ; Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 95 ;
Somerset Arch. Soc, Vol. LIV (1908), p. 150.
WATCHET. (See St. Decuman's.)
WELLINGTON (St. John Baptist). The roodscreen is missing, but remains of it were
stored in an outhouse in the " forties " of the last century. The chancel arch is late, and was
evidently enlarged in the latter part of the fifteenth century in a very rough fashion, probably a
part of a scheme for the introduction of a large and elaborate roodscreen. In other churches in
the neighbourhood, as at Bradford and West Buckland, the face of the chancel arch was cut clean
away in front (in the latter case in a bold and irregular manner) to make room for a late screen.
Wellington church contains a little old oak, in the shape of a few bench-ends worked up into
pulpit panels, with others at a recent date in two gallery- fronts at the west end of the church.
The reading-desk is Jacobean, apparently made from some domestic work. The pulpit is of
Italian design, but ornamented with Gothic figures. The two large boards, with panel
paintings of Moses and Aaron, from over the screen, are preserved in the belfry, as they are
also at Lyng.
Som. Arch. Proc. XXXYIII (1892), pp. 18-24 ; Ecclesiologist, Vol. II, p. 140;
Jeboult's " West Somerset," II, p. 94-5.
WELLOW (St. Julian). (1) The chancel screen survives, and is in good condition. It is
of oak, well carved, having the usual range of narrow upright divisions, separated by moulded
standards, and with tracery of the customary kind (see Fig. 86). The lights are grouped in
three compartments, the two extreme ones each containing four divisions set in a stout moulded
framework. The doors, with another four lights over, occupy the centre. They are perfect
and the doorhead (which shows the usual depressed arch) has some exquisite work in the
spandrels. The dado-rail is enriched with a sunk ornament on face, and the lower panels are
traceried in the manner common to many screens — with an ogee cinquefoil archlet between two
quatrefoiled circles forming the spandrels. 1
(2) In the north-aisle arch is a second screen of a subsidiary order, much plainer in design
than the first, and lower in elevation. It has a little tracery in the heads of simple cusp-work,
of Perpendicular type, and its chief interest lies in the amount of old colour enrichment it has
retained. This screen fences a chapel which was at one time the chapel of the Hungerford family,
and which still retains traces of its old magnificence in the very fine oak ceiling with its carved
and coloured enrichments. The shields on the ceiling display the arms of the Hungerfords of
Wellow, and the Tropnells of Hassage, a local manor.
1 The roodloft entrance is in the east wall of nave, high up on the south side of the chancel arch.
Its position shows that there must have been a very lofty coving over the screen to bring the work
up to the level required for the floor.
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 199
During the restoration of this chapel, two specimens of old oak panelling carrying remains
of early painting were found supporting the lead flat adjoining the chancel-roof, and these appeal
to have formed originally part of one of the screens, probably the parclose on the chancel side
(now gone). The old oak benches in this church are a notable feature. The ends have bold
poppy head finials, and sunk panelled enrichment. Both these and the screenwork are probably
of early fifteenth century date. The church itself dates chiefly from 1372, when it was rebuilt,
and is interesting as evidence of the early prevalence of' the Perpendicular style in the district.
Somerset Arch. Soc. (Bath Branch), 1905 (?) ; Peach's " Rambles about Bath " ;
Bath Field Club Trans., II, 356, and IV, 244 ; Tunstall's " Rambles about Bath,"
p. 157 ; South Kensington list of painted screens.
WELLS CATHEDRAL. The pulpitum, or choir-screen, is one of our characteristic
cathedral screens, and,still exhibits upon its western face a good deal of very fair canopied niche
work, though this is rather shallow in effect as compared with some of the others.
The screen underwent a good deal of alteration in the earlier half of the nineteenth century,
when it was modified in shape, probably in order to accommodate a choir organ of larger size.
A central bay was projected to the westward, breaking the continuity of the front in the manner
now seen. An old drawing exhibited in the Museum of Shepton Mallet during the summer
meeting of 1907 shows the appearance of the screen prior to this alteration, and the range
of niches or canopies is there seen in alignment — no projection whatever is visible.
There are several instances of stone screenwork in the Cathedral, but none perhaps of very
striking character except that which encloses Bishop Beckington's monument, and which
possesses a cornice enrichment of running vine, perhaps the very finest of its class. Mr. Crossley's
photograph (Plate XVIa) shows well its perfections. Every line is instinct with vitality and
breathes the soul of the artist. Som. Arch. Prop., XXXIV, p. 28.
WELLS (St. Cuthbert). The Corporation seats were originally part of a screen at
Glastonbury. A portion of the old carved benches is illustrated, showing some rather original
detail. Worth's " Guide to Somerset."
WESTON-IN-GORDANO (St. Paul). The roodscreen remains in skeleton form, having
been despoiled of nearly every feature which would indicate its original character. The
framework still standing shows that it was a simple structure of early type, probably dating from
the latter years of the fourteenth century. The cornice enrichments are gone, and the tracery
of the fenestrations has been taken clean away, its place being filled now with a modern
substitute, which though only attached very roughly, to some extent masks the forlorn
condition of the screen. It is one of those little screens of three divisions, of which East
Quantoxhead screen is a good representative specimen, and was probably very similar to
that one. There are indications of the former existence of return screens enclosing chantry-altars
attached to the western face of the screen. One of these return screens was in situ in the time
of the previous incumbent. The slabs of the two altars, which have been recently exhumed
from beneath the nave floor at the foot of the screen, are of polished stone, incised with the five
crosses. There was a roodloft, the staircase being on the south side. The loft projected
westwards towards a point where a bressummer formerly crossed the church, evidenced now only
by the corbels remaining in the walls on both sides, some four or five feet westward of the screen.
The chancel contains a remarkable rank of old stalls in black oak, and the benches in the
nave are of great antiquity — there being here some of those plain, rudely cut poppy-headed ends
which are also to be found at Chelvey, Clapton, and Kingston Seymour, and some of which are
200 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
considered to be among the earliest benches extant. This church is celebrated for the gallery
within the south porch, above the inner door, which here survives in a perfect form. It is
approached by a stair in the wall in the north-east corner of porch. It is a purely local feature,
being confined to North Somerset, where many churches exhibit traces of the same arrangement,
as Wraxall, Portishead, Westbury (Wells), and a great many more. As to the ritual uses of this
feature there has been much discussion, but the point appears to have been settled by reference
to the Sarum use which provides as follows.
Rutter described the screen as having two small stalls attached to the east side.
Rutter's " North-West Somerset," p. 245 ; Ecclesiologist, XXVI, p. 69.
WEST BUCKLAND. A screen is mentioned by Jeboult, in 1873 ; also handsome altar-rails
and benches stated by Mr. Parker to be of fourteenth century work.
WEST CAMEL. This church has, or had, a canopy of honour above the roodloft, in the
form of a flat painted ceiling. In 1873 there was standing under the tower, a reading-desk,
made of two old bench-ends. Som. Arch. Proc, XXXVI, p. 41.
WEST HATCH. There is some old carved oak incorporated with the pulpit.
Jeboult's " West Somerset," II.
WEST MONKTON. This church has a very beautiful Renaissance pulpit, with heavy
sounding-board, and a flaming urn above it. Jeboult's " West Somerset," II.
WEST PENNARD. (See Pennard, West.)
WHITCHURCH (St. Nicholas), BRISTOL. (1) The church retains two screens which
enclose the chapel on south side of chancel. Of these the more interesting is that which stands
in the transeptal arch (Plate LXIIIe). It represents a peculiar type of rather late work, very
rich and including many original features. It presents many points of similarity to the Wrington
screen and is probably by the same hand. The ornament running across the heads of the lights
under the tracery is very curious. The cornice is rich and perfect, with an excellent running
ornament, and a cresting which offers a delightful model, consisting of fluted shields held between
the curved stems of a bold strawberry-leaf pattern, the interstices giving a very choice example
of this characteristic ornament. Altogether this is one of the most effective crestings we have
seen. The screen is altogether well worthy of study and imitation.
(2) The parclose screen between chancel and south chapel is a very much plainer composition
and consists of a number of rectangular lights with X-form tracery in the heads forming triangular
cinquefoiled heads to lights and trefoiled triangles between the arms of the X. There is some
sunk tracery with flowing lines in the lower panels, and the transom has an enrichment of
square sunk paterae. This screen is probably much older than the other.
WHITESTAUNTON (St. Andrew). Within the reveal of the panelled arch of the chancel
stands a very beautiful, though much mutilated screen. It belongs to the earlier school of design,
and reproduces in the tracery-heads a character similar to those at Evercreech, showing the arch-
form within a rectangular framework. The divisions are narrow, and of two lights, there being
two on either side of the central opening, but, as an inspection of the framework shows these are
not in their original place, and all trace of the central compartment or doorway proper, is wanting,
there being nothing but a square reveal around it. The cornices, etc., are also utterly gone —
and a modern capping of moulded wood, unenriched, supplies its place. The lower panels of the
screen are very beautiful, and whilst reproducing in their upper half the forms of the tracery-
heads of screen, in their lower they exhibit a range of narrow vertical panels such as we see on
PLATE LXIX
TRACERIED DADO-RAILS
(A) Roodscreen : Gresford, N. Wales
(B) Trull : Somerset
Fig. 102
25— (2:39)
202 ROODSCREENS AND R00DLO11S
the Flemish panel-work at Wiveliscombe or the Lydeards — but these at Whitestaunton are
certainly English. They have been repaired. The old portions of the screen retain a quantity
of original colour, red and green. The arms of Bath and Wells are worked into the tracery of
the screen. Nothing is known as to the date when the roodloft, cornices, etc., were destroyed,
but it is evident from the position of the staircase that there must have been a loft of large and
wide dimensions. The chancel arch is also thought to have been enlarged to accommodate it.
Upon the wall at the east end of the nave are two blocks, which the Rector (Rev. H. R.
Cartwright) considers to have been the supports for the figures of St. John and the Blessed
Virgin Mary.
In the north wall of the chancel is a mural screen consisting of a central doorway and four
side-lights — two each side, in heavy stonework of Perpendicular design. The lights are guarded
by iron bars. This screen forms a means of visual communication from the chapel on the north
side. The lights are arched and cinquefoiled and from the heads a short vertical nosing rises,
making the heads of the spandrels rectangular. The doorhead is a plain two-centred arch.
There are some old bench-ends in the church, illustrated in the 1881 volume of these Proceedings.
Som. Arch. Proc, XXVII (1881), pp. 43-45; ibid., XLIX (1903), pp. 31-33;
Worth's " Guide to Somerset," p. 138.
WILLITON (St. Peter). The roodscreen was removed in 1854, when the church underwent a
cheap and destructive restoration. A small fragment only remains, worked into a reading-desk.
It consists of the larger part of one of the tracery heads of the screen lights. Fortunately an
architect's drawing, taken at the period of the survey for " restoration," is preserved, and shows
a pretty little screen, of five rectangular-headed bays, very similar to that of Enmore (now at
Huish Episcopi) (Fig. 97), and that of Pawlett (Fig. 83). The screen is shown standing
in a plain chancel-arch 15 ft. 6 ins. wide. It scales 8 ft. 6 ins. high to the top of the cornice.
The framework of the two lights on each side of the door appears to be mounted upon a low-
stone plinth-wall, but this cannot be regarded as a positive certainty, only as a strong
probability. Other screens in the county, as Congresbury, Puxton, and Compton Dundon,
have this stone base, but those of Enmore and Pawlett have not. Prior to 1830, there was a
stone pulpit, built into the wall of the church, of which all traces have now disappeared.
WINSHAM (St. Stephen) (Fig. 102). The screen, which stands in the eastern arch of the
tower, is of a very unusual and interesting type, and presents points for comparison with one
far remote from the district — that of Otterhampton, near Stogursey.
It is of a distinctly late type of Perpendicular work, square-headed, divided into six
rectangular lights, each sub-divided by a tracery mullion. These lights are grouped in three pairs,
the doors occupying the central pair, whilst the others contain some very effective tracery in
which appear depressed Tudor arches occupying the whole width of the pair of lights, and divided
centrally by the main framework separating them. Beneath the rail, which is nicely carved
with a sinuous stem and leaf pattern, are the lower panels, three to each side-light, four to the
doors, all well carved with embossed foliage patterns, in the upper two-fifths of their height,
and plain below, except the doors, which have plain arch-headed panel continuations. The
head of screen retains its ancient horizontal coving or canopy on both sides divided into square
sections by eleven vertical ribs, each having a good boss at springing, whilst a delicate
invert-cresting runs across the head below them.
The cornices, both east and west, are excellent and well preserved, and consist of two rows
of vignette enrichments with bead divisions and top and bottom crestings.
The screen was carefully restored in 1899, at the expense of the late Rev. Henry Ware, son of
a former Vicar, and all the old work was preserved, additions only being made where it was
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 203
hopelessly decayed or damaged. The top cresting required to be replaced as it had been removed
at a former period, when a floor had been constructed across the tower (which here stands
centrally between nave and chancel) for the bellringers' use. This floor had been placed at the
level of the top of the screen in 1822 (vide minute of Vestry meeting of November 15th, 1821).
When the restoration was effected, the canopy of the screen, which had been repaired in
deal, was made good with oak, and the missing ribs added. At the same time the ringers' floor
was cleared away, and both arches of the tower opened up by the removal of the solid partitions
filling them : thus clearing the vista between nave and chancel, and removing an obstruction
which practically divided the church into two separate parts, and which, as may be easily
judged from an inspection of old photographs in the possession of the present Vicar, had a most
depressing and miserable effect, the appearance of the chancel-approach from nave being that
of a long low passage or rectangular tunnel with a plaster ceiling.
The partiti»n which stood in the western arch of the tower (and beneath which arch a second
or western screen formerly stood) was of Post-Reformation date, and took the place of a former
roodloft gallery front. That the old roodloft extended westwards to this point is evidenced
by the position of the roodloft stairs which are in one of the western turrets of the tower.
The partition was of boarding, on which were the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten
Commandments, surmounted by the royal arms, dated 1660, or 1662. But the other partition
— that which surmounted the eastern screen, proved, on examination at removal, to be of far
greater interest and ecclesiological value, as it bore the remarkable painting of the Crucifixion,
which has been the subject of special notice in the Proceedings of local Archaeological Societies.
This " tympanum " painting is now preserved on the north wall of the tower. Its date
cannot be earlier than that of the screen, and may be ascribed to one of the earlier decades of
the sixteenth century. x Attached to the western face of the cornice of the screen are a pair of
large carved angels bearing shields. These were found, before restoration, affixed in a mutilated
state (each minus a wing) to the extreme ends of the cornice-beam on the eastern side of the screen
— but it is more than doubtful whether any such position could have been their original one.
From their size it may be conjectured either that they occupied some position of honour in the
" pageant " above the rood-beam, or that they originally acted as corbels in the roof. Their
present appearance is, however, good enough to justify their retention upon the cornice.
The church formerly contained two galleries, one over the other, at the west end — the lower
of which projected for nearly two-thirds of the length of the nave, and contained in its front,
some very good Jacobean panelling with turned balusters over, broken in the centre by a later
panelling (apparently late Georgian) containing an organ-pipe front, and a religious picture.
The upper gallery was shallower, and was constructed for singers, and here the various musical
instruments were formerly played. There is an entry in the Register, recording the
apportionment of the seats " in the new gallery, erected in 1620," and again of those in the
additional part erected in 1635.
Pullman's " Book of the Axe," p. 176 ; Som. Arch. Proc, XLIX, pp. 43, 56, illus-
■ tration of tympanum ; ibid., XXXVII (1891), p. 30 ; Brist. andClos. Arch. Journal,
Presidential Address, by F. F. Fox, Vol. XXIII.
WITHAM FRIARY (St. Mary the Virgin). The roodscreen was removed in 1832 in the
" restoration " carried out by Rev. C. G. R. Festing. It is said to have been very beautiful.
Som. Arch. Journal, XXXIX, 33.
A small fragment of the vine-leaf cornice enrichment of the screen is preserved.
Som. and Dorset Notes and Queries for June, 1909, p. 261.
1 The late Mr. Thomas Garner (a great authority) considered that this painted rood really dated
from the reign of Queen Mary I, and was hastily made to take the place of the sculptured rood
destroyed in the previous reign.
204 ROODSCREENS AND ROODLOFTS
WITHYCOMBE (St. Nicholas). The roodscreen is of five bays, fan-vaulted, very massive
and well-proportioned, and in black oak. It is almost identical with that of Carhampton, but
conveys a totally different impression on account of its being unpainted. The cornice originally
had five rows of enrichments, almost equal in width, like the other screens of this group, but the
lowest has been removed, and the cresting has also disappeared. The tracery remains in the
heads of the lights, but the mullions have been taken away, only their caps being left, pendant-
fashion. The doors are gone, and the doorhead is filled with tracery to match the rest. The
vaultings have excellent tracery fillings. The character of the work in the lower panels is
debased, suggestive of a very late date. They are similar in execution to much of the Jacobean
imitation of Gothic work found elsewhere in the county.
WIVELISCOMBE (St. Andrew). The church is an unsightly barn of 1829, and all that
remains of its ancient splendour is to be found in the pulpit, organ-case, and western gallery,
all of which contain panels of a most delicate and beautiful workmanship, similar in character to
those in the lower part of the screens at Bishop's Lydeard, Lydeard St. Laurence, and White
Staunton. Similar work is to be seen in the pulpit at Monksilver, and in the western gallery at
East Pennard, and also at Milverton. They are distinctly foreign in design, and probably the
work of a Flemish or French carver. A few more of these beautiful carvings from the church
at Wiveliscombe may be seen sawn up and worked into a window-box in the old house (restored)
at the corner of the market square. It has been suggested that a good deal of the work in this
district having a foreign appearance was done by a band of Flemish carvers who went through
the counties of Somerset and Devon about 1540, staying for a time and working at various
places, though whether this has been stated on the authority of old records the writers
cannot say. Jeboult's " West Somerset," pt. II, p. 104.
WOOTTON COURTNEY. In the " fifties " of the last century, during the incumbency of
Mr. Richards, the main beam of the old roodscreen was preserved in the stable-loft at the
Vicarage, also one or two of the moulded uprights and part of the panelled base of the screen.
Dr. Cox, who remembers these, says his recollection is somewhat vague as to whether there were
any remains of tracery or not, either as separate pieces or in the panelling. But there were
considerable remains of the screen, and Mr. Richards used to point out the marks in the
chancei-arch whence it was very obvious that the screen had been wrenched.
Communicated by Dr. Cox.
WRAXALL (All Saints). The ancient roodscreen was long ago removed, but within recent
years its place has been taken by a modern work of the first order. The type is not precisely one
indigenous to the county, but is sufficiently in harmony with local feeling to escape adverse
criticism in this respect. The proportions and detail are good and harmonious, the tracery of the
fenestrations being particularly good. The screen is vaulted, and the organ stands upon the loft
in the north-aisle section — a commendable example — leaving the floor of the church free from
encumbrance. There is a rich parclose to the south chapel in harmony with the other. The
church is noted for its bench-ends, which are traceried, and shouldered up to poppy-heads of
interesting type. Som. Arch. Proc, XXVII, p. 42.
WRINGTON (All Saints). The church is very spacious with the widened chancel arch showing
the influence of the " West-Country " model. The roodscreen with its aisle continuations stands
in a very perfect state (Plate LXIIIa). It is in three distinct sections, each fitted to its arch,
and all three practically uniform in design, consisting of a series of elongated rectangular
SCREENWORK IN THE COUNTY OF SOMERSET 205
panels divided by standards to which are attached the delicate buttress forms with clustered
pinnacled heads which are so admirable a feature of the Keynsham screen. These lights are
each sub-divided by a stout tracery mullion and the heads are filled with a peculiar and rather
effective sort of tracery, very different from what other local screens can show, and perhaps
analogous to none now existing, except the screen at Whitchurch, which has the same peculiarity
in the depressed archlets with their fringe of minute " pellets " as a substitute for cuspation
ornaments over the long lights, and that of Long Ashton, in the nave section, which has tracery
of a like form, though different detail. The heads also have some affinity with those of the
fragment of screenwork surviving in the south-aisle chapel at Congresbury, though the latter are
much earlier in character, and purer in form. The date of the Wrington screen is not known, but
it is certainly a late one, probably sixteenth century. The cornices are in good order, and
retain a fine enrichment — a broad band of vine-leaf, very convex, and with a rather unusual
type of stem-work and also small ornamental members above and below.
The screen was in great danger of being swept away in 1858, but was saved by the intervention
of the Rector of Burrington.
Brist. and Glos. Arch. Soc. Proc, 1903, p. 18 ; Som. Arch. Proc, XXXIII, p. 15 ;
Rutter's " North West Somerset," p. 129 n.
YATTON (St. Mary). The roodscreen, which was a magnificent affair, stretched across
the nave, and probably both aisles. There remains in the north wall the stump of a carved
stone support for the front beam of the loft. The chancel arch also exhibits a double series of
corbels, one set of which may not improbably have reference to the position of the loft. Until
recently all trace of the actual screenwork was lost, but one small fragment of tracery came
to light shortly before 1881, and quite lately, one of the statues which formerly decorated the
loft has been placed in the hands of the Vicar by the late Colonel Bramble, F.S.A. The
churchwardens' accounts, which are published, are quoted elsewhere (vide p. 139). They show
that the roodloft was erected in 1450-1456, painted and gilt, and it bore sixty-nine images, for
which Is. each was paid to the " image-maker." The screens inspected as models for the work
were those of Easton-in-Gordano, Frome, Selwood, and Bitton. An older loft was removed
to make way for the new one.
There were also four parclose screens, erected in 1480-1, but these also have vanished, and
the existing oak screens in the arches north and south of chancel are from the design of George
Edmund Street, who was also responsible for the choir-stalls. Quite recently a screen,
reproducing the mediaeval " North Somerset " type of design has been placed in the arch at
the east end of the south aisle. This was the gift of the Vicar, and is of fumed oak. 1
Bristol Times and Mirror (file), Nov. 1st, 1906 ; Som. Arch. Proc, X ; ibid.,
XXVII, p. 13 ; " Yatton Churchwardens' Accounts " (Som. Record), quoted by
Dr. Cox in Church Times, Feb. 22nd, 1907.
YEOVIL. An interesting survival in this church is noted, in the sculptured corbels (in the
form of heads) built into the chancel walls on north and south, over the position of the altar
rails, for the support of the Candlebeam, or Lenten Veil in the old English liturgical uses.
Som. Arch. Proc, XXXII, p. 30.
1 Carved from the design of F. Bligh Bond by Yatton parishioners.
End of Volume I
rrint.il by Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, Ltd., Path.
I ill I III
D 000 208 456 4
| roodscreensroodl01bond | OL7018156M | OL4790965W | 378 | 1,909 |
zh | N/A | N/A | **不同植物生长调节剂对青蒿种子萌发及幼苗生长的影响**
廖建良'，刘东权'，贺握权2
**(1.惠州学院生命科学学院，广东惠州516007；2.广东第二师范学院生物系，广东广州510303)**
摘要：为探讨在不同植物生长调节剂处理下的青蒿种子萌发特性及幼苗生长指标的影响，对青蒿种子进行吲哚乙酸(IAA)、萘乙酸(NAA)和生根粉(ABT)以及赤霉素(GA，)不同质量浓度溶液处理8h，处理后采用不同培养基质作为青蒿种子的发芽床。采用清水对照，测定植物生长调节剂不同质量浓度处理及不同培养基质条件下青蒿种子的发芽势(Gv)、发芽率(Gr)、发芽指数(Gi)和活力指数(VI)，从而选出最佳处理方法，为青蒿育苗提供技术依据。结果表明：促进效果较好的分别是20 mg/L GA，1 mg/LIAA、10 mg/L NAA、10 mg/L ABT，其中是以10 mg/L ABT浸种8h，且以土壤作为发芽床条件下结果最佳，青蒿种子发芽特性以及幼苗生长的各项指标均要优于其他处理，青蒿种子的发芽率、发芽势、发芽指数以及活力指数分别为0.76、36.7%、15.8和56.4，与对照组相比分别提高49%、84%、70%和141%，青蒿幼苗的根长、茎高、总叶绿素质量分数以及可溶性蛋白质的质量分数分别为3.6 cm、0.9cm、0.77 mg/g 和11.5 mg/g，与对照组相比，分别提高44%、50%、48%和21%。
**关键词：青蒿；植物生长调节剂；发芽基质；种子萌发；幼苗生长**
中图分类号：S63 文献标志码：A 文章编号：1671-5934(2022)03-0051-07
**DOI：10.16778/j.cnki.1671-5934.2022.03.010**
**中国科学家屠呦呦和她的团队心从药用植物青蒿(Artemisia annua L.)中提取分离得到一种无色的结晶体，并将这种无色的结晶物质命名为青蒿素。青蒿素及其衍生物是目前抗药性最低、疗效最好、应用前景最好的抗疟药物\[2\]。虽然青蒿生长期短，投资少，收益快，但是青蒿素含量较低，仅占干质量的 0.1%~1.0%，且提取工艺复杂，导致青蒿素产量较低、生产成本较高③。近年来，随着国内外市场对青蒿素的需求不断增加，野生资源己渐渐满足不了市场需求。因此，需要选育和栽培青蒿素含量高的新品种以满足需求\[4\]，青蒿种子个体质量差异大且体积小，在生产育苗时出现种子发芽率不高，发芽时间过长及出苗不齐等问题。**
**研究发现，植物生长调节剂可以打破种子的休眠，提高种子的萌发率，促进植株的生长发育\[5\]，植物生长调节剂是一种与植物内源激素相似，有生理生化效应的人工合成物质，使用植物生长调节剂可调控植物的生长发育过程6。**
**青蒿药用价值很高，有清热解暑，截疟等作用，用于暑邪发热，阴虚发热，骨蒸劳热，夜热早凉，疟疾寒**
热，湿热黄疸。青蒿所含化学成分丰富，应用前景非常广泛，其有效成分青蒿素是一种含过氧化基团的倍半萜内酯类化合物，对由恶性疟原虫引起的疟疾有着显著的疗效，屠呦呦团队以青蒿素为基础的联合用药被世界卫生组织认为治疗疟疾，具有最佳的疗效门。
研究发现青蒿素及其衍生物可能对乳腺癌、肝癌、以及一些自身免疫疾病等方面具有潜在的功效\[8-10\]。近年来，有研究表明青蒿素在治疗糖尿病方面也具有潜在的功效\[。在今后的研究中，进一步明确青蒿主要药理作用的抗病机制，无论在保证青蒿药材更为充分合理的应用，还是促进临床新药的开发都具有非常重要的意义\[12\]。
植物生长调节剂是一种具有与天然植物激素具有相似生理和生物学效应的物质，是人们根据天然植物激素的作用机制和结构后，通过人工合成的化合物，能够有效调控植物的生长发育过程，包括从细胞的增殖分裂，到生根、发芽、开花、结实、成熟以及脱落等一系列生命全过程。在中草药生产培育上，能够有效调控作物的生长发育过程，从而增强作物抗逆性，达到稳产
投稿日期：2022-03-04
基金项目：惠州市科技项目(2016X0427042)；惠州市科技项目(2021SC010501002)；惠州学院2020年度课程思政教育教学研究 **(2020-34)；惠州学院教学质量工程(X-YLKC2021007)；惠东县科技特派员项目(2021-40)**
作者简介：廖建良(1965一)，男，广东紫金人，教授，硕士，研究方向为药用植物学，E-mail：[email protected]
增产以及改善品质等目的。
**植物生长调节剂包括两大类物质：一种是植物体自身能够合成的物质，如赤霉素等；另一类是通过人工合成，在实际生产中应用的物质，如多效唑、乙烯利等\[13\]，根据植物生长调节剂的作用效果可分为抑制型、促进型以及延缓型\[14\]。近年来，植物生长调节剂在农业培育生产中取得了重大的进展，与传统农业技术相比，植物生长调节剂具有微量，高效且费用低，以及在植物体和土壤中可迅速分解的特点，真正意义上做到环保绿色、可持续性强，对人类及环境危害极小，由此成为我国在中草药生产当中稳产、高产和高效农业新技术等方面的重要组成部分。但是有关植物生长调节剂和基质对青蒿种子萌发及幼苗生长的影响研究报道较少。为了探讨在不同植物生长调节剂处理下的青蒿种子萌发特性及幼苗生长指标的影响，对青蒿种子进行吲哚乙酸(IAA)、萘乙酸(NAA)和生根粉(ABT)以及赤霉素(GA，)不同质量浓度溶液处理，处理后采用不同培养基质作为青蒿种子的发芽床，采用清水对照，测定植物生长调节剂不同质量浓度处理及不同培养基质条件下青蒿种子的发芽势(Gv)、发芽率(Gr)、发芽指数(Gi)和活力指数(VI)，从而选出最佳处理方法，为青蒿育苗提供技术依据和参考；选择在不同基质上发芽实验，目的是解决青蒿种子萌发问题，探讨不同发芽床条件，研究最佳方法、措施和效果，以便在栽培生产上推广应用。**
**_1_ 试验材料与方法**
1.1 种子
供试的青蒿种子均来源于惠州市博罗县罗浮山，惠州市象山药王谷科普园。
**1.2 试剂及材料**
吲哚乙酸(IAA)、生根粉(ABT)、赤霉素(GA)和萘乙酸(NAA)均购于上海永生生物科技有限公司，体积分数为95%乙醇、蒸馏水、脱脂棉、滤纸、纱布、土壤(惠州学院后山赤红壤)等。
_1.3_ 试验设计
**本试验分别设置5个不同质量浓度梯度的GA、IAA、ABT、NAA处理(表1)，以清水为对照。挑选大小均匀、颗粒饱满、优质完整的青蒿种子，先用w=10%的NaClO 消毒 15 min，之后将种子分别浸泡在不同植物生长调节剂的不同质量浓度溶液中，浸种8h后取出后用蒸馏水清洗残余植物生长调节剂3~4次，用吸水纸擦干种子表面多余水分。**
**表1 不同植物生长调节剂处理的质量浓度**
| **植物生长调节剂** | **质量浓度/(mg·L-1)** | | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **NAA** | **0.1** | **1** | **10** | **50** | **100** |
| **IAA** | **0.1** | **\]** | **10** | **50** | **100** |
| **GA** | **20** | **30** | **40** | **50** | **60** |
| **ABT** | **0.1** | **\]** | **10** | **50** | **100** |
| **CK** | **0** | **0** | **0** | **0** | **0** |
1.3.1 以脱脂棉为发芽基质
将脱脂棉铺满培养皿底部，将处理好的青蒿种子，按不同植物生长调节剂、不同质量浓度处理的种子均匀放置在脱脂棉上，共20组，做好标号。
1.3.2 以土壤为发芽基质
将土壤均匀铺满培养皿底部，将处理好的青蒿种子，按不同植物生长调节剂、不同质量浓度处理的种子均匀撒在土壤上，接着将少量土壤盖住种子，共20组，做好标号。
1.3.3 以滤纸为发芽基质
**将2层滤纸平铺在培养皿上，将处理好的青蒿种子，按不同植物生长调节剂、不同质量浓度处理的种子均匀放置在滤纸上，共20组，做好标号。**
_1.3.4_ 以纱布为发芽基质
将3层纱布平铺在培养皿中，将处理好的青蒿种子，按不同植物生长调节剂、不同质量浓度处理的种子均匀放置在纱布上，共20组，做好标号。
**以上每组试验放置100粒种子，重复3次试验。放置在恒温箱中培养，每天定时浇水，确保种子萌发过程在适宜的环境下，避免种子缺水失活而影响试验结果。**
**_1.4_ 测定方法**
_1.4.1_ 种子萌发及出苗情况观察
种子移置发芽床后，以肉眼可观察到胚根为发芽标准，每隔1d观察统计1次青蒿种子发芽数，连续3d青蒿种子发芽数无变化视为发芽结束，第10d时，各组种子发芽已全部完成。发芽试验结束后，测定幼苗的平均根长、平均茎高并计算发芽率、发芽势、发芽指数及活力指数\[is\]，各指标的计算公式如下：
其中，N，为每组供试的种子数；N，为萌发的种子数；N为种子发芽达到最高峰时种子的发芽数； G，为时间t天的种子萌发数； D，为对应的萌发天数；S为胚根长。
**1.4.2幼苗生理指标测定**
从每个试验组中随机取10株幼苗进行生理指标的测定，结果取平均值，包括幼苗的根长、茎高的测定，其中根长和茎高是利用游标卡尺进行测定。选用每组青蒿幼苗的叶片部分测定叶绿素及可溶性蛋白质的质量分数。
叶绿素质量分数的测定是采用分光光度法\[16\]，测定叶绿素提取液在波长665 nm和645 nm下的吸光度，以体积分数为95%乙醇作为对照，计算总叶绿素的质量分数。总叶绿素质量分数=(20.0A645+8.02A665)×V/(1000×W)，V表示样品提取液总体积，W表示样品质量，可溶性蛋白质的质量分数采用考马斯亮蓝法\[17\]测定。
1.5 数据分析
**各组试验重复3次，取平均值，采用Microsoft Ex-cel 2010软件计算平均值及标准误差。结果采用“平均值+标准误差”表示，用IBM SPSS Amos 22 进行单因素方差分析(One-wayANOVA)，采用 Duncan法和LSD 法**
进行不同处理间的显著性检验。
**_2_ 结果与分析**
_2.1_ 不同植物生长调节剂及不同质量浓度对青蒿种子萌发及幼苗生长的影响
**为探究最佳的植物生长调节剂及其最佳质量浓度，选用在同一种培养基质条件下(本数据选取的发芽基质为土壤)，研究不同植物生长调节剂及不同质量浓度对青蒿种子萌发及幼苗生长的影响。**
2.1.1不同植物生长调节剂对青蒿种子发芽的影响
由表2可知，在不同植物生长调节剂及不同质量浓度处理下，青蒿种子的发芽率、发芽势、发芽指数以及活力指数与对照组相比均有一定的提升，其中GA处理下，青蒿种子各项萌发指标随质量浓度的增加而呈下降的趋势，而IAA、ABT以及NAA处理下，青蒿种子各项萌发指标则随质量浓度的增加呈先上升后下降的趋势。
**表2植物生长调节剂对青蒿种子萌发的影响(X±S)**
| **植物生长调节剂** | **质量浓度/(mg·L-1)** | **发芽率** | **发芽势/%** | **发芽指数** | **活力指数** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **GA** | **20** | **0.69±0.006bcd** | **37.0±1.00a** | **13.5±1.37bcde** | **44.3±4.30cd** |
| **GA** | **30** | **0.67±0.007de** | **36.3±0.67ab** | **13.9±0.24bcde** | **40.0±1.31def** |
| **GA** | **40** | **0.59±0.012fh** | **30.7±1.20ef** | **13.0±0.37ef** | **39.0±2.06ef** |
| **GA** | **50** | **0.57±0.015h** | **27.7±0.67f** | **12.0±0.10fg** | **33.7±0.27gh** |
| **IAA** | **60** | **0.54±0.009i** | **29.7±0.67ef** | **11.5±0.35g** | **30.4±0.96hi** |
| **IAA** | **0.1** | **0.70±0.006bcd** | **29.3±0.67ef** | **14.1±0.88bcd** | **49.6±0.73b** |
| **IAA** | | **0.68±0.018cd** | **36.0±1.00ab** | **14.4±0.24bc** | **44.6±0.99cd** |
| **IAA** | **\]0** | **0.58±0.009fh** | **30.3±0.33ef** | **12.9±0.06def** | **41.8±0.60de** |
| **IAA** | **50** | **0.52±0.006ij** | **24.7±0.67g** | **11.1±0.12g** | **31.5±0.65hi** |
| **NAA** | **100** | **0.51±0.012k** | **24.7±0.33g** | **10.9±0.23g** | **28.4±0.74i** |
| **NAA** | **0.1** | **0.72±0.006b** | **36.3±1.33ab** | **14.4±0.12bc** | **48.6±1.96bc** |
| **NAA** | | **0.68±0.003cd** | **35.3±0.67ab** | **13.4±0.38bcde** | **43.5±1.88de** |
| **NAA** | **10** | **0.72±0.006b** | **32.3±1.33cde** | **14.6±0.12b** | **49.1±0.89bc** |
| **NAA** | **50** | **0.64±0.012e** | **33.7±0.67bcd** | **13.5±0.17bcde** | **36.8±0.24fg** |
| | **100** | **0.59±0.003fh** | **30.7±0.67ef** | **12.0±0.06fg** | **30.1±0.97hi** |
| **ABT** | **0.1** | **0.70±0.009bc** | **35.0±1.00abc** | **14.4±0.22bc** | **48.4±1.17bc** |
| **ABT** | | **0.67±0.012de** | **30.3±0.67ef** | **13.3±0.19cde** | **39.2±1.00ef** |
| **ABT** | **10** | **0.76±0.009a** | **36.7±0.67ab** | **15.8±0.27a** | **56.4±1.86a** |
| | **50** | **0.68±0.018cd** | **31.0±2.00de** | **13.7±0.12bcde** | **44.5±2.02cd** |
| | **100** | **0.61±0.009f** | **27.3±1.33fg** | **11.3±0.15g** | **32.9±0.78ghi** |
| **CK** | | **0.51±0.011i** | **20.0±0.58h** | **9.3±0.20h** | **23.4±0.80i** |
在同种植物生长调节剂的不同质量沐度中，20mg/L GA，1 mg/L IAA、10 mg/L NAA及 10 mg/L ABT的处理效果最佳，其中20 mg/L GA，的发芽率、发芽势、发芽指数以及活力指数分别为0.69、36.7、13.5和44.3，比对照组分别提高35%、84%、45%和89%；1 mg/L IAA分别为0.68、36.0、14.4和44.6，比对照组分别提高33%、80%、55%和91%；10 mg/L NAA 分别为0.72、32.3、14.4和48.6，比对照组分别提高41%、80%、55%和107%；10 mg/L ABT分别为0.76、36.7、15.8和56.4，与对照组相比分别提高49%、85%、70%和141%。综上可知，4种植物生长调节剂对青蒿种子萌发均具有促进作用，其中，10 mg/L ABT 促进效果显著高于其他组(p<0.05)。可见，10 mg/L ABT 浸种处理效果较好。
**2.1.2不同植物生长调节剂对青蒿幼苗生长的影响**
由表3可知，不同植物生长调节剂及其不同质量浓度处理对青蒿幼苗生长的影响程度各不相同，与对照组相比，在不同质量浓度的GA，IAA、NAA以及ABT浸种处理后青蒿幼苗的根长、茎高、总叶绿素的质量分数以及可溶性蛋白质的质量分数均有一定程度的提高。在GA，的处理下，青蒿幼苗的各项生理指标随质量浓度的增加而下降，因此，高质量浓度 GA，会对青蒿幼苗生长产生抑制作用。在IAA、NAA以及ABT处理后，青蒿幼苗各项指标随质量浓度的增加呈先上升后下降的趋势。由表3可见，20 mg/L GA，、1 mg/L IAA、10 mg/L NAA 以及 10 mg/L ATB 对青蒿幼苗生长促进作用最佳。
**表3植物生长调节剂对青蒿幼苗生长的影响(X±S)**
| **植物生长调节剂** | **质量浓度/** **(mg·L-1)** | **根长/cm** | **茎高/cm** | **总叶绿素的质量分数/** **(mg·g-1)** | **可溶性蛋白质的质量** **分数/(mg·g-1)** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **GA.** | **20** | **3.3±0.04bc** | **0.9±0.01ab** | **0.68±0.01c** | **11.3±0.08ab** |
| | **30** | **2.9±0.05ef** | **0.8±0.02c** | **0.64±0.01ef** | **10.4±0.10f** |
| | **40** | **3.0±0.07de** | **0.8±0.02d** | **0.63±0.01ef** | **10.3±0.13fg** |
| | **50** | **2.8±0.03efh** | **0.7±0.01fgh** | **0.54±0.02h** | **9.9±0.21g** |
| | **60** | **2.6±0.03hi** | **0.6±0.01hi** | **0.53±0.01h** | **9.9±0.12gh** |
| **IAA** | **0.1** | **3.5±0.03a** | **0.7±0.01ef** | **0.62±0.01f** | **10.9±0.14cd** |
| **IAA** | | **3.1±0.03cd** | **0.9±0.01a** | **0.71±0.01b** | **11.2±0.03abc** |
| | **10** | **3.2±0.03bc** | **0.8±0.03bcd** | **0.65±0.01de** | **11.0±0.15bcd** |
| | **50** | **2.8±0.03efh** | **0.7±0.01gh** | **0.58±0.02g** | **10.2±0.09fg** |
| | **100** | **2.6±0.03i** | **0.6±0.01i** | **0.53±0.01h** | **9.9±0.06gh** |
| **NAA** | **0.1** | **3.4±0.15ab** | **0.8±0.01d** | **0.67±0.01cd** | **10.3±0.12f** |
| **NAA** | | **3.2±0.12bc** | **0.8±0.01cd** | **0.64±0.01ef** | **10.3±0.03f** |
| **NAA** | **10** | **3.4±0.06ab** | **0.8±0.01cd** | **0.77±0.01a** | **11.5±0.07a** |
| **NAA** | **50** | **2.7±0.03fhi** | **0.7±0.01efg** | **0.63±0.02f** | **10.8±0.12de** |
| | **100** | **2.5±0.09i** | **0.6±0.02hi** | **0.59±0.01g** | **9.5±0.18h** |
| **ABT** | **0.1** | **3.4±0.12ab** | **0.7±0.01ef** | **0.71±0.01b** | **10.3±0.18f** |
| **ABT** | | **2.9±0.06def** | **0.7±0.03efg** | **0.70±0.01bc** | **10.9±0.12cd** |
| **ABT** | **10** | **3.6±0.06a** | **0.9±0.04abc** | **0.77±0.01a** | **11.5±0.07a** |
| | **50** | **3.2±0.12bc** | **0.8±0.03d** | **0.65±0.01ef** | **10.5±0.18ef** |
| | **100** | **2.9±0.03def** | **0.7±0.01e** | **0.63±0.01ef** | **10.2±0.06fg** |
| **CK** | **0** | **2.5±0.03i** | **0.6±0.02hi** | **0.52±0.01h** | **9.5±0.02h** |
由表3可知，20 mg/L GA， 1 mg/L IAA、10 mg/L NAA、10 mg/L ABT处理后青蒿幼苗根长分别为3.3、3.1、3.4、3.6 cm，与对照组相比分别提高32%、24%、
36%、44%。对青蒿幼苗根长的促进效果由高到低的顺序为 10 mg/L ABT、10 mg/L NAA、20 mg/L GA，、1 mg/L IAA。可见，10 mg/L ABT处理对青蒿幼苗的根长促进
效果最佳。
由表3可知，20 mg/L GA， 1 mg/L IAA、10 mg/L NAA、10 mg/L ATB 处理后青蒿幼苗茎高分别为0.9、0.9、0.8、0.9 cm，与对照组相比分别提高50%、50%、33%、50%。可见，10 mg/L ABT、1 mg/L IAA 和 20 mg/L GA，处理对青蒿幼苗茎高有较好的促进效果。
_2.2_ 不同植物生长调节剂对青蒿幼苗叶绿素质量分数的影响
由表3可知，20 mg/L GA， 1 mg/L IAA、 10 mg/L NAA、10 mg/L ABT处理后青蒿幼苗总叶绿素的质量分数分别为0.68、0.71、0.77、0.77 mg/g，比对照组分别提高为31%、37%、48%、48%。可见，10 mg/L ABT和10mg/L NAA 处理对提高青蒿幼苗总叶绿素的质量分数有较好的促进效果。
2.3 不同植物生长调节剂对青蒿幼苗可溶性蛋白质质量分数的影响
由表3可知，20 mg/L GA， 1 mg/L IAA、 10 mg/L NAA、10 mg/L ABT处理后青蒿幼苗可溶性蛋白质的质量分数分别为11.3、11.2、11.5、11.5mg/g，与对照组相比分别提高为19%、18%、21%、21%。可见，10 mg/L ABT 和 10 mg/L NAA处理对提高青蒿幼苗可溶性蛋白质的质量分数有促进效果，要优于20 mg/L GA， 和1 mg/L IAA 处理。
综上所述，10 mg/L ABT处理后青蒿幼苗的根长、茎高、总叶绿素质量分数以及可溶性蛋白质质量分数均是各种试验中的最高数值。可见，10 mg/L ATB 处理效果要优于1 mg/L IAA、10 mg/L NAA和20 mg/L GA，。
_2.4_ 不同培养基质对10 mg/L ABT处理的青蒿种子萌发及幼苗生长的影响
**为探究青蒿种子萌发的最佳条件，选取促进效果最佳的植物生长调节剂及其最佳质量浓度下(10 mg/L ABT)，研究不同培养基质(脱脂棉、滤纸、纱布及土壤)对青蒿种子萌发及幼苗生长的影响。**
**2.4.1 不同培养基质条件下青蒿种子萌发的状况**
由表4可得，青蒿种子萌发以土壤为培养基质的各项萌发指标显著高于其他组，青蒿种子的发芽率、发芽势、发芽指数以及活力指数分别为0.76、36.7%、15.8和55.4，效果显著高于其他组(p<0.05)。各组发芽指标由高到低的顺序为土壤、脱脂棉、纱布、滤纸，经过数据的差异性分析发现，土壤作为发芽床的各项发芽指标显著高于其他组，但纱布和脱脂棉各项发芽指标差异性不显著，但是各发芽指标都显著高于滤纸。可见，土壤是青蒿种子萌发较为理想的萌发基质。
**表4 不同培养基质下青蒿种子萌发状况(X±S)**
| **培养基质** | **发芽率** | **发芽势/%** | **发芽指数** | **活力指数** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **土壤** | **0.76±0.02a** | **36.7±0.67a** | **15.8±0.27a** | **55.4±1.84a** |
| **纱布** | **0.71±0.01h** | **34.0±0.58b** | **14.3±0.06b** | **44.3±0.93b** |
| **滤纸** | **0.68±0.02c** | **30.0±0.58d** | **13.2±0.09c** | **39.9±0.70c** |
| **脱脂棉** | **0.72±0.01b** | **32.0±0.58c** | **14.3±0.17b** | **46.3±0.07b** |
**_2.4.2_ 2不同培养基质下青蒿幼苗生长的状况**
由表5可知，不同培养基质下，青蒿幼苗生长状况差异不显著。但以土壤为培养基质的青蒿幼苗的根长、茎高、总叶绿素的质量分数及可溶性蛋白质的质量分数要略高于纱布、滤纸和脱脂棉处理，各项指标分别为3.5 cm、0.85 cm、0.77 mg/g和11.5 mg/g。
**表5 不同培养基质下青蒿幼苗生长状况(X±S)**
| **培养基质** | **根长/cm** | **茎高/cm** | **总叶绿素的** **质量分数/** **(mg·g-1)** | **可溶性蛋白质** **的质量分数/** **(mg·g-)** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **土壤** | **3.5±0.06a** | **0.85±0.03a** | **0.77±0.01：** | **11.5±0.07a** |
| **纱布** | **3.1±0.06bc** | **0.81±0.02a** | **0.71±0.00c** | **11.2±0.02b** |
| **滤纸** | **3.0±0.07c** | **0.68±0.02b** | **0.67±0.01d** | **10.9±0.02c** |
| **脱脂棉** | **3.2±0.03b** | **0.74±0.01b** | **0.75±0.00b** | **11.3±0.05b** |
3讨论与结论
植物种子萌发过程中，种子内部发生复杂的生理生化反应，不同植物激素不同质量浓度之间相互组合产生的效果不同。因此，在研究中可以尝试采用多种激素、不同质量浓度之间组合浸种，以期更全面的了解植物激素对种子萌发的作用机制\[18\]。植物生长调节剂除了对植物种子萌发影响外，对植物扦插和组培也有促进作用\[19\]。IAA、IBA、NAA、6-BA对罗浮山五指毛桃种子萌发有显著影响，其中以6-BA处理效果最好，可显著提高五指毛桃种子萌发率\[20\]。种子在萌发过程中由多种植物激素共同参与调节的，植物激素能够活化生长调节基因，进而打破种子的休眠期及促进细胞分裂，从而提高种子的萌发率\[21-22\]。利用 ABT浸泡种子可以有效地调控和强化重要酶和种子内源激素的活性，打破种子休眠，加快种子内部生理生化过程，促进种子提早发芽，提高种子发芽率和发芽势，加快幼苗吸收营养和生长\[23-25\]。实验结果表明，不同植物生长调节剂及不同质量浓度处理对青蒿种子发芽的促进作用有明显差异，选择最佳的植物生长调节剂及最佳
**的质量浓度对青蒿种子发芽具有显著的促进作用。10 mg/L ABT 处理青蒿种子，其种子发芽特性和幼苗各项生理指标均显著高于其他处理，这说明 ABT在改善种子发芽特性和促进植株生长方面具有显著效果。 IAA、GA，NAA处理后青蒿种子萌发及幼苗各项生长指标同样高于对照组，与张福平等\[26\]利用 IAA 对紫罗勒种子发芽及幼苗生长影响的试验结果相类似； GA；可以解除种子休眠，使种胚周围的组织软化，有利于胚芽突破种皮促进种胚的生长，NAA对植物生长发育同样具有显著的调节作用，这与韦荣昌等\[27\]对黑草、贺红早等\[28\]对半夏的研究结果相类似。**
GA， 处理质量浓度在20~60mg/L范围内，青蒿种子的各项指标随质量浓度的增加而下降，这与魏卫东等\[29\]对丸粒化披碱草种子萌发及幼苗生长的影响的研究结果相类似；在0.1~100 mg/L范围内的IAA、NAA以及ABT处理后，青蒿种子各项指标随质量浓度的增加呈先上升后下降的趋势，说明不同质量浓度植物生长调节剂对青蒿种子的萌发特性及幼苗生长影响
**不同，高质量浓度有抑制作用。**
实验结果表明，青蒿种子萌发和生长效果较好的培养基质是土壤，与滤纸，纱布，脱脂棉相比，土壤的保水能力强且富含各种矿物质、有机质，相对于其他培养基质，更有利于青蒿种子的萌发及幼苗的生长，以土壤和脱脂棉为培养基质的青蒿幼苗根长要长于以滤纸和纱布为培养基质的青蒿幼苗根长，因为土壤是一个疏松多孔体而脱脂棉稀松存在缝隙，两者更利于青蒿幼苗根系的生长，两者根长均显著高于其他两组。
**综上所述，IAA、GANAA 和 ABT4种植物生长调节剂对青蒿种子萌发及幼苗生长均具有显著影响，其中以10 mg/L ABT 浸种且以土壤为培养基质的效果最好，可显著提高种子萌发的各项指标并有效促进植株生物量的积累，这与马新等I30\]对文冠果的研究中所得到的结果相类似。建议在栽培青蒿中以10 mg/L ABT浸种且以土壤为培养基质，这样能促进青蒿种子萌发及幼苗生长，在青蒿生产实践中推广应用，能够更好满足市场需求，为提取青蒿素提供原材料。**
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30\]马新，姜继元，董鵬，等.不同植物生长调节剂处理对文冠果种子萌发和幼苗生长的影响\[J\].河南农业科学，2017，46 **(4)：104-107.**
**【责任编辑：温玉丛】**
**Effects of Different Plant Growth Regulators on Seed Germination and Seedling Growth of Artemisia annua**
**LIAO Jianliang'， LIU Dongquan'，HE Woquan²**
**_(1. School of Life Science， Huizhou University， Huizhou，516007，Guangdong， China；_**
**_2\. Department of Biology， Guangdong University of Education， Guangzhou 510303，Guangdong， China)_**
**Abstract： In order to determine the effects of different plant growth regulators on the germination characteristics and seedling growth indexes of Artemisia annua， different concentrations of indole acetic acid (IAA)， naphthaleneacetic acid (NAA) and rooting powder(ABT) were applied to the seeds of Artemisia amua. The gibberellin (GA3) solution was treated for 8 hours. After treatment， different culture medium was used as the germination bed of Artemisia annia seeds. The germination potential (Gv)，germination rate (Gr)， ger-mination index (Gi) as well as the vitality index (VI) of Artemisia annua seeds were determined by different concentrations of plant growth regulators and different culture conditions so as to choose the best treatment method by providing technical basis for Artemisia annua seedlings. The results showed that 20 mg/L GA3， 1 mg/L IAA， 10 mg/L NAA， 10 mg/L ABT， which were promoted better，were soaked for 8 h with 10 mg/L ABT， and the soil was used as the germination bed condition. The treatment results were the best. The ger-mination characteristics and seedling growth indexes of Artemisia annua were better than other treatments. The germination rate，germi-nation potential ，germination index and vigor index of Artemisia annua were 0.76，36.7%，15.8 and 56.4 ，respectively. The control group increased by 49%，84%，70% and 141%，respectively. The root length，seedling height， total chlorophyll and protein content of Artemis-ia annua seedlings were 3.6 cm， 0.9 cm， 0.77 mg/g and 11.5 mg/g seperately，increased by 44%，50%，48% and 21%，discretely，com-pared with the control group.**
**Key words： Artemisia anua L. ；plant growth regulator ； germinating matrix；seed sprout； seedling growth** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **毛泽东与民主革命时期党的建设法宝的伟大奠基**
**石仲泉**
**\[摘要\]新民主主义革命浴血奋战、艰苦卓绝的28年，是百年党史的起始阶段。毛泽东是领导中国共产党取得新民主主义革命胜利的伟大领袖，也是党的建设理论的主要创建者。。古田会议决议、思想上建设党的原则、整风运动、“三次对谈”和“两个务必”等，是不同历史时期毛泽东党建理论不断丰富发展的代表性思想。全面从严治党未有穷期，当下，我们更要继承、弘扬和发展以毛泽东的党建思想为主体的党的建设理论，真正跳出历史周期率，确保党和国家长治久安，确保神州大地永世太平。**
**\[关键词\]毛泽东；百年党史：党的建设**
**\[中图分类号\]A84 \[文献标识码\]A \[文章编号\]1005-8273(2020)11-0001-09**
**新民主主义革命浴血奋战、艰苦卓绝的28年，是百年党史的起始阶段。没有这28年，就没有百年党史。我们能走到今天，决不能忘记我们是怎么走过来的。**
**毛泽东是领导中国共产党取得新民主主义革命胜利的伟大领袖，也是党的建设理论的主要创建者。他说：武装斗争、统一战线和党的建设，“是中国共产党在中国革命胜利中战胜敌人的三个法宝，三个主要的法宝”。IXp.606)这是对中国革命胜利经验的精辟总结。如果将这三大法宝的关系比喻为主体与两翼，那么，党的建设就是统率两翼法宝(武装斗争和统一战线)的主体法宝。本文不去讲同为毛泽东所握有的武装斗争和统一战线两大法宝，而主要论述毛泽东是怎样使党的建设成为主体法宝，并对中国革命的胜利起到伟大奠基作用的。**
**作者：石仲泉，中共中央党史研究室原副主任。**
**一、建党初期重视党的建设，但没有解决怎样建设党的问题**
**这段历史时期是从1921年建党到1929年古田会议决议以前。中国共产党自创建后就注意加强党的自身建设，这尤其体现在党的二大文件中，其中不少规定对于党的建设的理论和实践具有奠基性。比如：**
**第一，强调中国共产党是无产阶级先锋队组织。党的二大多个文件指出：“中国共产党为代表中国无产阶级利益及贫苦农民群众的利益而奋斗的先锋军”，“为无产阶级做革命运动的急先锋”，“只有共产党是工人的先锋，是工人的政党”。\[2X(pp.14-15.27.21)此后，我们党关于党的阶级性质和所代表的利益的表述，都是在此基础上扩展、完善和规范的。**
**第二，强调中国共产党是进行革命斗争的群众性政党。党的二大多个文件指出：“我们共产党不是空谈主义者”，“乃是时时刻刻要站起来为无产阶级利益努力工作的党”；“我们中国共产党成功一个党，不是学会，成功一个能够实行无产阶级革命大的群众党，不是少数人空想的革命团体”；“个个党员不应只是在言论上表示是共产主义者，重在行动上表现出来是共产主义者”；“党的一切活动都必须深入到广大的群众里面去”，“不离开群众”。\[2)(ep.7.28.27)这规定了党的革命性、实践性和群众性，直至现在也要求如此。**
**第三，强调中国共产党具有严密的组织纪律性。党的二大关于党的组织章程决议案指出：“我们的组织与训练必须是很严密的、集权的、有纪律的”，它依据的原则为“个个党员须牺牲个人的感情意见及利益关系以拥护党的一致”；个个党员须了解，共产党施行集权与训练时，“乃应以共产革命在事实上所需要的观念施行之”。党章第四章纪律规定9条，明确“本党一切会议均取决于多数，少数绝对服从多数”。\[2)(pp.27-28.32)这表明共产党铁的纪律从建党之始就是明确不二的。当时党还在襁褓之中，能旗帜鲜明地强调这些实属不易，这也是我们党百年来始终坚持并不断丰富完善的。**
**党的三大对于党的组织系统的要求更加具体，并制定了党的第一个组织法，即《中国共产党中央执行委员会组织法》，规范了中共中央的组织机构、职权分工、工作制度等等，开启了尔后一系列组织法的先河。党的四大又作出《对于组织问题之议决案》，指出“组织问题为吾党生存和发展之一个最重要的问题”， \[2(pp：27-28、124)并对革命新发展地区的地方党组织建设提出具体要求。**
**党的五大对党章做了较大修改，内容扩增有两大亮点。一是将原第二章“组织”改为“党**
**的建设”。这是在党章中第一次有“党的建设”称谓。它明确规定“党部的组织原则为民主集中制”，这是过去没有明确的。。二是新增设“监察委员会”，具体规定了中央和地方监察委员会的产生、成员要求等。党的五大设监察委员会，与大革命时期党员人数从1923年的400余人猛增至1925年的3万多人有关。一些投机分子假“革命”之名混入党内。为此，党中央于1926年8月发出《关于坚决清除贪污腐化分子的通告》。这是百年党史上的第一个反腐败文件。党的五大党章提出设立中央和地方监察委员会，也是百年党史上第一次设监察委员会。这几个“第一次”，无疑是党的建设的很大进步。**
**大革命失败后，党的建设走了些弯路。面对国民党反动派的残酷屠杀，党员人数锐减，中央临时政治局将革命失败在组织上归结为党的领导机关中工人成分太少，提出“使党的指导干部之中无产阶级及贫民的成份占最大多数”，是党的最重要的组织任务。党的六大继续坚持“全力争取实现党的布尔什维克化”“务使指导机关工人化”。131(p.528)这实际上是要按照联共(布)党的党建模式来强化党的领导机关工作人员的出身成分问题。受此影响，经共产国际认可，工人出身的向忠发被选作党中央一把手，给党的工作造成了不应有的损失。实践证明，照搬苏联党建经验既不完全符合中国国情，也不能解决党的实际问题。**
**那时党处在幼年时期，包括领导层有些人思想简单一些，是“对于中国的历史状况和社会状况、中国革命的特点、中国革命的规律都懂得不多的党”。“在这一阶段中，党的组织是发展了，但是没有巩固，没有能够使党员、党的干部在思想上、政治上坚定起来。”\[1Mp.610)这样，党在建立初期尽管很重视自身建设，但在中国国情基础上，“建设一个什么样的党、怎样建设党”的问题没有得到真正解决。**
**二、毛泽东主持的古田会议决议：加强党的建设第一个纲领性文献**
**就党的建设历史分期而言，可将从古田会议决议至全民族抗战爆发作为一个阶段。这样分期，与党史上以1927年大革命失败转为土地革命战争的分期，在时间起点上错位两年。**
**为什么这样分期?就是因为古田会议决议是加强党的建设特别是思想建党的第一个纲领性文献。既然党自创建以来，没有根据中国国情解决“建设一个什么样的党、怎样建设党”的问题，那么古田会议决议第一次提出思想建党问题，找到“建设一个什么样的党、怎样建设党”的新路子，对于党的建设理论和实践发展来说就具有里程碑意义。这个问题不提出来解决，中国共产党就很难安身立命。强调古田会议决议的思想建党意义，是因为政治建党问题在此前的党章等文献中已经提出，后续工作逐渐完善、提升和充实。古田会议决议之所以能提出“思想建党”这样的问题，是因为毛泽东从中国国情和中国共产党党情出发，使马克思主义理论落到大地，接了地气。因此，邓小平说：“在井冈山时期，即红军创建时期，毛泽东同志的建党思想就很明确。大家看看红军第四军第九次党代表大会的决议就可以了解。”4J(p.44)**
**我们知道，在1927年八七会议上，毛泽东提出了“枪杆子里面出政权”的思想。他回到湖南领导湘赣边秋收起义，在攻打长沙失利后，迅即率领农民军引兵井冈，先是在井冈山开辟党的第一个革命根据地，随后又转战赣南闽西进行游击战争。那时，他虽远离中央，读的马克思列宁主义本本也不多，但因为深入中国社会的最底层并在革命斗争最前线，所以能够根据初步掌握的马克思列宁主义方法论认识问题，依**
**据农村和红军中党组织的具体情况，创造性地运用马克思列宁主义党建理论精神，不仅提出并初步有了解决党的思想建设问题的应对举措，而且还对党的组织建设和作风建设提出了许多解决方法，非常具体实用。**
**(一)关于加强党的思想建设**
**当时参加革命乃至加入中国共产党的“农民起义军”，主要具有的是反抗剥削和压迫的非常朴素的阶级意识，还没有很高的革命觉悟。面对异常残酷的战争和极其艰苦的革命生活，很多与革命军和党的宗旨要求相背离的形形色色的错误思想逐渐表露出来，有的还相当严重，这就需要加强思想教育。1928年11月，毛泽东在写给中央的报告中提出“我们感觉无产阶级思想领导的问题，是一个非常重要的问题”，“若不给以无产阶级的思想领导，其趋向是会要错误的”。\[5l(p77)红四军党内一些不好的倾向在下山后的红四军第七次和第八次党代表大会上表现得十分突出。主持中央实际工作的周恩来等，在给红四军前委的指示信(即“九月来信”)中，肯定了毛泽东加强思想建设的正确意见。根据“九月来信”指示，1929年12月下旬，红四军党的第九次代表大会通过了由毛泽东主持起草的《中国共产党红军第四军第九次代表大会决议案》(即古田会议决议)。它的第一部分主要内容就是《关于纠正党内的错误思想》，文中指出：四军党内各种非无产阶级意识非常之浓厚，对于党的正确路线之执行，给了极大的妨碍。若不彻底纠正，则中国伟大革命斗争给予红四军的任务，是必然担负不起来的。党的领导机关对由于党的组织基础的最大部分是农民和其他小资产阶级的出身所产生的种种不正确思想，缺乏一致的坚决的斗争和对党员作正确路线的教育，是使得这些不正确思想能够存在和发展的重要原因。\[5\](p.85)因而，“红军党内最迫切的**
**问题，要算是教育的问题。为了红军的健全与扩大，为了斗争任务之能够负荷，都要从党内教育做起”。161(p.94)**
**古田会议决议列出8种错误观念，逐一分析了每种非无产阶级思想的具体表现、来源及其纠正方法。就加强党的思想建设而言，主要分析反对主观主义等错误思想，指出主观主义顽固存在于某些党员的思想中，对分析政治形势和指导工作非常不利。其必然结果，不是机会主义，就是盲动主义。纠正的方法如下：一是教育党员用马克思列宁主义的方法论分析政治形势、估量阶级势力，以代替主观主义。。二是要求党员注意社会经济的调查和研究，由此来决定斗争的策略和工作的方法，使同志们知道离开了实际情况的调查，就要堕入空想和盲动的深坑。这里已经论及理论如何联系实际的党的思想路线问题，说明古田会议决议对加强思想建设的认识达到了相当高度。**
**(二)关于加强党的组织建设**
**古田会议决议明确提出“党的组织路线”概念，指出党的组织问题现在非常严重，特别是党员质量之差和组织之松懈，严重影响到了红军的领导与政策执行，务必努力改造党组织，使之确实能担负党的政治任务。对于如何加强党的组织建设，古田会议决议要求：第一，加强基层党组织建设，强调基层会议的政治化与实际化，反对空论，发动与会者的心思才力，从而激发党的战斗力。第二，首次提出加入中国共产党的具体条件。为解决在红四军中入党太随便，不要任何条件一概拉进，使党的质量受到严重影响的问题，古田会议决议在提出对不够党员资格经过教育不改者“一律清洗出党”外，还第一次提出了“新份子入党条件”。第三，反对极端民主化，强调党的民主集中制原则，“厉行集中指导下的民主生活”，要求党的指导机关有**
**正确的指导路线，以建立领导中枢；党的下级机关及党员群众对于上级机关的指示，要经过详尽讨论，以求彻底了解其意义，并决定对它的执行方法。**
**(三)关于加强党的作风建设**
**纠正党内错误思想，也包括纠正不好的作风。古田会议决议初步提出了党的“三大作风”思想。关于理论联系实际的作风，前述加强思想建设反对主观主义已经论及。关于加强群众工作，密切与群众的联系，古田会议决议指出：红军打仗，离开了对群众的宣传、组织、武装和建设革命政权等目标，就失去了打仗的意义，也失去了红军存在的意义。这虽然是批评单纯军事观点的，但同时也具有加强党的作风建设的普遍意义。关于开展批评，古田会议决议对“非组织的批评”和“主观主义的批评”的错误倾向提出了批评，强调批评要注意政治，使党员明白批评的目的是增加党的战斗力以达到阶级斗争的胜利，不应当使批评成为攻击个人的工具。如果不是与政治的和组织的错误有联系，则不必多指摘个人缺点，使同志无措手足。**
**古田会议决议比较系统地初步回答了在党员队伍以农民成分为主和革命战争十分残酷的条件下，如何着重从思想上、组织上、作风上建设党，以保持其无产阶级先锋队的性质。这标志着毛泽东建党学说的初步形成，也为中国共产党的党建理论体系的建构奠定了基础。古田会议确定的原则不但很快贯彻到红四军中去，而且也在其他红军中逐步推行。此后，为了保持党的先锋队性质，毛泽东不断强调教育党员克服各种非无产阶级思想，以更开阔的视野提出如何加强党的思想建设、组织建设和作风建设等问题。**
**1935年1月遵义会议确立了毛泽东在党中央的实际核心领导地位后，他倡导的着重从思想上建设党的原则逐步成为全党共识。**
**同年12月，瓦窑堡中央政治局扩大会议决议，根据“九一八事变”后民族矛盾渐渐上升为主要矛盾的新形势，确定了在建立广泛的抗日民族统一战线方针时，“为扩大与巩固共产党而斗争”的任务。会议指出：“中国共产党是中国无产阶级的先锋队。它应该大量吸收先进的工人雇农入党，造成党内的工人骨干。同时中国共产党又是全民族的先锋队，因此一切愿意为着共产党的主张而奋斗的人，不问他们的阶级出身如何，都可以加入共产党。”尽管中国是一个经济落后的国家，农民和小资产阶级出身的知识分子在党内占大多数，但党完全有能力把许多愿意为共产党主张而奋斗的新党员，锻造成为有最高阶级觉悟的无产阶级战士。这里的关键是对党员进行共产主义教育，把党变为一个共产主义熔炉。党不惧怕非无产阶级党员政治水平的不一致，党用共产主义教育去保证提高他们到先锋队地位。17(pp.620-621)这些论述对毛泽东着重“从思想上建设党”的思想做了精辟阐发。**
**三、毛泽东领导的整风运动：推进党的建设“伟大的工程”的创举**
**全民族抗战开始后，为了适应新形势，党的队伍空前壮大。至1938年底，党员人数从抗战初期4万多增加到50多万，中国共产党已经成为具有广泛群众基础的全国性大党。但是，大批新党员缺乏党的基本知识，缺乏初步的马克思主义理论修养和革命经验，并带人大量非无产阶级思想意识，少数坏人和敌对分子也混进了党内。为此，1939年8月，中央政治局作出《关于巩固党的决定》，指出：在思想上政治上组织上巩固党，成为我们今天极端严重的任务。两个月后，毛泽东在为《共**
**产党人》杂志写的发刊词中提出要把“建设一个全国范围的、广大群众性的、思想上政治上组织上完全巩固的布尔什维克化的中国共产党”的任务，作为党的建设“伟大的工程”来进行。毛泽东提出的这一伟大工程，把党的数量的发展与质量的提高紧密结合，把党的思想建设、政治建设、组织建设融为一体，更全面地指明了党的建设的目标和内容，是党的建设思想理论的重要发展。**
**按照党中央决定和统一部署，各地党组织迅速开展巩固党的工作，着手实施党的建设伟大工程。在抗战转入相持阶段后，我们党既要应对国民党顽固派不断进行的反共活动，又要为争取抗战最后胜利做思想上和组织上准备，党中央决定在全党范围内开展整风运动，一方面把早已提出的党内马克思主义思想教育引向深入，另一方面又有利于彻底解决党的历史是非和思想路线问题，清除以王明为代表的“左”倾错误的影响，在全党范围内更牢固地树立起马克思主义中国化的思想原则和路线。党的建设伟大工程的内涵也更加丰富。**
**整风运动既是推进党的建设“伟大的工程”主要载体，也是马克思主义政党建设史上的一个伟大创造。整风运动的主要内容是总结党的历史经验教训，反对主观主义以整顿学风、反对宗派主义以整顿党风、反对党八股以整顿文风，教育全党干部学会运用马克思主义的立场观点方法来研究和解决中国革命的具体问题。毛泽东提出“惩前懸后”“治病救人”方针，全体党员在整风运动中通过读书学习、自我反省、开展批评与自我批评，提高了认识，增强了党性，改进了工作，为全面贯彻执行党的路线、夺取全民族抗战胜利奠定了巩固的思想基础，也为将中国共产党建设成为一个在全国范围内具有广大群众性、思想上政治上组织上完全巩固**
**的马克思主义先进政党奠定了坚实基础。就推进党的建设伟大工程而言，延安整风运动至少有五大历史功绩。**
**第一，空前提高了党的马克思主义理论水平。整风运动在全党范围进行马克思主义教育，结合研究现实问题和党的历史来学习理论。许多过去没有读过马列本本的干部，这次集中认真地读了中央规定的理论书籍；过去读过马列本本的一些领导干部，这次懂得了怎样运用马克思列宁主义的立场与方法来认识中国革命问题。整风运动使全党广大党员特别是中高级干部系统地而不是零碎地、实际地而不是空洞地学习马克思主义。它既是一次全党范围的马克思主义的思想教育运动，也是破除党内把马克思主义教条化、把共产国际和苏联经验神圣化错误倾向的空前思想解放运动，对于提高我们党的战斗力量，夺取全民族抗战胜利起了重要指导作用。**
**第二，基本弄清了党的历史上的路线是非，在全党范围确立了实事求是、理论联系实际的马克思主义思想路线。遵义会议只改组了中央领导，没有解决思想政治路线问题。抗战开始后，就影响党的正确路线的贯彻执行。开展整风运动，毛泽东双管齐下，一方面通过《改造我们的学习》等整风报告，把实事求是的思想路线提升到“党性”高度，视为“一个党性坚强的党员的起码态度”；I8Kp.361)另一方面主持编辑“六大以来”等3套历史文献，使许多负责同志认识到苏维埃运动后期确实存在错误路线，对于毛泽东提出反对教条主义，确立实事求是、理论联系实际的马克思主义思想路线口服心服，从而在全党特别是在高级干部中间对党的历史问题达成了共识。**
**第三，加快了马克思主义中国化、时代化、大众化的步伐。思想路线问题弄通了，一通百通。毛泽东在《改造我们的学习》中对**
**“实事求是”的新界定和新阐释，就是中国共产党人倡导的马克思主义思想路线中国化、时代化、大众化的生动表述。与此相联系，将传统的马克思主义的立场、观点、方法论转化为中国共产党特有的“思想方法论”，广大党员干部学习运用马克思主义思想方法分析问题、解决问题，取得了显著成效。同时，毛泽东号召全党要使中国革命“丰富的实际”马克思主义化，将经验升华为理论，成为创造性的马克思主义；要活的、香的马克思主义，不要教条主义的马克思主义。这就提出了马克思主义与时俱进的时代化问题。整风运动是马克思主义中国化、时代化、大众化的催化剂。**
**第四，促进了毛泽东思想成为全党指导思想。毛泽东在1935年遵义会议上成为中共中央的实际领导核心后，在全党的影响力越来越显著。全民族抗战大大提升了中国共产党在全国范围内的巨大影响，毛泽东的领袖地位不但在党内巩固起来，而且得到共产国际的明确承认。《新民主主义论》是毛泽东思想成为体系的标志性著作。整风运动中，延安等抗日根据地的报刊相继撰文赞颂以《新民主主义论》为代表的毛泽东的思想理论，并提出，毛泽东思想是创造性的马克思列宁主义，是马克思列宁主义在中国的发展，是中国化的马克思列宁主义。《关于若干历史问题的决议》充分肯定了毛泽东的历史地位和毛泽东思想的伟大作用，党的七大正式把毛泽东思想确立为中国共产党的指导思想。这是党的指导思想中第一个中国化马克思主义理论，也是党的思想理论建设的伟大成就。**
**第五，对于把中国共产党建设成为马克思主义先进政党起了决定性作用。具体而言，一是着重从思想上建设党的要求得到了落实。毛泽东明确提出，共产党员不仅要在**
**组织上入党，而且要在思想上人党。整风运动是着重从思想上建设党的伟大实践。。二是共产党员修养理论丰富了思想建党内容。为了建设马克思主义化的先进政党，以毛泽东同志为核心的中央领导集体不仅重视党的思想路线、政治路线、组织路线建设，而且强调党员个人的思想意识修养、理论修养和党性锻炼，要求共产党员确立共产主义理想信念，培养共产主义道德品质，从而保证党的路线、方针、政策的贯彻执行，更鲜明地展现党的先进性和纯洁性品质。刘少奇所著《论共产党员的修养》，是共产党员修养理论的代表作，对于推进思想建党起了重要作用。三是党的指导思想排除了错误倾向的干扰，正确的政治路线更加明确坚定。党的七大制定了打败日本侵略者、建立新民主主义中国的政治路线，为夺取抗战最后胜利和新民主主义革命的胜利指明了方向。四是明确提出了共产党区别于其他政党的“三大作风”(理论和实践相结合的作风、和人民群众紧密地联系在一起的作风、自我批评的作风)。通过整风运动概括的“三大作风”，是马克思主义政党立于不败之地的根基。**
**正因为整风运动使毛泽东的党建思想得到了全面展开，所以邓小平指出：毛泽东的“完整的建党学说，是经过实践在延安整风时期建立起来的。毛泽东同志对于建立一个什么样的党，党的指导思想是什么，党的作风是什么，都有完整的一套”。14)(p.44)**
**四、毛泽东的“三次对谈”和“两个务必”思想：中国共产党执政清廉和防治腐败的根本之道**
**毛泽东的“三次对谈”发生在抗战后期，“两个务必”思想则是在新中国成立前夕的**
**党的七届二中全会上提出的。他的完整的党建理论形成后，许多思想还在不断丰富和发展。“三次对谈”和“两个务必”思想，就毛泽东的党建理论愈益丰富和发展而言最具代表性。**
**20世纪40年代，世界反法西斯战争随着1943年苏联斯大林格勒战役的伟大胜利已发生历史性转折；中国抗战进入后期，胜利大势已趋明朗。毛泽东高瞻远瞩，不仅运筹如何夺取抗日战争的胜利，而且开始思考中国共产党在胜利后如何不重蹈历史王朝覆辙。他在“三次对谈”中提出的关于党的建设的重要观点，关系党的生死存亡。这“三次对谈”，就是“甲申对”“窑洞对”和“赶考对”。**
**首先看“甲申对”。在上述大背景下，身居重庆的郭沫若应中共中央南方局主办的《新华日报》和《群众》杂志之约，撰写了纪念大明王朝和大顺王朝灭亡300年的文章《甲申三百年祭》(以下简称“郭文”)，于1944年3月发表。“郭文”着重论述了三百年前的甲申年，艰辛奋战18个春秋打天下的李自成农民军在攻陷北京城灭亡大明王朝后，花天酒地，沉沦享乐，结果坐天下42天就仓皇离京，败逃南去，大顺王朝灰飞烟灭。**
**“郭文”发表时，延安整风运动进人后期。毛泽东在1944年4月对整风运动做总结的《学习与时局》中讲到党的历史谈及该文：我们党的历史上曾经有过几次大的骄傲，都是吃了亏的。全党同志对于这几次骄傲、几次错误，都要引为鉴戒。近日我们印了郭沫若论李自成的文章，也是叫同志们引为鉴戒，不要重犯胜利时骄傲的错误。毛泽东讲话一个星期后，延安《解放日报》全文转载《甲申三百年祭》，将它作为整风文献推荐给全党干部学习。是年11月，毛泽东在党的六届七中全会总结党的历史经验期间再函郭沫若，感谢此前郭信对党的抗战路线和延安成**
**为民主圣地的夸奖。他写道：大示读悉，奖饰过分，十分不敢当。你的《甲申三百年祭》，我们把它当作整风文件看待。小胜即骄傲，大胜更骄傲，一次又一次吃亏，如何避免此种毛病，实在值得注意。我虽然兢兢业业，生怕出岔子，但说不定岔子从什么地方跑来。你看到了什么缺点错误，希望随时示知。毛泽东与郭沫若的这次笔谈，即“甲申对”。**
**再看“窑洞对”。1945年7月初，党的七大刚闭幕，国民参政员黄炎培等6位先生访问延安。他们走访了延安新市场和光华农场，会见了丁玲、陈毅、范文澜等朋友，考察了延安的经济发展、民主政治建设、社会治理和军民关系等方面的情况，感受到了延安由最初2000人发展到5万人的巨大变化。在5天考察期间，党的领导与黄炎培一行举行了3次会谈。毛泽东问黄炎培，对延安的感想如何。黄炎培说，我生六十多年，耳闻的不说，所亲眼看到的，真所谓“其兴也勃焉”“其亡也忽焉”，一人、一家、一团体、一地方乃一国，不少单位都没有能跳出这“周期率”的支配力。一部历史，“政怠宦成”的也有，“人亡政息”的也有，“求荣取辱”的也有，总之没有能跳出这“周期率”。。中共诸君从过去到现在，我略图了解到的，就是希望找出一条新路，来跳出这“周期率”的支配。毛泽东稍做思考后回答：我们已经找到新路，能跳出这“周期率”。这条新路就是民主。只有让人民来监督政府，政府才不敢松懈。只有人人起来负责，才不会人亡政息。这次著名对谈，史称“窑洞对”。**
**最后看“赶考对”。“赶考对”与“两个务必”是同时提出的。1949年1月，“三大战役”的战略决战已经结束，中国革命胜利在望。是年3月，党的七届二中全会就是谋划筹建新中国大政方针的重要会议。毛泽东做主题报告，在提出关于党的工作重心转移、新**
**中国的基本矛盾和经济政策后，他就谈到加强党的思想建设，提醒全党要警惕骄傲自满、以功臣自居情绪的滋长，警惕资产阶级用糖衣裹着的炮弹的攻击，务必继续地保持谦虚、谨慎、不骄、不躁的作风，务必继续地保持艰苦奋斗的作风。这就是“两个务必”思想。全会结束后，中共中央及其所属机构由西柏坡迁往北平。在出发做准备时，毛泽东对周围同志说：我们就要进北平了。我们进北平，可不是李自成进北平，他们进了北平就变了。我们共产党人进北平，是要继续革命，建设社会主义，直到实现共产主义。随后启程进京，他兴奋地对周恩来说：今天是进京“赶考”嘛。进京“赶考”去，精神不好怎么行呀?周恩来笑着说：我们应当都能考试及格，不要退回来。毛泽东说：退回去就失败了。我们决不当李自成，我们都希望考个好成绩。这段对话，就是“赶考对”。**
**“赶考对”显然是回应“甲申对”的。从“甲申对”到“窑洞对”，再到“赶考对”，这三个“对谈”，讨论的问题是一个，以李自成农民军“其兴也勃焉”“其亡也忽焉”的典型“周期率”为史镜，共产党绝不能重蹈覆辙，成为20世纪的李自成。**
**“三次对谈”和“两个务必”思想，虽然是70多年前的往事，但具有永不过时的警示和启迪意义。腐败亡党亡国，这是不以任何人的意志为转移的历史规律。凡被造反推翻的，无不是腐败使民心丧失殆尽，在中国和外国概莫能外。当今世界政党政治，腐败仍是一个相当普遍的“顽症”，甚至是“癌症”。许多政党由盛而衰，腐败是致命之根。共产党会不会重蹈覆辙，成为李自成呢?这始终需要我们党高度警惕，居安思危。**
**毛泽东在领导中国共产党夺取新民主主义革命胜利的艰苦卓绝的奋斗中所形成的完整的党建理论，不仅为我们党的百年党建理**
**论作了伟大的奠基，而且作为夺取中国革命胜利的主要法宝，也为党的百年辉煌作了伟大的奠基。**
**五、启示：全面从严治党未有穷期**
**中华人民共和国成立后，毛泽东的党建理论还在丰富和发展。改革开放以来，以邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛同志为主要代表的中国共产党人，持续不断地推进党的建设新的伟大工程。党的十八大以来，以习近平同志为核心的党中央实施全面从严治党战略，实际上就是在新时代中国特色社会主义条件下，继承、弘扬和发展了以毛泽东的党建思想为主体的党的建设理论，特别是在新的历史起点上回答了70多年前“三次对谈”提出的问题。我们党这些年来加强党的建设的努力不仅取得了巨大成绩，而且在探索如何跳出“周期率”方面找到了一些“秘笈”。**
**就目前来看，跳出“周期率”的“秘笈”至少有以下四点：**
**一是始终不渝地坚持思想建党和制度治党，练就共产党人“金刚不坏之身”；二是始终不渝地坚持“两个务必”思想，牢记骄躁非败即挫，诚恐戒惧永不松懈；三是始终不渝地坚持走民主新路，不断丰富和发展中国特色社会主义民主政治，“造成一个又有集中又有民主，又**
**有纪律又有自由，又有统一意志、又有心情舒畅、生动活泼，那样一种政治局面”；191(p.543)四是始终不渝地坚持反腐败斗争，不断强化不敢腐的震慑，扎牢不能腐的笼子，增强不想腐的自觉，使干部清正、政府清廉、政治清明成为有口皆碑的新常态。**
**“全面从严治党”是中国共产党须良不可离的法宝。作为凝聚中华民族优秀儿女的先进政党，中国共产党始终不渝地坚持至少上述四点，与时俱进地加以丰富和发展，就有助于跳出历史周期率，确保党和国家长治久安，确保神州大地永世太平!**
**\[参考文献\]**
**\[1\]毛泽东选集(第2卷)\[M\].北京：人民出版社，1991.**
**\[2\]中央档案馆编.中国共产党第二次至第六次代表大会文件汇编\[M\].北京：人民出版社，1981.**
**\[3\]瞿秋白文集·政治理论篇(第5卷)\[M\].北京：人民出版社，1995.**
**\[4\]邓小平文选(第2卷)\[M\].北京：人民出版社，1993.**
**\[5\]毛泽东选集(第1卷)\[M\].北京：人民出版社，1991.**
**\[6\]毛泽东文集(第1卷)\[M\].北京：人民出版社，1993.**
**\[7\]中央档案馆编.中共中央文件选集(第10册)\[M\].北京：中共中央党校出版社，1991.**
**\[8\]毛泽东文集(第2卷)\[M\].北京：人民出版社，1993.**
**\[9\]中共中央文献研究室编.建国以来毛泽东文稿(第6册)\[M\].北京：中央文献出版社，1992.**
**责任编辑：澄** **宇**
**A Centennial History of the CPC and the Great Foundations of Mao Ze-dong’s Party Construction for Democratic Revolutionary： The blood-soaked and arduous twenty-eight years of the New Democratic Revolution were the beginning of a centennial history of the CPC. Mao Ze-dong was the great leader who led the CPC to victory in the New Democratic Revolution and the main creator of the theory of party construction. The resolutions of the Gutian Conference， the principles of building the Party ideologically， the Rectification Campaign， the Three Conversations and the Two Imperatives are representative of Mao Ze-dong's Party construction theory which was constantly enriched and developed during different periods of history. As there is no end to the strict governance of the Party， we must now inherit， carry forward and develop the party construction theory based on Mao Ze-dong's related ideas， so as to truly break out of the historical cycle and ensure the long-lasting peace and security of the Party and the country as well as the eternal peace of China.(Shi Zhong-quan)**
**Four-History Education and Labour Practice Are the Basic Requirements for a True Successor：The education of labour practice throughout the whole process of Four-History education is the essential requirement for cultivating generations of socialist builders and successors with comprehensive deyelopment of morality， intelligence， physical fitness， beauty and labor. At present， neo-liberalism， "non-Marxist" social trends and herd mentality have caused a great impact on the values of young university students， dissipating the respect and love for labour in the traditional virtues of the Chinese nation， and easily leading to the lack of personal ideals and spiritual motivation of young university students. Therefore， to strengthen the Four-History education， we must not confine it to the classroom， but also go deeper into the practice of labour， bring into play the comprehensive education value of labour education， such as cultivating morality， increasing intelligence， strengthening the body and fostering beauty through labour， and cultivate socialist builders and successors with comprehensive development of morality， intelligence， physical fitness， beauty and labor.(Sheng Chun)**
**The Educational Dilemma and the Optimization Path of Cultivating “Successor"： The key to upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics lies in cultivating “successors and the “all-round development of morality， intelligence， physical fitness， beauty and1ce， P labor" is the quality requirements for “successors" put forward by the Party and the country in the new era. In view of the current situation of successor training， there are still misconceptions about the “Education of Five Aspects" and the theory of “all-round development". In concrete educational practice also exist problems of the inadequacy of moral education， the disconnect between “knowledge" and “ability" in intelligence education， the underachievement of phycial education， the isolation of beauty and aesthetic education， and the absence of labour education. To cultivate a well-rounded “successor"， it is necessary to build an education system that integrates the “Education of Five Aspects" at the horizontal level， design an integrated education system at the vertical level for “university， middle school， primary school and kindergarten"， and emphasize the cooperation among the family， the school and the community to create a synergy of education for the whole society.(Wu Xiao-wei)**
**The Demands of Rural Modernization for the Rule of Law in the Countryside：The village rules and regulations are an important regulatory system for educating the people and stabilizing society in traditional villages. Promoting the rule of law in rural areas is the objective requirement for realizing socialist modernization and the comprehensive promotion of the rule of law in China， and is also an inherent demand for the transformation of the village rules and regulations from traditionality to modernization. The useful governance experience of the village rules and regulations has laid a solid foundation for promoting their rule of law. At present， the promotion of the rule of law in the countryside is faced with the challenges of weak awareness of modern citizenship among farmers， abuse of power by sporadic village cadres and lagging construction of the rule of law in the countryside， as well as those of alienated farmers values， strong feudal superstition and loss of some traditional virtues. Therefore， by speeding up legislation on traditional folk customs， strengthening socialist education on the rule of law， and bringing into play the function of socialist core values as “soft law governance"， the village rules and regulations should be brought into the orbit of socialist rule of law to achieve the ambitious goal of rural modernisation.(Ye Gang and Yin Jie)**
**Lenin's Theory of Socialist Cooperative System and the Choice of the Direction of China's Agricultural Economic Development： Insights from Lenin’s On Cooperation： In adherence to integrating the basic principles of Marxism with the concrete practice of Soviet Russia， and on the basis his analysis of the situation in Soviet Russia and his reconception of the commodity economy， Lenin gradually found a new way to build a socialist co-operative system through the transformation from “wartime communism" into “new economic policy". He eventually developed a mature theory of socialist cooperative system through analysing the nature and significance of co-operative system， the status and role of peasants， the relationship between commodities and currency， and the relationship between co-operation and cultural revolution. His theory of socialist co-operative system is an important guide and reference for choosing an effective form of the rural collective economy in China， namely the rural share cooperation system.(Mao Pei-hua and Wang Li-yun)**
**Labour Subjectivity in Engels’ View of Nature and Its Contemporary Value："Labour subjectivity" affirms the labour subject status of the proletariat， manifests the value position of Engels concept of nature， and fundamentally transcends the old metaphysical concept of nature， The connotation of “labour subjectivity" should be grasped in two senses： in the rational dimension as the labour subject of the proletariat， and in the real dimension as the labour of the alienated “capital subject". Western Marxist scholars ignored the dynamic significance of the “labour subjectivity" in Engels’ concept of nature and concocted the “Marxist-Engelsian antithesis". In this regard， only by going back to the Dialectics of Nature can we clarify the important status of the “labour subjectivity". In the context of the new era， “people-centredness" inherits and develops the proletarian position of the "labour subjectivity” in Engels’ concept of nature. This position satisfies the people’s need for a beautiful ecological environment， safeguards their environmental rights and interests， and manifests the subject logic of the socialist construction of ecological civilization with Chinese characteristics.(Du Shi-ju and Cheng Ming-yue)**
**On the principles of Constructing the Discourse System of Marxist Philosophy and Its Inspiration： To construct a set of discourse system of philosophy and social sciences with Chinese characteristics， Chinese style and Chinese grace under the guidance of Marxism， we should first explore the principles of constructing the discourse system of Marxist philosophy and discover the path of innovative development of a contemporary discourse of Chinese philosophy and social sciences. The birth of Marxist philosophical discourse is a great change in the history of philosophical discourse， and this change follows certain methodological principles， namely， distilling concepts from the real life world， making philosophy speak in the words of the masses， speaking from the standpoint of the proletariat， and creating a new discourse in the process of criticising the “old” one， and promoting discursive innovation through the mutual promotion of study and society.(Liu Ying)**
**Openness or Contraction： The Dilemma of Capitalism and Its Logical Paradox：An in-depth study of the future of capitalism has always been an important subject. The logic of capital lies in the absolute accumulation of surplus value. In the process of power expansion， its proliferative nature makes capital no longer satisfied with the domestic market， and the global expansion of capitalism in all directions and fields in the past four hundred years has shown a strong need for openness. But at the present time， with the rise of socialist China and the increasingly weak development of Western capitalism， the capitalist countries， led by the United States， are beginning to show multiple trends of contraction. It can be said that capitalism is facing its own dilemma and logical paradox： to remain open or to contract moderately or even significantly. This means globalisation** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **高质量推进健康江北里设**
近年来，健康江北建设工作紧扣“共建共享、全民健康”主题，按照健康宁波建设总体目标和“六争攻坚、三年攀高”行动要求，紧扣《健康江北建设第一轮行动规划(2018-2020年)及十大行动实施方案》部署，着力在提升居民健康素养、倡导全民科学健身、优化健康服务、改善健康环境等方面下功夫，以高水平打造健康城区为抓手，高质量推进健康江北建设，为宁波当好浙江建设“重要窗口”模范生提供健康保障。
大力开展“三减三健”、适量运动、心理健康和控烟限酒等专项行动，进一步深化“人人都是自己健康的第一责任人”理念，不断提升居民自我健康管理能力。当前江北全区人群健康主要指标中，人均期望寿命达到82.49岁，户籍孕产妇死亡率为0，婴儿死亡率为2.09%， 均优于全市平均水平。全区中小学生体质健康标准达标优良率达71.1%，全区中小学生总体近视率达57.61%，较上年度下降了1.44%。结合重点疾病防控和卫生日服务，组织开展各类讲座和义诊进社区、进农村文化礼堂活动370余场，健康教育人数达4.3万余人次。同时，全民健身活动精彩纷呈，年度举办击剑、地掷球、网球等80人以上的健身活动90余场，承办全国桥牌A类俱乐部联赛等“国字号”赛事10余项，宁波山地马拉松规模扩充至6000人，影响力、品牌价值进一步提升，常住人口中经常参加体育锻炼的人数达47.7%，位居全市第一。
**UIIII**
按照“城区10分钟、农村15分钟便民医疗服务圈”建设成标准化社区卫生服务站48家，标准化建设率
100%，在全市率先出台公共场所母婴室建设指导手册，年度已建母婴室39个，建成率100%。国家免费孕前优生健康检查、城乡居民“两癌”筛查、重点人群签约服务均走在全市前列。全面启动九院三乙
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养生养老产业和奥体—中体城体育运动产业为两翼的“一核两翼”健康产业布局。2019年，全区健康产业增加值为40亿元，增速21.95%。在全区范围内持续深入开展打击非法行医活动，共取缔非法行医窝点28个，立案处罚18家，2人被移送公安机关进行刑事处理，平安创建实现“十四连冠”。不断推进食品安全治理，获评“浙江省食品安全县(市、区)”荣誉。广泛动员全社会参与爱国卫生运动，持续提升健康促进医院和健康促进学校比例。 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **基于二进制域上的ECC标量乘法算法**
**王平平'陆正福²**
**(1六盘水师范学院，数学系，贵州，六盘水，553000；2云南大学数学与统计学院，昆明650091)**
**摘 要：通过分析带符号的二进制算法(NAF)和窗口法的理论基础，利用二进制域上求逆元的简便性，结合预计算倍点序列，提出一种快速计算ECC点倍运算的算法。该算法在求时，采用编码表示，结合NAF编码算法，得到的带符号编码，减少了倍点运算的次数。和同类算法相比，算法能够有效地降低时间复杂度。**
**关键词：椭圆曲线密码体制；带符号的二进制算法；窗口法；标量乘算法**
**中图分类号：TN918.3 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1671-055X(2015)01-0063-04**
**.DOI：10.3969/j.issn.1671-055X.2015.01.014**
**Scalar Multiplication Algorithm of ECC Based on Binary Field**
**WANG Ping-ping；LU Zheng-fu²**
**(1 Liupanshui Normal University，Department of Mathematics，Liupanshui 553000，China；2 Yunnan University， Mathematics and Statistical institute， Kunming 650091，China)**
**Abstract： Based on the binary method， non-adjacent form (NAF) method and Window method， a new scalar multiplication algorithm named is proposed， which uses the inverse element of based point and the precom-putation mean. The algorithm’s step of calculate ， combined encoding and NAF encoding calculate the signed order of to reduce the addition times. It is also compared with other algorithm with lower time com-plexity.**
**Key words： elliptic curve cryptosystem(ECC)； non-adjacent form( NAF) method； window method； scalar multiplication**
**在椭圆曲线密码体制中，标量乘法(点倍运算)的时间复杂度是决定椭圆曲线密码体制运行效率的关键。常见的Q=nP点倍运算是将系数n表示成二进制的形式，然后利用整数求幂的方式计算出n个P的大小。研究人员提出系数n带符号的二进制表示法NAF(Non-Adjacent Form，即非相邻表示型)减少了n的汉明重量(F. Morain and J. Olivos，1990)；出现新的算法求系数n带符号的二进制序列，缩短了系数n的序列长度(Bang-ju Wang et al.，2007)。通过引人负映射，进一步减少了 n的二进制表达的汉明重量(王悦，2012)。充分利用了负映射可减少系数1的汉明重量的优点，结合求系数n带符号的二进制序列算法，提出了W\_NAF算法。分析表明，该算法的时间复杂度和存储空间均低于同类算法。**
**1基础知识**
**阶为2\*的域称为特征为2的有限域或二进制**
**域。二进制域GF(2M)的特征值为 char(F)=2。**
定义1.1有限域上的椭圆曲线E(F)是定义在仿射平面上的3次方程：+xy=x+ax+b的所有解(x，J)与无穷远点O构成的并集，记为：
**其中， a，beFm，且判别式A=b=0，此时称椭圆曲线是“光滑”的，即曲线的所有的点都没有两个或两个以上不同的切线，也称为非奇异的(范恒英等，2002)。定义1.2二进制域K上群的运算法则。设域K 的特征值为2，即K=F。定义在域K上的非奇异椭圆曲线为E(K)。其运算法则如下：**
**(1)单位元。对于任意的点PeE(K)，**
**收稿日期：2015-01-01**
**基金项目：国家自然科学基金资助项目(No.：10861012)。**
**第一作者简介：王平平(1986-)，女，河北衡水人，助教，主要从事密码编码学、信息安全研究。E-mail：wpp** \_ **[email protected].**
(2)负元素 若P=(x，y)eE(K)， 则(x，y)+(x，x+y)=0，记点(x；x+y)为-P，并称-P为点P的负元素。需要注意的是-P也是E(K)卜的点。
**(3) 点 加 中 _令_ P=(X))EE(K)**
P=(x2，)2)eE(K)，则P+P2=(x3，P)eE(K)
其中：x=1+A+x+芯2+a
(4)倍点。令P=(X，H)eE(K)，P\*-P，则2P=(X3，)3)EE(K)，其中，.
**2常见标量乘算法**
**2.1 NAF算法**
**椭圆曲线在Abel 群上计算点的加法和点的减法有相等的计算量。NAF 编码是将系数n的二进制编码中多个连续的“1”用一个“1”和一个“-1”表示，从而减小了二进制编码中非“0”元的个数，即减少了点加的运算次数。任何非负整数均有唯一的NAF编码(祝跃飞和张亚娟，2006)。**
**系数n的NAF序列是指将系数n展开为非零且不连续，有符号的二进制。例如，由29=32-4+1，得NAF(29)=<1，0，0，-1，0，1>**
**计算NAF编码的一个常用算法：**
**输入：正整数n**
**输出： NAF(n)**
**(2)当k>0：**
**2.1)如果k是奇数，则令u{-2-kmod 4 ，否则令u←0；**
**2.2)令k←k-u；**
**2.3)将u添加到 NAF(n)中，令k=k/2**
**(3)输出 NAF(n)**
**NAF算法：**
**输人： P，NAF(N)**
**输出：Q**
**_(1)令Q←P_**
**(2)对i=1-2递减到1，执行：**
**2.1)令Q<2Q；**
**2.2)如果e=1，则令Q←Q+P，**
如果e=-1，则令0←Q-P
**(3)输山旦**
**2.2窗口法**
假设一个定义在二元域2上的椭圆曲线 _E_ _PeE(Fr)_ t=2+1-#E(F-)并且n=2j-\*；25，其中k；=0，±l为 n的 NAF序列。此时、Q=nP的计算步骤如下：
窗口法(Jung Hee Cheon et al.， 2006)：
其巾虫：(x，y)→(x，y")。
**输入： P=(x，y)**
**输出：Q=nP**
**(1)预处理：**
**1.1)已←P**
(即计算：P=2\*P-=2"P)
**(3)对于j=r-1递减到0，执行：**
3.2)对于i=0递增到n-1计算R<R+kpi+；P
**3.3)Q一R+2Q**
**(4)输出Q**
3W\_NAF算法
**W\_NAF标量乘算法中应用到了w\_NAF(n)编码，其中w\_NAF(n)编码是将系数n用2"进制编码表达，再将编码中大于2"-1的数用其逆表示，当w取值为不小于2的整数时w\_NAF(n)编码的长度小于等于n的二进制编码和NAF编码，从而可以减少倍点运算的次数和预计算中需要的存储**
**空间。**
**预计算倍点序列：设ECC密钥长度为!，在进行标量乘法运算前，先利用二进制算法计算出2 P，i=0，1，2...，1。在ECC 加解密过程中，基点P不变，这些点反复用到。采用预计算方式，虽然古用一些额外的存储空间，但是避免了大量重复的运算，可有效提高运算效率。**
**带符号的 NAFw(n)编码算法具体描述如下： _输人：n_**
**输出：NAF(n)编码**
**(2)l表示n在2"进制下的长度，k←i；当k>0：**
**2.1)如果k是奇数，则令u{kmod2"，如果u>2"-则u←u-2”；**
**如果k是偶数，则令u←0；**
**_2.2)令k<-k-u；_**
**2.3)将u添加到NAF(n)中，令k=k/2； _2.4)7=(+1；_**
**(3)输出NAFw(n)。**
**例如，当n=29，w=3时， n 的NAF 编码为100-101，n的NAF；(29)编码为10000-3，可见， NAFs减少了倍点运算的次数，且其编码与NAF编码长度相同。**
**w\_NAF 算法完整描述如下：**
**输入：P(x，y)**
**_输出：Q=nP_**
(1)预计算倍点序列(2--1)2P，其中：i=0，1，2...，1-1；j=2，3，...，W，即计算出每一位上可能出现的非零数的倍点值；
**(2)用带符号的 NAF(n)编码算法计算系数n的NAF(n)编码；**
**(3)利用预计算的倍点序列将￥2'P i=0，1，2，...，1-1的值相加，即求Q=nP。**
**在 NAFw编码算法中2.1步，可以得到 NAFw编码的非零元素一定是小于2\*-1的奇数，而在w\_NAF 算法的第(1)步中，把每一位上的可能出现的非零元索都用预计算的方法算出，再以后出现标量乘的时候只需取出每一位上的对应数相加即可。又因为在 NAFw编码中非零元素出现的概 _1_**
**率为 w+1 (JEROME A. and SOLINA S.，2000)可得1**
**标量乘只需 w+1 次加法运算。**
**_4 w-NAF算法分析_**
**下面给出NAF算法、窗口法和本文提出的W\_NAF 算法的时间复杂度分析，其中D表示倍点运算，A表示加法运算。**
**NAF算法：NAF编码具有最小的非零元个数，其长度至多比二进制表示多1 bit，所以NAF编码中倍点运算的次数基本与二进制中的相等，平均 _21_ 一个长(的二进制数对应的NAF编码中含有了个“0”(JEROME A. and SOLINA S.， 2000)。因此， NAF算法的的平均时间复杂张度度为 _/(D+A/3)=1(D+A/3)或1(D+A/3)=(/+1)(D+A/3)。_**
**窗口法：预计算时需要(：(t)+1)(n-1)次加法，核心计算过程需要 nr/3+r次加法，(Jung Hee Cheonet al.，2006)给出窗口法的平均时间复杂度**
**_2nr_**
为3
**由于 NAFw(n)编码中非零元的平均密度近似于w+1(JEROME A. and SOLINA S.，2000)，且非零元的大小在区间\[-2-1+1，2~-1-1\]上，其中在二元域上求逆非常便捷即若 P=(x，))，其逆-P=(x，x+))，所以求逆运算的时间可忽略不计。推算得非零元的平均大小是2\*-2×2W--11-=2\*-22W-1 ，其中w≥2且是整数，且每一**
**位上可能出现的非零元素都用预计算提前算出。**
**则在 _W\_NAF_ 算法中中需要 -lo W十1 g 2n 或1(log2n+1)**
**W+1 次加法，其中log2n为系数n的二**
在w\_NAF算法巾，当w=2，3，...时，二进制算法、NAF算法和窗口法都没有W\_NAF 算法优越。算法w\_NAF的空间复杂度为2~(log2n) bit，以在二进制表达下密钥长度长为192bit为例， w\_NAF 算法所需要的储存空间为2\*\*~×4.6kB。
**为了提高ECC中标量乘法的运算效率，本文根据预计算和带符号的多进制提出了一个新的算法W\_NAF算法，当w取值不小于2时，其算法的时间发杂度小于常见的二进制算法、带符号的二进制算法和窗口法。 w\_NAF算法的空间复杂度为2"-1×4.6kB。新算法以提高空间复杂度的条件下降低了吋间复杂度，提高了ECC中标量乘法的运算效率。**
**参考文献：**
**范恒英，何大可，卿铭.公钥密码新方向：椭圆曲线密码学\[】.通信技术.2002(07)：82-84**
**王悦.2012.负映射在椭圆曲线密码体制中的应用研究.D\]上海：上海交通大学，23-25.祝跃飞，张亚娟.2006.椭圆曲线公钥密码导引\[M：.北京：科学出版社，129-223**
**F. Morain and J. Olivos. 1990.Speeding up the computations on an elliptic curve using addition-subtraction chainsJ\]. Informa-tique Theorique et Applications，(24)：531-544.**
**Bang-ju Wang， Huan-guo Zhang. Zhang-yi Wang and Yu-hua Wang.2007.Spccding Up Scalar Multiplication Using a New** **Signed Binary Representation for Integers.Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg，277-285，**
**JEROME A.SOLINA S.2000.Efficient Arithmetic on Koblitz Curves 几.Designs，Codes and Cryptography，(19)： 195-249.**
**Jung Hee Cheon， Sungmo Park， Sangwoo Park， Daeho Kim 2006.Two Efficient Algorithms for Arithmetic of Elliptic Curves** **Using Frobenius Map\[J\].Lecture Notes in Computer Science Volume， 195-202.** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **北京交通广播的品牌发展之路**
**文/李秀磊张丽**
**北京交通广播从1993年12月18日开播，到现在已经走过了17个年头。十几年来，中国经济、社会都发生了巨大的变化，媒体发展的环境越来越宽松、开明，但同时竞争也日益激烈。在巨大的压力与挑战面前，北京交通广播一直在不断自我突破、不断创新，探索适合自身的发展道路，在建设核心竞争力、建设品牌方面，积累了许多心得与经验。**
**打造精品节目，做强电台主业**
**对于一个广播媒体来说，生产优质的节目永远是自己的主业。要增强电台的竞争力，最要紧的就是提高节目质量，做出更多的好节目来。什么是好的广播节目?北京人民广播电台汪良台长说过： “领导肯定、群众欢迎、市场认可的节日就是好节目。这话很实在，它说明了一个道理一一好的节目是要由听众和市场来检验的。北京交通广播从以下几个方面着手，严把节目质量关。**
**扬长避短，做出节目特色。媒体生产节目，首先要保证的就是速度。无论是重大新闻、突发事件，还是即时服务性信息、实时路况，都要让听众在第一时间内获悉。特别是那些对百姓生活影响极大的突发事件，广播报道更要尽可能与事态发展同步，要力争成为“事件的同期声，真实现场的画外音”。因此，在遇到突发情况如影响交通的恶劣天气时，北京交通**
**广播常常会打破节目常规，以服务于北京交通。**
**其次，广播节日要有贴近性。广播因为具有伴随性，可以成为受众的贴身媒体，广播节目没有必要板起脸来，做出一副高高在上的样子。谁都希望每天陪在自己身边的是很亲切的朋友、伙伴，用随和的方式和自己聊天，而不是那种一板一眼的说教口气，像领导或老师那样进行聊天。所以，北京交通广播要求主持人的风格亲切自然，不要“掉书袋”或矫揉造作。即使是那种政治性很强或政策解**
**读类的话题，也要从听众最容易理解的角度切入，在拉家常般的话语中传递。所以，听众评价交通台的主持人“像自己身边的街坊邻居”，认为交通台的节目贴心实用。**
**再次，广播节目要有特色。随着媒体数量的增加，听众可以接收的节目数量也与日俱增。激烈的竞争中，毫无特色的节目很容易被其他节目所取代。交通广播在长期的节目制作过程中，试图了解受众的需求，寻求自己的定位。交通广播是以交通为主要内容的专业媒体，为了凸显专业特**
**案例：2009年央视大火报道**
**2009年2月9日晚20点27分左右，位于北京市东三环的中央电视台新址北配楼突发火灾，大火燃烧了近6个小时。交管部门实施临时交通管制。**
**交通广播于当日晚20点33分起开始发布路况信息，引导出行人群绕开周边道路，并于当晚21点10分左右接入了记者关文平自火灾现场发回的第一个现场报道，此后的近5个小时，不断接进多位主持人、记者发自现场的报道。为做好突发火情交通管制措施的发布，引导交通出行，交通广播当晚从22点起推出4小时“路况特别直播节目”。同时，为了做好早高峰交通出行的疏导工作，2月10日6：30即播出交管部门相关提示，《一路畅通》节目也提前至7：00开始，并派多位记者到现场报道疏导情况。**
**案例：2010年主办“1039动力假期”主题游园活动**
**由北京交通广播主办的“1039动力假期”活动于7月24日~8月1日在北京工人体育场举办。除去9场主舞台的精彩演出外，还为现场的观众带来了“世博英语”、“驾驶安全”、“居家健身”、“红酒文化”、“咖啡品鉴”等40多场讲座，让观众在现场体会到交通广播带来的充实感觉。这一活动作为交通广播的品牌活动每两年举办一次。**
**色，北京交通广播设计了三条线索贯穿全天的节目，一是随时插播的《路况信息》；；二是早中晚三次《交通新闻》；三是专业的汽车节目一一上午以介绍汽车产业动态和新车为主的《汽车天下》，下午是介绍修车、养车内容的《1039交通服务热线》。虽然节目每年会有调整，主持人不断更迭，但节日特色却越来越明晰。**
**经过长时间的坚持，节目的特色、频道的风格已真正地深入人心，成为其所处环境的一部分，成为人们生活的一部分。现在，许多在上下班高峰出行的人，特别是开车人养成了固定的收听习惯，甚至把收音机的频率锁定在\[FMl03.9。**
**对于一个相对成熟的媒体来说，节目是要创新，但整体风格应当保持稳定。调整应该是渐变式的而不是颠覆式的，是局部的而不是全部的。经常性地把节目推倒重来不利于形成品牌产品，更不利于培养听众的收听习惯。但坚持某些好的东西并不是要因循守旧、墨守成规，这种坚持不应该是老调重弹、新瓶装旧酒，而应该不断地加入新鲜的元素。**
**总的来说，变与不变都要依据·**
**个原则，那就是市场的反应，也就是受众的认可程度。在市场竞争日益激烈的情况下，不关心受众需求面闭门造车制作节目的做法是不可取的。所以北京交通广播在节目策划和传播的过程中，会对市场进行不间断地追踪调查，之后根据分析结果进行调整。以科学的市场调查结果为依据，对节目进行及时地调整是吸引听众的有效途径。2009年，北京交通广播成立了频率品牌推广包装工作室，主要任务是对频率、节目、活动进行包装推广。同时，每季度交通广播都会邀请业内专家对节目进行听评，并且为节甘的运行利调整提出建议。**
**吸纳人才，构建优秀团队。毋庸置疑，出色的工作是由优秀的团队完成的。培养人才、建设专业团队是一个电台提供优秀节目的关键，也是电台核心竞争力的组成部分。**
**在美国拥有1200家电台的清晰频道的副总裁本奈特·泽尔曾经在一次演讲中说“总裁最重要的工作就是发掘人才”，可见成功媒体对人才的高度重视。但是，发掘人才并非易事，“桃李不言，下自成蹊”固然可喜，但却是远远不够的。所以，交通广播**
**每年盛夏，北京交通广播台都会策划与“首都交警同站一班岗”慰问体验活动。**
**一直奉行“主动出击”的策略，建立完整的吸纳人才、留住人才的机制。比如公开面向社会招聘，通过严格的考试吸纳人才，比如建立专门的猎头机构，在全国各地有目的性地发掘人才。“集天下英才而用之”是电合创新求变的基础，有这样的实力，就应该有这样的行动。**
**一个电台不可能永远处在对人员淘汰更新的变化当中，有了人才，接下来就是合理使用和进一步培养的问题，每位员工的情况不同，需要的培训也不·样，所以北京交通广播的培训分为两大类型：岗位培训和梯级培训，或者叫点式培训与链式培训。前者是根据岗位需求进行的专题培训，如专门针对记者、主持人等不同岗位进行的培训—--有时还会细化到针对不同类型记者、不同风格节目主持人进行培训。后者是根据从业时间长短进行的普遍培训，如新进员工培训、充电培训、转型期员工培训、老员工培训等等。这些培训帮助员工了解自己的工作职责，了解电台的需要，很好地推动了电台的工作。**
**此外，，一个出色的闭队离不开严格高效的管理。管理的目的是为了创造和谐而有序的工作环境，提高工作效率、减少内耗，使产出效益最大化。2001年，北京交通广播在全国广电系统内率先通过了ISO9001 质量管理体系认证，为实施更加规范高效的管理提供了可靠的保障。**
**树立有责任感有影响力的媒体形象**
**要将一个媒体打造成优质品牌，除了在自己的主业也就是节日上狠下苦功外，还要从多方面树立有责任感、有影响力的媒体形象。**
**北京电台是北京市的主流新闻媒体，交通广播既然是这个电台的重要成员，就要树立“有鲜明的专业特点和专业权威、又充满着高度社会责**
**每年11月22日是交通广播发起的“路德日”，，以规范司机的行为，提倡“安全有道，行车有德”。图为北京电台台长汪良、北京市交管局局长宋建国为总冠军颁奖。**
**任感”的媒体形象。为打造这样的形象，北京交通广播也做了许多努力。**
**精心策划各种活动，巩固有影响力的媒体形象。1994年，北京交通广播成立不久，全台员工就每人资助了一位外地失学儿童。1996年，又联合上百家出租企业捐款65万元，在国家级贫述县——河北省武邑建起了一所“北京的士希望小学”。**
**2005年，北京交通广播举办了首届“1039开放日”，让30位听众走进电台，走近主持人，并且成为交通广播的荣誉员工。同年，与北京工人体育场合作举办了“1039车博会”，同时还与交通管理部门合作，策划了一系列与普及《道路交通安全法》有关的宣传活动，出版CD，组织专场晚会，在听众中产生了良好的反响。2007年《走进军营》、2009年《边疆·口岸纪行》、2010年《我爱地球——交通环保纪行》、2011年《寻访红色档案》等大型采访活动也都取得了成功。**
**发挥编辑、记者和主持人的作用，扩大对听众的吸引力。尤其是主**
**持人，因为可以直接与听众交流，是最受关注的角色，主持人的形象往往直接左右着听众对一个频率的评价。2007年，在北京人民广播电台组织的“听众喜爱的十佳主持人”评选中，交通广播的主持人就占据了8席；2006年到2010年的五年时间里，北京交通广播先后有6位主持人获得了中国广播电视学会播音主持委员会颁发的金话筒奖，这是他们自身综合素质的证明。北京交通广播除了鼓励这些主持人爱岗敬业，体现其专业的一面，也鼓励主持人出书、参加各种活动，以展现其多才多艺的一面，更鼓励他们投身社会公益事业，为社会奉献一片爱心。**
**利用媒体优势，扩大外延、形成产业链**
**媒体开始进行市场化经营，盈利也成为一个重要方面。利用自身优势，发展其他产业是可以尝试的路 _径。_ 一是把固有产品进行整合，再通过其他途径发布出去，在不改变主业的基础上，立体利用资源，获得多重**
**的收益。立体使用固有资源是一条相对简单的路子，也是可以优先考虑的方式。比如交通广播的路况信息是非常受听众欢迎的服务，但是起初用户要接收这些信息只有一个发布渠道，就是广播节目。北京交通广播利用数字广播技术，开发了新媒体机，用户可以通过新媒体机这一终端接收实时路况信息。**
**利用媒体资源优势，涉足其它领域，是一条值得探索但又要慎重尝试的道路。目前，一些大的媒体集团都不断有所动作，像上海文广、北青报业集团等，南方的些交通广播也有这方面的尝试。2006年，北京交通广播利用自身的资源优势和影响力，在原有的1039汽车俱乐部的基础上，成立了北京交广汽车俱乐部有限公司，2010年10月增资更名为北京交广传媒有限公司，迈出了产业化运营的关键一步。依托北京交通广播的平台，截全日前，北京交广传媒公司已经先后成立了6家子公司(两家全资、四家控股)——包括：1039汽车服务公司、1039广告公司、交广信息技术公司、二手车汽车咨询公司、交广科技发展公司、交广数字传媒科技公司。**
**在探索产业化发展道路的大势面前，交通广播面对的压力与挑战都是巨大的。它需要我们深入探讨、仔细论证，在总结经验教训和汲取他人成功经验的基础上，不断寻找新的增长点。交通广播在整个媒体市场风云变幻的态势下，如何增强自身的竞争力，在更高层次的竞争中夺得先机、拔得头筹，是需要不断认真求索的课题。北京交通广播发展十儿年，虽然取得了一些成绩，但仍有许多需要学习的东西，既要改变，也要坚持，在变与不变之间寻求不断的发展。**
**作者李秀磊系北京交通广播台长张丽系北京交通广播公关部主任** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 文章编号：1003-2053(2009)03-0459-07
研发主管目标取向对创新气氛与创新行为的影响
张文勤，石金涛
(上海交通大学管理学院，上海200052)
摘 要：团队已经成为动态环境下企业从事研发活动的基本工作单元，而影响研发团队成员创新行为的主要因素一直是研究者关注的热点。以企业中的研发团队为研究对象，将创新气氛纳人到研发主管目标取向对研发员工创新行为影响的研究中，并推导一个多层次研究框架。通过对74个研发团队(74名研发主管，472名研发员工)的调查分析，并运用多层线性模型进行跨层次分析，得出实证研究结果：研发主管发展员工目标取向对研发员工创新行为有显著正向影响，主管回避失败目标取向对员工创新行为具有显著负向影响，而主管能力证明目标取向对员工创新行为的负向影响不显著；分析结果还表明，团队创新气氛在研发主管目标取向对创新行为的影响过程中起到部分中介作用。最后讨论了本研究的管理启示、研究局限及研究展望。
关键词：研发团队；主管目标取向；团队气氛；创新行为；多层线性模型
中图分类号：F270 文献标识码：A
问题的提出
在当代竞争日益激烈的市场条件下，企业往往选择通过知识员工的研发活动来实现产品和服务的创新，从而为获取或维持其竞争优势创造条件。而随着任务依赖性和技术复杂性的不断提高，越来越多的企业选择团队作为从事研发活动的基本工作单元。研究影响研发人员创新行为与研发团队创新绩效的主要因素一直是学术界与企业界关注的重点。Woodman 等人提出的组织创新交互模式认为，探讨与创新相关的结果变量需要考虑个人、群体以及组织三层因素之间的交互作用!。如今目标取向理论被愈来愈多的学者用于解释个人心理气氛与工作团队气氛的构建3，而团队气氛作为团队成员共享的认知又会造成一种团体心理状态，进而塑造员工的行为，影响团队的绩效。因此，本研究将采用跨层次分析方法探讨影响研发员工创新行为的主管目标取向因素与团队创新气氛因素。
1.1 研发团队主管目标取向
目标取向理论主要探讨影响学习者从事学习行为的动机过程\[3J\[6\]。与普通员工的目标取向不同，
主管的目标取向直接关系到主管的领导方式，会影响团队成员的学习动机、成就态度以及对于不确定情境的反应。根据 Dragoni的研究，主管目标取向作为一种状态( state)变量可以分为三种模式：发展员工(employee development) 取向、能力展示(demonstrating ability) 取向与回避失败( avoiding failure) 取向，其具体内涵与团队成员的目标取向并不相同，主管的目标取向更突出其管理性质。本研究将探讨研发团队主管的这三种目标取向对研发员工创新行为的影响。
首先，发展员工取向的研发团队主管非常关注团队学习与下属的职业发展，鼓励下属在工作中敢于表达疑惑、提出新的想法、承担挑战性任务，强调从失败中学习的重要性。主管在与员工的互动过程中，会鼓励员工大胆尝试新的工作方法，并为员工提供建设性的反馈意见，从而为团队成员提升创新能力与创新绩效创造条件。其次，能力展示取向的研发主管十分关注团队成员的绩效表现以及团队短期目标的实现，往往表现出自我导向、工具主义、行为防御等领导特质，鼓励下属掌握快速有效的工作技能并专注于重复工作，团队成员为了获得主管的赞赏必须在工作中证明自己的能力。由于这种
收稿日期：2008-06-25；修回日期：2008-11-14
基金项目：国家自然科学基金资助项目(70672072)
作者简介：张文勤(1977-)，男，江苏泰州人，博士研究生，研究方向为团队创新与管理。石金涛(1945-)，男，浙江宁波人，教授、博导，研究方向为组织创新气氛。
取向的主管过度重视短期工作绩效，往往会抑制团队学习：11，导致团队适应能力下降。最后，回避失败取向的研发主管比较关注工作过程中的低绩效以及员工的工作失误，为了将工作过失降到最低，主管往往会对犯错的团队成员施予惩罚措施，以此维护团队的形象。因此，在回避失败取向的主管领导下，团队成员一般不会冒险从事创新活动，成员的创新行为也会受到抑制。为此，本研究提出假设：
假设1a：研发主管发展员工目标取向对研发员工创新行为产生显著正向影响；
假设1b：研发主管能力展示目标取向对研发员工创新行为产生显著负向影响；
假设1c：研发主管回避失败目标取向对研发员工创新行为产生显著负向影响。
1.2 研发团队创新气氛
在过去30年间，气氛这一概念逐渐受到应用心理学家以及组织社会学家的关注，在对气氛的界定问题上，目前存在个人认知与共享知觉两种不同的观点。本研究根据共享知觉观点，将气氛定义为群体成员对其工作环境的共同认知。由于气氛是一个大而杂的概念，后来学者进一步提倡对专指气氛进行研究1，而对创新气氛的研究既是创新研究的一个重要课题，又是气氛研究的细化和延伸。Scott与 Bruce研究发现，组织的创新支持与资源提供等“创新的心理气氛”与员工的创新行为与创新绩效具有高度相关。许多研究也指出，团队创新气氛在团队成员完成目标过程中扮演着非常重要的角色，因为一个创新的团队气氛可以使团队成员非常有效地发挥其创新技能。为此本研究提出假设：
假设2：团队创新气氛对研发员工创新行为产生显著正向影响。
但遗憾的是，目前国内实证研究中所使用的气氛变量，大都是个体的心理气氛，属于个体层次变量，由于受到样本数量的限制，并未将其汇聚为团队或组织层次变量)，使研究也仅停留在个体层次分析上。事实上，变量间的关系在个人与团队层次很可能是不同的，即使团队层次是个人变量数值的简单加总，但变量间的关系仍有可能有所差别161。因此在本研究中，我们对团队成员个体的心理气氛进行汇聚处理，以此测量团队的创新气氛，并研究其与相关变量的关系。
已有研究表明，团队主管会通过一种社会学习过程影响个体对气氛的感知，在这种过程中，团队成
员会反复对主管进行观察并与主管进行交流，以对工作团队的活动进行解释”。不同目标取向的主管会表现出不同的行为与态度，这会给团队成员一种信号，团队成员以此判断什么是团队所期望的以及什么对团队最有价值1，经过主管与成员的持续互动，团队气氛得以形成。因此，不同目标取向的研发主管会通过特定的领导模式影响气氛的建立，进而影响团队成员的创新行为。首先，具有高度发展员工取向的研发主管，会勇于接纳成员的新想法，从而在团队内部造成一种更加积极学习、挑战过去假设、勇于接受失败，以及积极提出新想法的气氛11。受到创新气氛的影响，团队成员会表现出更多的创新行为。其次，具有高度能力展示取向的研发主管，由于其受短期利益趋使，往往不会花太多的心力用于改善团队过去的工作流程，对于团队成员提出的新想法并不太愿意接受，因而不利于创新气氛的建立。最后，当研发主管为高度回避失败目标取向时，由于其害怕工作中的失误，往往使用那些不会犯错误的员工。当发现主管害怕承担由创新带来的风险时，研发员工也就不会轻易提出新的想法，而不利于团队创新气氛的营造，研发员工的创新行为也因此受到抑制。为此，本研究提出假设：
假设3a：研发主管发展员工取向对团队创新气氛产生显著正向影响；
假设3b：研发主管能力展示取向对团队创新气氛产生显著负向影响；
假设3e：研发主管回避失败取向对团队创新气氛产生显著负向影响。
假设4：团队创新气氛为研发主管目标取向与研发员工创新行为之间关系的中介变量。
本研究理论假设模型如图1所示。
图1 影响研发员工创新行为的多层次理论模型
2 研究方法
2007年9月-2008年3月期间，在43家企业中的120个研发团队进行问卷发放，共发出120份主管问卷及710份员工问卷，最后得到29家企业中的74份有效团队资料，包括74份主管问卷及472份员工问卷。主管样本(n=74)特征如下：性别，男87%，女13%；学历方面，大专17%，本科53%，研究生30%；年龄25岁以下11%，26-30岁32%，31-35 岁 39%，36岁以上18%；加人团队时间最短为1年，最长为20年，均值为3.4年，标准差为2.9。员工样本(n=472)特征如下：性别，男74%，女26%；学历方面，高中5%，大专19%，本科49%，研究生27%；加入团队时间1年以下14%，1-4年55%，4-7年26%，7年以上5%；年龄25岁以下19%，26-30岁45%，31-35岁27%，36以上9%。
2.2 研究工具
为减少分析资料来源相同而产生的同源误差，本研究将问卷分为主管问卷与成员问卷。主管问卷主要测量研发主管的目标取向；成员问卷主要测量研发员工对创新气氛的感知及其创新行为。本研究选用的量表包括：(1)主管目标取向量表是在 Drag-oni研究的基础上编制，包含三个维度，其中发展员工取向有5个条目，能力展示取向4个条目，回避失败取向4个条目；(2)关于团队创新气氛的测量，我们根据 Kivimaki 和Elovainio的团队气氛量表，选择预测效度最高的一个维度( support for innova-tion)进行测量，由3个条目构成；(3)对成员创新行为的测量，本研究采用 Scott 和 Brucel3开发的量表，由6个条目构成。最后，为提高研究的准确性，本研究以团队规模(TS)与团队主管加人团队时间(LT)等变量为控制变量。
由于上述量表条目主要来自于西方学者在欧美国家的研究，因此需要在中国背景下对这些量表的条目进行一定的修正，我们通过以下三项工作对量表进行初步修订。
第一，双盲翻译。首先由2位人力资源管理方向的研究生并行地、双盲地( double -blind)将量表由英文翻译成中文，然后讨论确定合适的中文译句。再请另外2位工商管理专业的研究生并行地、双盲地将中文译句翻译成英文。然后该由4位研究生一起讨论，对那些与原英文明显差异的译句进行详细讨论，修改中文译句。
第二，主管目标取向问卷的预调查。我们在上海某高校两个 MBA班发放问卷91份问卷，回收有
效问卷87份。我们对主管目标取向量表进行探测性的因子分析与项目分析，为下一步的讨论做准备。
第三，小组讨论211。在苏州与南京，第一作者分别与2位有工科大专以上学历背景的企业技术人员对问卷条目按下面问题逐一讨论：(1)该条目意思清楚吗?(2)该条目有意义吗?(3)对于该条目，评价刻度清楚吗?(4)对该条目，评价刻度有意义吗?(5)对该条目，你认为参与者的回答会有差异吗?(6)问卷中每部分的指导性语言的意思是否明确?(7)其他建议。
经过上述3项初步研究工作，我们对问卷进行了一定的修正：(1)删除主管目标取向量表中的3个条目，形成9个条目的量表；(2)对不太符合汉语表述习惯的条目在措辞上作了少许改动。除部分控制变量之外，各变量题项均采用 Likert7 点量表进行测量，以此衡量样本对于各问题的同意程度，1至7分别代表“完全不同意”到“完全同意”。
2.3 统计方法
采用 SPSS13.0软件进行基本统计分析和回归分析等；以 LISREL8.70 结构方程建模软件进行量表的构思效度检验。根据组织科学研究中的多水平范式，考虑到团队数据的层次结构特征，本研究采用HLM5.04软件包作为多层线性建模工具，进行跨层次分析·22123J。
研究结果
3.1 量表的信度与效度分析
(1)成员量表
团队创新气氛(TC)量表的验证性因子分析结果显示，TC的单因子结构能较好地拟合样本数据(x/df=1.69，GFI=0.98，RMSEA =0.054，CFI=0.97)，因子载荷如表1所示，所有条目的标准化载荷系数均大于0.77，并在0.01水平上显著。成员创新行为(MIB)量表的验证性因子分析结果也显示，MIB单因子结构也能较好地拟合样本数据(x/df=1.85，GFI=0.93，RMSEA=0.062，CFI=0.94)，因子载荷如表1所示，所有条目的标准化载荷系数均大于0.75，并在0.01水平上显著。信度分析表明，TC量表与 MIB量表的α信度系数分别为0.87、0.88，一致性信度系数较高，表明量表具有较好的内部一致性。
表1 成员量表的因子结构(n=472)
| 因子 | 条目 | 因子载荷α系数 | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| | 团队成员总是寻求新方法来解决问题 | 0.82 | |
| | TC团队成员有时间思考与工作相关的新想法 团队成员相互合作以开发和应用新的方法 | 0.83 | 0.87 |
| | TC团队成员有时间思考与工作相关的新想法 团队成员相互合作以开发和应用新的方法 | 0.77 | |
| MIB | 我总是寻求应用新的流程、技术与方法 | 0.75 | 0.88 |
| MIB | 我经常提出有创意的点子和想法 | 0.78 | 0.88 |
| MIB | 我经常与别人沟通并推销自己的新想法 | 0.75 | 0.88 |
| MIB | 为了实现新想法，想办法争取所需资源 | 0.82 | 0.88 |
| MIB | 为了实现新想法，制定合适的计划和规划 | 0.83 | 0.88 |
| MIB | 整体而言，我是一个具有创新精神的人 | 0.86 | 0.88 |
注：载荷系数为标准化值，且均在.01水平上显著。
由于团队创新气氛及成员创新行为概念相似，需分析其区分效度。计算由因子提取的平均方差(Average variance extracted，AVE)，团队创新气氛感知与成员创新行为的 AVE 值均大于0.50，且 AVE的平方根均大于两维度的相关系数，表示变量间具有区分效度4)。
(2)主管量表
为表达方便，主管发展员工取向、能力展示取向、回避失败取向简写为 LEDO、LDF0、LAFO。主管目标取向的验证性因子分析结果显示，主管目标取向的三因子结构能较好地拟合样本数据(x/df=2.27，GFI=0.90，RMSEA=0.070，CFI=0.91)。因子载荷如表2所示，所有条目的标准化载荷系数均大于0.68，并在0.01水平上显著，显示聚合效度是可以接受的。信度分析表明，主管目标取向量表各维度的信度系数都在0.87以上，表明各量表具有较好的内部一致性。另外，三个维度的AVE 值均大于0.50，且 AVE 的平方根均大于两两维度的相关系数，表示变量间具有区分效度。
表2 主管目标取向量表的因子结构(n=74)
| 因子 条目 | 因子载荷 | α系数 |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 非常关注员工的发展 | 0.75 | |
| LEDO 为员工设立学习性目标，激励员工进步 | 0.81 | 0.88 |
| 鼓励员工尝试采用新方法，从失败中学习 | 0.83 | |
| 非常关注那些能力强水平高的员工 | 0.74 | |
| LDFO相互比较员工之间的绩效差别 把某个员工与其它员工之间的 | 0.74 | 0.87 |
| LDFO相互比较员工之间的绩效差别 把某个员工与其它员工之间的 | 0.82 | 0.87 |
| LDFO相互比较员工之间的绩效差别 把某个员工与其它员工之间的 | 0.82 | 0.87 |
| LDFO相互比较员工之间的绩效差别 把某个员工与其它员工之间的 | 0.77 | 0.87 |
| 差距反馈给他 | 0.77 | |
| 非常关注团队工作中的失误与低绩效 | 0.73 | |
| LAFO 一旦工作中出现错误，会采取惩罚措施 | 0.76 | 0.89 |
| 尽可能使用那些不会犯错的员工 | 0.68 | |
注：载荷系数为标准化值，且均在.01水平上显著。
由于团队创新气氛的衡量，需将个人数据加总汇聚为团队层次数据。在产生团队层次资料之前，必须先检查团队内部成员的回答一致性。如果群体内部一致性系数r大于0.70，代表该变量在群体内具有足够的一致性21，说明变量适合使用加总平均的方式将个人资料处理为团队层次资料。经计算，团队创新气氛的平均r值为0.85，显示这些变量适合使用加总平均的方式进行处理。由于主管目标取向三个维度的测量是通过主管回答而得到的，其数据即为团队层次数据。用 SPSS 对团队层次数据进行描述性统计分析，结果如表3所示。
表3 团队层次数据描述性分析(n=74)
| 变量 | 均值 | 方差 | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 1.发展员工取向 | 5.93 | 0.59 | | | |
| 2.能力展示取向 | 5.4\] | 0.62 | \-0.20 | | |
| 3.回避失败取向 | 3.53 | 0.70 | \-0.29“\* | 0.14 | |
| 4.团队创新气氛 | 5.28 | 0.68 | 0.53\*\* | ~0.26 | \-0.38\*\* |
\*p<.05，\*\*p<.01，\*\*\*p<.001
从表3相关矩阵可以得到：研发主管发展员工目标取向与团队创新气氛呈显著正相关，能力展示目标取向与团队创新气氛呈显著负相关，回避失败目标取向与团队创新气氛呈显著负相关，初步验证了研究假设3。
3.3 假设的检验
(1)多元回归分析
为了分析方便，我们先对假设3进行检验。研究以团队创新气氛(TC)为因变量进行多元回归分析：首先放入团队规模(TS)、与主管加人团队时间(LT)作为控制变量，其次再放入团队主管目标取向变量，以验证主管发展员工取向(LEDO)、主管能力展示取向(LDFO)与主管回避失败取向(LAFO)对于 TC 的影响效果。
分析结果表4所示，首先模型1表明，控制变量TS 与 LT 对 TC 没有显著影响，其次，研究在控制了TS 与 LT的回归效应后，模式2引人团队主管目标取向变量，主管目标取向对 TC 具有显着的增量效应(AR’=0.45，p<0.01)。由表中回归系数可知， LEDO 与 TC 呈现显著正相关(β=0.39，p<.01)， LDFO 与 TC 呈现显著负相关(β=-0.24，p<.05)，LAFO 与 TC 呈现显著负相关(B=-0.28，p<.05)，分析结果支持假设 3a、3b 及3c。
(2)多层线性模型分析
根据本研究的层次结构特征，运用 HLM 多层线
性建模工具分析影响成员创新行为的因素。首先分析主管目标取向对个体创新行为的跨层次影响，并进一步检验团队创新气氛在该影响过程中的中介作用，建立模型如下：
表4 影响团队创新气氛的多元回归分析
| 预测变址 | 模式1 | 模式2 |
| --- | --- | --- |
| 控制变量 | | |
| 悠巧 | 0.02 | \-0.07 |
| | 0.08 | 0.08 |
| 主管目标取向 | | |
| LEDO | | 0.39\*\* |
| LDFO | | \-0.24" |
| LAFO | 0.03 | \-0.28\* |
| R² | 0.03 | 0.48\*\* |
| AR | | 0.45"" |
注：1.因变量为团队创新气氛；2.表中回归系数为标准化回归系数；3. \*p<.05，\*\*p<.01。
第一层模型：MIB=Bo+r
第二层模型：
第1步：Bo.Yoo +Yoi(LEDO)+Y02(LDFO)+Yog(LAFO)+山a
第2步：Bo-Yoo+Yoj(TC)+po
第3步：Bo.Yoo +Yon(LEDO)+Yo(LDFO)+Yog(LAFO)+Yo(TC)+山0
其中，第一层代表个人层次，第二层代表团队层次。个人层次的研发员工创新行为(MIB)为因变量，β为各个团队 MIB 的截距即均值，r与分别为第一层次与第二层次的随机效果。
第二层模型分三步分析，第一步是检验研发主管目标取向对研发员工创新行为的跨层次直接效应；第二步是检验团队创新气氛对研发员工创新行为的跨层次直接效应；第三步是检验团队创新气氛的中介效果。用 HLM模式验证中介效果，仍需满足Baron & Kenny 提出的三项条件1261。第一，自变量与中介变量分别与因变量显著相关；第二，自变量与中介变量显著相关；第三，在 HLM 模型中放人中介变量后，自变量与因变量的关系由显著变为不显著或显著性降低。根据上述多元回归分析，第二个条件已经成立。
多层线性模型的分析结果如表5、表6所示。其中表5为固定效应，从第1步分析结果可知，主管发展员工取向对成员的创新行为具有显著正向影响
(Yoi=0.21)，假设 la成立；而能力展示取向对成员的创新行为也有负向影响(Yoz=-0.04)，但其作用不显著，假设1b不成立；回避失败取向对成员的创新行为也具有显著负向影响(￥03=-0.18)，假设1c 成立。
从第2步分析结果可知，团队创新气候对个人创新行为具有显著正向影响(Yo=0.26)，假设2因此成立。
第3步分析在第1步的基础上引人团队创新气氛，从分析结果可知，LEFO的回归系数由第一步分析结果中的0.21(p<.05)降为0.05(n.s.)，说明团队创新气氛为主管发展员工取向与成员创新行为之间的中介变量；而 LDFO 与 LAFO 的回归系数及其显著性水平与第1步结果相比没有发生较大变量，表明团队创新气氛在 LDFO 及 LAFO 与创新行为之间不存在中介作用。因此假设4只得到了部分验证。
表5 团队变量对个体创新行为的HLM结果(固定效应}
| 自变量 | 个人创新行为(MIB) | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 自变量 | 第1步 | 第2步 | 第3步 |
| LEFO | 0.21\* | | 0.05 |
| LDFO | \-0.04 | | \-0.06 |
| LAFO | \-0.18“ | | \-0.16“ |
| TC | | 0.26\*\* | 0.27\* |
\*p<.05，\*\*p<.01
此外，表6为多层线性模型的随机效应，第1步到第3步的第二层方差分别为0.33、0.26、0.20，并均在0.01水平下显著，说明除了主管目标取向与创新气氛外，仍有其他团队层次变量在影响研发成员的创新行为。
表6团队变量对个体创新行为的 HLM 结果(随机效应)
| 方差成分 | 第1步 | 第2步 | 第3步 |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 第一层 | 0.62 | 0.62 | 0.62 |
| 第二层 | 0.33 | 0.26 | 0.20 |
4
结论与建议
4.1 结果讨论
本文尝试以企业中的研发团队为研究对象，以研发主管的目标取向为前因变量，团队创新气氛为中介变量，用跨层次方式?探讨两变量对个人创新
①这里指条件方差，是包括第二层变量后，随机结果中剩余的方差。
行为的影响。
根据 Dragoni 的研究，我们将研发主管的目标取向也分为三种模式，分别是发展员工取向、能力展示取向与回避失败取向，发展员工取向表现为关注员工的职业发展，能力展示取向表现为关注员工的绩效表现，回避失败取向表现为关注工作中的低绩效以及员工的工作失误。作为一种可以随环境而变化的状态变量，团队主管的目标取向更突出其管理性质。本研究中的实证数据验证了研发主管目标取向的三维结构模型。多元回归分析结果表明，研发主管发展员工取向对团队创新气氛具有显著正向影响，而能力展示取向与回避失败取向均对团队创新气氛具有显著负向影响；多层线性模型的分析结果表明，研发主管发展员工目标取向对研发成员创新行为有显著正向影响，主管回避失败目标取向对成员创新行为具有显著负向影响，而主管能力证明目标取向对成员创新行为负向影响不显著：分析结果还表明，团队创新气氛在研发主管目标取向对创新行为的影响过程中起到部分中介作用，研发主管若为发展员工目标取向时，将对团队创新气候产生显著影响，进而促使研发员工表现出较高的创新行为。
本研究结论具有两方面管理启示。，一方面，研发主管的目标取向可能会影响其领导风格，进而影响研发员工创新行为与工作绩效；另一方面，团队创新气氛是组织的无形资产，他们是组织获取竞争优势的重要保证，因此管理者不能忽略团队气氛的重要性。创新气氛的建立是研发主管的重要工作。对于发展员工取向的研发主管来说，其行为倾向本身就有助于推动一个学习导向与自我更新的团队氛围建立，如果造就一种团队气氛，显示团队是支持创新的，那么这种认知将会是调动员工创新积极性的主观因素，从而产生激励和促进团队成员对创新的投入，进而为提升创新绩效做出贡献。所以发展员工取向的研发主管应该将该特质的优点在团队中发挥出来，支持团队成员的学习成长，为团队创造一个充满学习氛围的工作环境，以激发更多的创新行为。然而，如果研发主管具有较强的能力展示或回避失败目标取向，则应该注意自身的管理风格，是否有过于注重短期绩效、抑制员工学习成长的倾向，防止建立一个过于功利主义的团队气氛，这对于团队的长期发展将会有所帮助。所以对短期绩效导向的研发主管来说，如果能使团队成员感知到团队气氛并非阻碍创新，那些拥有创新热情的研发员工就不会刻
意降低从事创新活动的积极性。
4.2 研究不足与展望
本研究以企业中的研发团队为研究对象，用跨层次方式探讨研发主管目标取向与创新气氛对创新行为的影响，无论从理论还是从方法上，本研究都为今后研究研发团队创新行为与创新绩效的多层影响因素进行了有益的尝试与探索。
但由于研究设计和方法上的局限，本文存在很多不足之处。第一，由于本研究主要以研发团队为样本基础，并且需要较为完整的团队成员资料，为减少同源误差，又将问卷区分为主管问卷及成员问卷，数据收集难度较大，造成团队样本数量较少。第二，本研究采用员工自评方式对员工创新行为的测量，可能会产生社会愿望偏差( social desirability bias)，未来研究可采用不同来源的评比方式，包含主管、同事与员工自评，此方法可解决单一来源可能造成的偏差。第三，本研究发现，除了团队创新气氛外，仍有其他团队层次因素在影响个人的创新行为。因此今后研究中如果能够增加其他团队层次的自变量，如团队成员交换，团队信任等进行更为深人和系统的研究，结果将更有意义。
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Effect of R&D team leader’s goal orientation on team member’s innovation behavior： mediating effect of team climate
ZHANG Wen -qin，SHI Jin -tao
( College of Management，Shanghai Jiao Tong Univeraity，Shanghai 200052，China)
Abstract： Effective teams are important cornerstones of euccessful organizations eugaged in R&D activities， especially for those operat-ing in dynamic environments. The paper proposed a multilevelly theoretical model in which the team climate(TC) were included to ex-amine the relationship between R&D team leader’s goal orientation (LGO) and team member’s innovation behavior. This study in-vestigated 74 R&D teams， including 74 team leader and 472 team members. Empirical resulte show that the dimensions of LCO have different relation with individual innovation behavior， and TC have a partial mediating effect on the realtionship. Limitations and sug-gestions for future research and practice are discussed.
Key words： R&D team； leader’s goal orientation； team climate； innovation behavior； HLM | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 浅析音乐剧《猫》
王清泉
**(青岛求实职业技术学院，山东青岛266108)**
**【摘要】安德鲁韦伯是英国著名的作曲家。作为安德鲁·韦伯最重要的代表作之一《猫》 ，是百老汇历史上上演时间最长的一部作品。 《回忆》是《猫》剧中最为经典的唱段，也是贯穿全剧发展的重要部分。文章对此进行了分析。**
**【关键词】音乐剧；《猫》；《回忆》**
**《猫》剧是韦伯根据艾略特的诗创作出了历史上演出时间最长的音乐剧，是一部在百老汇上演20年依然经久不衰的音乐剧巨作。《猫》剧在中国上演以后，我国便选拔了一些音乐剧的演员，准备排练《猫》。但是由于我国音乐剧人才比较匮乏，所以存在了很多的问题。**
**、 《猫》剧分析**
**在音乐剧《埃维塔》取得成功后，韦伯与伙伴莱斯分道扬镳了，对于韦伯来说，莱斯的离去使他不得不重新寻找创作题材，这时，他想起了童年深深影响过自己的一本诗集――艾略特的《擅长装扮的老猫经》。因此他决定将它写成音乐剧。但当时艾略特已经去世，因此艾略特的遗便给了韦伯一些诗集和故事，使得韦伯找到了创作的主题。到了努恩作词兼导演两人共同把这部童话舞台搬上了舞台。**
**在《猫》剧中，最有名的一首歌曲就是《回忆》，但当时只是曲子，没有歌词。努恩又花了一个星期的时间根据剧情的内容写出了唱词，这首经典的歌曲就这样诞生了。**
**这部音乐剧的主要内容是在一个特殊的夜晚，每年一次的杰里科猫家族庆贺会上，所有的猫儿们聚集在一起，希望自己能够被派到”九重天”上获得新的生命。并且每一只猫都讲述自己的故事，所有的猫在欢快的气氛里舞蹈，偶尔会遇到麻烦，也会碰到可怕的事情。其中有一只原来很华丽的猫格里泽贝拉，当年她经受不住外面世界的诱惑离开群体独自闯天涯。而现在的她衣衫褴褛，贫困潦倒。她渴望回到猫的家族，然而她的同伴不肯接纳她，也无法原谅她当年的背叛。她在失望和无奈中唱起了那首优美又略带忧伤的歌《回忆》。最后，所有的猫都接受了她，并把重生的机会给了她。**
**《回忆》是《猫》剧中最经典的一首歌曲。在剧中一共出现了四次。只有在第二幕时是以最完整的开式出现的。它唱尽了一个经历了太多风雨和痛苦的猫，追忆往事，渴望回到家人怀抱的心声。**
**这首《回忆》采用了单三部曲式的结构，重复一遍后结束。一般说来，单三部曲式的结构比之其他曲式较为简单，但它包含了音乐进行中经常出现的呈示、发展、再现的三部原则，十分适合于这类音乐剧曲目。在歌曲进入呈示部后全曲的情绪铺垫循序渐进，给人感觉稳定。让人感觉到”魅力猫”心潮澎湃、思绪万千、难以平静的心情，又似乎在问，难道命运果真如此不公吗?当主题最后一次出现的时候，从bA调转到bE调，歌词也跟着出现了变化，表达了一种对未来充满希望的意境。当”魅力猫"放出最大的音量唱起最后的悲歌时就预示着”魅力猫最后赢得了”去九重天”获得新生的资格。全曲的几个部分不管是从音乐上，还是从歌词意义上说，都带有起一承一转合的功能。**
**二、 《猫》带来的启示**
**《猫》的成功不仅是商业运作的成功，更主要的是出色的音乐语言、华丽的舞台背景、优美的舞蹈、加上演员们的出色表现、作品的时尚性，吸引了无数的追随者。虽然中国的音乐剧也在不断的发展着，但却总存在着这样那样的问题。从网上我找到这样一组数据：**
**1.70%的人不知道什么是音乐剧。**
**2.90%的人没看过音乐剧。**
**3.世界经典音乐剧在王府井书店和西单图书大厦只能卖到3-4部。**
**4.把音乐剧当成自己第一爱好的青年人少得可怜。**
**5.听音乐剧的人多数抱着尝点新鲜的心理。**
**为什么会出现这样的问题，我想结合《猫》剧给我带来启示作为比较来浅谈一下。首先，是在作品的创作上，《猫》剧的剧情性并不是很强，它并没有太多专注的思想教育。而国内的作品创作太重视题材是不是对大众有教育意义，而忽视了作品的娱乐性。我认为音乐剧的创作是不同于歌剧等其他作品的创作的。第一，音乐剧与歌剧相比，后者会更加专业一些，艺术性太强。第二，部分唱段虽然经典但却因为难度太大，没有办法被大众传唱。第三，一些演员的年纪与角色不符，经常是20多岁的姑娘会由40岁的阿姨来演，这是由于演唱技巧太过于专业的原因。**
**音乐剧在音乐或者剧情上都是比较通俗的，更容易吸引观众。由于音乐剧是商业运作，因此它的舞台设计是美伦美幻的，对剧目的传播起到了推波助澜的作用。音乐剧的演唱表演自然。**
**音乐与非音乐元素的有效搭配和演员们的优秀表现。而国内音乐剧创作总是存在这样那样的问题，或多或少地影响了人们的审美取向和观赏情趣。作者的思想观念陈旧，在题材的选择上总是太专注于对大众有无教育意义，而忽视了音乐体裁特有的娱乐属性。**
**舞美设计也略显拘谨，没有吸引人的亮点，对剧目的传播不能起到推波助澜的作用。我国音乐居制作少有大的资金投入，这在一定程度上限制了设计者的想像力。有限的演出时间内，观众第一眼看到的就是舞台设计，因此设计者必须做到将独特蕴于平凡之中，从而对观众造成一定冲击力，引发他们的丰富想像，为舞台表演做好铺垫。**
**三、结论**
**安德鲁·韦伯是英国著名的作曲家。作为安德鲁·韦伯最重要的代表作之一《猫》，是百老汇历史上上演时间最长的一部作品，是音乐剧中具有最高艺术成就的标志性经典之一。《回忆》是《猫》剧中最为经典的唱段，也是贯穿全剧发展的重要部分。它来源于剧中人物对社会，对人生的亲身体验和感受。这首作品以情感的细腻，旋律的优美，内涵的深刻而受到国内外朋友的热烈欢迎，被传唱至今。 《猫》剧的成功给了我们这些爱好音乐剧的人们一些启示：我国国内应注重音乐剧的发展，培养一批音乐剧人才，更新观念，开阔视野，拓展想像使得我国的音乐剧走向光明的道路。**
**参考文献**
**\[1\]杨光.中国音乐剧离百老汇还有多远\[N\].光明日报，1999.**
**\[2\]黄定宇.音乐剧概论\[M\].北京：中国戏剧出版社，2003.**
**\[3\]汤晓宁.音乐剧艺术与实践\[M\].武汉：武汉理工大学出版社，1999.**
**作者简介：王清泉(1983-)，男，山东诸城人，大学助教，青岛求实职业技术学院，研究方向：音乐教育。** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **融媒体时代广播有声书发展路径研究-以吉林健康娱乐广播《青雪故事》为例**
**文/张文东王雪纯**
**“有声书”一词在我国出现于1980年，意为用声音来表达思想内容的作品。它不单单是传统书籍的有声版本，而是通过再创作的过程，将有声内容传递给广大听众。**
**进入21世纪，互联网的普及促进了有声书的进一步发展，有声书门户网站开始出现。2003年，北京鸿达以太文化发展有限公司创办了国内首家有声书网站“听书网”，随后出现了多家有声书网站。尤其是2012年以来，移动应用程序开发技术日趋完善，为有声书发展提供强大动力。据艾媒咨询数据显示，2018年中国有声书用户规模达3.85亿人，市场规模达46.3亿元。**
**从传播渠道来看，目前我国有声书主要通过数字图书出版、互联网原创、电子媒体三种形式呈现。广播有声书的传播依托于电子媒体的分支——广播媒体，内容涵盖读书节目、小说连播、广播剧以及专题报道等。**
**近年来，广播有声书与新媒体的融合进程日渐加快，国内移动电台APP与广播媒体积极开展合作，通过媒体融合延展了广播有声书的价值，北京文艺广播《话说天下》、陕西新闻广播《长安夜书房》、吉林健康娱乐广播《青雪故事》、浙江之声《楚河说历史：正史也八卦》等专栏纷纷进入移动互联网端口。其中，吉林健康娱乐广播《青雪故事》多年来积极进行融媒体发展探索，延展内容优势，搭建多元传播平台，形成了规模化的传播效应。目前，《青雪故事》在PC端以及手机移动客户端的点**
**播量均达数10亿，听众遍及国内各省以及全球30余个国家和地区，为融媒体时代广播有声书的发展提供了参考。**
**中国广播有声书行业的发展现状**
**自2014年起， “全民阅读”六次被写入《政府工作报告》。有声书是“全民阅读”的新增长点，广播有声书随之在新时代焕发出全新生命力。**
**分发渠道拓宽，传播力、影响力进一步增强。在融媒体时代，跨媒介传播扩大了广播媒体的覆盖面与影响力，多平台分发延伸了广播有声书的生命力。随着媒体融合向纵深发展，广播媒体积极布局新媒体渠道与终端，拓展广播有声书的分发渠道。一方面，广播媒体与国内移动电台APP开展深度合作，如多家国家级、省市级电台与“蜻蜓FM”合作开辟广播专栏，在该平台上大力推广包括广播有声书在内的节目。可见，平台为广播有声书的传播提供进入渠道，广播有声书的优质内容为平台带来流量，，二者在融合发展中实现共赢。另一方面，广播有声书开通“两微”端口，播者积极与网友进行互动，有效增强用户黏性，为节目导入流量。同时，各级广播媒体加快推进媒体融合进程，开发、打造自身的移动客户端。例如，北京人民广播电台开通了多个微信公众号及官方微博“北京广播网”，并推出了移动网络音频聚合平台“听听FM”以及新媒体平台客户端“听听Radio”， 有效实现了广播有声书**
吉林健康
娱乐广播《青
雪故事》多年
**来积极进行融**
媒体发展探
索，延展内容
优势，搭建多
**元传播平台，**
**形成了规模化**
的传播效应。
**目前， 《青雪**
故事》在PC
端以及手机移
**动客户端的点**
播量均达数十
**亿，听众遍及**
**国内各省以及**
**全球30余个国**
家和地区，为
融媒体时代广
**播有声书的发**
展提供了参
考。
**及其他节目向新媒体转换。广播有声书依托“两微”端口及新闻客户端等渠道，实现了多平台分发，延展了内容价值，扩大了自身的传播力、影响力。**
**产业布局逐步展开，跨界合作正在加速推进。面对有声阅读市场良好的发展前景，广播媒体在融合进程中加速跨界合作，积极开展有声阅读产业布局，实现合作共赢。**
**2018年11月8日，北京人民广播电台、 《十月文学》与阿里文学宣布在有声阅读领域开展合作，三方共同秉持“打造精品”的理念，致力于推动“精品有声小说”的创作与传播。首批合作中，北京人民广播电台将对纳入“匠心计划”中的作品优先进行有声化创作，并对其进行融媒体运营推广。三方通过互联网手段及文字、音频等形式进行内容创作及衍生，共同打造具有社会价值与市场价值的有声作品。**
**2018年12月9日，中国广播电影电视社会组织联合会在北京广播大厦举办有声阅读委员会成立大会。有声阅读委员会与14家国内知名出版单位及融媒体中心代表签署战略合作协议，致力于发掘有声阅读领域优秀作品与演播人才，促进相关学术研究进展，加强对新兴技术的研究，助力广播有声书的发展。目前，广播媒体在有声阅读领域的产业布局已逐步展开，跨界合作正在加速推进，广播有声书将实现良性发展。**
**从“相加”到“相融”：《青雪故事》融合发展的经验**
**《青雪故事》是吉林人民广播电台健康娱乐广播的一档小说广播专栏，启播时间较早，开播历史较长，海内外传播有一定影响力，已播出近万配乐剧集，代表作包括“卫斯理系列”、 《盗墓笔记》、《鬼吹灯之寻龙诀》、《三体》等。进入融媒体时代，《青雪故事》顺应时代发展，挣脱传统思维模式，从多重维度展开广播有声书的发展探索，推动点播量和下载量持续走高。**
**搭建多元传播平台，实现社交化传播。传统媒体时代，省级广播节目的传播有区域限制，只能在本地区进行小面积传播。互联网技术的快速发展使得地域边界模糊、甚至消失， iPad、智能手机等移动设备为节目大范围有效传播提供更多途径。《青雪故事》敏锐察觉到互联网技术的巨大红利，于20世纪90年代末建立了吉林省内第一个传统广播节目的音频分享网站，此举有效消除了省级广播节目的区域限制，打开了全国、甚至全球听众的收听渠道，扩大了节目传播范围，形成了规模化传播效应。此后，节目陆续开通了多个流量入口，包括官方QQ群、新浪官方博客、新浪官方微博、微信公众号等，形成了节目的全媒**
**体传播格局。与此同时，通过广播、 “两微”端口及音频分享平台等渠道，主播青雪实现了与听众随时随地交流互动，一方面收集与筛选听众的有效建议，积极进行内容调整；另一方面与听众建立情感联系，增强听众黏性，满足听众的个性化需求与情感体验。主播青雪在融合发展进程中完成了转型，与听众进行多维互动，构建了节目与听众间的全方位互动体系，从而实现了节目的社交化传播。**
**延展内容优势，激发互联网“倒融合”。在内容生产上，《青雪故事》一方面坚守品质，探索并完善“全息式”制播模式，对原著进行“有声化”改编，满足听众的深度在场感与沉浸式收听体验；另一方面，节目强化互联网思维，对现有价值进行深度挖掘与有效开发。考虑到网生代听众喜好与市场化运作需要，主播青雪选取了目标听众认同度高的热门文学小说《盗墓笔记》、畅销盗墓小说《鬼吹灯之寻龙诀》、长篇科幻小说《三体》等文本。从最初的鬼故事，到惊悚悬疑故事，再到如今的科幻故事，《青雪故事》基于自身先天的奇观化与差异性优势，进行符合全媒体发展的内容调整，不仅满足了听众的订制化需求，更延展了节目的内容优势，完成了媒体进化中内容的升级换代。**
**在《青雪故事》积极转型融合的同时，一些移动音频分享平台瞄准节目内容优势，以期在更多领域实现资源共享的对接模式，使互联网“倒融合”成为一种趋势。2014年，《青雪故事》应“喜马拉雅FM”的邀约，在该平台上发布有声书内容。目前，川《青雪故事》在该平台的粉丝量已达189.3万，播放量接近2亿。**
**运用差异性产品，实现内容价值变现。目前，知识付费依托互联网技术，已经成为移动互联网的新风口。从2016年知识付费元年至今，中国知识付费用户呈现中高速增长态势。据艾媒咨询数据显示，2018年知识付费用户规模达2.92亿，预计2019年知识付费用户规模将达3.87亿。近年来， “喜马拉雅FM”“企鹅FM”等移动电台APP纷纷推出付费的有声书产品，推动了知识付费快速发展。**
**青雪版《三体》充分挖掘了“企鹅FM”的付费功能，在该平台上制定了可操作性强的价格策略，并根据市场供求情况，将免费与付费相结合，灵活合理地调整价格。同时，《三体》在“企鹅FM”上设置交互功能，便于听众评论与互动，并加强智能技术对用户生活场景的深入辨别与精准推送，为听众提供场景、内容与社交融合为一体的全新体验，从而调动听众的付费意愿。实时数据显示，青雪版《三体》在该平台评分高达9.5分，并拥有15.8万活跃值。在“企鹅FM”运用差异性产品及多元化服**
**务，直击听众的痛点，实现了《青雪故事》在知识付费领域的成功尝试。**
**机遇与挑战：广播有声书发展的优化路径**
**媒体融合发展进入深水期，以《青雪故事》为代表的广播有声书面临着新的机遇与挑战：智能技术为流程优化提供了前所未有的机遇；版权保护问题被提上日程；伴随媒体融合的深入，从宏观上推动广电改革进程也势在必行。探索广播有声书发展的优化路径在推动媒体融合向纵深发展上具有重要意义。**
**技术驱动创新， “智能+”助力定制化服务。先进技术是媒体转型与变革的重要驱动力。广播有声书应运用信息革命成果实现自身的革新，更新盈利模式，完成产业转型。**
**首先，广播有声书可借助智能技术生产内容，通过大数据技术挖掘符合听众偏好的文学资源，进行精细的有声化改编与创作，为听众提供个性化、定制化的内容服务。其次，可以运用虚拟仿真技术为听众提供沉浸式的感官体验，增强广播有声书的视听效果，从而形成更大的竞争优势。再次，智能技术可用于广播有声书的传播层面，通过大数据与云计算技术将内容推送给目标听众，从而节省听众的时间和精力成本，提高传播效率，加强与听众的互动。最后，可借助智能技术改变粗放式营销策略，通过大数据技术收集听众的收听习惯、预测他们的订阅倾向，并据此灵活调整运营模式，增强听众黏性，提升营销效果。**
**加强版权保护力度，营造良好的内容传播环境。在媒体融合不断深化的同时，各种版权问题日益凸显。 《青雪故事》自开播起连续多年被盗版，维权过程也面临多重阻碍，因此，加强版权保护力度须受到必要的重视。**
**第一，完善现有法律法规。在媒体格局的快速变迁中，现有的《版权法》《著作权法》已不能完全适应各种侵权情况，应推动相关法律法规不断修订，加快适应融媒体传播环境，为广播有声书的融媒发展提供法治保障。**
**第二，健全广播媒体版权管理制度。。一方面，广播媒体内部应设置版权管理中心及专业管理人员，开展版权保护工作，及时对版权问题采取应对措施；另一方面，广播媒体应开发有声书的版权价值，建立操作性强的内容付费机制，实现以版权为基础的盈利模式创新。**
**第三，加快区块链技术的应用。 “区块链技术可以简洁高效地证明数字文化产品的唯一性、真实性与存在性，可以对被确认版权的产品进行全生命周期的追踪，并为司法取证提供技术保障与结论性证据。”区块链技术是目前最具前景的版权保护技术之一，应加快其在广播有声书版**
**第四，培养公众版权意识。广播媒体可借助自身传播力与影响力开展面向公众的版权知识普及与教育等宣传活动，让公众意识到版权的重要性以及盗版的危害，从源头上抵制盗版行为。**
**加快推进广电体制改革，做优做强广播产业。媒体融合发展进入深水期，广电体制改革关系着融合发展的成效，也关系着广播有声书在有声阅读领域的进展。全媒体时代，传统广播媒体的影响力与传播力正在被削弱和分散，原有的体制机制已不再适应新的发展形势和要求。广电系统应加快推进改革进程，去除体制机制沉洞，做优做强广播产业，增强自身竞争力，巩固舆论主阵地，为广播有声书的发展提供宏观层面的支持。**
**一方面，广播行业可通过与网络运营商联动合作，优化资源配置，实现二者的协同效应与共享共赢。比如，双方可共享内容资源与用户资源，实现“内容+渠道”的纵向整合；可以进行技术性合作，包括在大数据、云计算、移动客户端以及信息化平台等领域的深度合作，推进最新科技成果及互联网信息优势尽快与广播有声书嫁接，借助技术创新带动产业升级。**
**另一方面，广播行业应集中内外部资源，组建自己的融媒体传播平台，带动内容生产、技术应用、平台终端以及人才队伍的融合共享，构建全产业链和全业态融媒集群。近年来，各级广播电台纷纷推出自身媒体融合发展成果，如中央人民广播电台的移动客户端“中国广播”、北京人民广播电台的移动客户端“听听FM”以及吉林人民广播电台的移动客户端“沐耳FM”等，通过新媒体架构倒逼传统广播业务与资源重组，实现融合发展中的传播价值与市场价值，为广播有声书提供了良好的发展环境。**
**2019年，中国有声书用户规模将持续增长，有声书市场的发展前景可观。目前，商业移动电台在有声阅读市场占据主动，对广播媒体造成了一定程度的冲击。然而，广播媒体在有声阅读市场并非处于弱势，同样以声音为传播介质的广播媒体，在长期发展过程中积攒了海量声音资源，拥有专业演播队伍。在融媒体时代，广播媒体只有顺应时代潮流，发挥内容生产优势，拓展广播有声书的新媒体渠道，紧跟有声阅读市场动向，积极进行变革与创新，才能在有声阅读领域打开广播发展的新突破口。**
**作者张文东系东北师范大学传媒科学学院(新闻学院)**
**教授、院长**
**王雪纯系东北师范大学传媒科学学院(新闻学院)**
**研究生** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **呈报格式、个人能力与管理会计信息决策价值：一项定价决策的实验研究**
**毛洪涛 何熙琼 苏 朦**
**(西南财经大学会计学院 611130)**
**【摘要】关于管理会计信息有用性的研究中，信息呈报格式对其决策价值的影响一直没有得到一致的结论，可能的原因是没有考虑决策者个人能力的作用。本文通过实验研究的方法讨论了具有不同个人能力水平的决策者在使用不同呈报格式的管理会计报告时决策绩效的差异，实验结果表明个人能力水平高的决策者使用表格格式比使用图形格式的管理会计报告时决策效率更高；个人能力水平低的决策者使用图形格式比使用表格格式的管理会计报告时准确性更高、效率更高。本文的结论表明，为了帮助使用者实现决策绩效最大化，管理会计报告的编制必须考虑决策者个人能力与信息呈报格式之间的适配。**
**【关键词】.呈报格式 个人能力 管理会计 决策价值 实验研究**
**一、引育**
**管理会计报告作为企业内部使用的会计报告，为企业管理当局提供决策和控制的依据，而管理会计报告并没有一个固定的格式，其制定完全依照企业经营管理决策的需要。根据课题组成员从一些大型国有企业调研的资料中得知，企业在实际编制管理会计报告中因任务、环境和决策者的不同，其报告种类繁多、条目凌乱、风格迥异， CFO 们普遍反映， 管理会计报告虽然重要，但是难于阅读和理解，不能有效传递管理会计信息，其决策价值亟待巩固和提升@。传统的管理会计报告研究注重信息包含的主要内容，而忽略了报告的呈报格式。随着大数据、云时代和新工业革命的到来，世界正在迈入一个全新的智能时代，企业内部会计信息的编制、分析和决策不仅需要基于事实和真实的数据，还需要依赖于更加精准的呈报格式，为企业内部管理提供低成本和高效率的服务。此外，由于年龄、工作年限、教育等方面的异质性，导致信息使用者拥有不同的个人能力，进而造成了使用者对信息需求的多样性和特殊性。因此，研究不同个人能力水平的决策者在面对不同呈报格式时的决策绩效差异问题具有重要的现实性和紧迫性。**
**随着计算机技术的发展，多样化的管理会计信息呈报格式成为可能，尤其是图形和表格这两种信息呈报格式被广泛应用于企业编制的各种管理会计报告。合适的信息呈报格式能够降低决策者信息处理过程中的局限性 (Dull et al.， 2003)，并能够更好地帮助决策者处理大量的信息以降低决策者的认知努力，从而能够提高决策的准确性和效率，而关于究竟哪一种信息呈报格式更有助于提高决策价值的争论，直存在于认知心理学和管理会计领域，却没有得到一致的结论。一部分学者认为图形这种信息呈报格式**
**\*本文受到国家自然科学基金项目(71172228)、教育部新世纪优秀人才支持计划(NCET-09-0658)、财政部“全国会计领军(后备)人才(学术类)培养项目”、西南财经大学中央高校基本科研业务费专项资金(JBK130508、JBK1407018)的资助。**
**①** **从2012年5月开始，课题组分派人员走访调研中国第二重型机械集团公司重装财务部、中国中铁二局第二工程有限公司以及华夏银行成都分行等具有代表性的大型企业。**
**具有直观性、美观性和比较性的特点，便于决策者快速并准确地做出决策(Gibson and Schroeder， 1990； So and Smith， 2004)，也有一部分学者认为表格这种信息呈报格式具有准确性的特点，便于决策者分析和计算 (Mackay and Villarreal， 1987； Vessey， 1991)。之所以会得到不同的结论，一种可能的解释就是没有考虑到决策者本身的个人能力(Chandra and Krovi， 1999； Amer， 1991)。决策者个人能力，尤其是解决问题的能力，是决策者内在的能力，是通过不断学习所获取的解决问题的经验 (Bonner and Lewis，1990)。在研究呈报格式影响管理会计信息决策价值时，如果同时考虑决策者的个人能力，是否会得到不同的结论?**
**基于以上分析，本文从认知适配理论出发，采用计算机实验的方法，以产品定价决策任务为实验场景，探讨了个人能力不同的管理者(个人能力水平高或低)在面对不同呈报格式(图形或表格)的管理会计报告信息时决策绩效的差异问题。相对于以往的文献，本文的贡献和创新可能体现如下：首先，本文丰富了认知适配理论方面的文献，以往研究大多基于信息呈报格式和任务类型角度，如Vessey and Gal-letta (1991)、Umanath and Vessey (1994)、Speier (2003)、Cardinaels ((2008)、Sullivan (2010) 等，本文则从决策主体的个人能力出发进一步验证认知适配理论，使理论适用范围更加接近现实状态；其次，以往文献大多从理论上探讨了管理会计信息决策的相关性，如 Johnson and Kaplan (1987)、张先治(2009、2010、2011)等，少有文献从实证的角度验证其影响因素和作用机理，本文则扩展了前人的研究，首次使用实验研究的方法同时探讨了决策者个人能力水平和信息呈报格式对决策绩效的影响，为研究管理会计信息相关性提供一个新的思路和方法；最后，本文的结论对企业和决策者都有重要的启示作用：企业应该根据不同的决策者以合适的呈报格式编制管理会计报告；决策者在使用管理会计报告时应该“量体裁衣”，选择最合适的管理会计报告以保证决策的准确性和效率，此外，还应保持必要的谨慎，避免陷入不同呈报格式导致的“框架效应”等心理偏差。**
**本文其他部分安排如下：第二部分为理论分析与研究假设，第三部分为研究设计，第四部分为实验结果分析，第五部分为结论。**
**二、理论分析与研究假设**
**Sutton and Arnold (1995)、Tuttle and Kershaw (1998)、Frownfelter - Lohrke (1998))等人认为管理会计报告作为一个信息系统，系统内部的信息质量、信息呈现方式，系统外部的环境因素及决策者自身的素质均会对使用者的决策产生影响，以下部分主要从两个方面对呈报格式、、个人能力与管理会计信息决策价值之间的关系进行分析。**
**(一)呈报格式与管理会计信息决策价值**
**决策是一个从多个可能的行动方案中选取最优行动方案的复杂过程，它涉及到信息获取、信息处理和信息输出三个过程 (Libby and Lewis， 1977)， 人们获取信息是一个基础的过程，通过对信息的获取才能为决策提供依据。因此，决策价值首先取决于信息的内容及呈报的格式，一般而言信息的内容是确定的，对于一项决策，信息应该是充分的。心理学研究表明，由于人们信息处理过程中存在的局限性，信息的呈报格式能够降低人们的认知努力，更好地获取信息。图形呈报格式对数据和变量信息进行了一定的加工整合，有利于探测变量之间关系的变化和变量发展的趋势，所以能够很好地描述和反映变量之间的关系和整体信息(Moriarity， 1979)，利用图形这种格式来呈现信息更能够加深人的印象和记忆，从而有利于决策者进行数据回忆与信息处理 (Stock and Watson， 1984； Wright， 1995)， 此外， Miller (1956)从人的认知能力的角度支持了图形的优势，他认为当人们使用可视化图形格式时可以增加决策者处理数据的能力。相比之下，表格格式呈报的数据信息的优势在于它详细地展现了数据信息的细节，便于做精确的计算与分析。从认知适配的角度出发，人的认知处理判断策略与信息呈报格式存在着适配作用，整体型认知策略使用空间处理方式，因而使用图形更优，而分析型策略使用分析处理方式，从而使用表格更优 (Tuttle and Kershaw， 1998)， 即图形格式与整体型处理策略相适配，表格格式与分析型策略相适配。究竟哪一种信息呈报格式的决策价值更大，在国外，这一直是学者们热议的话题，至今未有定论。而在国内，图表呈报格式至今尚未引起我国学术界的重视，仅有的零星研究也多属描摹之作，实际贡献有限**
**_会计研究2014.7_**
**(毛洪涛和冯华忠，2013)。**
**(二)呈报格式、个人能力与管理会计信息决策价值**
**决策的主体是人，决策的依据是信息，决策价值的实现必然受到呈报格式和决策者个人能力水平的影响。认知适配理论表明，当外部信息的呈报格式与决策者的认知模式或内部思维方式保持一致时其决策价值最大 (Arnold et al.， 2004； Chandra and Krovi， 1999)。反之，当信息呈报格式与决策者认知模式不一致时，会增加决策者的认知负荷，降低决策者的信息检索效率，最终降低决策价值。因此， Rose and Wolfe (2000)、Rose et al.(2004)的研究提出了通过改善信息呈报格式与决策者之间的适配来降低决策者认知负荷的办法。一部分学者的研究发现图形格式呈报的会计信息能够降低决策者的认知负荷，有助于决策者在短时间内获取和理解信息(Stock and Watson， 1984； WWright，1995)， 然而这类研究的假设均是基于决策者有限的个人能力。决策者个人能力尤其是解决问题的能力本身就是经验的积累，个人能力高的决策者一方面拥有较强的专业能力，能够快速地分析问题、解决问题；另一方面也具有较强的信息处理能力，能够从纷繁复杂的数据信息中获取有用的信息，发现数据间的各种关系，缓解大量信息带来的认知过载。当决策者个人能力高时，其认知模式储存更为丰富的信息(Dearman and Shields， 2001)，而内部认知模式决定了高能力水平的决策者更愿意选择表格格式(外部信息呈报格式)的管理会计报告。相反，当决策者个人能力低时，其内部认知模式较为简单，无法处理纷繁复杂的数据信息，不能够跟表格格式的信息相适配。因此，根据认知适配理论，图形格式的管理会计报告更适合个人能力水平低的决策者，表格格式的管理会计报告则更适合个人能力水平高的决策者，能够帮助他们降低认知负荷，提高决策准确性和决策效率。**
**从决策主体方面来看，决策者在整个决策过程中，由于个人能力、短期记忆、选择性关注、缺乏认知控制等因素的限制，可能会增加认知努力成本，从而有可能导致其在一些特定的决策环境下会持续性地犯系统性错误。由于人的认知能力是有限的，不同的信息呈报格式会有助于不同能力水平的决策者降低认知偏见和信息过载，从而提高决策绩效 (Ghani et al.， 2009)。 Vessey and Galletta (1991) 的研究也认为当决策者个人能力与相应的信息格式相匹配时会提高决策价值，他们将决策者解决问题的能力划分为空间问题解决能力与数值问题解决能力，从而与图形格式、表格格式相匹配。此外， Tuttle and Kershaw(1998)利用实验的方法考察了人的认知处理判断策略与信息呈报格式的适配作用，认为整体型策略使用空间处理，因而使用图形更优，而分析型策略使用分析处理，从而使用表格更优。决策者获取信息(以图形或表格呈现)后，在一定的决策环境下，会自发按照成本效益原则的指导选择最优的处理策略做出相对最优的决策，即保证尽可能地减少认知努力从而提高决策价值。对于个人能力水平高的决策者来说，他们倾向于对数据信息进行分析处理，在处理问题时也会更多地开启分析型处理策略，在决策时会更多地关注数据的细节信息，因此他们更像一-个分析型决策者，从而在表格格式下能够获得更大的决策优势，决策的准确性更高，效率更高。而个人能力水平低的决策者面对大量的数据信息时，无法快速有效地分析处理数据信息，此时他们更可能开启感知处理策略，对数据的整体和关系进行感知，所以他们更像一个直觉型的决策者，在决策时能够从图形中获取更多决策有用的信息，因而决策的绩效也会更好，决策的准确性更高，效率也更高**
**基于以上分析，提出研究假设如下：**
**假设1a：个人能力水平高的决策者，使用表格格式相对于图形格式的管理会计报告时其决策准确性更高。**
**假设1b：个人能力水平低的决策者，使用图形格式相对于表格格式的管理会计报告时其决策准确性更高。**
**假设2a：个人能力水平高的决策者，使用表格格式相对于图形格式的管理会计报告时其决策效率更高。**
**假设2b：个人能力水平低的决策者，使用图形格式相对于表格格式的管理会计报告时其决策效率更高。**
**三、研究设计**
(一)研究方法和实验设计
**本文采用2×2混合设计实验研究的方法，管理会计信息呈报格式变量是组间变量，决策者个人能力通过要求实验被试回复量表来测量。实验任务是一次产品成本定价决策，实验被试以一家公司高级经理**
**的身份根据生产部门提供的产品成本信息和销售部门提供的市场需求信息做出产品定价决策。成本信息以产量基础成本法和本量利分析下的成本性态分类为基础表现出来，结合销售部门提供的市场需求信息形成一个关于某产品经营状况的内部管理会计报告，该管理会计报告的主题信息提供了案例企业某种产品(积木玩具)过往5个季度的销售、盈利以及成本的详细情况。为了对现实经济情况进行简化模拟以控制其他因素的影响，假设该案例企业近年来市场需求、竞争环境、技术条件、销售渠道等情况基本一致，这也就潜在假定了该企业产品的市场需求函数是稳定不变的(Q1=210000-3000P1)，这样就会存在一个最大化利润的定价。在提供了以上信息之后，要求被试做出下一季度的定价决策即“您对积木2013年第2季度的定价是\_元(可以精确到分)”。关于产品经营状况的这一内部管理会计报告中的数据信息分别有图形和表格两种呈报格式，实验被试则被随机地分配到表格组或图形组。**
**为了控制样本的选择偏差和确保实验的外部效度，本次实验选择会计专业硕士(MPAcc)作为被试，这是因为会计专业硕士对管理会计、成本定价等相关知识有一定的了解。在所有被试中，77.39%的被试以前是会计类专业；64.35%的被试参加过 CPA 考试； 16.52%的被试参加过行政职业能力测试；22.61%的被试有过财会工作经历；73.17%的被试是女性。为了消除被试间的潜在偏误，我们采用了随机分配被试的方法，即使用的两组被试是由同一学校、同·专业、同-班级学生随机分配而成。**
**为了使实验被试受到激励并积极参与到实验任务中来，我们设计了货币激励的方式引导他们积极、正确地进行实验(Bonner and Lewis， 1990； Libby， 1997)。在实验中，决策业绩较好的被试将会获得最高达100元的现金奖励，被试的决策业绩由被试在单位时间内获得的定价决策利润来衡量(决策业绩=产品定价利润/决策时间)。实验最终会有超过20%的被试获得现金奖励(综合业绩前 10%获得100元，10%-20%获得50元)，实验的现金奖励在实验完成后一周进行发放。**
**(二)变量定义**
**1.决策价值**
**管理会计信息决策价值变量是本文研究的因变量，由定价决策准确性和决策效率两个方面衡量，同时考察决策准确性与决策效率能够清楚地了解被试在决策时是否存在决策准确性与决策效率权衡的情况，从而使研究的结论更加可信。参考 Waller et al1..(1999)、Cardinaels (2008) 等人的研究，我们将决策的准确性定义为最佳利润与被试定价得到的利润之间的偏差，即决策准确性=最大利润-被试者利润。在稳健性检验中我们还将决策准确性定义为最优价格与被试定价之差的绝对值，即决策准确性=1最优价格-被试定价!。决策效率是被试完成定价决策任务的总时间。**
**2.呈报格式**
**本文中管理会计报告的呈报格式主要有表格与图形两种，针对这两种呈报格式主要有两种设计思路：一种是“被试内设计”，即同一被试既使用图形又使用表格的呈报格式进行决策；另一种是“被试间设计”，即一部分人使用图形的呈报格式，另一部分人使用表格的呈报格式进行决策。被试间设计的最大优点在于可以避免学习效应，被试接受自变量一个水平的处理不会影响到他们在其他水平上的行为反应。因此，参考 Hwang (1995)、Jarvenpaa (1989)、Mooney et al.(2000)、So and Smith (2002)等人的研究，我们对呈报格式变量采用被试间设计的方法，共有58名被试面对的是表格格式的管理会计报告，剩下的57名被试面对的是图形格式(彩色条形图)的管理会计报告。为了更好地排除其他因素的干扰以区分图形与表格格式对决策者决策绩效的影响，我们对表格与图形两种呈报格式之间的差异进行了控制，使两种格式的报告承载着相同的数据信息，这包含了定价决策所需要的全部历史信息，如单价、单位变动成本、销量、固定成本和利润等，所不同的仅仅是呈报格式本身。为了确保两种信息格式所包含的信息量一致，我们还给出了定价产品的市场需求函数。**
**3.决策者个人能力**
**参考 Vessey and Galletta (1991)、Cardinaels (2008) 等人的研究，本文使用了国家公务员行政职业能**
**会计研究2014.7**
**力测试(Administrative Aptitude Test， AAT)② 对决策者个人能力变量进行度量。AAT是“专门用于测试与行政职业上的成功有关用的一系列心理潜能的标准化考试”，与一般考察知识和智力不同， AAT“考察的是人的基本资质与潜在能力，考察应试者是否具备快速、敏捷、准确地分析、解决问题的能力”(伍景玉等，2010)。**
**_4\._ 协变量**
**已有研究表明会计知识水平能够影响管理会计报告决策价值(Bonner and Lewis， 1990； Dearman and Shields， 2001； Dearman and Shields， 2005)， 另外有研究表明工作经历能够增加决策者的专业能力进而影响决策绩效(Cloyd， 1997； Libby， 1995)，因此我们设计了决策者会计知识水平和是否有财会工作经历作为本次实验的主要协变量。此外，我们还设计了操作性检验问卷来测试被试能否准确理解实验的任务及激励机制，设计了人口统计问卷来测试被试的性别、本科所学专业、是否参加过 CPA 考试、是否参加过公务员考试，以此保证实验结果的准确性。**
**所有变量定义如表1中所示：**
表1 变量定义
| | **变量符号** | **变量名称** | **变量定义** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **因变量** | **Profit** | **决策准确性** | **最佳利润与被试定价得到的利润的偏差，即决策准确性=最大利润-被试者利润** |
| **因变量** | **Decision** | **决策准确性** | **最优价格与被试定的价格之差的绝对值，即决策准确性=最优价格被试定价I** |
| **因变量** | **Time** | **决策效率** | **完成定价决策任务的总时间** |
| **自变量** | **Form** | **呈报格式** | **表格与图形两种呈报格式，图形为0，表格为1** |
| **自变量** | **Abilityscore** | **个人能力** | **行政职业能力测试得分值** |
| **自变量** | **Ability** | **个人能力** | **低于得分均值设为0，高于得分均值设为1** |
| **协变量** | **Knowscore** | **会计知识水平** | **成本会计知识水平测试得分值** |
| **协变量** | **Know** | **工作经历** | **低于得分均值设为0，高于得分均值设为1** |
| **协变量** | **Workexp** | **工作经历** | **是否有财会方面工作经历，否为0， 是为1** |
**四、实验结果分析**
**(一)描述性统计**
**为了保证实验结果的信度和效度，我们设置了一系列操作性检验问卷以检验被试是否理解实验的任务和实验的激励机制，如“上述决策过程中所获得信息的可理解性”、“您是否理解本实验的现金激励机制”等。根据被试对问题的回答，我们对一些样本进行了易除，最后符合条件的被试数量为98。表2为变量的描述性统计结果，从表中可以得知决策准确性变量的均值为159844.978，最小值为0，最大值为3780750.000，此变量越小就意味着决策准确性越高，效果越好。定价任务的决策时间最短为118.000 秒，最长的达到了 1767.000秒，所用时间的均值为610.327秒，标准差为341.026，决策用时越少，则说明决策的效率越高。决策者个人能力水平变量得分均值为5.878，最高得分为9分，最低得分为3分，根据得分均值将高于均值的划分为个人能力水平高者(得分均值为6.842)，低于均值的划分为个人能力水平低者(得分均值为4.537)，两类被试的得分有显著差异 (t=14.268， p<0.0001)。此外，会计知识水平变量的均值为5.704，最高得分为9分，最低得分为3分，说明大部分被试的成本知识水平较高。是否有工作经历变量的均值为0.214，标准差为0.412，说明大部分被试的工作经历很少。**
**行政职业能力测验主要测查与公务员职业密切相关的、适合通过客观化纸笔测验方式进行考查的基本素质和能力要素，包括言语理解与表达、数量关系、判断推理、资料分析和常识判断等部分。**
表2 主要变量的描述性统计
| | **N** | **最小值** | **最大值** | **均值** | **标准差** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **Profit** | **98** | **0.000** | **3780750.000** | **159844.978** | **566743.299** |
| **Decisioll** | **98** | **0.000** | **35.500** | **3.292** | **6.549** |
| **Time** | **98** | **118.000** | **1767.000** | **610.327** | **341.026** |
| **Form** | **98** | **0.000** | **1.000** | **0.530** | **0.502** |
| **Abilityscore** | **98** | **3.000** | **9.000** | **5.878** | **1.387** |
| **Ability** | **98** | **0.000** | **1.000** | **0.582** | **0.496** |
| **Knowscore** | **98** | **3.000** | **9.000** | **5.704** | **1.286** |
| **Know** | **98** | **0.000** | **1.000** | **0.571** | **0.497** |
| **Workexp** | **98** | **0.000** | **1.000** | **0.214** | **0.412** |
**(二)均值T检验**
**表3报告了均值T检验的结果，从表 3 Panel A 中可以看出，个人能力水平高的被试使用图形格式的管理会计报告时的决策准确性显著优于使用表格格式的被试，t值为1.577，在10%水平上显著，假设1a没有得到验证。我们推测其原因可能是由于任务复杂性因素的作用，呈报格式对使用者决策绩效产生作用还依赖于任务类型(DeSanctis， 1984； Benbasat and Dexter， 1985； Benbasat et al.， 1986； Tan and Ben-basat， 1990； Vessey， 1991； Vessey and Galletta， 1991； Coll et al.， 1994)。在任务复杂程度较低的情况下，按照认知适配理论的解释，当决策者面对分析型任务时更适合使用表格呈报格式，当面对预测性任务时更适合图形呈报格式。在本文的实验情境中，我们的定价决策任务相对较为简单，信息复杂性较低，个人能力水平高的决策者使用表格的相对优势不明显。而个人能力水平低的决策者使用图形格式管理会计报告的决策准确性要比使用表格格式时准确性更高，t值为1.499，在10%水平上显著，假设1b得到了验证。从表3 Panel B 中可以看出，以决策效率为因变量时，决策者个人能力水平高的决策者使用表格时所用的平均时间为569.971 秒，使用图形时则达到了718.522秒，两者有显著差异(t=1.502， p=0.070)， 说明个人能力水平高的被试使用表格花费的时间显著更少，所以假设2a得到了验证与支持；决策者个人能力水平低的被试使用表格时决策平均时间花费了673.333秒，使用图形时只用了512.478秒，两者同样有显著差异(t=-1.763，p=0.043)，表明个人能力水平较低者使用图形时决策用时显著更少，所以假设2b得到了验证。**
表3 均值T检验结果
| **Panel A： Profit 作为因变量的均值检验** | | | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| | **呈报格式(Form)** | | **均值差异** | **t值** | **P值** |
| **个人能力** | **图形** | **表格** | | | |
| **(Ability)** | **图形** | **(N=34，18)** | | | |
| **(Ability)** | **(N=23，23)** | **(N=34，18)** | | | |
| **高(N=57)** | **366213.100** | **69968.820** | **296244.280** | **1.577** | **0.060\*** |
| **低(N=41)** | **176221.200** | **44993.220** | **131227.980** | **1.499** | **0.071\*** |
| **Panel B： Time 作为闵变量的均值检验** | | | | | |
| **高(N=57)** | **718.522** | **569.971** | **148.551** | **1.502** | **0.070\*** |
| **低(N=41)** | **512.478** | **673.333** | **\-160.855** | **\-1.763** | **0.043\*\*** |
**注：T检验为单侧检验，“p <0.1，\*\* p < 0.05，\*\*\*p<0.01。**
**(三)方差分析**
**本文分别以决策准确性(Profit)和决策效率(Time)为因变量，，管理会计报告呈报格式变量(Form)、以决策者个人能力问卷得分均值划分的决策者个人能力水平变量(Ability) 为自变量， 进行了ANOVA 分析。具体来说，将被试分配到表格格式组或者图形格式组、高能力水平组或者低能力水平组， Form 与 Ability 的交乘项是用来考察信息呈报格式与决策者个人能力水平是否对决策价值有交互作用。此**
**外，我们将决策者的会计知识水平变量(Know)、决策者是否有工作经历 (Workexp) 作为协变量加以控制。ANOVA 分析的结果具体见表4， Panel A 展示了以决策准确性为因变量的方差分析结果，其中Model 1 是加人交乘项的结果， Model 2 是加入协变量的结果。从 Model 1 中可以看出呈报格式对决策准确性有显著影响(p=0.070)，图形格式似乎更能提高决策的准确性，而且交互效应不显著，所以决策准确性的 ANOVA并没有能够支持呈报格式、个人能力对决策准确性的交互作用。结合均值检验的结果，个人能力水平低的被试在使用图形时的决策准确性更高(p=0.071)，假设1b得到支持，而假设la 没有得到支持。**
**Panel B 报告了以决策效率为因变量的方差分析结果，其中 Model 3 是加入交乘项的结果， Model 4 是加人协变量的结果。从结果中可以看出，个人能力水平变量与信息呈报格式变量的交互项对决策的效率影响非常显著，P值为0.029，在5%水平上显著，在控制住会计知识水平之后，仍然如此。这个结果提供很强的证据表明个人能力、呈报格式对决策效率有显著的交互作用，结合均值检验部分的结果可知个人能力水平高的决策者使用表格的决策时间显著更短，个人能力水平低的决策者使用图形的决策时间显著更短，假设2a、2b得到了验证与支持。**
表4 ANOVA分析结果
| **Panel A： ANOVA.分析以 Profit 为因变量** | | | | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **自变量** | **Model1：交红效应** | | | **Model2： 加入协变量** | | |
| **自变量** | **Mean square** | **F** | **p** | **Mean square** | | **P** |
| **Form (F)** | **1.0629e+12** | **3.370** | **0.070\*** | **1.0023e+12** | **3.120** | **0.081\*** |
| **Ability (A)** | **2.6879e+11** | **0.850** | **0.358** | **2.9499e+11** | **0.920** | **0.341** |
| **FxA** | **1.5839e+11** | **0.500** | **0.480** | **1.5952e+11** | **0.500** | **0.483** |
| **协变量** | | | | | | |
| **Know** | | | | **377064433** | **0.000** | **0.973** |
| **Workexp** | | | | **7.6697e+10** | **0.240** | **0.626** |
| | **R2=0.048； N=98** | | | **R2= 0.051； N=98** | | |
| **Panel B： ANOVA分析以 Time 为因变量** | | | | | | |
| **自变量** | **Model3：交互效应** | | | **Model4： 加入协变量** | | |
| **自变量** | **Mean square** | **F** | **P** | **Mean square** | **F** | |
| **Form (F)** | **880.544** | **0.010** | **0.930** | **162.650** | **0.000** | **0.970** |
| **Ability (A)** | **61325.601** | **0.540** | **0.464** | **41955.482** | **0.370** | **0.545** |
| **FxA** | **556829.175** | **4.910** | **0.029\*\*** | **550684.356** | **4.840** | **0.030\*\*** |
| **协变量** | | | | | | |
| **Know** | | | | **1138.808** | **0.010** | **0.921** |
| **Workexp** | | | | **201089.322** | **1.770** | **0.187** |
| | **R2-0.055；N=98** | | | **R2=0.073； N=98** | | |
**(四)稳健性测试**
**为了进一步验证本文的结论，我们采用了以下方式进行稳健性测试：(1)!以最优价格与被试定价之差的绝对值 (Decision) 作为决策准确性的替代变量进行均值T检验和方差分析； (2)以决策准确性(Profit) 作为被解释变量，个个人能力得分的实际水平 (Abilityscore) 和信息呈报格式(Form) 作为解释变量，决策者会计知识水平 (Knowscore)和工作经历(Workexp) 作为控制变量进行回归分析。稳健性结果与前述结果基本一致，进一步验证了本文的结论。限于篇幅，本文未列示稳健性测试的结果。**
base
**会计研宽2014.7**
**五、结论**
**目前理论界对于图形与表格两种呈报格式究竟哪一种更有利于决策价值的提升并未得到一致的结论，本文通过实验研究的方法讨论了信息呈报格式与个人能力水平对决策价值的影响，拓展了管理会计的研究领域，弥补了目前国内研究的不足。实验结果表明，个人能力水平高的决策者使用表格格式比使用图形格式的管理会计报告效率更高；个人能力水平低的决策者使用图形格式比使用表格格式的管理会计报告准确性更高、效率更高。本文的研究结论进一步支持了认知适配理论，验证了信息呈报格式与人的认知模式存在着适配的情况。本文的研究对于企业以合适的呈报格式编制管理会计报告具有重要的启示，这是因为随着技术的进步，一部分人开始极力推荐使用易于理解的图形格式的管理会计报告，但是他们忽略了使用管理会计报告的决策者个人能力水平的差异。本文的研究一方面为企业编报合适的管理会计报告提供了有用的实验证据，企业可以根据不同的使用者提供不同格式的管理会计报告，以提高管理者的决策绩效；另一方面为决策者个人决策提供实践依据，决策者可以根据自身能力水平选择合适的管理会计报告。**
**本文也存在一定的局限，即没有考虑任务复杂性因素的影响。任务复杂程度会影响不同个人能力水平的决策者的信息处理过程，本文未考虑任务复杂程度的影响，从而造成假设 1a 没有得到验证，未来的研究应该将实验进一步扩展到复杂任务情境下，使实验结果具有普遍适用性。另外，没有采取被试内设计以及使用图表结合的呈报格式也是本文研究的不足之处，考虑更为复杂的现实情况将是未来研究的一个方向。**
**主要参考文献**
**毛洪涛，冯华忠.2013.会计信息呈报格式的决策价值研究述评.会计与经济研究，3：40~49**
**张先治.2009.基于会计相关性的企业内部报告地位与价值.会计研究，12：65~69**
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**Dearman， D. T.， and M.. D. Shields. 2001. Cost Knowledge and Cost -Based Judgment Performance. Journal of Manage-ment Accounting Research， 13 (1)：1~18**
**Dearman， D. T.， and M. D. Shields. 2005. Avoiding Accounting Fixation： Determinants of Cognitive Adaptation to Differ-ences in Accounting Method. Contemporary Accounting Research， 22 (2)：351~392**
**Ghani， E. K.， F. Laswad， S. Tooley， and K. Jusoff. 2009. The Role of Presentation Format on Decision - Makers’ Be-haviour in Accounting. International Business Research， 2 (1)： 183~195**
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zh | N/A | N/A | **比估计法在人口调查中的应用**
**桑小峰1，凌亢2，白先春**
**(1.南京财经大学经济学院统计系，南京210046；2.南京人口管理干部学院，南京210042)**
**摘要：在大规模的人口调查中，一般是用分层随机抽样方法抽取典型样本地区，然后在典型样本地区进行实地的人口核查。文章分别运用统计方法中的简单线性回归估计和较复杂的非线性比估计，估计总体的均值和标准差，通过精度的比较确定在人口调查中的最优估计方法。**
**关键词：比估计法；人口调查；分层抽样**
**中图分类号：C921 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1002-6487(2010\]06-0012-03**
0 引商
**在抽样调查中，调查指标的样本信息是不可或缺的必用信息。在实际工作中，有时我们常可拥有或获得与调查指标具有高度正相关性的辅助指标的信息，这类辅助信息尽管不是抽样调查的必用信息，但对提高估计精度有积极作用，因为辅助信息的使用使总的可用信息量增大了，从而在不扩大调查规模的前提下减小了由抽样的随机性带来的不确定性。尽可能应用一切可利用的相关性辅助信息提高估计精度是抽样设计必须考虑的一个问题。基于这种考虑的比估计法常被用于抽样设计，例如将比估计与简单随机抽样、分层随机抽样、整群抽样进行匹配，在一定条件下可大大提高抽样设计的效率。**
**1 理论基础**
**1.1 比估计法**
**设我们关心的主要变最为Y、另一个与Y高度正相关的变量为X，X的总体总值是已知的。在实际抽样调查中，X这样的变量称为辅助变量，一般有以下几种常见情况：**
**(1)同一个变量的前·期调查结果，往往隐含着当期与前一期相比变化不会太大的假设；**
**(2)与主要变量之间整体上存在某种比值关系，即隐含着两者比值关系的变化不会太大的假设。**
**定义主要变量的总体均值Y的比率估计量为：**
**_X_**
**定义主要变量的总体总值Y的比率估计量为：**
**X**
**_1.2_ 分层抽样**
**分层抽样是将抽样单元按某种特征或某种规则划分为不同的层，然后从不同的层中独立、随机地抽取样本，将各层的样本结合起来，对总体的目标量进行估计。分层抽样保证了样本中包含有各种特征的抽样单元，样本的结构与总体的结构比较相近，从而可以有效地提高估计的精度，同时分层抽样在--定条件下为组织实施调查提供了方便。**
**1.3 比例分配**
**在分层抽样中，若每层的样本量都与层的大小成比例，即一=一，则样本量的这种分配方式为比例分配，上式变形**
**_22_ 比估计法用于人口抽样调查的实证**
**2.1 研究方法**
**将比估计的思想和技术用于分层随机样本时，对总体参数的估计有两种途径：--种是对每层样本分别考虑比估计量，然后对各层的比估计量进行加权平均，即“先比，后加权”，这种情形称为分别比估计；另种是对比率的分子和分母分别加权计算出总体均值或总体总量的分层估计量，然后用对应的分层估计量来构造比估计，即“先加权，后比”，称为联合比估计，本研究在分别运用分别比估计和联合比估计进行分析的同时，与简单线性回归估计进行比较研究。**
**2.2 总样本量**
**总体包括江苏省的106个县(县级市、地级市市区)，报**
**基金项目：国家统计局重大项目(2008LD)003)**
**作者简介：桑小峰(1984-)，男，甘肃白银人，硕士研究生，研究方向：人口统计。**
**凌 穴(1961-)，男，安徽怀宁人，教授，博士生导师，研究方向：经济统计，白先春(1966一)，男，安徽六安人，博士，副教授，研究方向：人口经济。**
**对其中的10个县(县级市、地级市市区)进行实地人口调查，因此总样本量n=10。**
**_2.3_ 层的划分**
**按江苏省不同地理位置，将总体划分为3个层N、N，和N，，分别对应苏南、苏中和苏北，其中苏南包括南京、无锡、苏州、常州、镇江，苏中包括南通、扬州、泰州，苏北包括徐州、连云港、淮安、盐城、宿迁。**
**_2.4_ 各层样本量**
**采用比例分配的原则确定各层的样本量，根据各层的大小N、N和N，在总样本量的基础上进一步得到各层样本量为：nj=4，nz=2，n；=4。**
**2.5 样本抽取**
**按照随机抽样的准则，在各层内随机地抽取县(县级市、地级市市区)进行实地人口调查，最终人选的10个样本点分别对应为：南京市秦淮区、无锡市崇安区、徐州市鼓楼区、常州市金坛市、苏州市平江区、南通市港闸区、连云港市灌云县、淮安市盱眙县、泰州市姜堰市和宿迁市沭阳县，对上述10个样本点进行数据搜集，得表1。其中ysi代表第h层的第i个样沐县(县级市、地级市市区)的实际调查人口数，x代表该县(县级市、地级市市区)登记在册的人门数。**
表1 人口调查样本数据表
| | | | **h=2** | | | **h=3** | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **i** | **y/万人** | **x//万人** | **i** | **v/万人x/万人** | | **j** | **y/万人** | **x/力人** |
| **1** | **40.53** | **24.04** | **1** | **25.09** | **17.63** | **1** | **49.31** | **27.86** |
| **2** | **27.91** | **18.49** | **2** | **80.64** | **90.24** | **2** | **82.18** | **107.25** |
| **3** | **63.79** | **53.99** | | | **一** | **3** | **63.70** | **73.98** |
| **4|** | **56.71** | **23.30** | **一** | | **一** | **4** | **141.36** | **175.88** |
**数据来源：20015年江苏省1%人口抽样调查资料，20015年江苏省及十三市统计年鉴**
**_2.6_ 数据整理**
**对搜集到的数据进行计算、归并，整理结果见表2.表中的部分指标解释如下：h代表层号，X，为各层年初登记在册的人口数，s为方差，r(0<r<1)为相关系数，其中**
表2 中间计算结果
| **h** | | **W=N/N** | | **XJI** | | | **yh/u万** **三** | | **yu/ng/万** **：1** | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **12** **3** | | **0.4245** **0.1981** | | **2245.811730.85** | | | **47.2350** **52.8650** | | **29.9550** **53.9350** **96.2425** | |
| **12** **3** | | **0.3774** | | **3229.39** | | | **84.1375** | | **29.9550** **53.9350** **96.2425** | |
| | **R.=yh/xh** | | **S** | | | | | | | |
| **2** **3** | **1.57690.98020.8742** | | **260.7521** **1542.9013** **1636.2975** | | **262.8012** **2636.1061** **3878.3606** | **0.7590** **1.0000** **0.9755** | | **198.6870** **2016.7428** **2457.4376** | | **287.6145** **122.0494** **303.5568** |
| | | **Dih** | | **N** | | | | | **S** | |
| | | **4** **2** **4** | | **45** **21** **40** | | | **0.0451** **0.0196** **0.0356** | | **132.1405** **203.2843** **728.3949** | |
**Sub=T8，tsd为样本协方差，用于估计层协方差Sph=prSSth**
**_2.7_ 总体总值估计**
**基于上述数据整理的结果，依次采用分层随机抽样的简单线性估计、分别比估计及联合比估计对总体总值做出估计。**
**(1)分层随机抽样的简单线性估计**
**Y.-Ny，-NWa=106x(0.4245x47.235+0.1981×52.865+0.3774×84.1375)=6601.3938因为VvY.)=NVv(ya)，又=0.0451×260.7521+0.0196x1542.9013+0.0356×1636.2975=100.2530所以Vv(Y)=NVv(ya)=106xV100.2530=1061.3401(2)分层随机抽样的分别比估计**
**Yx-ZRxX. XH=1.5769x2245.81+0.9802x1730.85+0.8742x3229.39=8061.1297**
**(3)分层随机抽样的联合比估计**
**所以，R=ys/xq=62.2773/59.7223=1.0428**
**Yu=Ya\_X=RX=1.0428x(2245.81+1730.85+3229.39)=X**
**7514.4689**
**\=0.0451×132.1405+0.0196×203.2843+0.0356×728.3949=35.8748**
**因此，运用三种方法对总体总值进行估计，得到的估计量分别为：简单线性估计为 6601.3938，分别比估计为8061.1297，联合比估计为7514.4689。**
**2.8 精度比较**
**将总体总值的估计结果与调查年度年底登记在册的人口数进行比较，对以上三种方法的估计精度做出人致的判断，结果见表3。**
表3 误差分析表
| **项用** | **基准值** | **简单线性估计** | **分别比估计** | **联合比估计** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **数值** **估计量的标准差误差** | **7474.50** **一** | **6601.39381061.3401** | **8061.1297** **542.2623** **7.85%** | **7514.4689** **634.8931** **0.53%** |
| **数值** **估计量的标准差误差** | **7474.50** **一** | **11.68%** | **8061.1297** **542.2623** **7.85%** | **7514.4689** **634.8931** **0.53%** |
**可见，联合比估计的误差最小，仅为0.53%；其次是分别比估计，误差为7.85%；简单线性估计的精度最差，误差达到了11.68%。另外从估计量的标准差来看，简单线性估计也显著地高于分别比估计和联合比估计，而分别比估计与联合比估计的差异不人。因此，在本项研究中，联合比估计的精度最好，为选取的最优方法。**
**结论**
**本文采用分层随机抽样方法抽取了江苏省10个样本县(县级市，地级市市区)，然后在样本区进行实地的人口调查，运用统计方法中的非线性比估计法，充分利用前-年政府的公开统计数字所提供的辅助信息，对总体做出了有效估计。在木项调查研究中，相比简单线性回归估计而言，比估计法的误差更小，估计的精度更高，具有更高的可信度。这为今后基于人口抽样调查的样本数据进行总体估计提供了条新**
**的优化技术路线，即充分利用可以得到的辅助信息，巧妙借助比估计法，提高抽样调查总体估计的精确性和可靠性。**
**本项调查研究中，各层的样本量都不大(4，2，4)，结果显示联合比估计的精度最高，这也印证了已有的结论：如果各层的样本量都比较大，同时各层的比率之间差异较大，则分别比估计优于联合比估计；如果各层的样本量不大，或者各层的比率之间差异较小，则联合比估计优于分别比估计。在实际的抽样调查中，应重视这个理论前提，根据具体情况合理选择分别比估计或联合比估计的方法，以提高估计的精度和可靠性。**
**参考文献：**
**\[1\]2005年江苏省1%人口抽样调查资料\[M\].北京：中国统计出版社，2005.**
**|2|金勇进，杜子芳，蒋妍.抽样技术\[M}.北京：中国人民大学出版社，2008，**
**\[3\]杜子芳.抽样技术及其应用\[M\].北京：清华大学出版社，2005.**
**\[4|冯士雍，倪加勋，邹国华.抽样调查理论与方法\[M\].北京：中国统计出版社，1998.**
**\[5\]张勇，金勇进，汪飞星.PPS抽样设计的比估计及其模拟分析\[\].统计教育，2004，(3).**
**|6|杨芳芳，唐德善，杨娟.比估计法在节水工程节水量计算中的应用\[.水利科技与经济，2007，(4).**
**\[7俞纯权.二阶抽样下的比估计与回归估计J\].统计与决策，2006，(1).**
**(责任编辑/亦** **民)** | null | null | null | null | null |
en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | Real estate business self-taught; a handbook containg lessons to be used in connection with the book entitled "How to buy and sell real estate at a profit,"
author: Carney, William Austen
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UC-NRLF
$B 5fi 3DM
^
:^^«^
J^'i^^
I'*"
GIFT or
"-f^JLt^ ^ jjuJ r9cf)
Real Estate Business
SeIf=Taught
A Handbook containing Lessons to be used in
amnection with the book entitled ^^How to
Buy and Sell) Real Estate at a Profit''
By
V. A. CARNEY
Atsthof of ^How to Bay and Sell Real EiUte at a Profit*^ and
^^ew Secretafy't ManisaP^
Published in Parts
Published by W. A. Carney at Los Anffeles. California, 1906
Copyriirlit. 1906. by W. A. Cabnsy
SUGGESTIONS TO THE STUDENT.
The object of these lessons is to give the student or reader
a practical knowledge of real estate and of the real estate busi-
ness. The student who will devote a definite portion of each
working day to the study of the subject will make the most
satisfactory progress. The student should exercise to the full-
est extent the qualities of industry and perseverance ; he should
concentrate his mind on the subject and keep it there; he
should 3tudy a few pages at a time and not skip from one
portion of the lessons to another.
"HOW TO BUY AND SELL REAL ESTATE AT A
PROFIT" is referred to herein as the "Text Book" or as
*'Vol I." In it, the Sections are numbered from i to 163,
inclusive, and the Forms from i upwards. In this book, the
Sections are numbered from 200 upward, and the Forms from
100 upward. ^^^C. CL.^^J Y ^ ^1 ^ ^
The "Final Examination Questions" are contained in a
booklet comprising questions and blank spaces for answers,
and suggestions as to how these answers should be made.
Upon being written up, the booklet is to be returned to the
author for correction, and, upon being corrected, is sent to
the student, who retains it.
e)S4-K
LESSON I.
I^ARGELY INTRODUCTORY.
Section 200. An ancient king who was at the pinnacle of
his power and greatness, and who thought he might have
ready access to anything he should desire, inquired of a vener-
able sage in his kingdom how to master the problems of Euclid,
"There is no royal road to Euclid," the sage replied. And so
it must be said to every one entering the real estate business :
There is no royal road to this business ; the study of TEuclid
and of the real estate business must be hard and tense. There
can be no avoiding or going around each successive proposi-
tion which forms the basis of future progress and no shirking;
or omitting of detail; every step requires close attention and
reflection.
Sec. 201. The impression prevails in some quarters that
the real estate business is scarcely respectable. Such is not
the case, however. The real estate business is as honorable
and dignified a vocation as any in which men are engaged, and
the intention of every person entering the profession of real
estate broker should be to maintain, in all his transactions, a
strict adherence to sound principles of morality and justice.
In this way he will reflect credit on the profession and be
justly entitled to the respect and confidence of his fellow-men.
Sec. 202. The young real estate broker should pay atten-
tion to the formation of character. The ability to restrain
one's appetite, passions, tongue and temper is of the first im-
portance. One must be the master, not the slave, of himself;
il he cannot govern himself, he cannot govern others.' Indeed,
a good character is vastly more important than a great fortune.
A United States Senator who died recently, wrote the follow-
ing in his will : "I hope that my sons will, early in life, realize,
342111
4 BEAI, ESTATE SEI^-TAUGHT
above all else, that the only thing more difficult to build up
than an independent fortune, is character, and that the only
safeguards of character' are the Ten Commandments , and the
Sermon on the Mount."
Sec. 203. Among the components of a good character are
honesty, politeness, confidence, energy, economy and pcrsc-
verence. These will be considered severally.
Sec. 204. Honesty is not only the best policy, but it is in
strict accordance with a right conscience. The real estate man
who practices deceit and trickery may be successful for the
time being, but he is pretty certain to lose eventually. The
confidence which his clients repose in him is a part of his stock
in trade^ and if he violates that confidence his clients will
desert him; moreover, they will take particular occasion to
make known to others his true character. A real estate broker,
by reason of his knowledge of the business, may be able to
deceive his clients' in respect to property, but clients are apt
to be suspicious and watchful, and their knowledge of human
nature may be more keen than that of the broker; hence, it
behooves the broker, from every point of view, to be honest.
Sec. 205. Politeness costs nothing and accomplishes much.
The real estate broker should cultivate a charm of manner and
all those personal qualities that will attract people to him.
Sec. 206. Confidence, or self-reliance, is very essential to
success in the real estate business. To believe and go forward
is the key to success and happiness. Doubt and distrust are
negative and corrosive forces. The man who engages in the
real estate business should resolve at the beginning to rely on
his own judgment. Even if he be rich, and has heretofore de-
pended on some relative or other person, let him cut loose and
paddle his own canoe adown the stream of events.
Sec. 207. Energy is another name for enthusiasm. En-
thusiasm means an optimistic whole-heartedness in an under-
taking. A man can do best that which he likes best. He
RJ^AL ESTATE SEI4P-TAUGHT 5
never can succeed in this age of competition unless he finds
real pleasure in his work. The making of money is not a
sufficient incentive ; a man must find the highest enjoyment in
the accomplishment of the task itself. An energetic man seizes
events and makes them subservient to his will ; whereas^ a man
lacking in energy is controlled by events which carry him in
opposition to his will. A live, active, confident man is a mag-
net that draws people and their money around him, and if he
rises to the occasion, as he should, many things will lie in his
power that otherwise would have gone to some other magnetic
individual.
Sec. 208. The man who learns to save and who is thrifty
will fortify his self-reliance. The thrifty man is not troubled
about to-morrow, for he is prepared for to-morrow. Mr.
Shailer Mathews defines economy as that way of living that
systematically transfers a portion of one's income to one's capi-
tal, and he states that if any man who earns would, at the
expense of some self-denial, capitalize ten per cent, of his in-
come, his future would be more under his own control and his
life would be more full of reliance and self-respect. It is not
what a man earns, but what he capitalizta, that really gives him
permanent economic independence. The rule should be to save
before spending, rather than to save what is not spent. To put
this rule into effect, it is sometimes necessary for a man to go
in debt for the purchase of a lot, or a home, or building and
loan stock, as then he must save to meet the payments. A real
estate broker should make it a point to accumulate capital, as
he will have many opportunities of investing it advantageously
in real estate. No one knows whether a man who always pays
cash is honest or not, and no one cares to know. A man
should be in debt to a reasonable extent for two' reasons: First,
to establish his credit against the time he may need credit, and
second, to lay the foundation for a reputation for honesty and
promptness in payment of bills. Debt is generally recognized
6 REAI, ESTATE SEI^-TAUGHT
as one of the best incentives to prudent foresight on the part
of any person, as, where there are certain payments to be made
at the end of the month, household and personal expenditures
are regulated to that end, with the result that a transfer is
made at stated intervals from income to capital.
Sec. 209. A person should enter the real estate business
with the expectation of continuing in it. A man's efforts in
any particular line, if properly directed, become cumulative
after a time, and if he then quits, he quits when he is about
to receive the reward of his labors. Courage to carry on the
work, in spite of obstacles and disappointments, is essential to
success. After triumphantly treading the stony road of ex-
perience, let us hope that the student who peruses these pages
will finally stand at the summit, the typical American real
estate broker, the most perfect, progressive and well-equipped
of his kind
kejll estate seu^-taught
LESSON II.
OP REAL ESTATE lU GENERAL.
Sec. 210. Let reader or student now study pages 5 to 10 of
the Text Book, viz. : "How to Buy and Sell Real Estate at a
Profit," which, in these Lessons, is referred to as "Vol. II" or
as "Text Book." This lesson contains all the definitions and
particulars relating to real estate in general that the real estate
broker will be likely to meet with in the ordinary course of
business.
REAI, ESTATE SEIJ?-TAUGHT
LESSON III.
OF I/XX^TION AND EQUIPMENT Ol? 01?FICE.
Sec. 211. A real estate broker should, if possible, locate on
the ground floor, where people can walk in without effort, and
where he can place his signs in the window or on the outside
to attract attention. If he is in a large city, where there are
building having elevators, he should locate in such building,
as people, at the present time, will not walk to the second story
if they can ride. One can begin, of course, with only a small
desk and occupy space in an office at a cost of not exceeding
$5.00 or $10.00 per month, and, in the real estate business,
many men who now have finely furnished offices, began in this
way. The size of the desk is no limit to the amount of business
that can be transacted over it. Ordinarily, the broker cannot
afford to incur heavy expense for office rentals until well estab-
lished. In large cities, ground, floor offices are generally so. ex-
pensive in the way of rent that a large room, if devoted to the
real estate business, is divided by the means of railings into
spaces, and a number of persons occupy the same room. This
is not always desirable, as among the tenants may be some
unscrupulous fellow who will "butt in" when one is talking to
a customer. The expense of telephone rentals is considerable,
and this causes office men to herd together where they can use
one 'phone, with extensions to several desks. On the whole, a
real estate broker or firm' will find that an office, or two or more
connecting offices, in an tip-to-date building, where light, heat
and janitor service are included in the rentals, to be best
adapted to the business, as, if the broker has the right kind of
property at the right prices people will find him even though
he be on the top floor.
REAI. ESTATE SEI^-TAUGHT 9
Sec. 212. The furniture and furnishings should be in keep-
ing with the character of the office and be pleasant and har-
monious in effect. If a broker has not sufficient business to
warrant him in employing a stenographer, he should procure,
and learn to run, a typewriter, as, with a typewriter he can do
more rapid and legible work than with a pen, and a typewrit-
ten letter is more modern and has a better effect.
Sec. 213. At the outset the broker should adopt some dis-
tinctive mark or sign in connection with his name, such as
and this should appear on all iiis cards, letter heads and sign-
boards, so that any one upon seeing the name and sign at a
distance will instinctively say: "That's Baldwin's."
Sec. 214. Stationery should be of good quality and artis-
tically printed. It is the broker's representative among per-
sons who do not know him, and will make a good or bad im-
pression as it is excellent or cheap.
Sec. 215. For listing property some brokers use simply an
ordinary blank book. At the present time the vast majority of
brokers use cards. These cards are of two kinds ; one has both
the description of the property and the contract of the owner
as to commission and length of time the property is to be listed
on one side of the card ; the other form of card has the descrip-
tion on one side and agreement as to commissions, etc., on the
reverse. The latter form has some advan,tages over the former.
10 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
but costs more to print. The cards are arranged in a tray,
alphabetically, either by names of owners or names of streets,
etc., or by valuations. By the use of cards, listing is reduced
to a system, but care must be taken to replace the cards where
they belong or confusion results. One publisher furnishes for
one dollar a loose-leaf listing outfit which is very convenient
and practical. (See also Lesson V, Listing and Advertising.)
Sec. 216. As soon as a business has assumed any magni-
tude, it is well to arrange the cards according to whether the
property is in the city or in the country, and the following is
suggested as a suitable classification :
CITY. Business, semi-business, lots, houses and lots.
COUNTRY. Suburban, beach or sea shore, ranch and
farm, groves and orchards, mining.
BUSINESS CHANCES. Bakeries, cigar stands, laun-
dries, lodging houses, restaurants, etc.
Houses for rent, rooms for rent, furnished
and unfurnished.
Houses and lots can be arranged by prices, and separated
by guide cards indicating the price. *
Sec. 217. As to buying an interest in a firm already estab-
lished, it may be said that the buyer should first investigate
the matter very thoroughly. Any list of property which a firm
may have is not of very great value unless verified anew. A
partnership is often times an uncertain ship in which to sail.
Each partner can contract debts in the name of the firm and
each is liable for the entire debts of the firm. Tricky real estate
firms have been known to sell one-half interests to three or
more persons. In large cities some crooked individual en-
gaged in the real estate business will advertise for a man to
learn a paying business, and offer to take him in as a partner
and teach him the business for $250 or $300. Two or three
confederates are necessary to work the scheme successfully,
and when the buyer appears in answer to the advertisement
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT II
the advertiser seems to be very busy. He calls up his confed-
erates on the 'phone, and they, in turn, call him up and big
deals in real estate are discussed, and the large commissions
which will accrue are brought out prominently. If the inquirer
asks for references, he is referred to one or both of the con-
federates, who give the advertiser an excellent character. The
advertiser declares that he is driven to death with business and
cannot find time to sleep. Business looks good to the innocent
victim and he invests. Shortly afterward the advertiser is
called away and the victim is left alone and remains alone so
much that he gets lonesome. The 'phone rings no more, and
he finds that he has paid a high price for an ordinary roll-top
desk and office rug.
Sec. 218. A real estate firm, doing practically no business,
in one of the large coast cities, decided to sell out in this way :
One partner would offer his half interest for sale, no price men-
tioned, with the understanding that the other partner would
remain and *teach the new partner the business, and as soon as
the new partner was fairly started would sell out also and thus
they would both be out. The half interest had been advertised
for some time without success, when one day in walked a large
and well-dressed colored man, who inquired about the interest
in the business. They had intended to ask $300 for one-half
interest, but in view of the circumstances, gave the price as
$1,000. The visitor made some inquiries in regard to the busi-
ness and stated that he would think the matter over and return
on the following Monday, it being then Saturday. After the
colored man had gone out, the partners looked at each other
in a dazed sort of way, and one of them exclaimed : "If he re-
turns, what are we going to do with him?" "I'll tell you,"
said the other, "let's open a branch office in A., as the real
estate business is brisk there, and put him in charge." Mon-
day came and so did the colored man with his fifty twenty-
dollar gold pieces. He was given an interest in the business
12 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
and the plan of opening a branch office at A. and putting him
in charge, was broached to him. He was entirely agreeable to
the project; one of the partners went with him to A., where
the branch office was fitted up, the colored man bearing the
expense, of course, and he was duly installed, and the partner
returned to his native heath. After a time the colored man re-
turned, said that he had closed the office in A., and sold the
furniture, and wanted to know how much of the proceeds the
firm desired. He said he had done no business. He was told
that the firm did not desire anything. He expressed himself
as well satisfied with his experience and stated that he was
going back to South Africa, from whence he had come and
where he had made money in the diamond fields, to show those
negroes down there how to do high finance in real estate. It
is not to be inferred from what has been said that every interest
in a real estate firm is of doubtful value ; some such interests
are very valuable and desirable. As heretofore stated, the pro-
posed purchaser of a partnership interest should investigate
thoroughly.
Sec. 219. A broker should have a large map, having the
outline of the world on one side and of the United States on
the other, hanging on the wall; also a large wall map of his
own State and of his county, and, if in a large city, of the city
also. Maps are interesting and attractive, and many people
who have not examined a map since leaving school take
pleasure in looking them over ; besides, they lend an air of im-
portance to the broker's surroundings.
Sec. 220. In some of the large cities map books are obtain-
able, showing the names of every tract and the numbers and
exact dimensions of every lot. These are e^cpensive but val-
uable aids in carrying on the real estate business. In Los An-
geles the publisher of a book of this kind also furnishes a book
containing the names of the owners of each lot, and entries arc
made in this name-book every day by the clerk of the pub-
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT I3
lisher, giving changes of ownership as shown by the deeds re-
corded the previous day in the County Recorder's office. Maps
or blue-prints of new subdivisions can usually be obtained from
the principal agents for such subdivisions.
Sec. 221. If there is a Board of Trade or Chamber of Com-
merce in his town, the broker should become a member. He
should also join one of the political or business men's clubs, as,
in meeting men of affairs at such clubs, he will acquire advance
information along real estate lines that will be of value to him.
Sec. 222. If there is a realty association or board in his
city or county, it would be well for the broker to join. The
constitution of the Los Angeles Realty Board provides that
the objects of that corporation shall be to secure the benefit of
united effort and concentrated power among its members to
the end that the annoyance and evils which had, in the past,
been encountered in dealing in real estate, might be abated ; to
promote good-fellowship and fair dealing ; to protect the mem-
bers of the board and the public in general from reckless and
dishonest dealers ; to promote the enactment of legislation for
the protection of property rights and dealings pertaining there-
to and to do all else in the power of the board which may tend
to the upbuilding, stability and dignity of dealing in real estate.
Applications for membership in the Los Angeles Board must
be signed by the applicants, be approved by two dealers who
are members of the board and be accompanied by the member-
ship fee. The By-Laws provide, among other things, for an
Arbitration Committee, composed of five members, to take
cognizance of and have jurisdiction over all claims and matters
of difference between members of the board in their capacities
as real estate brokers, agents, owners or partners, under certain
prescribed rules; also for an Appraisal Committee.
Sec. 223. If the broker is also engaged in the building
business, a membership in a builder's exchange will be ad-
vantageous. Suggestions for organizing such an exchange are
14 REAI< ESTATE SEU?-TAUGHT
given in Form No. 153. Where a new town is started in the
country, the question of incorporating same will arise as soon
as there are a sufficient number of inhabitants for the purpose.
A petition for incorporating a town is given in Form No. 154,
In a small community there are always two or more contend-
ing factions — one faction being in favor of progress and the
other being content to let things remain as they are. Even
the change of the postoffice for half a block in either direction
(Form No. 155) will divide the community into two parties
and arouse considerable feeling.
Sec. 224. The broker should make it a point to study men
as they appear in action on boards of directors, in lodges,
public meetings and in other places where man is brought into
keen, yet withal good-natured, competition with his fellows —
where will is pitted against will. He should learn to listen in-
tently, and think steadily, clearly and comprehensively amid
distracting surroundings. Then when he sees a number of
others in a dilemma, he should quickly offer a sensible and
practicable solution of the problem, and, if his solution is
feasible, he will have scored a strong point in favor of the
soundness and alertness of his judgment and of leadership.
Sec. 225. The broker should not omit to cultivate the ac-
quaintance of bankers and capitalists, as he will need their co-
operation and good will in the making of loans and perhaps in
the purchase of properties which will yield a profit to the in-
vestor. Real estate brokers often lose sight of the fact that
there are two "ends," as the saying is, to the real estate busi-
ness, namely, the buying "end" and the selling "end," and that
one is equally as important as the other. A broker might have
all the property in a county listed, but he would not be able
to sell until he had buyers.
Sec. 226. There are many ways in which a real estate
broker may be active and useful in a community, and at the
same time advance his own interests ; as, for instance, by con-
REAI, ESTATE SEIJ?-TAUGHT I5
verting picturesque spots into remunerative pleasure grounds ;
by erecting and operating hotels and apartment houses ; in ex-
ploiting mines and mineral lands, either by organizing corpor-
ations to take over promising prospects and operate them (the
broker arranging to act as secretary and provide the office) or
by selling such prospects to practical mining men; and by cre-
ating sentiment in favor of good roads. Good roads stimulate
travel, popularize the sections traversed, increase land values,
attract new residents, build up trade and improve conditions
generally.
l6 REAL ESTATE SEL^-TAUGHT
LESSON IV.
OF SECURING APPOINTMENT AND ACTING AS NOTARY PUBUC
(See also Text Book, or Part Two, Page 51, Sec. 88.)
Sec. 227. In many cases a real estate broker will find it ad-
vantageous to secure an appointment as notary public, as the
revenue from that source is considerable, and affords him an
opportunity to meet people with whom he otherwise would not
become acquainted.
Sec. 228. A notary public is an officer appointed to per-
form certain duties, prescribed by law, within, but not outside
of, the limits of a certain County of a certain State or Terri-
tory. In some of the States the applicant for notarial honors
has to pass an examination to determine his fitness for the
office. In California, the appointment is made by the Gov-
ernor; in Texas, by the Governor, with the consent and advice
of the Senate while in regular session. (See Form No. 100.)
Sec. 229. Upon receiving his appointment the applicant is
required to execute an official bond, in a sum varying from
$1,000 to $5,000, and such bond must be executed by the notary
and two good and sufficient sureties. In most of the States a
bonding company (such as the American Bonding Company
of Baltimore) will be accepted in lieu of individual sureties. A
notary often feels a delicacy about asking influential friends to
go on his official bond, and where the bonding company's bond
will be accepted it should be given preference. A nominal fee
is charged for issuing this bond. The notarial bond, in Cali-
fornia, must be approved by a judge of the Superior Court of
the County in which the notary is to act, and, upon such ap-
proval, the notary must take the official oath, and the oath and
the bond are then recorded in the office of the County Recorder.
REAL ESTATie SEX.^-'TAUGHT i^
Sec. 230. In order to do business, the notary will require
it notarial record, a notarial seal and proper blank forms of
certificates of acknowledgment. A notary should perform all
his official acts with scrupulous care and fidelity.
Sec. 231. If the appointee fails to qualify within the pre-
scribed time, the appointment becomes vacated, and the appli-
cant must begin anew;
Sec. 232. The term of office varies in the several States
and runs from two to four years from the date of the appoint-
ment. In some of the States a notary is required to have sub-
stantially these words after his signature: "My commission
expires "
Sec. 233. The duties of a notary are, in general, these : To
take acknowledgments, and to certify all acknowledgments
and proofs of instruments in writing, such as deeds, mortgages,
satisfaction of mortgage, deeds of trusts, homesteads, powers
of attorney, etc. Also to take and certify depositions and affi-
davits and administer oaths, and to make declarations of pro-
test in respect to promissory notes and bills of exchange.
Sec. 234. The maximum fees which a notary may collect
for his official services are fixed by law, and, at the time of ob-
taining his seal, etc., the notary should procure a fee card, which
he should keep posted up in his office for the information of
customers. The notary can waive the regular fees or perform
them at reduced rates; in fact, it is customary where a notary
has a large number of acknowledgments to take for one party
to charge but one-half the regular fees. If any one questions
the amount of the fee he should be referred to the fee card. The
majority of persons are informed as to the fee a notary is en-
titled to charge, but have considerable reluctance about paying
it. Where the notary is asked to go away from his office to
perform official acts, or to go after office hours, he should, if
the distance be great or he be put to considerable inconvenience,
make a moderate charge in addition to his regular fees. Per-
l8 REAI« ESTATE SEXP-TAUGHT
sons accustomed to business have no objection to paying such
reasonable additional fees. The payment of notary fees touches
a tender spot in some persons, particularly wealthy perscMis who
could well afford to be the least sensitive on the subject, and
the real estate broker will do well to exercise discretion as to
fees if he has an inkling that fees are distasteful to a customer
who might be a seller or a buyer in the future.
Sec. 235. In taking an acknowledgment, the instrument
should be signed in the presence of the notary, and the notary
should then ask the party signing: "Do you acknowledge this
to be your signature?" and he replies: "I do." If there is a
printed form of notarial acknowledgment on the instrument, that
should be used; if not, the notary should attach with paste his
own printed form. The seal should then be impressed, and, if
the attached form is used, through that and through the instru-
ment. Two acts are necessary: The acknowledgment by the
party signing, and the certification of the notary. The notary
then makes an entry* of the transaction in his notarial record.
(See Text Book, pages 72 to 74.)
Sec. 236. When an instrument in writing, such as a deed,
is presented to a notary for his acknowledgment and certifica-
tion, he is not called upon to pass judgment upon the sufficiency
of the instrument. If, for instance, he discovers that a deed is
made by a married man, and that his wife has not joined in
the deed, and that she is competent to do so, he may call the
attention of the grantee, if he is present, to the fact. The notary
has no jurisdiction in such cases, but he should deem it his duty
to point out to the parties any defects apparent on the face of the
instrument.
Sec. 237. When a party appears before a notary to make an
acknowledgment, and he is unknown to the notary, the notary
should require of him to prove himself to be the person he
claims to be, <mi the oath of a creditable witness, examined and
sworn by the notary for that purpose. (See Form No. 24, page
R]SAI« ESTATE SEI«P-TAUGHT I9
73, Text Book.) In this matter also, the notary should use dis-
cretion, keeping in mind the fact that all of his official acts
should be so performed that he and his bondsmen will incur no
liability. In some of the States the wife must be examined
privily and apart from her husband, and the contents of the
instrument must be fully explained to her, and the notary's cer-
tificate must recite these facts. In certain cases a notary is dis-
qualified from acting.
Sec. 238. Frauds have been committed by persons who, upon
short acquaintance with a notary, have introduced to him a con-
federate, representing such confederate as Mr. or Mrs. So-and-So,
a property owner of record. They then ask the notary to take
the acknowledgment of the imposter to a forged signature on a
deed or mortgage conveying property to an innocent third party,
and the notary, by taking and certifying the acknowledgment,
unwittingly abets the deception. Having secured the money,
the confederates disappear, leaving the notary and his bonds-
men to be brought to bar for the alleged negligence of the
notary.
Sec 239. The laws of each State prescribe certain forms
of deeds and of acknowledgment for the transfer of property in
that State, and such forms must be followed even though the
instrument be executed in another Sitate. In order .that (the
notary should be informed as to such forms, and as to his
duties in every other respect, he should have in his office a copy
of "John's American Notary Manual." (See advertising pages
of this book.)
20 RltAL ESTATE SEW-TAUGHT.
LESSON V.
LISTING AND ADVERTISING.
Section 240. As soon as a real estate broker has opened his
office he should let the public know that he is ready for business.
Prior thereto he should have listed considerable property so as
to be prepared for immediate inquiries. He can inform the
public of his new calling by means of advertisements in the
local newspapers, by distribution of business cards, by sending
out circulars and by word of mouth, and by sign-boards on the
properties which he has listed.
Sec. 241. Some brokers go about listing in a systematic
manner. Let us suppose that there is a tract of land near a
depot or railroad yard, or lying along or close to a railroad,
which tract was built upon years ago and is now occupied by
houses that are inhabited by railroad employes. This district,
because of its proximity to the railroad, is not a desirable resi-
dence section. Let us suppose further that a new and larger
depot is to be built and that there will be a demand for land
around this depot for warehouse sites. Now, the man who goes
systematically about listing will take a map of the tract in which
this district lies, make a list of all the lots of the tract on
legal-cap or fools-cap, placing the numbers of the lots at the
left hand of the paper and leaving one blank Une opposite to
each number. Then, if he doesn't have a tract and address book,
he goes to the County or City Assessor's office and obtains per-
mission to look over the Assessor's book for that tract, in which
book he will find the name and address of the owner of each
lot at the date of the last assessment. Having secured these,
he interviews all such owners who are in town and obtains their
price, making a separate listing card for each, and, whenever
he can do so, gets such owner to give him the exclusive agency
BZA14 ESTATE SEI^-TAUGHT 21
for say sixty days or more. Some owners will sign the listing
cards; others will not He can sometimes list a real bargain
by writing for price to an out-of-town owner who does not
keep posted as to movements in city property. If he finds a
particularly desirable comer, he may pay from $io to $ioo for
an exclusive agency option (See Form No. 112) for say ninety
days or six months. Having gone over the field thoroughly, he
is in a position to say to intending purchasers just where is the
cheapest piece of property in the district. There is consid-
erable work attached to this method of listing, but the results
are more certain than to go about it haphazardly. All the data
so obtained should be classified and arranged for ready refer-
ence, so that it will be immediately available when wanted, as
it will be in the future.
Sec. 242. The listing card shown in Form No. 118 has both
space for description and agreement as to commission on one
side of the card. Forms Nos. iii^ and 120 show a card with
space for description on one side and agreement for commission
on the obverse, with space for confirming the listings. Where
values are changing it is necessary to confirm and correct the
listings every month or two. If the agent wishes to engage gen-
erally in sales and exchanges beyond the limits of his immediate
vicinity, the forms given in Nos. 104 and 107 are well adapted
to listing properties for this purpose.
Sec. 243. A broker to be successful should list pr(^rtjr
in the section in which property is selling and, whenever pos-
sible, obtain an exclusive agency contract. In large cities the
areas in which real estate is being actively transferred are con-
stantly changing, and it is part of the duty of the agent to get
advance information of these movements in real estate and then
list as much property as possible in that immediate section.
Sec. 244. An agent should write to all parties who adver-
tise their own property, and tell them that he has exceptional
facilities for handling that class of property, and that he is con-
22 REAL ESTATE S£I«P-TAUGHT.
stantly having inquiries therefor; also that having recently en*
gaged in the real estate business, he is putting more vigor and
energy into the business than some of the agents who have
been longer in the business and have fallen into the ruts of the
trade.
Sec. 245. Good returns are generally obtained by the use
of the "postal card with paid reply," which provides for the
recipient detaching the annexed card in reply. A short note,
something like the following, will generally bring the desired
information: "In replying, please use attached card, and state
your lowest cash price for your premises at No. street, as
I am confident that I can dispose of this property inunediately
if the price is right. Also, please be kind enough to list any
other property you may have."
Sec. 246. There is more real estate advertised as a rule in
the Sunday newspapers in large cities than on any other day of
the week, and the agent should answer these advertisements
promptly every Monday morning. If the advertiser gives a box
in some newspaper office, the reply should be sent there very
early in the day.
Sec. 247. In approaching a real estate owner with a view
to listing his property, the broker should present his business card
and set forth the nature of his errand in a businesslike way. If
the owner is a business man, he can be dealt with readily. If not
accustomed to business, it will sometimes be necessary for the
agent to first gain the owner's confidence.
Sec. 248. At the time of listing property, it is important that
the agent have a clear and distinct understanding with the owner
in regard to commission. The commission is the object fof
which the agent is working. Most owners understand what
"regular commission" means. The list of commissions given at
the close of this lesson is that in effect by the Los Angeles Realty
Board, and is a safe and reasonable one to follow, unless the
customary commission where the agent is located is higher, in
HEAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 2$
which case he should follow the custom. If there is no established
commission in the locality where the agent is acting, it would be
well for him to have a list of his commissions printed on the
back of his business cards. Where two agents work together to
close a deal, one furnishing the property and the other the cus-
tomer, it is usual to divide the commission equally between them,
and sometimes it is expedient to allow a part of the commis^on
to a person, not in the real estate business, who assists in effecting
a sale. It is necessary, in some cases, in order to effect a sale, to
allow &e purchaser a rebate of say one-half of the commission.
Sec. 249. The following relates to the size of the type,
measurement of advertising space, and classification of the ad-
vertisements :
(a) All type is made on the point system. This is an arbi-
trary system of measurement, and there are 72 points to an inch;
therefore a six-point type means that there are twelve lines of
the type of that size in an inch. In addition to this system of
measurement, the smaller sizes of type, such as are commonly
used for reading matter, are named: Agate measures fourteen
lines to the inch; Brevier is eight-point; Long Primer is ten-
point; Pica is twelve-point, or one-sixth of an inch.
(b) All newspapers and periodical space is based on a price
of so much per inch, but where the circulation is large the rate
generally quoted is the price per line, or per word. Unless other-
wise specified, price is based on one agate line space, i. e., one-
fourteenth of an inch, without any regard to the size of the type
which is used in the space. For example, in an advertisement
occupying ten lines of space, four or five lines might be occupied
with a heavy display type.
(c) The measure of space above referred to means one line
across the column. The ordinary width of column among news-
papers is thirteen ems, which is two and one-sixth inches. In
the principal magazines, the column measures two and three-
fourths inches.
24 RtAlf ESTATE SEW-TAUGHT.
(d) The newspaper column varies in length, but among the
larger dailies is in the vicinity of twenty-one inches.
(e) The most common size of the magazine page is eight
by five and one-half inches. This makes the ordinary magazine
quarter-page measure four by two and three-fourths inches.
(f) Display advertisements are placed among the ordinary
advertisements in the publication. «
(g) It is customary to use some of the type in large sizes
to attract attention, with or without illustrations. It is not neces-
sary, however, to use display type, even where one is bu)ring
display space. But an advertisement set in the shape of reading
matter and grouped among display advertisements would be out .
of place, and in most cases not particularly effective.
(h) Classified advertisements are those which are set with-
out display type and are grouped under proper headings in some
special section of the publication. They are carried by all daily
publications, most of the large weeklies and trade papers, and
some of the magazines. The rate is generally less than for display
space in the same publication.
(i) "Readers" are set in different types at varying prices,
but are always without display of any sort except that a heading
is generally allowed in a black-faced type of small size. The
price varies according to the position in the paper, being highest
on the editorial page, if allowed there at all;. they also cost more
if set in the reading-matter of the paper. In a general way, the
rate is two or three times as much per line as for display space
in the same publication. Reader advertising is effective where
one has a high-class subdivision. A reader to the effect that Mr.
So-and-So, a social leader, has purchased a lot in the subdivision
and will erect a handsome residence, will induce others in his set
to do likewise.
Sec. 250. An advertisement in a newspaper under "Real
Estate Wanted," something like the following, will induce prop*
erty owners to bring in their property to be listed :
RSAI, ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT. 2$
"List your real estate of all kinds with me; I am in touch
with capital and with parties desiring to exchange, and can make
quick and satisfactory sales and exchanges;" or "I am having
inquiries every day for modern homes of all sizes. Yours may
be just the place that will suit. Call to-day, or telephone, and
list your property. My watchword is : 'No misrepresentation' " ;
or "Wanted — ^We can sell or exchange your property or business
no matter where located; our terms for closing deals are very
low; it will pay you to investigate our plans"; or, "We handle
properties ; nothing is too large or too small for us. We have a
fine list of lots, homes, investments, income properties, timber
lands, berry land ; in fact,, anything in the real estate line. Come
in and see us if you want a good buy. List your property with
us for quick sales. We have customers for choice building sites" ;
or, "List your property with us. From our listings received since
Sunday last, we have made a large number of deals that again
has demonstrated our ability to 'do things* ; several of the bargains
were 'snapped up' before the ink was hardly dry on our books,
and we are looking for more opportunities to make money for our
clients. In order to do so, we want your property, not to fill our
books with a larger list, but to supply our customers, who arc
legion, and are waiting with the money and an eagerness to pur-
chase. Call at our splendidly equipped offices, where we have
the system, the ability and determination to be the leaders in our
profession."
Sec. 251. P. T. Bamum, one of the most renowned adver-
tisers of his day, gives the following suggestions in regard to ad-
vertising: Don't hide your light under a bushel; advertise your
business thoroughly and efficiently in some shape or other and it
will arrest public attention. There may be some business or occu-
pation which does not require advertising, but I cannot well
conceive what it is. Homeopathic doses of advertising will not
pay; they make the patient sick and cflfect nothing; administer
liberally and the cure will be sure and permanent. Some say they
26 REAL VSftAn SELJ^-TAUCHT.
cannot afford to advertise; they mistake; they cannot afford not
to advertise. Everybody reads the newspapers^ and these are
the cheapest and best means of speaking to the public Put on
the appearance of business and the reality will generally follow*
While you are dealing with one set of cust(xners, your advertise*
ment is being read by thousands of others.
Sec 252. Success and failure are often results of proper and
improper follow-up systems. Every name and address received
through the medium of an advertisement has a possible cash value,
and as such should be carefully preserved and judiciously fol-
lowed. The excessive use of large quantities of printed matter
in follow-up systems is wrong. Short, plain, self-explanatory
letters will do in the majority of cases. The smaller the quantity
of literature, the greater its chances of being read. A New York
concern never uses one cent postage, but sends out all its literature
under two cent stamps. By going to the expense of two cent
stamps, good stationery, return envelopes, etc., tiiey find tiiey
stand better chances of receiving returns than if one-cent stamps
and cheap paper are used. After the name and address of the
inquirer are secured, efficient follow-up work is more important
than advertising.
Sec. 253. A real estate advertiser writes:
(a) A sign over your door that you sell Real Estate is not
going to bring a rush of prospective customers into your office.
Neither will your announcement that you have ''all kinds of farms
to sell,'' printed in a newspaper, make people write you for par*
ticulars, because such an announcement makes no impresaon.
Unless you can interest and impress people sufficiently to make
them write you, no results will be obtained, although your an-r
nouncement may be read by a great many persons.
(b) In order to interest, one must be specific. Instead of
offering all kinds of farms, select one and describe it fully. Better
get ten men worked up to the point of buying than try to appeal
REAL ESTATE SEI^-TAUGHT. 27
to a thousand and fail to set them thinking. Say something that
will appeal to somebody.
(c) If you offer a farm that must be sold because the owner
died, you would strongly appeal to those that are looking for a
real snap. If your farm has a nice, bearing orchard, that would
catch others. If your farm borders on a lake, that would be a
great attraction. If there is some timber on the place, that might
turn the scale. If your farm raised a magnificent crop last year,
mention it and put heart into the timid and doubting.
(d) If you have a $S,ooo farm to sell, it is time and money
wasted to correspond with a $500 man ; therefore, state the price
or give an idea of what the farm is worth.
(^) Give the location. The name of the county is good, if
the ad. is intended for readers in the same State. Otherwise,
better give the part of the State or the valley, etc., where the farm
is located. Nebraskans know that Lancaster county, the country
around Lincoln, is situated in the southeastern part of Nebraska,
the "South Platte Country," where land is worth as high as $125
an acre ; they also know that some 400 miles farther we$t, in the
west end of the State, in the "Sand Hill district," you can get a
free Government homestead of 640 acres, under the new law,
which was passed because a man cannot make a living on 160
acres of Sand Hills. But readers in other States do not know
whether Lancaster county is in or near the Sand Hills. They
must be interested before they will look it up on the map.
(6) Sometimes a few words may be necessary to counteract
unfavorable notoriety which some drought, flood, cyclone, or
earthquake may have given your locality. Thus, a $1,000 Kansas
farm, even if offered at $500, would not appeal to the man whose
whole knowledge of Kansas is restricted to the drought region,
unless you make it plain in which part of the State your farm is— «
that it is in the rainy district, where droughts are unknown.
i^g) If your farm is well improved, has a good house, is in
a good neighborhood, close to a good town, convenient to school
28 REAL ESTATE SEU^-TAUGHT.
and churchy this should, of course, be gone into fully. In short,
do not fail to put in all the information that would interest, and
favorably impress, the prospective buyer.
(h) In oflfering wild lands, give enough of a description of
the land and of the natural advantages and prospects, to get the
reader interested. Do not overdo things. Do not use too many
big words. Avoid glittering generalities. Appear to be frank
and humanize your talk as much as possible. Tell of the experi-
ences of settlers, how they started, what they have accomplished,
what progress has been made in the way of public improvements
in the last year or so. Wind up with an offer to send a map, a
pamphlet or full description of the land. If your advertising talk
has the proper ring, the reader will be eager to learn more about
your land.
(i) It is better to run a larger advertisement, giving the right
kind of information, a few times, than to run continually a small
ad. which says nothing.
(;) "Blind ads." like the following are sometimes used by
real estate men:
FARM WANTED.
Will pay fair price for good sized farm in good section, soil must
be first class. Will take large or small place if it suits. Will bar-
gain for machinery and stock. Give description and lowest price.
I want the best I can get for my money. I want possession in
May or October. Will deal with owners only, real estate men
need not answer. Address
Box 980, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Sec. 254. The student will do well to give some study to the
suggestions for advertisements given in Forms Nos. 127 to 136,
inclusive.
R^AI, ESTATE SELIP-TAUGHT. 29
Sec. 255. The following is the schedule of commissions ap-
proved by the Los Angeles Realty Board:
SCHEDULE OF COMMISSIONS.
ON REAL ESTATE SALES.
(a) Country Property:
On all property situated outside the city limits of the city of
Los Angeles 5 per cent on the purchase price,
(6) City Property:
On all property located within the city limits of the city of
Los Angeles 5 per cent on the first $1,000 and 2j4 per cent
on the balance of the purchase price.
ON REAL ESTATE EXCHANGES.
254 per cent on the estimated value of the property [contributed
by each party to be] exchanged, to be paid by each party to
the exchange.
RENTAL CHARGES.
(a) For renting unfurnished houses, stores, and other unfur-
nished property, except as herein specifically mentioned, from
month to month, 10 per cent of the first month's rent.
(6) For renting furnished houses and other furnished property
15 per cent of the first month's rent.
(c) For Leasing All Classes of Property:
2j^ per cent on the amount of the First Year's Rent.
2 per cent on the amount of the Second Year's Rent.
15^ per cent on the amount of the Third Year's Rent.
I per cent on the amount of the Fourth Year's Rent.
yi per cent on the amount of the Fifth Year's Rent.
On leases for a term exceeding five (5) years J4 per cent of
the rental for the remainder of lease.
For assigning a lease at request of the tenant, $5.00, to be
paid by tenant.
30 WUh ESTATE SELJ^-TAUCHT.
Making inventory of contents of furnished houses and flats,
$5.00 up.
Checking inventory, $2.50 to $5.00 each checking.
All Charges to be Deducted from the First Money Received,
and to include drawing of lease*
COIXECTION OF RENTS AND GENERAL MANAGEMENT OF PROPERTY.
On business property, 2yi per cent of rents collected.
On other classes of property, 5 per cent of rents collected.
Care when vacant : Unfurnished houses, $1 a month.
Unfurnished flats, 50 cents a month (each flat).
Furnished flats, $1 up a month.
Business property: Inside retail district, no charge; others,
$1 a month each store or apartment.
DRAWING DEEDS^ MORTGAGES, ETC.
For drawing deeds, mortgages and other legal papers incident to
real estate transactions, including notarial acknowledgment,
a charge of $1.50 to be made.
WUl4 ESTATE SBU-TAUGHT* 3I
LESSON VI.
Ot SELUNG AND EXCHANGING.
Section 256. A real estate broker should always keep in mind
the fact that he must be pre-eminently a salesman. Cohmercial
travelers and salesmen in other lines take kindly to real estate
salesmanship. A salesman must have a meritorious article to sell,
must seek his customer, must introduce the subject of the sale, and
eviiKre a willingness to serve his customer and aid faim in making
a desirable purchase or investment.
Sec. 257. A successful salesman must be honest He must
have a character that will inspire confidence and must be pleasant
and agreeable as well as capable. He must create a congenial
atmosphere about him. Then he must know his goods. He must
satisfy himself that he is selling the best goods at the lowest prices.
He must know the reason why they are the best, and he must
present these honest, convincing thoughts in a way that will carry
conviction to the hearer. The most successful salesman is he who
understands human nature and who can set forth the merits of
what he has for sale in a clear and convincing manner. It is un-
necessary to state that every salesman should have system in his
work, and the system should be his own. One person cannot adapt
in its entirety a system devised by another, as there are no two
persons who think, reason and act precisely alike. A broker
should think out his own system and then live up to it. He should
have certain office hours, be at his office within those hours, leave
someone in charge when he is out, or leave a notice stating when
he will return ; have a method of making notations on a calendar
pad or otherwise as to future work and appointments ; and carry
a memorandum book wherein he can jot down things to be done,
together with names and telephone numbers of customers.
32 R^AI. ESTATE SEtF-TAUGHT.
Sec. 258. The soliciting of life insurance is one of the most
delicate and difficult duties of a salesman. A great deal of thought
has been given to the subject, and the following is an adaptation
to the real estate business of the pithy remarks of expert life in-
surance solicitors: "You were afraid of your man — ^that he
might 'turn you down.' — ^He bluffed you at the critical moment.
You lost your moral courage at the crisis. You left your man
five minutes too soon. You argued with him about other real
estate dealers and their properties. You did not unfold your con-
tract of sale and commence writing when he was on the fence.
You failed to show a confident and fearless smile when he was
gruff and severe, and you did not realize that a gruff man often
has the kindest heart. You tried to talk to him in the presence
of others or while he was busy or preoccupied. You did not re*
(quest a brief and private interview. A private interview has the
effect of increasing your customer's importance in his own esti-
mation. You did not study the favorable conditions of your prop-
erty as compared with other similar properties and you did not
emphasize these points. You waited too long and the other fellow
got there first. He told you not to call again for two weeks, and
you didn't. You wrote him letters instead of calling. You spoke
disparagingly of rival brokers and lost your customer's respect
You became temporarily interested in other customers or prop-
erties and neglected this particular customer. You expected your
customer to keep you in mind and also his promise to let you
know when to call again, instead of dropping in on him unexpect-
edly. You did not give him a straight-from-the-shoulder talk in a
confident and bouyant spirit. You did not work and think hard
enough, nor exercise sufficient foresight in anticipating and tact-
fully combatting opposing arguments."
Sec. 259. In selling property, both principal and agent should
avoid artifices calculated to mislead. As is well known, fraud
vitiates all contracts. Any misrepresentati<Mi of a material fact
on which the other party had a right to rely, and in respect to
WSAI, ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 33
which he was deceived to his injury, is fraud. Fraud has been
defined to be any kind of artifice used by one person in deceiving
another, but what constitutes fraud depends upon circumstances.
Fraud must be proved and will not be presumed. Every person
relies at his peril on the opinions of others when he has an equal
opportunity of confirming or exercising his own judgment
Puffing and extravagant commendation of property is, therefore,
allowable, and does not amount to fraud which will avoid a coai-
tract. The buyer should not trust to the assertions of the seller
or agent as to the market or real value of the property. The prin-
cipal or agent should not suppress material facts nor conceal latent
defects regarding the property to be sold where both parties have
not equal access to means of information. To do so will be deemed
to be fraud. The diflFerence between a false statement in the mat-
ter of fact and a like falsehood in the matter of opinion has been
illustrated thus : IT I, the owner of a house, affirm that it will sell
or let for a certain sum per annum when in fact no such sum can
be obtained, such statement is in its nature a matter of judgment
or an estimate and will be understood that the party so considered
it. But if I falsely affirm that the house brings $150 per annum
when in fact it is let for $100 per annum, such affirmation is a
fraud, because I know what fact is, although the buyer, even if
he should inquire of the tenant, might not be able to ascertain the
fact, as the tenant might not give him any information or give him
false information.
Sec. 260. The seller is placed in a somewhat diflFerent position,
as if he allows himself to be beaten down in price by any false in-
ducements or statements on the part of the buyer or agent, he can-
not recover the diflFerence between the price he first asked and
that which he afterwards consented to take because of such false
representations.
Sec. 261. If a party discovers that fraud has been practiced
upon him and he does not intend to stand by the bargain he should
34 OeAI, ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
declare the deal oflF and restore, or offer to restore, anything he may
have received under the contract.
Sec. 262. If the agent should at any time have in his pos-
session funds belonging to his principal, he should be careful to
keep such funds separate from his own funds, as, if the two could
not be distinguished, the principal might claim the whole. If
deposited in a bank, the agent should keep two accounts, one for
the funds of his principal and one for his own funds, and make all
pa3rments by means of checks, which, in the absence of receipts or
other written proof of payment, might serve as vouchers.
Sec. 263. An agent should always keep his principal well in-
formed as to the progress of negotiations and as to the condition
of business under his charge.
Sec. 264. In opening negotiations for a bargain between par-
ties, a broker should invariably communicate sufficient information
to them to identify the transaction so that he may be entitled to
his commission.
Sec. 265. A person undertaking to act as a broker impliedly
vfrarrants that he possesses such knowledge and skill as, in ordinary
cases, would be adequate for the purpose.
Sec. 266. A portion of this lesson will consist of a few "Don'ts
for Real Estate Brokers."
(a) Don't induce your client to buy an undesirable property
for the sake of the commission you might make.
(6) Don't buy property yourself from your client, knowing
you have it already resold to another at an advance ; you probably
made a commission in buying the property for your client, and
you should sell it for him to the best advantage and be satisfied
with the second commission.
(c) Don't try to coerce buyers, after you have shown a
property, by insistent suggestions to buy, as they may think you
too demonstrative and avoid you.
(d) Don't give your estimate oflFhand as to the value of a
certain piece of property when you don't know what it is actually
REAL ESTATE SEUP-TAUGHT 35
worth. You might lose your reputation for good judgment.
Srniply say you don't know what it is worth now, but will investi-
gate and report
(e) Don't attempt to crowd sellers into making a sale. In-
stead of doing so, use arguments that will appeal to them, as, that
the time to sell is when one has a buyer, and that there are other
properties on the market, as good or better, which may be brought
to the attention of the proposed buyer if the sale is not made.
(f) Don't, if possible, let your buyer have an opportunity to
think about the deal over night ; if the buyer has time to consider
over night, he is pretty certain to decide not to buy, as human
nature is so constituted that fear is predominant in the night,
whereas hope is quickened by the light and sunshine of the day.
(g) Don't take sides with either party when both are present,
closing up a deal ; let them adjust any differences that may arise,
and, by a tactful, diplomatic word at the right time bring the
matter to a friendly close.
(h) Don't forget that every buyer will some day buy, and
every seller will some day sell ; so work a "follow-up" system on
each class, oflFering new properties to the buyers and soliciting new
properties from the sellers. Keep separate lists of both buyers
and sellers, with brief notations, if need be, to indicate their wants.
(«) Don't forget to remain with your customer, when you
take him out to show him property, pass his objections by unno-
ticed or courteously dismiss them; and don't let your customer
talk to neighbors or tenants, except in your presence.
(/) Don't omit making suggestions to your customer along
the lines of the comfort, contentment and pecuniary gain, which,
in your opinion, will be his if he makes the purchase in question ;
and by all means, don't neglect to first place yourself in a buoyant
and confident frame of mind, as your sanguine utterances will then
have the more compelling eflFect upon your customer.
(k) Don't manifest any impatience if the buyer desires, be-
fore purchasing, to have the property examined by a builder or
^6 REAL ESTATE SEI^-TAUGHT
architect to determine what the building could be erected for and
its present value. Arrange for the examination and impress upon
the buyer that you are looking after his interests.
(/) Don't fail to get a deposit from the buyer as speedily as
possible, as this is what you are working for, and you are never
sure of a sale until you have received a deposit, and not always
then, as the deposit may be forfeited by the buyer.
(m) Don't contradict your customer, unless absolutely neces-
sary to do so to correct a serious misapprehension, and if he is
pleased with a property that you don't think well of, acquiesce in
his judgment.
(n) Don't attempt to sell or list too many properties at a
time, if you expect to do all the work yourself. It is better to con-
fine your eflForts to a few first-class properties that are real bar-
gains until you dispose of them, rather than to scatter your ener-
gies over a multitude of pieces. After you have gained a reputa-
tion for making sales, people will come to you without solicitation
and insist on your handling their property.
(o) Don't allow the owner to offer the property at one price
while you quote it at another and higher price, the diflFerence being
your commission. Insist on his quoting the price you quote, with
understanding that he may say to an intending purchaser who has
come voluntarily to him without having obtained information as to
the property by or through you, that, inasmuch as he would have
to pay a certain amount as commission in case the sale were made
through a broker, he, the owner, will deduct that sum from the
purchase price, provided the proposed buyer will at once close the
deal. The practice of having two prices on one piece of property
at the same time always leads to trouble and complications. A
buyer, if he ascertains that the owner has a lower price, concludes
that the broker has been trying to extort money from him, and
feel aggrieved, and the reputation and business of the broker is
needlessly injured.
RSAI, ESTATE SEI^-TAUGHT Jff
(p) Don't forget to obtain a deposit from a purchaser who
offers less for a certain property than the owner is asking for it,
as, by obtaining the deposit, together with say ten days in which
to endeavor to close a deal, you prevent the purchaser from buying
anything else, and in many cases by diplomatically securing con-
cessions from each party, you will succeed in effecting a sale of
the property desired, or of some other property.
Sec. 267, Real estate brokers are sometimes subjected to an-
noyance and not infrequently to loss of commissions by reason of
inquiries being made about properties by bargain-hunting pur-
chasers or emissaries from rival brokers. To guard against this,
the author suggests a form like No. 122, to be used by the broker
at his discretion when called upon for a list of properties. These
lists can be bound in pads or in books and a carbon copy retained
of the list as furnished. The moral effect on the inquirer would
no doubt be good, and the broker would obtain the name and ad-
dress of the inquirer which he oftentimes fails to do.
Sec. 268. Brokerage in stocks and bonds cannot, as a rule, be
successfully done in connection with real estate. The man who
handles stocks and bonds must look well fed and be well groomed,
be suave in address, and frequent clubs and hotels where the
wealthy congregate. He must cultivate and exhale an optimistic
view as to financial matters and wear a smile that won't come off.
His clients are to be found among retired business men, and among
women and young people who have inherited money, and who
wish to place it where they hope it will be secure and call for no
personal effort on their part in looking after it, and where the
dividends or interest will be received with undeviating regularity.
As a rule, this class of investors know very little about the securi-
ties in which they invest beyond what is told them by the broker,
and the broker must act his part with great tact and probity. The
story of the two brothers, James and John, illustrates the stock
brokerage business. "I have some spare money," said James,
'and I think I will take a little flyer in stocks. What do you advise
38 RSAI, ESTATE SEI^-TAUGHT
me to buy?" "You can do no better than to buy the Great Hot-
airship, Unlimited," said John. "Where can I get that?" said
James. "Oh, I can sell you all you want," quoth John. The real
estate broker is at times forced of necessity to engage in handling
stocks and bonds, as the latter are active and real estate is quiet.
This is particularly true when business is recovering from a period
of industrial depression. Stocks then first become active, be-
cause new enterprises are organized, and the sale of shares is car-
ried on to acquire capital.
Sec. 269. "Business Opportunities," or "Business Chances" is
the title generally given to all soris of business whereby men make
a living by catering to others, such as bakeries, barber shops, drug
stores, restaurants, lodging houses, etc. The broker who makes a
specialty of business chances and exchanges, in order to be suc-
cessful, must have in his makeup something of the "bom trader*'
instinct.
Sec. 270. The "Good Will" of the business is the expectation
that the customers under one management will continue to be cus-
tomers under the next succeeding management.
Sec. 271. In transferring the title to personal property, no
abstracts of certificates of title are obtainable, as a rule, and the
purchaser must examine the public records for himself or have
some one do so for him who understands that part of the trans-
action. The broker generally attends to this, for the purpose of
ascertaining whether or not the statement of the seller in regard to
there being any incumbrancses on the property is true. The seller
shuold have in his possession a bill of sale from the party from
whom he purchased, and if he has given a chattel mortgage that
should appear of record, and any judgments against him would
also appear of record. As to whether or not the seller has paid for
the goods he has, aside from those acquired by the bill of sale, the
purchaser should require him to produce receipted bills therefor,
and if not paid, should ascertain from the parties of whom he has
been purchasing that the amount of the bills unpaid as given by
BJ^AL, ESTATt SEI^-TAUGHT 39
the seller is correct. There may be some consigned goods, such
as perfumery or fountain pens, which are payable in installments
or at a certain later date, and this also should be investigated. The
agent generally attends to these matters for the parties. The
transfer of personal property is effected by means of a bill of sale.
(See Form No. 91.) A contract of Conditional sale is used where
the seller wishes to retain the title to a sewing machine, wagon, or
other article or articles which the purchaser can use but cannot
sell. (See Form No. 92.) A law regulating the sales of mer-
chandise in bulk has been adopted in quite a number of the states
in order to protect wholesalers as well as the buyer and seller.
Sec. 272. In making a contract of sale of merchandise, the
seller may agree not to engage in the same line of business, either
directly or indirectly, in the same place within a certain time.
Sec. 273. Exchanges of both real and personal property are
most actively made when sales for cash are slow. Exchanging
of one species of property for another, where no money changes
hands, makes it somewhat difficult for the broker to collect his
commission, and he generally has to take in payment a promissory
note, either secured by mortgage or unsecured, and keep after his
client untilthe broker is able to make another deal and convert
some of the property into cash.
Sec. 274. Money may be made in the rooming-house busi-
ness, but, as in every other business, experience and good judg-
ment are indispensable qualifications to making it. The general
impression prevails, however, that any one who can raise the
price, can make money running a lodging-house. And ;yet a
great many people try it and fail. Considerable ability and a
good knowledge of human nature are essential to the handling
of all sorts of people under diverse circumstances, and to be con-
stantly on the watch both of roomers and of expenses is apt to
wear on one. Then, where there are a good many ladies and
children in the house, jealousies and gossip will arise to annoy one.
There are persons who are peculiarly fitted for conducting a
40 UAL BSTAn SELF-TAUGHT
liotd or lodging-bouse, and such persons can, by buying run-
down places from inexperienced and unwary investors, make the
business pay, especially if the house be brightened up by means
of paper and varnish and special inducements be offered to guests.
Having placed the house on a good paying basis, the owner is
then ready for an exchange or a sale. The successful rooming-
bouse owners are chiefly wcxnen, and some of them have become
wealthy by reason of remunerative sales and exchanges. Country
property owners often wish to remove to the city, either because
they have become tired of farm life or because their grown chil-
dren are occupied in the city, and it is with these that the lodging*
house owner makes desirable trades. The country owner, having
led an active life, desires something in the city whereby he can
f be occupied and make money. Here is where the lodging-house
and hotel broker makes his harvest, and in large cities some
brokers devote their entire time to this branch of the business.
Sec. 275. In disposing of business chances, the seller should
always have a plausible reason to advance for selling out — sick-
ness in the family, other business requiring attention, about to
move to another section of the country, wanting a change, etc.
Sometimes the party who holds a mortgage on the stock wants
his ''change," but of course the broker need not mention that.
. Sec. 275J4. "My equity" is a phrase frequently used in con-
nection with sales and exchanges, but not always understood. It
invariably has reference to property which is incumbered by mort-
gage or otherwise. For example: An owner values a certain
property at $4000 ; there is a mortgage on it of $1800 ; his '^equity/'
therefore, b $2200. In making exchanges, values are often placed
one-fourth higher than the owner would take for cash. By means
of inflated values, each party to an exchange hopes to gain an ad-
vantage.
REAI« ESTATE SEI^-TAUOHT 41
LESSON VII.
O^ OPTIONS, CONTRACTS AND CONVEYANCES.
In this connection study first, Sees. 6i to 79 inclusive, 80 to 92
inclusive, and 126, and 129 to 133 inclusive, of the "Text Book."
Section 276. Whenever a broker is called upon to formulate
an option, contract, deed or mortgage, as he naturally will be in
the course of his business, he will be expected to do so with rea-
sonable speed and correctness. In order to do this, it will be neces-
sary for him to give some study beforehand to the matter.
Sec. 277. The broker should provide himself with the printed
legal blanks ordinarily employed in making sales and transfers
in his section, as these are the blanks with which persons resident
in that vicinity are familiar. Printed blanks do not always fully
meet the requirements of the law nor the intentions of the parties.
Thus, the provision, usually to be found in an agreement of sale,
that the vendor shall furnish a good and sufficient deed does not
require him to furnish a marketable title. Should the broker not
find printed blanks to meet his requirements, he is referred to the
forms mentioned in this lesson.
Sec. 278. It is not the printed forms with which the broker
will have the most difficulty, but with forms for which he has
had no precedent. It frequently happens that parties desire to
come to an agreement immediately in regard to something which
can be completed only at a later date when certain other docu-
ments are in readiness or certain other acts have been performed.
Forms Nos. 109, no and in are furnished as suggestion along
this line.
Sec. 279. There are not a few persons, beginners in the real
estate business among them, who do not know what sort of a
paper to use for any particular purpose in connection with the
42 REAI« ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
conveyance and transfer of real and personal property, and the
following information will be found helpful in this regard :
(a) SEPARATE ASSIGNMENTS are used for the
transfer of the following named several properties: Accounts,
homesteads, patents, bonds, contracts for the sale of real estate,
copyrights, judgments of courts, leases, mortgages of either real
or personal property, or of both real and personal property. Any
instrument, except a deed, which has not been put of record, may
be transferred by the indorsement of the assignment on the instru-
ment itself. Where the assignment is made on an instrument
which has been recorded, or if made on an instrument which has
not been recorded but which the law requires or the interest of the
parties demand that it shall be recorded, and where separate books
are provided for each class of instruments, as a "Book of Leases"
for the record of leases and a "Book of Assignments" for assign-
ments, it is evident that the instrument and the assignment in-
dorsed thereon would have to go of record in both t)ooks. In
such a case, the proper course is to prepare a separate assignment.
Where an instrument is not required to be recorded, as is the
case with policies of insurance, certificates of stock, corporation
bonds and promissory notes, the title to these may be transferred,'
so far as the parties to the transaction are concerned, by indorse-
ment and delivery; but there being a third party interested in
the case of corporate stocks and bonds and policies of insurance,
further action is necessary ; the assignment of the policy of insur-
ance must be assented to by the agent of the company issuing
same; the certificates of stock must be cancelled and new certifi-
cates issued by the coriforation ; and where corporate bonds have
been registered, they must either be released from registry or trans-
ferred to the name of the new owner by the transfer agent.
(b) DEEDS are always used to convey the title acquired by
deed ; a separate assignment, an indorsement on a deed, or a bill
of sale is not sufficient to pass title by deed. The party named in
a deed as he to whom the property is conveyed, is called the
R^AL ESTATE SELi^-TAUGHT 43
grantee, and when such grantee niakes another deed of the same
property to another person he becomes the grantor.
(c) BILLS OF SALE are used to transfer the title of per-
sonal property; and these are frequently used by careful convey-
ances to transfer certifictaes of stock, and corporate bonds, in
addition to indorsement and delivery, as they afford tangible
written evidence of the transfer. They are used for the transfer
of the title to all sorts of personal property, such as furniture, live
stock, etc.
Sec. 280. A proposed purchaser will find it to his advantage
to study the "Purchase Chart," Form No. i, page 29, of Text
Book, to put him on his guard against overlooking anything that
should be mentioned while the negotiations are in progress, as a
discussion by the parties of all the points involved, before entering
into a contract, will save both time and trouble afterward. When
there is a building and loan mortgage cm a place, the purchaser
should obtain a written statement from the agent of the company,
showing exactly the amount still owing and the monthly payments,
and how much thereof is applied to the principal, and how much
on the interest. A borrower from a building and loan association
IS always a stockholder and usually there are transfer fees to be
paid when the certificate of stock is transferred. These fees should
be borne by the seller. In California, the taxes on personal prop-
erty, where a person is the owner of both real and personal prop-
erty, becomes a lien on the real property, and where the purchaser
agrees to assume the taxes, particularly the first installment for
the fiscal year, he should make a deduction for the tax on per-
sonal property, if ascertainable at the time; if not ascertainable,
then he should have an agreement in writing from the seller that
he will pay the personal property tax ; or a sum sufficient to cover
should be placed in the hands of a responsible third party until
the taxes are ascertained and paid by the seller. Such taxes
usually attach as a lien to the premises in which the seller resides.
44 R^AI. ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
Sec 281. When an agreement is made for the sale, or fot
the mortgaging or leasing of property belonging to an estate, or
to a minor or inocxnpetent person, such agreement should be made
with the executor, administrator or guardian, and contain a clause
to the effect that the same shall be subject to the confirmation of
the Court having charge of said matter.
Sec. 282. In case an executor, administrator or guardian
enter into an agreement for the investment of the funds belonging
to an estate, or to a ward, the agreement should also be made
subject to the approval of the Court having charge thereof;
otherwise, the executor, administrator or guardian is personally
liable. The application to the Court takes the form of a petition
(see Form No. 137) which must be verified upon oath by the
petitioner; the order of the Court, made upon hearing, diretts
that the petition be granted; and a certified cogy of the order
must be filed for record, with the deed, lease or mortgage ; and the
consideration mentioned in the instrument of conveyance, must
be the same as that mentioned in the order of the Court. In this
instance, a nominal consideration (see Text Book, page 58) will
not be acceptable.
Sec. 283. In California, and in the Western states generally,
religious corporations not organized for pecuniary profit are
required to petition the Superior Court for permission to sell or
mortgage property. Notice of intention to sell or to mortgage
must be pulished as directed by the Court, and upon hearing of
the matter, any member of the corporation may oppose the grant-
ing of the order. An agreement to borrow money from such a
corporation, or for the purchase of its property, should contain
a clause to the effect that the same is made subject to the con-
firmation of the Court.
Sec. 284. In states where the wife is entitled to dower, the
contract should contain a clause providing for release of dower.
The release of the wife's contingent right to dower is made to
the party to whom the husband conveys; it cannot be made to
REAt ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 45
the husband himself nor to a stranger. The release must be by
grant deed, but in some of the states the mere signing by the
wife of the husband's deed is sufficient. A homestead (see Sec.
125) may be released by an abandonment of homestead (see
Form No. 59) or by both husband and wife executing the deed of
conveyance.
Sec. 285. The tendency in conveyancing at the present time
is in the direction of brevity and simplicity. Some conveyancers
still use "enfeoff" and "aliene," and the rolling of these and other
fine phrases under the tongue with suitable intonation impresses
the ordinary mortal that by means of that particular instrument
the thing has been everlastingly done, finished, completed, ef-
fected, accomplished, performed, executed, achieved, fulfilled,
perpetrated and consummated. On the other hand, persons who
are not accustomed to lengthy instruments, often exclaim : "My,
what a long paper !" In fact, if one wishes to secure a right of
way from a farmer, he should make the instrument as brief as
possible, as the tiller of the soil thinks that a lengthy paper, even
though it be no more binding than a short one, has some secret
"hitch" concealed in its sinuous folds. In any written instrument,
wherever figures are used, the same should also be written in
words; as, for example: Twenty-three and 53-100 Dollars
($23.53) ; Lot Number 36 (thirty-six). Township Four (4),
North, etc.
Sec. 286. As stated in Section 63, page 31, of Text Book,
certain contracts are required by law to be in writing. The laws
of California also provide that an agreement for the sale of goods,
chattels or things in action, at a price of not less than $200,
unless the buyer accepts or receives part of such goods and chat-
tels or the evidences, or some of them, of such things in actk>n,
or pays at the time some part of the purchase price, must be in
writing; but when a sale is made at auction an entry by the
auctioneer in his sale book, at the time of the sale, of the kind of
property sold, the terms of the sale, the price, and the names of
46 EZAh ESTATE SEIJ^-TAUGHT
the purchaser and person on whose account the sale is made,
is a sufficient memorandum. An agreement which, by its terms,
is not to be performed in the Ufetime of the promisor, or an
agreement to devise or bequeath any property, or to make pro-
vision for any person by will, must be in writing.
Sec. 287. Any contract not required by law to be in writing
may be made with the same force and effect as if in writing. Pru-
dent foresight and the liability of the impressions received on the
memory to become dim by lapse of time, and the tendency of
each individual to take the view most favorable to his own inter-
ests when questions arise regarding the meaning of a verbal con-
tract, would indicate that the only safe rule is to reduce all con-
tracts to writing. The execution and delivery of a written
contract, whether the law requires it to be in writing or not,
supersedes all negotiations which preceded or accompanied the
execution of the instrument.
Sec. 288. In addition to the written instruments ordinarily
employed, the broker will have occasion from time to time to use
other supplementary written evidences in connection with some
transactions. Every written instrument, such as a contract,
option, etc., should be sufficient in itself to confer all of the
rights that the purchaser or option-holder supposed he was ob-
taining, and the value of having those instruments carefully
drafted and adequate for the purpose intended will be realized
only after loss has occurred through the use of defective or in-
sufficient writings. In this connection, attention is called to
Forms Nos. 113 to 117, both inclusive, relating to an option taken
under the following circumstances: A broker submitted to the
owner an option, substantially in the form of No. 112, which pro-
vides for the owner furnishing an unlimited certificate of title
(No. 47) showing the premises free and clear of incumbrances.
At the time of signing the option, the owner did not inform the
broker, nor did the broker know, that the premises were incum-
bered by an easement in favor of the city, in which the premises
REAI< ESTATE SEI^-TAUGHT 47
were situated, for a right of way for a pipe line. The broker
sold the premises at a profit of about $2,000, and agreed with
the purchaser to furnish a deed free and clear of incumbrances.
The transfer was placed in escrow with a title company. (See
Lesson on Escrows.) When the title company were about to
write the certificate of title, they requested the purchaser to waive
in writing the easement, and this was the first notice the pur-
chaser had that the premises were incumbered by an easement.
The purchaser, thereupon, declined to take the premises with the
easement. In this transaction, as is the case in many sales of
real estate through brokers or option-holders, the owner and
the purchaser had not seen each other at all, all negotiations be-
tween the parties having been conducted by the broker. In such
a case it is advisable for the broker to have written evidence of
every step in the transaction in order to show that he is acting
in good faith. Upon the refusal of the purchaser to take the
premises because of the incumbrance, the broker had the pur-
chaser sign Form No. 113, and he presented this, together with
Form No. 114, to the owner. Upon ascertaining that the owner
would clear the incumbrance from the premises, he then advised
the purchaser of the fact as per Form No. 115. When the owner
had obtained and filed his deed from the city, quit-claiming the
incumbrance to him, the broker then had the title company Write
up a certificate of title, showing the premises free of incumbrances,
and he tendered such certificate to the purchaser with a letter as
per Form No. 117. In instances of this kind, it is necessary for
the broker to be on the alert and safeguard every step in the ne-
gotiations by a writing, if he wishes to keep the parties in line.
It is not probable that any broker who reads these lines will have
a case precisely similar to the foregoing, and these suggestions
and forms are offered merely as thought-savers and time-savers.
Sec. 289. For a receipt for deposit paid by the purchaser on
account of land sold him, use Form No. 2 or Form No. 3, page
37, Text Book; for a sale made by the agent, in behalf of the
48 RKAL ESTATB SEI^-TAUGHT
owner, use Form No. 90; for an agreement of sale of land in a
city, or for city lots, use Form No. 5, with modifications as to re-
strictions, etc., to suit the case; for an option, containing full
terms, and giving exclusive right of purchase for a certain length
of time, use Form No. 112.
Sec. 290. For an agreement of sale, which is a continuing
option, requiring the buyer to be very prompt in his payments,
the seller extending the time from month to month as such pay-
ments are made, use Form No. 7.
Sec. 291. It is always best to have all such agreements made
in duplicate or triplicate, and, except as to options, all such agree-
ments should be signed by each party, and each party should
retain one copy of the agreement. The broker also should keep
a copy for his files.
Sec. 292. In this connection, let the student read carefully
Sections 61 to 79, both inclusive, commencing on page 31 of Text
Book.
Sec. 293. Also Sections 80 to 93, inclusive, commencing on
page 48 of Text Book, subject "Deeds," and particularly the
"Analysis of a Deed," and comments thereon, pages 54 to 63.
Also the subject of "Mortgages," Sections 93 to 108, both inclu-
sive, commencing on page 75 of Text Book.
Sec. 294. See Text Book, Section 92, page 59, as to where
to get description of property for writing up deed or mortgage ;
and Section 104, page 78, for clause to be inserted in "Purchase
Money Mortgage;" and Section 103, page 78, for wording of
clause conferring right to pay off note by paying bonus of inter-
est ; see "Conditions," page 56, for wording to be inserted in deed
where premises are to be conveyed subject to a mortgage which
is to be assumed by purchaser.
Sec. 295. The following are the forms for which the student
and practicing real estate man will have the most frequent use,
and they are enumerated here for the sake of convenient reference.
REAI, ESTATE SELif-TAUGHT 49
(a) Assignments: Separate instrument, No. 8, page 44; to
be annexed to instrument, No. 9, page 45; to be endorsed on
instrument, No. 10, page 45 ; of a lease, No. 66, page 162 ; of a
mortgage. No. 32, page 87.
(&) Contracts: Brief memorandum of sale, No. 2, page 37;
more complete memorandum of sale, No. 3, page 37; formal
memorandum where abstract is to be furnished and examined by
attorney or purchaser. No. 4, page 38; contract for sale of land,
providing for partial payments, for building restrictions, and for
execution and delivery of deed, and delivery of certificate of title
upon full payment being made within the time limited. No. 5,
page 40; agent's agreement of sale. No. 90, page 198; owner's
agreement with agent. No. 89, page 197 ; builder's contract, very
full and complete, No. 49, page 122; contract for drilling oil
wells, giving full details, No. 65, page 157; party-wall agree-
ment, frequently used, but not to be found in many works on
real estate, No. 83, page 174; contract appointing agents to sub-
divide and sell property, very frequently used, and going fully
into details, but seldom met with. No. 87, page 183; declaration
of trust in respect to property conveyed in trust for the purpose
of being subdivided and sold. No. 88, page 187 ; bill of sale. No*
91, page 199; contract of conditional sale, or a sale which is ap-
parently a lease, No. 92, page 199; contract to extend mortgage
and increase rate of interest, No. 36, page 94; chattel mortgage,.
No. 141 ; crop mortgage. Form No. 142 ; contracts of exchange,.
Nos. 109, no and in ; special clauses in lease, Forms 143 to 153^
inclusive.
(c) Deeds: Analysis of a deed, showing the several orderly
parts, No. 13, page 55. The student should give this form care-
ful study, and should read over carefully, several times, the
comments thereon, pages 58 to 63, inclusive. In drawing a quit-
claim deed, refer to No. 14, page 63; a deed of gift from hus-
band to wife, No. 15, page 63; a deed to mining lands or mining
rights, No. 16, page 64; a deed from several grantors to County
so RSAL ESTATE SEI^^-TAUGHT
for right of way for road, No. 17, page 65 ; a deed of right of
way for a pipe line to terminate six months after non-user, No.
84, 177; of agricultural rights by a corporation, and reserving
the mineral rights, thus creating two estates in the land. No. 18,
page 66; this form shows also certified copy of resolution of
Board of Directors authorizing the officers of the corporation
to execute the deed, such resolution being prefixed to, and to be
recorded as a part of the deed; of a deed from individuals to a
corporation, conveying the minerals, and rights, privileges and
easements necessary for extraction and removal of same, the
agricultural rights being reserved, and the acquisition of the
mineral rights by the corporation being ratified by the holders of
more than two-thirds of its issued and outstanding stock, such
ratification, in scxne of the states, being necessary to the validity
of the deed. No. 19, page 68 ; of a deed of trust to secure a note,
called "Trust Deed," No. 34, page 90; of reconveyance of trust
property. No. 35, page 93.
Sec. 296. Ground rent leases, where the law permits of their
heing made for from thirty to fifty years, are popular at present
in large cities. The owner of the ground prefers to retain the
title and await the increase in value which will come by lapse of
time, rather than to sell. The lessee, on the other hand, rather
than to buy at prevailing high prices, prefers to take a k>ng-time
lease, upon such terms as will enable him to calculate a fair margin
of profit after paying the ground rent, cost of improvements and
maintenance. A broker will find it greatly to his advantage, where
parties wish to enter into a contract or lease, in regard to which
there must be more or less negotiation pro and con before the
final terms are all embodied, to submit an outline or synopsis along
the lines desired by his client and containing also such other pro-
visions as ordinarily go into a document of the kind. He will
find that this will not only facilitate the negotiations, but will come
in the nature of a surprise to his client, who will compliment him
on his tact and knowledge. A long-time ground-rent lease is one
REAI* ESTATE SEI^^-TAUGHT 5 1
of the most difficult of instruments to draft, as there are so many
contingencies to be provided for, and a first-class attorney would
charge at least five hundred dollars for drawing a lease such as
that here outlined. Leases of this kind are made in two ways:
(i) Where the improvements to be erected by the lessee are only
ncxninal in value, provision is made that all such buildings, struc-
tures and improvements shall be and become the property of the
lessor, and no compensation therefor shall be due, allowed or paid
therefor to the lessee. (2) Where the improvements are extra-
ordinary, as in the case of a hotel or business block, provision is
made for the appraisal of the improvements at the end of the term,
as provided in Form No. 146. To indicate what such a lease
should contain, the following outline is given :
Sec. 297. Synopsis or outline for a ground-rent lease :
1. Date, names and residences of parties, lessor, or party of
the first part, lessee, or party of the second part.
2. Witnesseth, that, lessor, in consideration of rents and cov-
enants to be paid, kept, performed and fulfilled on part of lessee,
does demise and lease unto lessee the premises, situate in City,
County and State (description).
3. Habendum (to Have and to Hold), see Form No. 124,
"Yielding and Paying," etc. (Where the rent is payable monthly
in advance for a number of years, it is the custom, in some in-
stances, to require the rent for the first month and for the last
month of each year, to be paid in advance at the beginning of the
year, for the better assurance of the lessor ; and this can be pro-
vided for in the lease, if desired).
4. Rent reserved is to be paid in standard gold coin of the
United States; dollar defined as containing at least 25.8 grains
of gold of standard weight and fineness observed at mints of
United States at date of lease ; acceptance by lessor of currency,
legal tender, checks, coin, money or value whatever, except stand-
ard gold coin for any installment of rent shall not be waiver of
^2 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
his right to demand gold coin in payment of any other installment
or installments.
5. As a further consideration, lessee further covenants to pay
and discharge, in addition to said rent, all rates, taxes, charges for
revenue, assessments and levies, general and special, ordinary and
extraordinary, including water rates, electric light and gas rates,
assessed, levied or imposed on said premises, or upon any and all
buildings thereon, during said demised term, commencing with
the taxes for the fiscal year ; same shall be made in the
name of lessor, be paid at least five days before delinquency, and
duplicate tax receipts therefor delivered to lessor.
6. Lessee agrees to erect, finish and complete, at his own cost
and expense, upon said premises, a (here describe building) and
have the same completed and ready for occupancy and fully
paid for by
Said building shall be erected under the inspection and to the
satisfaction of the Building Superintendent of the City of
Said building shall cost at least
dollars ; plans and specifications therefor shall be
approved by lessor as to general design, method of construction,
strength of materials and cost of building. If lessor shall not
approve plans and specifications submitted to him, they shall be
submitted to a board of three architects, one to be appointed by
lessor, one by lessees, and the two so appointed to select a third ;
a majority report of said board on said plans and specifications
shall be final, and the building shall be erected in accordance
therewith. If the plans and specifications are not so approved by
said board, then further plans and specifications must be prepared
and submitted in like manner.
7. Covenant that there shall be no mechanics' liens upon any
building or improvement which shall be upon said premises; but
if there should be, lessee must pay off same, and if default in
payment thereof shall continue foi- thirty days, lessor may pay
off same, and the amount so paid, including expenses, shall be so
B*AL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 53
much additional rent payable at the next rent day, with interest
thereon at the rate of seven per cent per annum ; or lessor may, at
his option, terminate the lease; and if lessor shall conclude or
determine that his estate may or might suffer injury or damage by
reason of the filing of any lien or suit to foreclose the same, he may
require lessee to give bond.
8. Covenant that the premises shall not be used for any im-
moral or unlawful purposes; and that said lessee will indemnify
and save harmless lessor from any loss, damage or expense arising
out of any accident or other occurrence causing injury to any
person or property, and due directly or indirectly to use of said
premises by said lessee, or any person holding under him.
9. Covenant as to removing or tearing down buildings only
upon written consent of lessor and upon the following condition
precedent being first fulfilled: Lessee shall first execute and
deliver to lessor a contract, guaranteed by two good and sufficient
sureties, agreeing to pay lessor dollars
within two years of the date thereof, said contract to provide that
inasumuch as it is impossible to determine upon the exact damages
and injury which lessor will suffer by reason of the failure of
lessee to construct a building or buildings upon said premises
within said two years, said sum of dollars
shall be considered as liquidated damages, and lessee shall be
estopped from asserting same as a penalty ; or lessee, if he elects,
may, in lieu of sureties, deposit dollars with
Trust Company upon the conditions
above mentioned.
10. Covenant as to insurance. See Form No. 144.
11. Covenant as to owner's right to post notices. See Form
No. 145.
12. Covenant as to appraisal of buildings. See Form No. 146.
13. Lessor's warranty. See Form No. 147.
14. Covenant to pay rent. See Form No. 148.
15. Covenant not to assign lease or sublet premises. See
Form No. 149.
16. Heirs and assigns bound. See Form No. 150.
17. Testatum clause.
54 ^T^^ ^TATE SEL^-TAUGHT
LESSON VIII.
O^ MAKING TRANSFISRS IN ESCROW
Study Sections 109 to 121, inclusive, of Text Book.
RIftAI. ^TATE SELI^-TAUGHT 55
LESSON IX.
OF RENTING AND INSURING
In this connection study Section 127, pages 134 and 135, of the
Text Book.
Section 297. RENTING. All persons who are qualified to
hold real estate and who labor under no disability, may make a
lease. A tenant for life can make a lease only to the extent of his
interest. Joint tenants and tenants in common may make leases
jointly and severally. When joint tenants join in a lease, it is
only one lease, as they have only one estate.
Sec. 298. Every lease should be in writing, and should
specify:
(a) The date on which the tenancy is to commence;
(6) How long the tenancy is to continue;
(c) The days whereon, and the place where, the rent is
payable;
(d) Conditions which the landlord may deem necessary to
protect his interests, such as that the tenant shall not sell liquor
on the premises, nor conduct a disorderly house, etc. ;
(e) And should provide that upon the failure of the tenant
to pay the rent, or upon his violation of any of the covenants of
the lease, the landlord may terminate the lease, re-enter and oust
the tenant.
See Form No. 6o which contains covenants well adapted to
the leasing of a dwelling house. Also, synopsis of a Ground
Rent lease. Sec. 296.
Sec. 299. Any personal property belonging to the landlord,
and left on the premises for the use of the tenant, should be listed
item by item, in a separate paper, be headed "Exhibit A," and
be attached to the lease, and be referred to as such in the lease.
S6 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
Sec. 300. If the tenant intends to add anything in the way
of fixtures to the landlord's premises, he should be given the
privilege to do so in the lease, together with the right to remove
such fixtures while entitled to possession or within a reasonable
time thereafter. If the tenant does not exercise his privilege to
remove his fixtures before his lease expires, he cannot lawfully do
so afterwards, unless provision therefor is made in the lease, as
the right to re-possess the land, and also the fixtures as a part of
the land, vests immediately in the landlord.
Sec. 301. Firms and corporations who carry on the renting
of houses and other buildings on an extensive scale, have the
matter of giving out lists of such houses or buildings to intending
renters reduced to a system. The forms in use by Wright &
Callender Company, one of the largest real estate and rental con-
cerns in Los Angeles, for the rental of houses, are shown in
numbers 123 to 125 inclusive. The use of forms such as these
puts inquirers on their honor, and enables the agent to secure his
hard-earned commission, and prevents the dishonest and slippery
renter from getting a foothold before he has paid his rent. The
rental and the selling branches of the real estate business go well
together, although the former is less remunerative and involves
more detail than the latter. It sometimes happens that a would-
be renter cannot find a residence to suit him, and he then is in a
mood to buy — ^particularly after he has looked in vain for a week
for a suitable house to rent.
Sec. 302. The mutual obligations of the lessor and lessee
under a lease are fixed almost entirely by the covenants of the
lease. Covenants in a lease to make repairs, to pay rent, to
cultivate land in a certain manner, for quiet enjoyment of the
premises, and all implied covenants, run with the land. If a lessor
assigns the remainder of a term of a lease, his lessee is liable on
the covenants running with the land. If the assignment is for a
shorter term than the remainder of the term of the original lease,
even by one day, the transfer is not an assignment, but is a sub-
REAL ESTATE SELI^-TaUGHT 57
.ease, and in such case the sub-lessee is liable to the lessee and not
to the original landlord.
Sec. 303. A good many landlords object to children, and a
prominent real estate broker in speaking on this subject, said:
"The childre n of today are not brought up as they should be.
Discipline is not taught and applied as in the old days. In my
boyhood days, discipline meant respect to your elders, subordina-
tion to authority and education in morals and manners as well as
in schooling. It also meant punishment for errors committed as
a preventive for the future. At the present time, parents seem to
think their children can do no wrong and consequently are not
reprimanded or corrected. The result is that many of the children
of tckiay are nuisances and objectionable in many ways, espe-
cially to owners of real estate, whose property is disfigured or
destroyed by these young free lances. The old proverb, 'Spare
the rod and spoil the child,' is just as good now as when it was
written. Owners and agents, if they draw strict rules against
children, cannot be blamed, as they have suffered from children's
misdeeds and lack of discipline and have to safeguard themselves
against further troubles and losses."
Sec. 304. An agent should familiarize himself with the laws
of his State in respect to giving tenants notice to quit within the
time prescribed by law.
Sec. 305. INSURING. In this connection, study Section
122, page loi, of Text Book. A broker should endeavor to se-
cure an agency for underwriting fire insurance in some of the
well-known companies. Boards of insurance underwriters govern
the placing of fire insurance in large cities and real estate brokers
doing business in an ordinary way oftentimes place insurance for
their clients through insurance agents who make a specialty of
insurance. The broker should call the attention of all of his
friends and acquaintances to the fact that he places insurance
and request that they favor him when in need of insurance.
58 RBAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
Sec. 306. A veteran underwriter recommends that the ama-
teur agent study the copy of the printed form of a policy of fire
insurance, as that contains the law of the contract. Any and all
persons who carefully read, study and follow the wording of the
policy cannot make an error that will void the contract. In all
insurance policies the words "where," "when" and "how" must be
kept in view. Applying each of these words in its proper place
will enable anyone of ordinary education to write up a proper
contract of fire insurance. The tendency among agents in making
up policy forms is to enumerate every class of goods that might
come under the head of the item intended to be described. This
frequently leads to results not intended. In a recent case, the
Court held that a policy covering "stock of family groceries, cases,
lamps, scales and other merchandise for sale," covered cases^
lamps and scales not for sale, and in another case the policy cov-
ered" lumber piled in mill building, on cars, under mill sheds, and
in sheds adjoining to said mill building." The court held that
lumber sheds from 75 feet to 200 feet distant were "mill sheds" as
described in the policy. The following are recommended as
suitable forms for the several classes of property named :
Dwelling and Contents.
$ On the story building, including side-
walks, awnings and all fixtures and appurtenances attached thereto
and being part thereof, while occupied only as a family dwelling-
house, situate and
$ On all furniture and household personal effects of
the insured, his family and servants, not prohibited and or excepted
in the printed conditions of this policy, while contained in above
described dwelling-house.
Mercantile Building (md Stock Form.
$ On the story building, including side-
walks, awnings and all fixtures and appurtenances attached
thereto and being a part thereof, while occupied for mercantile
purposes only, situate
RtAL, ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 59
$ On all furniture, trade fixtures, supplies for store and
office use, tools, machines and appurtenances used in the business,
not kept for sale, and not excepted in the printed portion of this
policy.
$ On all merchandise of every description kept for sale,
and not excepted in the printed conditions of this policy, consist-
ing principally of all and only while contained in the above
described building and on and under its sidewalks.
Manufacturing Plant.
$ On the story building, including open
platforms and open scales adjoining, and all fixtures and appurt-
enances attached thereto and being a part thereof, other than
manufacturing fixlares and appurtenances, while occupied as
a power flour mill.
$ On all machinery, tools, implements, furniture, ap-
paratus, mill and office supplies not kept for sale and not pro-
hibited and/or excepted in the printed portion of this policy, and
all fixtures and appurtenances directly connected with flour
handling and manufacturing, except boilers and connections and
the main power engines.
$ On all boilers, piping to first joint, and all appurt-
enances attached thereto, and main power engines, fly wheels, and
engine and fly wheel shafting to first connection.
Sec. 307. A mortgagee has an insurable interest, but it is not
good underwriting for Company A to write $i,ooo on the mort-
gagee interest and Company B to write $i,ooo on the mortgaged
property. In case of a $i,ooo loss, A would pay the mortgagee
and B would pay the owner. It is safer to write the policy in the
name of the owner, with the loss, if any, payable to the mortgagee
as his interest may appear. This rule also applies to insurable
property sold on a contract for a deed, or where same is sold on the
installment plan, and wherever there are two or more parties
having equities in the same property.
Sec. 308. Leaving the blank for the amount of other or total
insurance permitted unfilled is one of the worst features of under-
6o REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
writing, as it permits unlimited insurance without regard to the
value of the property or the character of the insured.
Sec. 309. The permit for other insurance as usually written
is not as clear as it seems on its face. It has been held by the
courts that a policy for $2,500 with $2,500 total concurrent insur-
ance permitted, allowed $2,500 additional, or $5,000 in all. The
safest form is to write: "$2,500 total insurance permitted, in-
cluding the amount of this policy."
Sec. 310. The broker should keep a correct record of each
policy with full description of the property, date of policy, amount,
and date when same expires and reduce the dates of expiration
to a system so that such dates will be called to his attention
almost automatically. Record books, especially designed for the
recording of policies, are furnished by some of the insurance
companies; and they also furnish all blanks that are required to
be attached to policies, and blanks for reports to principal agency.
A good many owners are careless in respect to renewing their
insurance and rely on the agent to look after the matter for them,
and if the agent fails in this regard, they think he has neglected
their interests and feel aggrieved as well as alarmed that their
property is not protected against loss. Besides, other agents are
in the field and competition in the insurance line is keen. Vacancy
permits, good for sixty days, usually form part of the policy on
dwellings. Should any premises, under the charge of the agent,
become vacant, he should see that a vacancy permit is attached
to the policy of insurance, if no such permit is contained in the
policy itself. Vacancy is regarded by insurance companies as a
decided increase of hazard and agents are cautioned to be guarded
in granting permits therefor. If the vacancy extends over sixty
days, a two-thirds value clause permit is attached, specifying cer-
tain requirements as to the care of the property, and if these are
not complied with the policy becomes void. Fire insurance under-
writing, if vigorously pushed and properly looked after, is in itself
a remunerative feSiture of the real estatie broker's business.
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 6 1
LESSON X.
OF SUBDIVIDING.
Sec. 311. In this connection study Sections 134 to 139 of
Text Book, together with Forms Nos. 87, 88 and 167.
Sec. 312. In addition to the three modes of placing subdi-
visions on the market, as mentioned in Sec. 134, there are at least
two other ways, namely : First, by organizing a corporation, and
issuing stock to the incorporators according to their respective
interests, and letting them share in the expenses and participate
in the earnings in proportion to their holdings of stock. In such
case, all of the details of the subdivision become a matter for the
directors and officers to act upon and execute. Second, by dividing
the estimated expenses of the subdivision into an equal number
of units and taking subscriptions for such units, as set forth in
Form No. 155, payments on account of such subscriptions being
made as indicated in said agreement.
Sec. 313. Where the property is placed on the market, indi-
cated in Forms Nos. 88 or 155, a payment is made to the owner
by the person or persons engineering the deal, and the owner
thereupon conveys the property to a trust company or bank ab-
solutely, and such deed is placed of record, so that the trust com-
pany or bank appears of record as the sole owner. The trust
company or bank issues a declaration of trust, similar to that
shown in Form No. 88, and bearing the same date as the deed,
but this declaration of trust is not placed of record, for the reason
that, if it were placed on record, all of the parties to it would
have to join in each deed or contract for the conveyance of lots.
The trust company or bank is in a safe position, as the title to
the property is vested in it, and it receives and handles all of the
moneys and makes partial payments on the indebtedness due the
owner until such indebtedness is extinguished. The taxes, ex-
62 RieAL ^TATE SEL^-TAUGHT
penses and commissions are also paid by the bank or trust com-
pany, the bills therefor being first O. K.'d by the beneficiary or
subdivider. Form No. 155 is a plan devised by Mr. J. B. Leiser,
of Los Angeles, and is designed to assure the investors in a sub-
division proposition that they will receive fair and equitable treat-
ment at the hands of the agent. A subscription agreement, such
as this, ought to make it easier for an agent to induce capitalists
to join him placing a tract on the market.
Sec. 314. Lots in subdivisions are usually sold on contracts
(Form No. 7) which are neither acknowledged nor recorded.
The contract-purchaser does not appear at all in the public
records as the owner of the lot he has purchased. The contract-
purchaser in such case has to depend a good deal on the integrity
and financial responsibility of the subdivider, and oftentimes the
latter is deeply indebted to the owner for the lots. In a recent in-
stance, a party purchased a number of lots at $150 each and paid
cash in full for them. He sold the lots on contracts at from $300
to $600 each, payable one-third in cash, and the balance in six
months and twelve months, with interest on the deferred pay-
ments at 7% per annum, payable semi-annually. Desiring to raise
money to buy more lots, he borrowed from another party on the
lots he already owned a considerable sum, giving his note therefor,
secured by a deed of trust on the lots, with privilege of having
any lot released from the trust deed upon the payment of $200 in
cash, this provision being inserted to enable him to make delivery
of the lots to his contract purchasers as they made their last pay-
ments. He failed to pay his note, became bankrupt, and the other
party became owner of the lots, and the contract-purchasers lost
what they had paid for the lots. Contracts for the sale of lots
should be just and equitable in their terms, both to the seller and
to the buyer. Form No. 154 is an example of a loose- jointed
contract, wherein the payments made are treated as so much rent,
and which provides, in two instances, that the seller may, in lieu
of doing what he is supposed to agree to do, return to the pur-
REAL ESTATE SELI^-TAUGHT 63
chaser the money paid with 6% interest thereon, and gives notict
that the contract issued to the buyer is based on a prior contract
between the seller and another party, leaving the buyer to draw
the inference, if he is shrewd enough to do so, that if the pro-
visions of the prior contract are not carried out by the seller, the
contract with the purchaser will fail also. The purchaser rarely
takes the precaution to ascertain what the provisions of such
prior contract are. The profits on subdivisions, when carried on
in a legitimate way, are ample enough, and the small investor
should be assured that when he has paid for his lot he will receive
a marketable title and fair treatment.
Sec. 315. Form No. 156 is a Sales Report to be used by the
tract agent in making daily reports to the main office of sales
made by him. The tract agent turns in daily to the main office
one of these slips for each lot sold by him, together with the
amount of the deposit thereon received by him. By means of
these reports, the main office is kept advised as to lots sold, who
the purchasers are, and when they will call to receive and sign
contracts of sale.
Sec. 316. Payments on lot-contracts are made direct to a
bank or trust company, if sold by the latter. Where the lots are
sold by an individual, the lot-contracts are generally placed in a
bank, and the purchasers are notified to make payments at the
bank (as a matter of convenience) for the account of the seller.
Lot-contracts are issued in duplicate, and the purchaser, when he
makes a payment, brings his contract and has the payment en-
dorsed on the back thereof as per form No. 157. The contract
held by the bank is kept in an envelope like form No. 1 58.
Sec. 317. Restrictions as to the value of the building, and
the distance it is to be from the front line of the lot and from the
side line, and as to prohibiting the conveyance of the premises to
any but members of the white race (see Forms Nos. 5 and 87)
have been pretty generally adopted in respect to high-class subdi-
visions of late jrears. A good deal has been said pro and con as to
64 REAL ESTATE SEL^-TAUGHT
the value of building restrictions. It has been argued that these
restrictions are handed down indefinitely from seller to buyer and
impose needless hardship on one's liberty to do as he pleases. The
tendency at the present time is to so word restrictions that they
expire by limitation after a certain time, say five years. When
lots in a high-grade subdivision are first placed on the market,
restrictions are of value in assuring purchasers that the lots in the
tract will be improved in a corresponding and uniform manner.
Sec. 318. In placing a subdivision on the market, the at-
tractive features, such as desirability and easy access of location,
water piped to every lot, cement sidewalks and curbs, graded
streets, fountains, parks, and archways at the entrance of the
principal streets, should be carefully thought out and executed.
As soon as the tract has been surveyed, a plat of same should be
made, and the tract should then be well advertised, and induce-
ments, such as a discount, offered to early investors. An opening
day should then be announced, and free transportation offered, ob-
tainable at the town office of the tract. Interest in the tract
should be worked up in every possible way, and one or more
agents should be on the tract daily to show lots to intending pur-
chasers. A quarter-page, half-page or whole page of one or more
newspapers should be covered with a well-displayed advertisement
of the tract. Wealthy people have their homes in courts and
places where they are exclusive to some extent by reason of price
as well as by entrance gates and archways, and the entrance gato
and the archway are factors to be reckoned with in opening up
tracts for the so-called middle classes. While the advertising and
hurrah goes on, lots sell readily, as a rule, in new tracts, but the
sale lags when the interest fags.
Sec. 319. Lots are sometimes auctioned off with brass-band
and barbecue accompaniments. The following are extracts from
a recent announcement of an auction sale of this kind :
Grand Auction Sale of Business and^ Residence Lots and
acreage at the new townsite of BENEDICT on the new Santa
REAL ^TATE SELF-TAUGHT 65
Ana Electric Railroad, 30 minutes' ride from Los Angeles. Com-
mencing Saturday, March 17th, 1906; at 10 a. m., and continuing
on following Monday if lots not ail sold. Call at our offices for
particulars. Lots valued at $2,000 given away free.
We desire the ladies present. A large number of ladies always
attend our sales, and they are often the shrewdest buyers. Hun-
dreds of families are living in their own homes today, because
the good wife bought a lot at our sales. We are always glad to
see them> and pay especial attention to lady buyers.
We have arranged very easy terms, that will enable each and
every one so desiring to buy a lot and pay for it without missing
z dollar so expended. The terms will be only $25 down on each
lot, balaQce payable $10 per monikh. An unlimited certificate of
title will be furnished with each purchase free.
Remember, we make an auction sale of this Townsite in order
that a large number of investors may become interested with us
quickly. We expect to get value for this subdivision, because we
believe that our loss now will be your gain, and because we are
convinced that our present loss will be more than compensated by
the enhancement in value of the lots remaining unsold. After
having spent months in looking dVer Southern California and
studying its prospects for the future, we have every reason to
believe that there is not a foot of ground anywhere in Benedict
but will sell, in a short time, for five to ten times the auction
prices. We have the best and most healthful climate, and the
most productive soil in the world. These well-known facts are
yearly drawing thousands upon thousands of families from the
East ; and, after spending one year in our delightful climate,
very few there are who will be satisfied to endure again the rigors
of an eastern winter. Tell us where a man can find more to
please and benefit him than in the beautiful townsite, Benedict,
on the electric car line, thirty minutes' ride from Los Angeles.
Five lots worth $2,000 given away free during the sale. The
lots are given away simply as an advertisement to call the at-
66 REAI, ESTATE SEL^-TAUGHT
tention of the general public to our tract, as we know that the
distribution of these presents will attract the attention of many
persons who otherwise would not attend our sales; and if they
once see the desirability of our lots for residential purposes or
speculation, and the low prices for which they will be sold, the
public will undoubtedly purchase in our tract, instead of in some
less favored localities.
Remember, no one need buy, or even bid on, a lot to receive
the presents. They are given away Absolutely Free to those who
attend the sale as well as to those who do purchase.
How the lots are given away: Every man and woman who
attends these sales will receive a ticket free entitling them to par-
ticipate in the Grand Distribution, providing they are at the sales
before 1 130 p. m. Coupons will be taken up at 1 130 p. m. each
day, and lots will be given away at different times until the sale
is over, which will be about 4 p. m. Don't fail to come. The lots
are free. No lottery. No charge.
COMPLIMENTARY: This ticket No. 15935
Entitles the bearer (if at the sale) to participate in the GRAND
DISTRIBUTION of $2,000 WORTH OF LOTS to be given
away FREE at the GRAND AUCTION SALE OF LOTS AND
ACREAGE at town of BENEDICT on Santa Ana Electric Line,
Saturday, March 17, 1906, at 10 a. m., or at any postponement
thereof. (Good for anyone over 18 years of age, whether he
purchases or not.)
(Coupon)— No. 15935
Tear off this coupon and give to collector on tract. KEEP
LARGE PART until drawing is over.
REAL ESTATE SELI^-TAUGHT 67
LESSON XL
O^ BUILDING AND WRECKING
Section 320. In this connection, study Sections 124 and 125
of Text Book, pages 115 to 132.
Sec. 321. The real estate broker should make the erection of
buildings a study, so as to familiarize himself with the technical
terms employed among builders, and for the purpose of learning
how to build economically and attractively. A broker who does
not object to frequent removals can erect a home according to
the latest and more pleasing designs, paying particular attention
to the decorations on the front exterior and in the interior, and
after he has tastefully furnished the house and occupied it for a
time, offer it for sale. He can sometimes effect the sale of his own
house by first offering a customer an inferior house at about the
same price, and remarking incidentally that he might sell his own
place.
Sec. 322. A broker can sometimes organize a building tri-
umvirate consisting of a banker, a lumber dealer and the broker,
and these three can operate together to very good advantage,
either as partners or through a corporation created for the pur-
pose. The banker supplies the money, the lumber dealer the
building materials, and the broker attends to the erection and sale
of the houses.
Sec. 323. An energetic and resourceful broker can always
find avenues of profit in which to direct his talents.
Sec. 324. Where a city undergoes a great change in the way
of structural improvement within a short time, or where fire,
earthquake or tornado leave structures in a dilapidated condition,
the removal or razing of old buildings to make room for new ones
becomes a business of itself — ^the business of wrecking, and is
carried on by men or corporations known as "wreckers." Stately
68 RKAL ESTATE SEL^-TAUOHT
piles that were once pointed to with pride by the early inhabit-
ants are razed to the ground without exciting more than a passing
comment from the bustling humanity of our later days. There is
method in the seeming madness of the wrecker, and the wrecking
of buildings has grown of itself into an important industry. The
process of demolition is not, however, a simple one by any means.
Every brick and stone must be preserved ; every board or piece of
timber must be carefully laid a^ide; every iron brace, and iron and
lead piping, the tin from the roof and the window glass must be
saved« These all have a value and many new buildings are partly
constructed out of the material saved by the wrecker. In the
event the wrecker is also in the building or lumber business, as is
often the p{i$e, he can himself utilize the dismantled material to
good advantage. When the wrecker is asked to make a bid for
the demolition of ii building, he first goe3 carefully over the entire
strycture for the purpose of ascertaining how much of the ma-
terial may be 3aved and used again ; he makes notes as to the
construction of the building and estimates as to the quantity of
lumber, brick, stone, sash, doors, iron and lead piping, windows and
window glass and of everything be calls "salvage." From these
pptes and estimates ];e figures out what the cost of razing the
building will be, and in nine ea^es out of ten, be makes the owner
an offer for the building outright, as it stands. In any building
that is d^noli^hed, there is considerable waste, and only an expert
can tell what will be realized from the salvstge. The man in charge
of the job has prices on all of the salvage material and he sells as
much of it as possible on the ground. The portion not sold is re-
moved to the wrecker's yards. In most cases the destruction com-
mences at the rpof and proceed^ downward, for the purpose of
saving material; but where the material is of little value, the
foqndation$ are jerked out and the structure allowed to collapse.
RISAL ^TATE SELF-TAUGHT 69
LESSON XII.
OF SP^CUI^TING AND SYNDICATING.
In this connection, study first "How and Where to Buy," Sees.
35 to 60, inclusive, pages 15 to 30, inclusive, of Text Book. Also
"Booms and Panics," Sees. 158 to 163, inclusive, pages 202 to 208
of Text Book. Persons wha desire to pursue the subject of City
investments further than explained in this course, should procure
a copy of "Principles of City Land Values," by Richard M. Hurd.
Sec. 324. The laws of speculation are not well understood;
in fact, they may be considered as not well established.
Sec. 325. There is a wide and essential difference between
merchandising and speculation, although these two things are apt
to be confounded togethei* in theory and practice. A merchant
or storekeeper has customers u^n whom be must always be ready
to attend, and he depends upon small but regular gains. A specu-
lator has no customers and he relies on sudden and eccentric en-
richment.
Sec. 326. To the successful speculator, three things are es-*
sential — time, capital and cemrage, and these three are of little
value without a fourth, and that is judgment. As shown in Section
36, page 15, of Text Book, judgment is that faculty of the mind
which, more than any other, distinguishes one man from another.
The successive mental states through which the mind passes in ar-
riving at judgment are set forth in the following section.
Sec. 327. (a) Judging involves materials for judgment
ready to hand, and a process of reflecting on these, in order to see
to what result they point. The materials are supplied by personal
experience or by the words or testimony of others. Judgfnetit
rests largely on one's own experience and cannot be accurately
exercised until the mind has long been storing up materials for it
by unbiased observation and reflection.
^0 R^AL ESTATE SEXF-TAUGHT
(&) To come to a sound decision on a matter of any diffi-
culty, such as the prospective value of a parcel of real estate,
implies that the mind rejects what is irrelevant, steadily keeps
in view all the relevant facts, and weighs well the bearing of
each fact on the case.
(c) Judgment, to be perfect, must be clear and accurate, and
be exercised with reasonable promptness. Judgments formed
under the influence of strong emotion are in general characterized
by vagueness and exaggeration. One must not passively adopt
the views of others without seeking to make them his own by per-
sonal observation and reflection.
((/) An accurate judgment is one which corresponds pre-
cisely to the realities presented and which faithfully expresses the
relation of things.
{e) A certain degree of promptness in decision is a condition
of a good faculty of judging. A mind drawn hither and thither
by conflicting tendencies, and unable to master these, is weak in
judgment. (Sully.)
(^) It will be observed that men of good judgment usually
decide promptly after coming into possession of all the facts.
i^g) A man's judgment concerning real estate may be ex-
cellent and yet be suspended or be not exercised, for any one of
these reasons:
( 1 ) Because of being completely occupied with other matters ;
(2) Because of unpreparedness ; i. e., the lack, at the time,
of funds with which to take advantage of the opportunity ;
(3) Because of prejudice; that is, an unwarranted dislike to
a certain locality.
Sec. 328. All speculation has reference to a future and the
question of time is always involved. Results are hardly ever
immediate; time is required in which to bring about changed
conditions. A speculator must have some capital, or at least a
small portion of capital and a large portion of credit, or the co-
t^ration of those who have both capital and credit. The specu-
R^AL ESTATE SEL^-TAUGHT 71
lator must have nerve and confidence ; he must not keep the nickel
so close to his eye that he cannot see the dollar beyond.
Sec. 329. A merchant must be active; a speculator must be
patient. Ordinarily, a speculator can only be watchful and bide
his time, as the changes which are about to occur and from which
he anticiaptes good fortune may be entirely beyond his control,
and may be happening thousands of miles distant. In real estate
speculation, however, these changes are confined to a circum-
scribed area and their speed may be accelerated by "booming"
and advertising on the part of the speculator. There is a proper
time to buy and a proper time to sell, and decisive action must be
taken before the turn of the tide.
Sec. 330. In speculating in a commodity, such as wheat or
cotton, the speculator studies statistics, and takes note of great
political and commercial changes. After he has ascertained the
average price for a number of years on a particular commodity,
exclusive of extreme cases, he buys when the price has fallen below
that average.
Sec. 331. Speculation is an exception in business, arising out
of derangements of trade, or out of the impossibility, or seeming
impossibility, of adjusting the supply to the demand. Speculation
has a tendency to readjust trade, as, when prices are low, ever>'
purchase that is made has a tendency to raise the price. Trade
is steady and uniform and can be carried on at all times ; specu-
lation can be conducted only occasionally and when opportunity
offers. Trade is certain ; speculation unstable.
Sec. 332. Let it be understood that speculation may be di-
rected to any property or article which is, or is likely to be,
plentiful or scarce, or may be directed to a variety of properties or
articles, so that the speculator may have under way at one time
the beginning of one speculation by purchase and the ending of
another speculation by sale, and the irregularity which is one of
the characteristics of speculation can in this way be turned into
regularity. As considerable time is required to mature any one
72 REAI, INSTATE SELlf-TAUGHT
Speculation, the wise speculator does not invest all of his disposable
means in any one venture, but in several ventures, at various
times, so that they are in diflferent stages,^ some commencing,
others terminating. He thus reduces speculation to the nature of
a regular trade and makes it more uniform and safe. In real
estate speculation, this uniformity is in a measure secured by tak-
ing options, but these are only of value when there is great
activity and they must be taken before prices rise too high.
Sec. 333. To buy when prices are low, and to sell when prices
are high, is most consistent with reason ; but the temptation is to
speculate in high prices with the expectation of their rising still
higher. While there is often large gains in speculating at high
prices, there is also g^eat risk, and the property or article must
be disposed of speedily. The last purchaser will be unable to sell
or must sell at a loss.
Sec. 334. The speculator has little to fear from competition,
for "he who has the folly of mankind for an inheritance has a
plentiful estate." The great object of speculation is to substitute
sagacity for toil and foresight for stupidity, and there are only
a few men who are fitted by nature and training for the role of
the speculator.
Sec. 335. (Part of the foregoing is adapted from a paper by
a merchant of Boston, quoted in Freedley's Treatise on Business.)
Sec. 336. The word speculation, as generally used, means
the investing of money at the risk of loss, on a chance of unusual
gain, and is characterized by a strenuous endeavor to penetrate
the riddle of chance and to discover some clew by which to read
the future. An absolute distinction cannot be made between
speculation and gambling, although the latter has only the evils
and none of the virtues of speculation. Gambling throws patient
industry to the winds, fascinates those who engage in it by an
unending series of shallow uncertainties and thoughtless surprises
fit to tickle the feeble wits of savages and degenerate types of the
human family.
Sec. 337. The speculator rarely realizes the full extent of his
anticipations. The future is uncertain, and his beliefs in regard
to what it holds in store for him are likely to be formed according
to his most favorable desires. The most brilliant good fortune
which may result from the operations of a speculator generally
fall below his anticipations, when the operations are reduced to
figures. It appears that the imagination gets, as it were, diseased
by feeding on the contemplation of very rapid gains; and that
whatever may be the reality of a hypothetical gain, the mind gets
bewildered and fails to estimate, as an element of loss, the sur-
rounding husks in which the fruit is enclosed. (Jones' Economic
Crises, and Cramp's Theory of Stock Exchange Speculation.)
Sec. 338. The four chief causes contributing to the present
prevailing mania for riches are set down by Prof. Taussig as the
following: Love of comfort, desire for distinction, the impulse
to continue in active life, and the passion for power.
Sec. 339. Some one may inquire : "What is value, and how
am I to get acquainted with 'good values?' " Value is the desir-
ability, worth or utility of anything. The president of a bank,
wTien asked by a young clerk how to distinguish bad bills from
good ones, said: "Get acquainted with good bills and you will
recognize the bad ones at sight." And so the investor, in buying,
should study what elements constitute good values and he will
instinctively avoid bad values. A person who is termed a shrewd
buyer is one who really knows values — whose buying instinct or
ability has been developed by a careful study of the real estate
market.
Sec. 340. There is no better investment than real property
in growing cities. The arguments in favor of business propert>
as an investment are well set fo!rth in a booklet issued by the
Trustee Company of Los Angeles, as follows: The best invest-
ment should possess the following elements, viz :
1. It should be safe.
2. It should have a satisfactory earning power.
74 RfiAL ESTATE SEI^-TAUGHT
3. It should have an increasing value.
4. It should not be subject to depreciation in earning power.
5. It should be easily convertible into cash.
6. It should be free from care and expense.
Every investment should be tested in the light of the above
elements, to determine whether or not it is the best. No invest-
ment possesses so many of these elements as business property,
because :
1. In a growing city, investments in centrally located business
property are absolutely safe.
2. The earning power is larger than in any other safe in-
vestment.
3. There is a very large increasing value in business property.
4. Well located business property, properly improved, in a
live city, is not subject to depreciation. Any depreciation of per-
manent buildings is small, and is more than balanced by the large
appreciation of the ground value. In such investmetns the earn-
ing power increases yearly.
5. In large cities there is a standard of values in the business
section, which enables an owner to convert business property into
cash at its reasonable market value. However, it requires a con-
siderable length of time to find a purchaser, on account of the
magnitude of such transactions and the large amount of capital
required to handle them.
6. Business property is subject to the usual care, trouble and
expense incident to the management of all real property, in deal-
ing with tenants, paying taxes, providing insurance, making
repairs, etc.
Sec. 341. To enable an investor, whether his capital be large
or small, to invest in business property, a new method has been
devised whereby a corporation purchases a piece of business prop-
erty, improves it, leases it, and divides the cost of the ground and
building into a definite number of units, which are represented
by an equal number of certified investment bonds. These bonds
REAI, ESTATE SELlP-TAUGHT 75
are secured by a deed of trust on the property, and the owners
of the bonds receive interest on their investment at the rate of
say 5 per cent per annum, payable quarterly or semi-annually, and
also two-thirds of the surplus net earnings, the remaining one-
third of the net surplus being retained by the company as compen-
sation for its services in caring for the property. These invest-
ment bonds are not subject to taxation, and can be registered,
transferred at will, and used as collateral security. The company
assumes all care and trouble incident to the management of the
property.
Sec. 342. Syndicating properties, as the phrase is commonly
understood with reference to real estate deals, is done by agents
obtaining options for a certain length of time on certain proper-
ties and then unloading such properties at a higher figure, before
the options expire, on to an aggregation of individuals called a
syndicate. Agents work the syndicate proposition in this way:
Having secured options from some of their friends, probably
without consideration, on property in a district in which great
improvements in the building line are to be made by somebody
in the near future, they go to others of their acquaintance who are
inclined to speculate in real estate, and state that they are forming
a syndicate to take over the properties at a certain figure (gener-
ally at a price that will allow the agent a handsome commission)
and descant on the profits that can be made when the proposed
improvements materialize. This might be very well if the agents
would make and maintain the same price to all of the members of
the proposed sjrndicate; but unfortunately, like a stock proposi-
tion, there are ground-floor, basement and sub-basement prices,
and the man who has the hardest head and the most money gets
the sub-basement price, and the fellow with the least money gets
the ground-floor price, and he is told that he is getting a good
run (but not to the sub-basement) for his money. Eventually, the
man who doesn't get the "square deal" finds it out, and he has less
faith than ever in human nature and none at all in syndicates.
76 REM, ESTATE SEI^^^AUOHX
Sec. 343. Usually, there arc half a dozen or more persons in
the syndicate, and it is not feasible to take the title to the syndi-
cate properties in the names of all of them ; neither is it advisable
to have the properties conveyed to a third person in trust for the
members of the syndicate ; the best plan is to have the properties
conveyed at once to a trust corporation, authorized to execute
trusts of the kind, by a deed to be executed by the owners, and
which will show that the properties are conveyed in trust to the
trust company for the syndicate, naming them. The trust company
then issues a written instrument, over its name and seal, to each of
the members of the syndicate, setting forth the terms on which
the trust is held. Generally, the syndicate members agree upon
the minimum price at which they will sell, and this is inserted in
the last-named instrument. If an individual held the properties
as trustee, and should die or become incapacitated, or if one of
the members of the syndicate should die, the properties might
become so tied up that they could not be handled to advantage
within the time in which it was desired to dispose of them. Every
member of a syndicate should insist that these matters be all
worked out correctly from a legal standpoint and that the papers
are ready for execution before he puts up his money. Some sug-
gestions in this regard may be found in Form No. 155, wherein
provision is made for a syndicate to take over options and place
a tract on the market. The executive committee therein provided
for places a check on the dictatorial and sometimes unprofitable
management of the undertaking by one individual.
Sec. 344. Oftentimes another syndicate is formed to purchase
the properties of the first syndicate at a considerable advance.
Where fancy profits are thus made by one set of men at the ex-
pense of another, there is great danger that propertied will be
forced to a price far beyond their real value, and the last pur*
chasers will have to charge a part of the purchase price to un-
warranted enthusiasm, and simply wait until the march of events
lestores the properties to their true value. Whenever any property
R]£AL ESTATE SEL]?-TAUGHT 'JJ
has reached a price where, if improved, it will not return the owner
a fair rate of interest on the amount invested, it has an inflated
value.
Sec. 345. Syndicates operating in large cities and offering to
the public investment certificates or bonds based on land and
buil4iag6 owned or coHtrolLe4 by such syndicates, are in reality
borrowing money from the public for the carrying on of their
business, the control and man^ement of the business being en-
tirely in the hands of tlje syndicate.
78 REAL ESTATE SEL^-TAUGHT
LESSON XIII.
O^ LOANS, MORTGAGES AND TAXES.
Section 346. Study, first. Section 93 to 108, inclusive, and ac-
companying forms, pages 75 to 95, inclusive, of Text Book ; also
Section 123, pages 102 to 105, inclusive.
Sec. 347. Loans are of two kinds, fiat and installment. A
flat loan is made for a certain term with the entire principal re-
payable in one sum. Installment loans are payable at a certain
sum per month or quarter, both principal and interest, for a cer-
tain time which will discharge both principal and interest. In-
stallment loans are an accommodation to borrowers with limited
but regular salaries, and to whom the accumulation of a large sum
to pay a fiat loan at maturity would be out of the question. In-
terest on installment payments may be figured in several ways,
and the two following examples illustrate the yearly, and the
monthly, method.
(a) Yearly Method. A house and lot are sold for say $4,500,
with a cash payment of $450. ( 10% ), the remainder of $4,050 to
be paid at the rate of $45 per month, aggregating $540 per an-
num. The interest on $4,050 at 6% amounts to $243 per year,
and this, deducted from the payment of $540, leaves $297 to be
applied on the principal, which is thereby reduced to $3,753, and
this amount constitutes the principal on which interest is figured
for the second year, and so on.
(6) Monthly Method. House and lot are sold for $4,500, as
above, with a cash payment of $450, leaving a balance of $4,050.
Monthly payments, $45 each; interest at 6% for one month on
$4,050 amounts to $20.25 ; this latter deducted from the monthly
payment, leaves $24.75 ^o be applied to reducing the principal,
leaving $4,025.25 as the principal for the next month ; interest on
same for one month at 6% equals $20.13; this latter, deducted
R^AI, ^TATE SELF-TAUGHT 79
from $45, leaves $24.87 to be applied to reduction of principal,
and so on. The latter plan is more in favor of the purchaser than
the yearly method, as, by the monthly method, he receives full
benefit of interest upon his monthly installments as paid, and,
where the installments cover a number of years, the saving in in-
terest by the monthly-credit method is considerable. Persons or
corporations doing an extensive installment business should be
provided with tables of compound interest and annuities, and in
some instances it is necessary to resort to the use of logarithms,
in order to work a ready solution of problems relating to the num-
ber of equal monthly installments necessary to liquidate a given
principal, with interest credited at stated intervals, and excess
interest applied to reduction of principal, as above set forth.
Sec. 348. Where the rebate agreement is given in connection
with a flat loan, as explained in Section 123, the borrower pays
the interest at the net rate ; thus, if the rate in the note calls for 9
per cent, and rebate agreement is given for 3 per cent, the bor-
rower calculates and pays his interest at 6 per cent, and pays the
taxes on the equity of both mortgagor and mortgagee. The laws
of California are peculiar in this regard.
Sec. 349. In every community there are people who have
mortgages soon to mature, or who wish to negotiate loans for
erecting buildings and other purposes, and they naturally go to the
real estate broker to assist them in obtaining money. The man
who wants a loan generally is in urgent need of it, and no great
effort is required in order to do business with him. Brokers who
make a business of obtaining loans extensively have printed ap-
plication blanks similar to Form No. 27, and all savings banks
and building and loan associations have such blanks. These
blanks place the matter of the loan before the lender in shape to
enable him to act upon it intelligently. In Sections 96 and 97
of the Text Book the procedure in obtaining a loan from a savings
bank or building and loan association is outlined, and the real
estate broker should follow a similar course in obtaining a loan
8o REAL ESTATE SPLF-TAUG»T
from a private individual, and he should particularly protect the
lender in the matter of seeing that all of the papers (mortgage,
promissory note, or trust deed and promissory note, and abstract
of title or certificate of title) are in proper legal form and suffi-
cient in every respect.
Sec. 350. The best plan in every instance, even in the case of
individuals, is for the broker to have the money passed through
an escrow, either with a title company or with a bank. The lender
deposits his money with the escrow-holder, with instructions that
it be paid over to the borrower after the mortgage has been exe-
cuted and filed for record, and after the certificate has been brought
down, showing the title to the premises vested in the borrower,
free and clear of incumbrances, except the mortgage and possibly
taxes assessed but not paid. The lender and the broker, or the
broker in behalf of the lender, examine the papers and see that
everything is in proper shape before the money is paid to the
borrower.
Sec. 351. The loans made by savings banks and building and
loan associations are, as a rule, first liens on the premises, and
the broker should have it distinctly understood by all the parties,
in the case of individuals, that the loan is to be a first lien, unless,
as sometimes happens, a second mortgage is what is to be given.
Where a party accepts a second mortgage, he generally intends
to hold it, as there is difficulty in negotiating it.
Sec. 352. When an application for a loan is presented, the
broker should examine the property, unless he is already faipiliar
with it, and pass judgment upon it. If there is anything con-
nected with the transaction that, in the opinion of the broker, would
cause the application for a loan to be rejected, the broker will do
well to dismiss the matter entirely, as if he presented such an
application to the lender, particularly if it be a bank, the lender may
form an unfavorable opinion of his business ability and it will be
more difficult for him to obtain other loans which are desirable.
The broker should ascertain from an applicant for a loan whether
ma^ B$tAn wuMTAUGst 8i
or aot such applicant has already applied to a bank or elsewhere
for the loan ; as otherwise, the broker may be wasting energy in
going over the same groond. The broker's commission for ob-
taining a loan is usually i per cent of the amount of the loan, pay-
able at the time the loan is granted.
Sec. 353- If the broker wishes to ascertain who has money,
be should advertise in the ^'Want'' columns of the newspapers, and
he can do so at first from a box number, as some people who have
money will not answer advertisements by brokers new to the
business. After the broker has become well established and has
built up a reputation for clear-cut and reliable business methods,
he can advertise directly from his office with good effect.
Sec. 354. Oftentimes a broker can facilitate a sale by securing
a loan on either real property or personal property for one or the
other of the parties to the deal.
Sec. 355. Loans on personal property are secured by chattel
mortgages (form No. 141). The property remains in the pos-
session of the mortgagor. In some cases, where the personal
property, such as jewelry, typewriters, etc., are loaned on, the
property is given into the possession of the lender, and an agree-
ment of conditional sale is used (Form No. 92). Any personal
property which is capable of being sold or assigned, may be mort-
gaged, even if such property has only a prospective existence, such
as a growing crop. The foregoing is the general rule, but in Cali-
fornia the personal property which can be mortgaged is enumer-
ated in Section 2955 of the Civil Code.
Sec. 356. A mortgage of a vessel flying the United States
flag must be recorded in the office of the Collector of Customs
where such vessel is registered or enrolled.
Sec. 357. See (6) page 80 of Text Book, as to execution of
personal property mortgages in California.
Sec. 358. A mortgagee of personal property, when the debt
to secure which the mortgage was executed becomes due, may fore-
82 UZAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT.
close the mortgagor's right of redemption by a sale of the property
in the manner and upon giving the notice required by law.
Sec. 359. Personal property which is mortgaged may be at-
tached, in California, at a suit of the creditor of the mortgagor,
but before taking the property the officer must tender to the mort-
gagee the amount of the mortgage debt and interest, or must de-
posit the amount thereof with the County Clerk or Treasurer, pay-
able to the order of the mortgagee.
REAI« ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT.
LESSON XIV.
O? LEARNING HQW TO SAVE.
Study Sections 22 to 34, inclusive, of Text Book, pages 11 to
14, inclusive.
84 WAL eSTAM SBUMTAUeaT.
LESSON XV.
OF INCORPORATING AND PROMOTING.
Sec. 360. A corporation is an artificial person created by
a number of natural persons complying with the laws of some
State or Territory in respect to incorporation. A corporation
organized by persons residing in California to do business in
that State is called a "domestic" corporation, and a corporation
organized under the laws of some other State, such as New
Jersey, to do business in California, is called a "foreign" cor-
poration. The laws of the several States differ with regard to
incorporating, and the laws most favorable to corporations are
those of New Jersey, Delaware, West Virginia, South Dakota,
Arizona and Nevada.
Bee. 361. In a partnership, each partner Is liable for the
entire debts of the firm, and each partner may contract debts
in the name of the firm, and the death, incapacity or withdrawal
of a partner terminates the partnership. By incorporating, the
following advantages over partnership are secured: The lia-
bility of a stockholder is limited. In California, for instance,
each stockholder in a domestic incorporation is liable for such
portion of the debts and liabilities of the corporation contracted
or incurred during the time he was a stockholder as the amount
of his stock or shares bears to the whole of the subscribed capital
stock of the corporation, and the liability of the stockholder in
a foreign corporation, doing business in California, is the same
as that of a stockholder of a domestic corporation. By incor-
porating, continuity of existence is secured. Each of the stock-
holders of the corporation may sell his shares to other persons,
who will be substituted in the places of the original stockholders,
and the life of the corporation will not be affected. The property,
RKAI. l^tAtE SELF-TAUGHT 85
assets, good will and prestige of the business belong to the cor-
poration, and not to its component parts, the stockholders. A
corp€H^ti<m is conducted, managed and controlled by a Board of
Dirccjorsj and the combined wisdom and counsel of three or more
pcrscms are thus secured. By incorporating, greater undertakings
may be exploited, as the capital therefor may be more easily
obtained by me^ans of sale of stodc and bonds. Furthermore, the
interests of the sevoraJ stockholders are evidenced by certificates
(A stock, which oan foe passed from hand to hand by endorse-
ment and delivery and be used as collateral security in borrowing
money.
Sec. 362. In creating a corporation, the incorporators execute
and Me an instrument called "Articles of Incorporation," or
"Artides of Association." These articles provide for the name
of the c<H^[)oraftion, the purposes for which it is created, how
long k is to continue, the principal place of business, the names
and residences of the Directors chosen for the first year, the
amount of the capital stodc, the par value and number of riiares
into which it is divided, and the amount actually subscribed, and
by whom. Blank printed forms of Articles of Association
may be obt^ned from leading stationers, but the purposes for
which the Association is created will ordinarily have to be drafted
by tfie incorporators themselves, or their attorney. The follow-
ing is a suitable form for the purposes of a real e^ate company,
and, with some slight variations, will answer as well for a hotel
company, a land and improvement company, or an investment
company, namely:
(i) To buy, purchase, lease, exchange or otherwise acquire
real or personal property, and to own, hold, sell, lease, rent,
encumber by mortgage or deed of trust, or otherwise deal in,
utilize or dispose of real and personal property, and rights and
interests in any such property; also to acquire, improve, con-
struct, build, own, operate and maintain, lease and sell dwelling
houses, apartment houses, business blocks, store rooms and other
86 REM. ESTATE SEI.F-TAUGHT
Structures and improvements; also to maintain and conduct a
general real estate agency and brokerage business, and to act as
agent, broker or attorney-in-fact for any person or corporation,
and to do any and all things incidental or auxiliary thereto, and
to the same extent that a natural person might or could do in
and about said business.
(2) To subscribe for, purchase or otherwise acquire, and
to own, hold, sell, hypothecate and dispose of shares of the
capital stock or bonds or other securities or obligations of any
person or corporation, and, while such owner, to exercise all the
rights and powers incidental thereto, including the right to vote
thereon.
(3) To do all and every thing necessary, suitable or proper
for the accomplishment of the foregoing purposes or which the
Board of Directors of the corporation may, from time to time,
deem to be conducive or expedient for the protection or benefit
of the corporation.
Sec. 363. The bonded indebtedness which a corporation can
create must not exceed its capital stock, and such indebtedness
is secured by deed of trust, executed to the corporation, called the
"Trustor," in favor of a trust company, called the "Trustee,"
and thereby certain property, in said deed described, and also all
property thereafter acquired by the trustor corporation, arc cr^n-
veyed in trust for the pro rata benefit or security of each and
every person 01 corporation that then or thereafter may become
the owner or holder of the bonds secured by the deed of trust.
The bonds are issued in various denominations, those of $500
and $1,000 each being the most popular, and run for terms
ranging from ten years to thirty years. Form No. 138 is an
excellent model of a five per cent., sinking fund, 20-year gold
bond. The interest is evidenced by coupons attached to the
bonds, and, in case of the bond just mentioned, there are forty
such coupons, each for $25.00, payable semi-annually for twenty
years, amounting in all to $1,000. Bonds which are to be listed
REAL ESTATE SEL^-TAUGHT 87
on New York Stock Exchange must be steel engraved, and the
cost of engraving on steel and issuing one thousand bonds will
average $1.25 per bond. Lithographed bonds cost much less.
In issuing bonds, all of the prerequisite steps and proceedings,
acts and things essential to the proper, due and legal authoriza-
tion of the bonds and deed of trust, must be taken by the proper
bodies, officers and persons in due and proper form, time and
manner.
Sec. 364. A deed of trust must provide for the various con-
tingencies that may arise while the trust continues, and is of
necessity a lengthy instrument. It is customary to print the
deed of trust, and sometimes a printed copy is executed and
recorded. Where personal property is also conveyed by a deed
of trust, the instrument has to be recorded in three books — ^in
the Book of Deeds of Trust, Book of Mortgages, and Book of
Chattel Mortgages — ^in each county where the property is sit-
uated. Printed cc^ies of the deed of trust and sample bonds
are furnished to brokers and bond buyers. The initial expenses
for attome/s fees, lithographing or engraving of bonds, premium
on policies of title insurance, printing and recording of deed of
trust, etc., are considerable. The bonds become of value only
after they have been certified by the Trustee.
Sec. 365. A sinking fund is created in this way : The 3eed
of trust contains a provision whereby the Trustor, or corporation
issuing the bonds, agrees to pay the Trustee, say five years after
the date of the deed, a sum which will be equivalent to five per
cent., par value, of the amount of the bonds then certified and
outstanding. In lieu of cash, payment for the sinking fund may
be made to the Trustee by the Trustor delivering its own bonds,
or such other securities as may be approved by Trustee, at their
face value. The sinking fund is specially applied to the redemp-
tion of the bonds secured by the deed of trust, on or before their
maturity. In case payment is made in cash, the Trustee must
advertise, inviting for bids for the sale to it of a sufficient amount of
88 REAI< KSTAtlS SELF-TAUGHT
the bonds as shall be necessary to the investment of the sinking
fund money then in its hands, at a price not higher than a four
per cent, basis. If no offers arc received, the Trustee may buy
the bonds in the open market on tibe same basis ; but if no bonds
can be oljtained, then the sinldng fund payment mtitt be invested
by the Tmste in securities satisfactory to the Board of Directors
of the Trustor, and all income from such securities mttst also be
reinvested as a part of the sinking fund, and such sinking fund
must be applied to the porcbase of boftds whenever tkey may be
obtained at not cxceedsnf a four per ceftt. basis. As purdiased,
the bonds and ooopoas are cancelled hf the Trustee.
Sec. 366. A prospector is an individual of solitary tendencies
who roams the hills in search of hidden treasure. When he finds
^ood indications of the metal he is seeking, he stakes out one or
more mining claims; and digs holes at several points to discover
the width and extent of the ore. This is a prospect ; some people
call it a mine; but large sums of money must be expended in
development work and for machinery before a prospect becomes
a remunerative mine.
Sec. 367. A promotor has a sanguine temperament, a firilliant
imagination, a copious flow of language, and no money. He is
generally of a portly build, an epicure as to tastes, correct as to
attire, and can behold sky-scrapers where others can see only
three-story blocks. The rough-and-ready prospector desires to
have his prospect developed, and the promotor is always in touch
with cJ4)ital — ^at least he says he is — ^and so the prospector and
the promotcHT come to a ready tmderstanding. Wise legislators,
knowing the inherent human weakness to overstate things, have
passed laws, in some of the States, making it a felony for any
director, officer or agent of a corporation to knowingly concur
in making, publishing or posting any written report, exhibit or
statement, prospectus or account of the operations, values, busi-
ness, profits, expenditures or prospects c<xitaining any material
statement which is false or which has a tendency to produce or
RtAl4 BSTA«; SBW-TAUGHT 89
give to the ^0€k of shares of the corporation a greater cm: a less
apparent or market value than they really possess.
Sec. 368. Nearly every mining corporation created has an
authorized capital stock of at ka&t $iyooo,ooo, divided into one
million shares of the par v^alue of $i each, so that the parlies
who purchase tiie stodc will think they are receiving a good many
shares for their tnoncy. The prospector geaerally receives oiie-
fourth of the shares, in oonsid^ation of his tnuisferring his
proBpect or •Sninc** to the Company; the promoter receives one-
half of the shares for his services, and the remaining one^fcmrth
are not issued, and are called "Treasury stock." As the promotor
has no money, he gets a few of his friends, Who have some money,
to advance enough to pay incorporation fees, in consideration
whereof they are made directors and are given some of the pro-
moter's stock. The treasury stock is then oflFered to the public
in one of two ways — for cash, or on installments, as per Forms
Nos. 139 and 140. Two hundred and fifty tiiousand shares at
five cents per share amounts to $12,500; whereas, to convert the
right kind of a prospect into a paying mine requires sums ranging
from $25,000 to $100,000. As a mining expert has said : "It is
necessary for one to investigate closely the reliability and com-
petency of the men behind the enterprise when stock is offered
for sale, and where and how the stock is distributed, for what
consideration issued, how the value is determined, and how much
will be required to *make it pay.' In other words, if it's a
$100,000 enterprise, and stock is selling for two cents a share,
and provision is made for only $8,000, you might as well throw
your money away as to invest in such an enterprise. Under the
best of management, all losses cannot be eliminated, for mining
is a business requiring the highest degree of technical skill,
including a thorough knowledge of metallurgy, chemistry, me-
chanics, civil engineering, assaying, and executive ability and
integrity/'
90 KgAL esTATE SELF-TAUGHT
Sec. 369. The prcmoting of corporations designed to render
service to the public, such as telephone, gas, water and electric
light ccMnpanies, is profitable and may sometimes be financed
without the investment of much actual money. Such a company
issues bonds, and in order to enlist the co-operation of bankers,
offers them the bonds at a discount, and gives gratis to the banker
a certain nund>er of shares of stock with each bond he purchases.
Sometimes the banker does not buy the bonds outright at first,
but loans money on them as collateral security, and the company
is iims enabled to install its plant. After the company has begun
to pay dividends, there is a demand for the stock, and the banker
can sell his at so much clear profit. The bonds also advance in
value until they reach par or above. Such a corporation, after
having obtained valuable franchises from some dty or county
and installed an expensive plant, holds a virtual monopoly of the
particular service it is rendering, as none but a formidable com-
petitor can enter the field against it
REAL ESTATE SEI^-TAUOHT. 9I
LESSON XVI.
O^ BOOKKEEPING FOR THE REAI< ESTATE OFFICE.
Sec. 370. Bookkeeping in a small business is ordinarily not
well conducted, for two reasons: First, the proprietor does not
understand the principles of double-entry sufficiently well to put
them into practice ; and second, his time is so much occupied with
other matters that he cannot give the requisite attention to keep-
ing accounts as they should be kept. In a small real estate
business personal accounts are kept as a rule by single entry; a
ledger title, such as John Smith, being credited with the rents
collected and debited with water rates, commissions, etc., and
with the remainder when paid in cash, thus balancing the account
to a certain date.
Sec. 371. It is assumed that the student has some knowledge
of the elementary principles of bookkeeping and knows that assets
are things belonging to a person or corporation, and that liabili-
ties are debts owing to others by such person or corporation.
Sec. 372. The moneys expended in carrying on a business
are laid out for two purposes : First, to acquire additional prop-
erty, which, in the judgment of the proprietor, is necessary to
the success of the business, and such expenditures on the books
of account are termed ''Investment Accounts;" and second, to
procure things of no permanent value, such as office rent, clerk
hire, etc., and such expenditures on said books are termed "Ex-
pense Accounts." Thus, the owner of the "Dennison Block"
would have on his books, if properly kept, two or three accounts
relating to that parcel of property, viz.: (i) "Dennison Block,"
a debit account, representing the first cost of the ground and
building, and subsequent additions thereto. In entering this item
in the ledger, a value should be placed on the land and a value
9^ RKA1« S6YATE SESJP'TAVGnr
on the building, and so entered in the ledger, the two amounts
constituting the total cost.
(2) "Dennison Block Expense," a debit account, represent-
ing use and services, such as coat of elevator service, water rent,
light, heat and supervision.
(3) "Dennison Block Earnings," a credit account, repre-
senting rentals recciTed and other earnings, sudi as money com-
ing in for steam ftwuiihed to an adjoinhig building, etc. These
last two accounts could be included in one account, to be known
as "Dennison Blodc Earnings and Expenses.**
Sec. 373. In order tfiat the expenditures may be properly
segregated, it is necessary to consider the nature of these two
accounts :
(i) Improvements or betterments arc those additions to
property which permanently increase its value or earning capac-
ity; while
(2) Repairs serve merely to maintain property in a certain
state of preservation or prevent it from falling into decay. The
cost of adding to a building a room which will increase the
rentals, would be an investment ; but the changing of the construc-
tion of a room, without any increase in earning capacity, would
be an expense. In 1)oth cases, the total cost would be composed
of minor itenit of labor and materials. In most work« on book-
keeping the dittinction between Investment Accotmts and Expense
Accounts is not expls^ined at all, and many bookkeepers do not
recognize this distinction nor understand how to properly segre-
gate the expenditures above mentioned.
Sec. 374. If all the rooms in the 'T>enriison Block" were
rented to persons other than the owner, he naturally would credit
all the rents to one account. If he occupied one room, he might
overlook crediting rent account with the rent of that room and
debiting same to his own expense account. If he did not do so,
however, rent account would not receive credit for the full rental
of the building.
Sec. 375. To elucidate the matter furtb^: Let us suppose
that the Detmison Btiilding cost for the land, $3^500^ and for the
building, $6)500, a total of $10,000, and that the rentals for one
year sunounted to $1,500 and the expenses to $500. The net
earnings for the year (nothing written off for depreciation) would
be $1^000; dividing this by I per cent, of $10,000, or $too, gives
10 per cent as the rate per cent of eammgs for the year. It will
readily be seen that if the book-keeper had charged to Investment
any item which should have been charged to Expense, or vice
versa, no accurate results wOuld be reached. Another object in
always treating similar items in like manner is to enable Ute
proprietor to make correct comparisons of one period of time
with another, as shown by accurate statements for eadi of such
periods*
Sec. 376. For a small business, or indeed one of considerable
magnitude, columner books and the voudier system are the sim-
plest and the best. See Forms Nos. 162, 163 and 164. Columner
books provide a means of checking an aggregate Of debits against
an aggregate of credits, as the work progresses ; lessen the num-
ber of postings in a marked degree, and thereby the liability to
errors; and, where provision is made for cash columns, admit
of the complete entry of any transaction being made at one time
in one book, instead of at different times in two books. Columner
books, with debit and credit columns together (not with debit
columns on one side and credit columns on the other, as shown in
form No. 164), may be obtained from stationers. In the Cash-
book Journal (Form 164), accounts for which no columns are
provided are entered in "Sundry Columns" and posted from there.
This book can be used eiliier with or without vouchers. No
accounts are kept with parties from whom purchases are made.
Where vouchers are used, the bills for purchases are inserted
inside the voucher, which is then O. K.'d by the person making
the purchase, and, after the extensions are verified, the voucher
is entered in the Cash-book Journal, debited to the accounts to
94 R^L ESTATE SEX]?-TAUGHt
be charged and credited to Voucher Account. When paid, a debit
therefor is made to Voucher Account and a credit to Cash. The
entered, unpaid, vouchers on hand at any time should agree with
the balance of the voucher account. The vouchers secure uni-
formity in size for filing as well as uniformity in treatment, and
are numbered and filed from one upward. In the case of pay-
rolls, one voucher is sufiicient, with as many receipts within as
there are names on the payroll. The check numbers and thfe
voucher numbers will not correspond. The vouchers are indexed
for ready reference. In the Cash-book Journal (Form 164) all
of the debits are on one page, the credits on the other, and more
debit columns are provided for than credits, as the former exceed
the latter.
Sec. 377. All monies received should be deposited in bank,
and all pasmients made by check. A day should be fixed — say
about the tenth of each month — on which to pay all bills of the
preceding calendar month.
Sec. 378. A balance sheet is a statement of financial exhibits,
showing, in compact fonn, the resources and liabilities and gains
and losses of a business. Form No. 165 is both a condensed
trial balance and a balance sheet. In any business, to ascertain
the true loss and gain, an inventory must be taken, and so, in the
real estate business, any real or personal property should be re-
valued at least once a year and entered on the books to account
for increment or depreciation. A trial balance should be taken
once a month and a balance sheet made therefrom. The diflFerence
between the resource and liability columns shows the present
worth or insolvency of the business, and the difference between
the gain and loss columns the net loss or gain. The difference
between the present worth and the net investment, on closing the
books, also shows net gain or loss. The net gain, if added to, or
the net loss, if subtracted from, the net investment, on closing,
will show the present worth.
Real Estate Business
Self-Taught
Copyright, 1906, by W. A. Carney.
FORMS
FORM NO. lOo-APPLICATION TO GOVERNOR FOR APPOINT-
MENT AS NOTARY PUBLIC.
Hon. George C. Pardee,
Governor of the State of California,
Sacramento, Cal.
' Sir: I hereby make application for appointment as Notary Public
in and for the County of Los Angeles, State of California. I am a citizen
of United States over 21 years of age, and would respectfully refer you
to the following w^ll-known citizens of Los Angeles, Cal., as to my fitness
for office, character and integrity, namely: S. W. Lukens, President of
the American National Bank; Hon. D. J. Williams, Judge of the Superior
Court, Department No. 2, and James L. Smith^i President of the Eldorado
Mining Company.
Respectfully yours,
George W. Brown.
No. 132 South Broadway,
Los Angeles, Cal.
FORM NO. loi— LETTER TO CUSTOMERS UPON OPENING OF-
FICE.
Dear Sir: I beg leave to advise you that I have recently opened
a real estate office at No. 23 Mercantile Place, this city. Inasmuch as I
have just completed a course in Real Estate, and have secured an appoint-
ment as Notary Public, I feel warranted in stating that any business in
the real estate line intrusted to my care will receive intelligent attention,
and I assure you that same will be promptly and efficiently executed. I
also write fire insurance in behalf of several of the most responsible fire
insurance companies in the world. Kindly bear in mind my name and ad-
dress (which, for more convenient reference, you will find on the en-
closed business card), and whenever you desire the services of a Notary,
' wish to insure your premises, or desire to buy or sell real estate, please
favor me with a call, and greatly oblige.
Yours truly.
I REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. 102— ANNUAL LETTER TO CUSTOMERS.
FEDERAL REALTY CO..
Real Estate and Insurance,
Stocks and Bonds.
Los Angeles, Cal., January 2, 1906.
Geo. M. Jones, Esq.,
Los Angeles, Cal.
Dear Sir : This personal letter is intended to touch upon a question
of vital importance, and one which demands your serious consideration —
the investment of your capital and surplus income.
We have spent many years in this community, dealing in the highest
grades of investments, and in making a study of real estate and securities
and matters of finance.
Our experience enables us to give you valuable advice and assistance,
and we invite you most cordially to call and discuss this subject with us
personally and confidentially, it being thoroughly understood ^hat no
obligation whatever rests upon you to do business with us. You will be
welcome, if you come simply for an exchange of ideas.
We shall hope to have the pleasure of seeing you at our office when
vou can make it convenient to come; or, if that is not practicable, we
would be gratified to have an opportunity of opening correspondence with
you on this subject.
As a careful investor, you will doubtless be interested in looking over
the enclosed list of securities, which we are enabled to offer you.
It frequently happens that we have a block of especially desirable
bonds., and we would like to place you on our special list for these bargains
from time to time. Mail us the enclosed postal with your name and ad-
dress, and you will have first chance at our best offerings.
With best wishes for the New Year, we are.
Very truly yours.
Federal Realty Co.,
By W. A. Carney, President.
FORM NO. 103— LETTER TO BROKERS, OFFERING PROPERTY.
W. A. Carney, Geo. M. SoRelle,
433 Stimson Bldg. Dealers in 1006 Union Trust Bldg.
Home 434 INDUSTRIAL SITES. Home 1819
Main 4054. Main 8727
Los AngeIes, Cal., May 16, 1906.
Dear Sir: We would respectfully call your attention to the list of
Industrial Sites herein referred to, and solicit your co-operation in the
sale of the same.
Will pay commission on sales as stated in each case.
No. I.
The S. E. corner of HUNTER AND MATEO, fronting 100 ft. oh Mateo
by 120 on Hunter, extending back to a 20-ft. allej* This is an EX-
CEPTIONALLY choice corner.
Price, $6000— Commission, $200.
No. 2.
776 Hemlock St,( having a frontage on Hemlock of 100 ft. by 112% ft. in
depth. Present income $31 per month. This property, which is
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT, 6
within one block of where the GREAT $1,000,000 UNION DEPOT
is to be built; adjoins the HUNTINGTON PROPERTIES on the
west, and has a spur track extending up to the property line in the
rear.
Price, $11,000— Commission, $350.
No. 3.
The N. E. cor. of SANTA FE AVE. and PORTER ST.. fronting 210 ft.
on SANTA FE AVE. by 140 ft. in depth to a 20-ft. alley, along
which the SALT LAKE RY. recently obtained a FRANCHISE for
a spur track. There are situate thereon 10 cottages, having a monthly
rental INCOME of $100. (Recently we sold 140x360 ft. ion Porter
St., diagonally across the street and alley to the RAND-McNALLY
people, who intend in the near future to -erect a substatntial WARE-
HOUSE COVERING THE ENTIRE PREMISES). Terms $9000
cash, $7000 in 3 years, at 6% interest net.
Price, $15,000 — Regular Commission.
No. 4.
Mcpherson ST. near SANTA FE AVE., fronting 600 ft. on McPher-
son, by 140 ft. in depth to a 20-ft. alley, and adjoins the Santa Fe
Right of Way on the east. This property is within one block of the
GREAT STEEL PLANT to be erected by the REPUBLIC IRON
WORKS; within one block of the HAUSER PACKING COMPANY
and within three blocks of where the HUNTINGTON interests are
to erect their large RAILWAY TRANSFER BARNS. R-easonable
terms.
Price, $18,000— Commission, $500.
All of these properties are held under option by us, and we abso-
lutely guarantee delivery.
This circular letter supersedes all previous offers.
Make all sales subject to our approval. No signs.
Respectfully yours,
Geo. M. SoRelle,
W. A. Carney.
FORM NO. 104— LETTER ENCLOSING LISTING BLANKS.
DSAR Sir : I enclose you several blanks herewith. Kindly fill out and
return to me the blank or blanks suited to your case, and I will en-
deavor to sell or exchange your property for you. Give me your best price
and every particular, and state exactly what you will and will not do. I
have a large number of deals under way at all times, and it may be that
I can miake a sale or exchange for you at once. Some people are going
East, some West, some North, and some South. Western people want
to go East, and Eastern people want to go West; Southern people waht
to go North, and Northern people want to go South. These are the peo-
ple I want to help on their way. Let me hear from you without delay.
Very truly yours,
4 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. 105— SALE BLANK.
Dear Sir : I have for sale or exchange the following described prop-
erty:
(State all particulars and description above.)
Situate in County, State My price is My
terms are My reasons for selling are I would exchsmge for. . .
(State here in what section you want property or business.)
State what revenue your property is now bringing $ I^ a business,
how much you are clearing per year $ If property is clear,, so state. . .
If not how much of a debt is against it
You may sell or exchange the above-described property, and if same
is sold or exchanged through your efforts, I will pay you for your services
the sum of five per cent, on the amount I accept for my property.
Very truly yours.
FORM NO. 106-NEW LOCATION BLANK
DsAR Sir: We are desirous of changing our location, and would
like to hear from you as to a new location for our plant. We employ. . .
people. The average pay of each is $ per week. Our pay-roll is
I per month. Our plant is run. . . .months each year. We manufac-
ture Our annual sales amount to $ Our product goes principally
to...'.. We now use for fuel. We could use natural gas to advan-
tage. Our fuel bill will approximate $ per month. We would re-
quire acres of land. Railroad siding is needed. We would need
house accommodations for families, who would pay $ each
per month in rent, on the average. We would expect the following in-
ducements : Our raw material comes from and we have ap-
proximately cars coming in per month, and our shipments will
amount, approximately to cars going out per month.
We employ people, 16 years old and upwards, the majority of
whom we would expect to find in the new location.
Very truly yours,
FORM NO. 107— INFORMATION BLANK.
Dear Sir : I have acres or lots in or near the town of
(bounty of State of Peculation Railroads Chief in-
dustries Town is growing New houses built last year.... I want
your terms for a lot sale on commission.. I want to sell (here state in detail
the lots or acreage you have for sale, describing premises fully). I have
had an Auction Lot Sale If so, state how many lots were sold
Who had charge of the sale? State year and month in which sale was
held Have you coal or oil or natural gas? How does your property
lie — level or otherwise? How near the residence section is it?
How many feet front on Road or Street? Do you think a Lot Sale
would pay? Has your town a Board of Trade? Does the town
want factories? If so, what? Will town make inducements?. . . .
(iive Bank References Is your property clear or can you make clear
deed? Give address of good attorney in your city
Very truly yours.
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 5
FORM IO&-SUGGESTIONS AS TO BOND CIRCULAR.
BARNUM, MERRILL & LAMB,
Suite 534 Mason Building, Los Angeles, CaHfomia.
Dealers in Municipal, Railroad, Corporation Bonds, ,/
WESTERN CORRESPONDENTS, LAWRENCE BARNUM & CO.
Philadelphia. New York. Boston.
We offer the following securities subject to sale and change in price:
Security and Price with To
Amount Description Maturity Ac'd Int. Yield
MUNICIPAL BONDS.
(£25,000 Imperial Japanese Govt. 4%s. Feb. 15, 1925. At market 5.00%
Sterling, First Series, Coupon F. & A.
♦ ♦♦♦♦♦♦
$3,000 FIRST MORTGAGE 6 PER CENT. GOLD BONDS OF THE
BATTLE CREEK COAL AND COKE COMPANY.
Dated April i, 1905; due April i, 1935. Denomination $500. Cou-
pon. Principal may be registered. Subject to call and interest after 1906.
Interest payable (April and October) at the International Trust Co.,
Baltimore, Md., and at the banking house of Lawrence Bamum Sc Ca,
New York City. Principal payable at the International Trust Co., Balti-
more, Md., Trustee. A sinking fund of 10 cents per ton, but kiot less than
$7,500 annually, is provided to retire bonds. Stock: Common^ ^400,000;
preferred, 7 per cent cumulative, $300,000; bonds authorized, $325,000;
bonds outstanding, $300,000.
These bonds are a first mortgage on all property of the Battle Creek
Coal and Coke Company, which owns 2,378 acres of valuable coal lands,
located at Orme, Marion County, Tenn. a complete plant, capable of han-
dling an output of 1,000 tons daily, and all of the buildings and improve-
mtents in Orme, which town is entirely on the property of the Company.
This property has been acquired by purchase from the Campbell Coal
and Coke Company, which has been in successful (deration for over two
years, having earned net over $60,000 each year. Orme is located on a
branch of the Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis R. R., about ten miles
from Bridgeport, Ala., thirty miles from Chattanooga, Tenn., and one
hundred miles from Atlanta, Ga., Nashville, Tenn., and Birmingham, Ala.,
and has good railroad connections with the above-named cities, all oif which
afford it ample market for the coal at good prices.
Statement of Earnings.
(13 months)
1904 1903
Gross income $242,771.16 $227,720.32
Expenses, taxes, renewals, etc 182,538.71 161,245.01
Net income 60,232.45 66475.31
Interest on bonds 18,000.00 18,000.00
Surplus $ 42,23245 $ 48475.31
Sinking fund 7,500.00 7i500.a>
Surplus applicable to dividends on stock $ 34^732.45 $ 40,975.31
Legality approved by James H. Gilbert, Esq., of Atlanta, Ga., and Hon.
Frank D. Pavey of New York Gity.
The books of the company have been audited by the American Audit
.Company of New York.
6 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
PRICE 102% AND INTEREST.
Special circular on application.
All statements in this circular are based on information which we regard
as reliable.
BARNUM, MERRILL & LAMB,
Suite 534 Mason Bldg. Los Angeles, Cal.
FORM NO. I09-AGREEMENT FOR SALE OF LAUNDRY ROUTE.
This Agreement, made in duplicate this I2th day of February, 1906,
by and between George W. Brown, the first party, and Amos Judd, the
second party^ each of said parties being a resident of the City of Los
Angeles, State of Qilifornia.
WITNESSETH, That the said first party agrees to sell and transfer
to the said second party, and the said second party agrees to purchase iand
take over the laundry rout* business of said first party, including the
good will of said route, one sorrel horse, laundry wagon and harness and
all paraphernalia connected therewith, for the sum of $500, to be paid as
follows : $50 as a deposit and part payment, the receipt wh«reof is hereby
acknowledged ; $50 at the end of one week from this date, and $400 at the
end of two weeks from this date, all payable to said first party in United
States Gold coin ; Provided, that the following conditions shall be complied
with, namely:
Said first party shall take said second party over said route for two
weeks from and after this date, introducing said second party to the
customers of first party, and if the commissions or compensation from said
business in and during said two weeks shall be equal to $25 per week, net,
then said sale shall be consummated. The moneys received in said two
weeks as such compensation shall be disbursed as follows: First party
shall receive all of said moneys for the first week and the said party of the
second part shall receive one-half, and said first party shall receive one-
half, of the said moneys for the second week.
Said first party agrees not to engage in the laundry business in the
City of Los Angeles, in any manner, either directly or indirectly, within
the term of two years from and after this date.
Upon consummation of sale, said first party shall make a bill of sale
of said goods and chattels, conveying the same to said second party, free
and clear of all incumbrances, and shall warrant and defend the title
thereto against the just and lawful claims of any person whomsoever.
If the above conditions as to compensation shall not be complied with,
then said deposit of $50 shall be returned to said second party, and second
party may also retain the one-half of the net earnings of said business
for said second week, and both of the parties hereto shall thereupon be
released from the obligations hereunder.
If the above conditions as to compensation are complied with and the
second party shall fail to consummate the purchasa the first party may
retain for himself as liquidated and stipulated damages all moneys received
on account hereof.
In Witness Whereof, The parties hereto have hereunto set their
hands and seals the day and year first above written.
GEORGE W. BROWN, (seal).
AMOS JUDD. (SEAL)
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 7
FORM NO. iio-AGREEMENT OF EXCHANGE— LAND FOR
LODGING HOUSE.
This AgrebmBnt, made in, duplicate, this I2th day of January, 1906,
between John W. Ives, the first party, and Mrs. Mary Davis, the second
party, each of said parties being a resident of the County of Los Angeles,
State of California.
WITNESSETH, That for and in consideration of the agreements herein-
after expressed, the parties hereto do hereby mutually covenant and agree,
each with the other, as follows, to wit:
Said first party agrees to sell and convey to said second party^, and
said second party agrees to purchase forty (40) acres of land, situate in
the County of Los Angeles, State of California, described as the S. E. one-
fourth (%) of the N. E. one-fourth (%) of Section 17, in Township 4 N-,
Range 15 W., S. B. M., subject to a mortgage thereon, for the sum of $500,
dated July 21, 1905, in favor of Isaac Jackson, of Pasadena, California, pay-
able three years after date, with interest at the rate of 7 per cent per annum,
net, said premises to be conveyed free and clear of all incumbrances, save
and except said mortgage ,by a good andsufficient deed, the title thereto
to be marketable and to be evidenced by an unlimited certificate of title
to be issued by the Title Insurance & Trust Convpany of Los Angeles, at
the expense of first party, showing the title in said first party as afore-
said at this date or later. The deed to said premises shall contain a
clause to the effect that second party shall assume and pay said mort-
gage.
The second party agrees to sell and transfer to said first party, and
said first party agrees to purchase the furniture of ten-room lodging
house, and the good will and lease thereof, at No. 805 Central Ave., in the
City of Los Angeles, State aforesaid, said furniture having been this
day inventoried and listed as shown in Exhibit A, hereto attached; said
furniture, ^ood will and lease to be transferred to said first party free and
clear of incumbrances by a recordable bill of sale to be executed and
delivered by said second party.
Said first party shall have said certificate of title to said premises
brought down to this date or later, and if said certificate, when so con-
tinued, shall show said premises vested in said fiist party clear of all
incumbrances, except said mortgage, as aforesaid, then said conveyances
shall be exchanged and said second party shall put said first party in pos-
session of said lodging house. The first party shall pay interest on said
mortgage to the date when said exchange shall be made, and said second
party shall pay the rent of said lodging house to said date. The said
papers shall be exchanged at the real estate office of George W. Brown,
Room 404, Chamber of Commerce Building, Los Angeles, California.
In Witness Whereof, the parties hereto have hereunto set their
hands and seals the day and year first above written.
John W. Ives, (seal)
Mrs. Mary Davis (seal)
» REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. HI— AGREEMENT TO EXCHANGE LAND FOR
SHARES OF STOCK.
This Agreement^ made in duplicate, this 22d of April, 1906, between
FfcANK N. Wilson, the party of the first part, and B. G. Miluken, party
of the second part, each of said parties residing at Los Angeles, California,
WITNESSETH, Whereas, the said party of the first part is the owner
of two thousand (2,000) acres of land, situate in Lawrence County, State
of Kentucky, the same being described as Sections or Blocks 38 and 39 of
the Wilcox Grant, each of said blocks containing one thousand (1,000)
acres, the estimated value of said lands being Twenty Thousand ($ao,ooo)
Dollars ; and
Whereas, said party of tiie second part is the owner of the majority
•f the shares of the capital stock of the MilUken Canal & Reservoir
Company, a corporation organized under the laws of the State of Idaho,
and having a capital stock of $250,000 divided into 5,000 shares of the
par value of $50 each, of which stock 3,000 shares arc now issued and
outstanding, the object and purpose of said Company bemg the segregation
and irrigation of lands under the "Carey Law ;" and
Whereas, said party of the first part proposes to sell and convey the
aforesaid Kentucky lands to said party of the second part, in exchange
for Four Hundred (400) shares of the capital stock of said Milliken
Canal & Reservoir Company, and said party of the first part, is yirilling to
make said exchange, provided and on condition that the title to said
lands shall be found to be vested in said party of the first part by a good
and marketable title, free and clear of all incumbrances, as shall be
shown by an abstract of title, to be furnished by the said party of the
first part, at his expense: —
Now, therefore, in consideration of the premises and of One ($1.00)
Dollar, by each to the other in hand paid, receipt whereof by each is
hereby acknowledged, the parties hereto do hereby mutually covenant and
agree, as follows, to wit:
The party Of the first part, in consideration of the sale and transfer
to him of the said 400 shares of said capital stock, hereby agrees to sell
and convey to said party of the second part, by a good and sufficient deed,
(said deed to contain the usual covenants for quiet enjoyment and that
the vendor will defend the title to said premises) — ^the aforesaid Kentucky
lands, and agrees to furnish, at his own cost and expense, an abstract of
title thereto, showing said lands vested in him at or after thisf date, by a
good and marketable title, free and clear of all incumbrances.
And said party of the second part, in consideration of the conveyance
to him as aforesaid of said Kentucky lands, agrees to sell and transfer to
said party of the first part 400 shares of the capital stock of said Milliken
Canal & Reservoir Company, and to cause certificates in evidence of said
400 shares to be issued to, and in the name of, said party of 'the first part.
The abstract of title to be furnished as aforesaid, shall be placed in the
possession of the said party of the second part within fifteen days from
the date hereof, and, if upon examination thereof, the title to said lands
shall not prove satisfactory to said party of the second part, or his attorney,
he shall so notify said party of the first part, in writing, and thereupon
this contract shall immediately become null and void. If said title, upon
such examination, shall be found satisfactory to party of the second part,
the said exchange shall be consummated, not later than May 22, 1906, at the
office of James Brown in Bryson Block, Los Angeles, California.
In Witness Whereof, the parties hereto have hereunto set their
hands and seals the day and year first above written.
FRANK N. WILSON, (seal)
B. G. MILLIKEN. (seal)
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 9
FORM NO. ii^-OPTlON AND AGREEMENT.
Know all men by these presents. That of the County of Los
Angeles, State of California, the owner, in consideration of the sum of
dollars, gold coin, to in hand paid, the receipt whereof is
hereby acknowledged, does hereby give and grant unto
of the County and • State aforesaid, for the term' endinjg: at twelve o'clock
noon on the .... day of , 1906, the exclusive right and option to
purchase that certain real property, situate in the City of Los Angeles,
County and State aforesaid, officially described as follows, to-wit: (here
follows description.)
situate on street, and being of the dimensions of feet
frontage on said street by feet in depth, to a foot allgj; together
with Sie appurtenances, for the sum of ($ ) NET to said
owner, the said price to be payable as follows, to-wit :
$ the amount paid for this option, which shall be applied on,
and as a part of, said purchase price, in event of sale ;
$ in cash, to be paid within fifteen days from date of sale after con-
veyances shall be placed in escrow;
$ by a negotiable promissory note, to bear date of sale, to be
executed by the purchaser to said owner, and to be payable years
after date, with interest at the rate of per cent per annum, pajrable
quarterly and to be secured by a first mortgage on said premises.
In the event of sale, the said owner agrees to make, * executej;
acknowledge and deliver a good and sufficient deed, conveying said premises
to said or his assigns, and to furnish, free of expense to
the purchaser, an unlimited certificate of title, to be issued by the Title
Insurance and Trust Co., or Title Guarantee and Trust Co., showing a
marketable title to said premises to be vested in purchaser, free and clear
of incumbrances, except
This option is given subject to the following conditions on the part
of said owner to be kept and performed, namely:
That he shall pay interest to date of transfer on any mortgage now
on said premises;
That he shall transfer to purchaser without charge, either for transfer
fee or return premium, any policy or policies of insurance now on said
premises, for the unexpired terms thereof;
That he shall pay any personal property taxes which by operation of
law or otherwise might become or are a lien upon said premises;
That he shall receive all rents from said premises to date'of transfer,
and if said rent shall have been or be paid to him' in advance and beyond
the date of transfer, he will refund the excess to the purchaser;
In the event of sale, all papers and the said moneys are to be placed
forthwith in escrow with either of the above mentioned Title Companies.
In the event this option shall not be exercised within the time above
limited, the said sum of $ shall be retained by said owner as
liquidated and stipulated damages, and both parties shall thereupon be
released from all obligations hereunder.
All of the covenants and agreements hereof shall bind the heirs, legal
representatives, successors and assigns of the said respective parties hereto,
and each of them.
In Witness Whereof, the said has hereunto set hand
and seal this day of , A. D. 1906.
(seal)
10 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
A SERIES OF LETTERS TO FOLLOW UP AND CLOSE A SALE
UNDER OPTION. WHERE AN INCUMBRANCE IS
DISCOVERED.
(Nos. 113 to 117 inclusive.)
FORM NO. VI13.
Los Angbles, Cm,., April 25, 1906.
George Brown, Esq., Agent, Los Angeles, Cal.
Dear Sir : Whereas, I have heretofore paid you the sum of $500.00 to
apply on the purchase of (here describe premises) at the price of $12,000,
under an option and agreement held by you from the owner, Mr. A. K.
Jones, whereby he agrees to furnish an unlimited certificate of title showing
same premises free and clear of incumbrances; and
Whereas^ the certificate of title to said premises shows the same to be
incumbered by an easement in favor of the City of Los Angeles, for a right
of way for a pipe line and the right to operate same, and inquiry at the
office of the Street Superintendent of said city shows that a pipe Ime,
30 inches in diameter, runs diagonally across said premises about 2%
feet beneath the surface of the ground, and is now leased by said city to
certain corporations and is now in use:
Now, therefore, because of said incumbrance and of the defect in said
title, I demand that you return to me the said sum of $500.00 paid on
account of said purchase.
Truly yours,
PETER SMITH.
FORM NO. 114.
Los Angeles, Cal., April 25, 1906.
A. K. Jones, Esq.,
Los Angeles, Cal.,
Dear Sir: I hand you hereto attached, a copy of notice of a demand
served on me by Mr. Peter Smith, with whom I made a contract for the sale
of your lots (here describe premises) at the price of $i2,ooo,under and pur-
suant to the provisions of an option and agreement, signed by you and
dated April i, 1906. You will observe from said notice that by reason of a
defect in the title to said premises, the purchaser declines to accept the
same and demands return of the deposit paid at the time the contract with
him was entered into. I request that you proceed immediately to clear the
property of the incumbrance referred to., so that I can close the deal.
Respectfully yours,
GEORGE BROWN.
(Inclosure.)
FORM NO. 115.
Los Angeles, Cal., April 26, 1906.
Peter Smith, Esq.,
Los Angeles, Cal.
Dear Sir: Referring to lots (here describe premises) which I sold
yot^ and in respect to which you demanded that the deposit paid thereon
be returned to you, would state that the owner, Mr. A. K. Jones, informs
me that he will proceed with due diligence and all convenient speed to
clear said premises of the incumbrance to which you object, and that he
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 11
will at his expense, cause said pipe line to be removed <from said premises
and placed in the adjoining alley and street, and that he will procure from
the City of Los Angeles a quit-claim deed, quit-claiming to him the ease-
ment on said premises, and for such purposes he desires that he be allowed
such reasonable time as may be necessary, not exceeding sixty days in all.
I will issue my check to the Union Title Company for $500, being the
amount of your de^sit, to be held by said Title Company, for said sixty
days, as per the accompanying instructions, which I request you to confirm.
If Mr. Jones shall be able to clear said premises of said incumbrance
within said sixty days, it is understood that you are thereupon to pay the
balance of the purchase price, to- wit; the sum of $11,500.
Respectfully yours,
GEORGE BROWN.
FORM NO. 116.
Los Angeles, Cal., April 26, 1906.
To Union Title Co., City.
Gentlemen: I hand you herewith, in connection with Escrow No.
50,127, my check for $500, being the amount advanced by Mr. Peter Smith,
as a deposit and part payment on Lots (here describe premises) sold to
him at the price of $12,000, and in respect to the purchase of which he now
declines to proceed because of a defect in the title of which he was not in-
formed at the time of said purchase. In. order to enable the owner of
said premises, and myself as option-holder, to attend to the perfecting of
the title to said premises, the above-mentioned sum is to be held by you in
escrow for the term of sixty days after this date. If the title to said
premises is perfected within said sixty days, you are to return said sum
of $500 to me ; if said title is not perfected within said sixty daysi, you are
to pay said sum to said Peter Smith.
GEORGE BROWN.
I confirm the foregoing instructions.
PETER SMITH.
FORM NO. 117.
Los Angeles, Cal, May 3, 1906.
Peter Smith, Esq.,
Los Angeles, Cal.
Dear Sir: In the matter of the sale to you of lots (here describe
premises) Mr. A. K. Jones advises me that he has arranged with the
Street Superintendent for the removal of the pipeline from the above-
mentioned lots at any time upon receipt df notice from you ; but inasmuch
as the street department is very busy just now, the Street Superintendent
desires that you defer making the request for a few days.
I hand you herewith an unlimited certificate of title issued by Union
Title Company, showing said lots free and clear of incumbrances and re-
quest that you make payment forthwith of the balance of the purchase
price.
I regret the tedious delay which has attended the closing of this trans-
action, due to an incumbrance, the existence of which was unknown to
you and myself at the time of the sale, and Mr. Jones haying accom-
plished what seemed to be an impossible task, it now remains for your
good self to consummate the deal by putting up the purchase price, with
said Union Title Company, Escrow No. 50,127.
Respectfully yours,
GEORGE BROWN.
12 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. 1 18— GENERAL LISTING CARD, WITH SPACE FOR
DESCRIPTION, AND COMMISSION CONTRACT,
BOTH ON ONE SIDE.
CARNEY REALTY CO.
Name Address Lot Block Tract Loca-
tion of property Size of lot. ..x... To Alley Cement
Walks Rooms Bath Toilet Sewer Bam
Price $ $ Down, Balance $ per month per cent in-
terest. Mortgaged for $ per cent Due Rented for $
per month. Water Will exchange for Insured for
Owner to furnish unlimited Certificate of Title at expense.
I hereby constitute the CARNEY REALTY CO. sole agent for the
herein described property and agree to pay a regular commission of 5 per
cent on first $1,000 and 2% per cent on balance att whatever price sold.
This price to be good until 190
Dated
(Signed)
FORM NO. iiQ-BUSINESS PROPERTY CARD. PARTICULARS
ON ONE SIDE. SEE NEXT FORM FOR CONTRACT.
No Street. Size Side Between and Streets.
Improvements Incumbrance $ Due Interest %
Leased for Years. Expires Price $ Terms
Cash; Bal Yrs % Monthly rent $ Taxes $
In Net annual income . .$ Pays % Net Re-
marks Business Map No
FORM NO. 120— CONTRACT ON BACK OF FOREGOING CARD.
Los Angei.es, Cau, 190
I hereby authorize Federal Realty Co. to sell the hereon ^described
property upon the terms stated, until I notify them otherwise in writing.
I also agree to pay said Federal Realty Co. their regular commission
of 5 per cent on the first $1,000 and 2^ per cent on the remainder of such
sum as I may accept as purchase price.
And I further agree to notify said Federal Realty Co. in writing when
this property is sold, or any change made in price or terms. I authorize
said Federal Realty Co. to put up their sign on said property.
Owner.
Address Tel. Sunset Home
See Contract No See Letter Dated 190 Listed
by Listing confirmed 190. ., by 190. ., by
190. ., by Instructions
FORM 121— BUSINESS CHANCE CARD.
Card No Business Street and No Name
Rent Lease Value of Stock No. of Rooms
Condition Income Expense Amount of Help
Are double entry books kept? Where do you bank? Has any
Mercantile Agency a report on you? Indebtedness, what?
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 13
Description of business Price $ Tenns Will exchange
for
(Agreement on back to pay conunission for sale or exchange.)
FORM NO. 122— LIST OF PROPERTY TO BE FURNISHED IN-
QUIRERS.
DUPLICATE LIST OF PROPERTY
FURNISHED BY
SMITH & JONES^
Real Estate Brokers
To the undersigned inquirer.
Los Angeles, Cal 190 —
The above list of property having been furnished me by Smith & Jones,
Real Estate Brokers, I agree, in consideration thereof, that if I should
bargain for, purchase or otherwise acquire any of said property, I will do
so only through the agency of said Smith & Jones; and if I should fail
to keep this agreement, then I agree to pay said Smith & Jones the sum of
Dollars ($ ) for their services in furnishing such list.
Signature
Address
FORM NO. 123— BLANK FOR FURNISHING LIST OF HOUSES
FOR RENT.
HOUSES FOR RENT
— ^BY —
WRIGHT & CALLENDER
managers of rental property
Wright & Callender Building.
Telephones: Sunset, Main 808; Home, Private Ex., 7 Los Angeles, Cal.
Some of the choicest residences in the city for sale.
No
Street
Rent $
Rooms
Water.
Key
Street
Rent $....
Rooms
Water.
No
Street
Rent $
Rooms
Water.
Key
Street
Rent l\
Rooms
Water
No
Street
Rent J ;
Rooms
.. Water.
Key
Street
Rent $
Rooms
Water
The above list of houses having been furnished me by WRIGHT &
CALLENDER, it is agreed that if I rent any of them, I will do so only
through them, and will pay to them the first month's rent ,or their regular
commission as agent.
Date 1905 Name Address
14 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. 124— TENANT'S APPLICATION.
WRIGHT & CALLENDER,
RENTAL DBPARTMENT.
TENANT'S APPLICATION.
Los Angeles^ Cal 190
Messrs. Wright & Callender:
I hereby make application for the rental of premises described below,
upon the following terms, and warrant all statements made in application
to be correct.
Name in full Residence Tel. No Business Address
Tel. No Occupation Number in family { Number
of children Oldest child Sex Youngest child
Sex Any illness in family? Do you expect to rent rooms?
Or keep boarders ?
I desire to rent No For Term of From At $
per month, water paid by Deposit $ Subject to
References : Present landlord or agent Other references
If any of above statements are found to be false, I hereby agree to
forfeit said deposit.
Witness Signed (Seal)
Owner Address Tel. No Approved by
Reference examined by
FORM NO. 125— RENT DEPOSIT RECEIPT.
WRIGHT & CALLENDER,
Wright & Callender Building.
$ RENTAL DEPARTMENT No
RENT DEPOSIT RECEIPT--AII Rents Payable Invariably in Advance.
Los Angeles, Cal 190 —
RECEIVED FROM DOLLARS, to be applied on ac-
count of rent of subject to tenant and the following Terms and
Agreements being accepted by owner, or WRIGHT & CALLENDER,
Agents. Rent to commence from i , at a monthly rental of
Dollars, Payable in Advance, term Water to be paid by
and , or if not so accepted, this deposit be returned by the
undersigned, and accepted by applicant, at any time when same is tendered.
It is a condition of this receipt that within Twenty-four hours feifter
notification of the acceptance of tenant and said terms by owner, or
WRIGHT & CALLENDER. Agents, the balance of one month's rent
(if any unpaid) shall be paid to WRIGHT & CALLENDER; or the
amount herein receipted for shall be forfeited to them as liquidated
damaces.
Tenant to be entitled to possession of premises only after notiUcatioi^
of acceptance and payment of full rent, as above specified, and under no'
other conditions.
The above amount is accepted by the undersigned only on the express
agreement that the applicant holds the owner of the above described prem-
ises and WRIGHT & CALLENDER, Agents, harmless in every way,
except for the return of the amount deposited, if demanded within five (5)
days from the date hereof, in case the application is not accepted.
This receipt is given in connection with Application of even date and
number herewith, which is hereby referred to and made a part hereof.
WRIGHT & CALLENDER, Agents.
By
THIS RECEIPT MUST BE RETURNED,
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 15
FORM NO. 126— SCHEDULE OF PRICES OF LOT'S.
PRICE LIST OF LOTS
—OF —
PALM TERRACE PLACE.
Lot I $2500.00
Lots 2 to II inclusive 2000.00
Lots 14 to 19 inclusive 1500.00
Lots 20, 21, and 2^ 1000.00
Lots 22-24-25-26 1500.00
Lots 27-28-29 2000.00
Lots 30 to S7 inclusive 2500.00
Lots 44 to 51 inclusive 2000.00
Lot 52 1700.00
TERMS.
One-fourth cash; balance 6, 12 and 18 months, at 7% net. Five per
cent discount for cash.
IMPROVEMENTS will be made promptly and as follows : Oiled streets.
Cement walks and Curbs, Water piped to each lot and shade trees planted
in front of every lot.
RESTRICTIONS : Jefferson and Fourth Ave., $1500. All other lots
$1250, except lots south of Edison; these latter lots $1000. No barns or
temporary buildings allowed to be built until house is completed. All
houses must be built 25 feet from front property line, and a number of
other desirable restrictions will be included.
NEW HOUSES TO BE BUILT. Three new houses will soon be
built in the first block on Jefferson street. These houses will be built by
the owners of the Tract.
CERTIFICATE OF TITLE by the Title Insurance and Trust Co.
will be furnished with every lot as paid for.
FORM NO. 127— A STRIKING SUBDIVISION AD.
'*S(mt/iweslwafd the growth of Gnater Los Angeles
takes its way/'
Jefferson ^t. Park Tract
A FORTUNE IN LOTS
Right in Line of the City's
Irresistible Growth South-
west The Handsomest
Subdivision in Greater
Los Angeles.
On West Jefferson Street
Car Line, Bounded on the
East by Arlington Street,
on Both Sides of Jefferson
Street
JEFFERSON ST. PARK TRAQ
The owners of this beautiful sttbdinsion present tt as themiost
attfacilve and desirable moderate-priced tract in the citjr It fs
the logical location fur <i beautiful home disinct— ibe place of all
places K commands u great panoramic view across tlie perpetu-
ally {tiocn Santa Monica Valley to the ocean. Cool Id summer
and warm Id winter. Fine soil and pure water.
JEFFERSON ST. PARK TRACT
Only 30 minutes distant from Fourth and Broadway All the
lois are level and carry $1500.00 building rest I'ict ions. All street
Improvements 10 be made at once. Tlie city Is built Rolidly to
this tract, and mu^t grow ihrouifh it. The cnreful restrictions ihni
ioycrn H and the nelghborlaa properties will insure you the most
ideal and refuied surroundings for your home.
JEFFERSON ST. PARK TRACT
Mttke your reservations now. Several fine homes (o be built
at once. Secure your lot, for they will quickly double In value
Prices $550 and up. Terms, one-fourth, cash, one-fourth 6 moot lis.
one-fourth 12 months, balance In 18 months. 5 per I'ent. dlsrouai for
cash, ft fs the lot under uie thousand mark thai Makes you the
dollars.
JEFFERSON ST. PARK TRACT
Uemember, It la on Jefferson street, the great south cross-town
thoroughfare of Los Angeles. ytem'.niber. it is SOUTH WBST.
and on a car line. Remember, It Is close in the city, and your
profits are assured. Make your reservations tcNlsy. Regular com-
mission to agepta.
SEE OWNERS' REPRESENTATIVES:
ARTHUR W. KINNEY CO.,
119 Merchants Trust Bldg., Ground
Floor. Phone Home 402.
G, G. JOHlSrsON/
204-5 Bryson Bldg. Phone Home 180.
P. W. POWERS,
234 Byrne Bldg. Phone Home 3041.
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 17
FORM NO. 128-A TYPICAL REAL ESTATE BULLETIN.
^Live and let live today" is a good maxim, but "Live and help live every
day" is better,
EASTER GREETINGS: "Be Joyful."
REAL ESTATE BULLETIN
CHARLES M. STIMSON.
207 Trust Bldg. Cor. 2nd aand Spring Sts.
"Telephones : Home 7585 ; Sunset Main 6005. Los Angeles, Cal.
I am the owner of all properties quoted for sale in my list. They ane
all free from all incumbrances and I offer the same for sale on easy terms
to suit purchasers at good investment prices. If you see what you want
speak quickly as prices are advancing to keep pace with the rapid growth
of our city. The prices are subject to change without notice, and all sales
are subject to my approval. Regular commission on sales made by dealers.
PRICE LIST NO. 12. Income and Business Property.
-$21000 No. 504-506 E. 3rd street, restaurant, tailor shop and 3 rooms first
floor, 14 rooms second floor ; lot 35x100 to alley ; near Central Ave.
market. Street paved. $600 per foot.
20000 No. 369 C^tral Ave., opposite market, 25x100, restaurant. $800
per foot.
FORM NO. 129— TWO SUGGESTIVE ADS. FOR BUILDERS.
HOMES FOR THE MILLION.
As to building — do you contemplate erecting a residence, store, office
building or factory? Our architectural department is managed by one
of the finest architects in Los Angeles, a graduate of the English schools of
architecture, with ten years' practical experience, thoroughly conversant
with every department of the business, whose plans are unsurpassed in
-architectural effect, beauty of design, space utilization, economy of con-
struction and durability. Remember, we do the work ourselves. We do
not sublet our work. We employ our own force oi men in every depart-
ment, plumbing excepted. Our managers are thoroughly up to date and re-
liable, and we assure you that you will receive everything that we specify
according to the terms and spirit of our specifications. Try us. Once a
customer, always a customer.
FEDERAL REALTY COMPANY.
433 Stimson Building. , Los Angeles, CaL
Home Phone 1275.
FORM NO. 130— FOR SALE-HOUSES.
WE HAVE TALKED
a great deal during the past four months about home building, and during
that time we have convinced a great many wide-awake people that our plan
of building houses is just about the proper thing.
18 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
NEVERTHELESS
there are a few remaining who have not heard of us and of the thioroughly
modern houses that we design and build.
It seems to us that our plan once explained would immediately appeal
to you. We build for cash, after plans and specifications that you furnish,
or, better still, if you will come to the office and tell us what you want, the
number of rooms, etc., we will guarantee to get you out one of the nicest,
neatest and best arranged plans for a house that you have seen; and we
will write the specifications to meet the requirements and furnish the entire
cost of the house, if you desire. And you can repay us as you see fit.
We will make you a loan to be repaid in three or five years, interest to be
paid every three months, or you can repay us in monthly payments, the
same as you pay rent. Your payments start when the house is finished.
We charge nothing for the plans and specifications.
Come in and see us and let us convince you that in Los Angeles our
houses are in demand.
J. BURRIS MITCHELL & CO.
Contractors and Builders.
326 Douglas Building.
Sanset, Black 3991. Home. 3774
FORM NO. 131— THIS AD. IS HELPFUL AND ASSURING, AND IS
AN EXCELLENT MODEL TO FOLLOW FOR
COUNTRY LANDS.
FOR SALE—
Country Property.
HOMESEEKERS.
THIS IS FOR YOUR GOOD!
IF YOU ONLY KNEW IT.
Is it not worth your while to make sure that you are getting the best
for your money when you buy a ranch that may be your home for many
years, if not for life?
Will it not be wisdom on your part to go slow until you are sure of
what you are buying? Remember, it is a good deal easier to buy than ta
sell; be sure, then, that you buy in the right section.
NEW FRIENDS, let us tell you that we have farmed our own land
for many years, we have cultivated and pruned our own orchards and har-
vested the crc^s from them ; we know good land when we see it. We
have been of untold assistance to thousands of homeseekers ; we have saved
them thousands of dollars; may we not be of equal assistance to you?
Our advice costs you nothing, and certainly if any advice is worthy of
consideration it is ours. It certainly ought to be — we have had the actual
practical experience. We have made a success of farming and we can help
others to do the same. We know from our own experience all the draw-
backs with which the California farmer has to contend. We know, too, that
few men can pay $250 to $500 an acre for land and make a living and in-
terest on their money, unless it be in concentrated form. Take our advice
and learn something about CENTRAL CALIFORNIA. We can give you
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 19
good valley land for $50 to $100 per acre, where no irrigation is necessary,
rainfall being 25 to 35. inches and CROP FAILURE UNKNOWN.
Just send 5c for illustrated literature which will show you what can
be done by the farmer in this section.
Send Sc for colored map of the State.
Send a stamp for free catalogue.
Let us hear from you anyhow. Correspondence docs not cost much
and it will result to our mutual benefit.
BURR-PADDON CO.
(Incorporated.)
San Francisco. California.
FORM NO. 132— AN ARGUMENTIVE AD„ USEFUL INi WORKING
UP INTEREST IN A PARTICULAR STREET.
FOR SALE-
Business Property.
CONCERNING JEFFERSON STREET.
I present below what I POSITIVELY KNOW to be the four best
investment propositions on all JEFFERSON ST., and that means the four
best in Los Angeles (for a moderate amount of money,) because JEFFER-
SON is now LOWER in price than any other street of anything like its
importance in this city. It has not been "boomed" as have most of the
others. Great jumps in price, like those on Washington, Pico, Figueroa
and Main, are YET TO COME, and they will come SOON. It is nattiral
and ONLY cross-town business street for the southern end of town, and it
offers to the scientific investor opportunities that he will seek in vain
elsewhere.
If you ever lived in New York, Chicago, St. Louis, or any of the other
large eastern cities, go out and study JEFFERSON, and see what a
striking analogy there is between it and such streets as 39th and 47th in
Qiicago and 59th or 125th in New York, which I might add, are cross-
town thoroughfaresj. removed several miles from the downtown center, and
yet among tiie GREATEST business street of this, country. ' What they
have become. JEFFERSON will become, and the time is not so far away
wJien JEFFERSON, between Main and FijKueroa, will be worth $250 a
foot. This may seem strange, but IT IS TRUE.
Here are the FOUR. There is a certain profit on each one of irom
FIFTY TO ONE HUNDRED per cent, in the next eight months.
Corner Grand and JEFFERSON— 100x185 on JEFFERSON, incwne
$100 a month, andonly ONE-FIFTH improved. Five stores could be put
on this comer aand rented IMMEDIATELY. $10,000 cash in this will
DOUBLE within a year.
51x160, near Grand, $3,250. This is the ONLY vacant lot on the south
side of JEFFERSON, between Main and Figueroa, and is a grand little
buy. (jet it and they'll have to come to you. Price goes to $3,500 if not
sold Feb. 15.
Corner on JEFFERSON^ near Grand, with 5-room house, $3,750. It's
worth $4,000 now, and in a few months it will be $5000.
50x140, with fine g-room house, few feet west of Main on south, side
street. Price $7,000. The lot ALONE is worth $4,500, and tne house $3,000.
The above prices are for NOW. They'll be DIFFERENT a month
hence, because they are the LAST three pieces left on the original options
I secured on JEFFERSON early in January. Everything else is 20 per
cent higher. Just inquire and see if I am right. J
RALPH SULLIVAN,
Phone Home 5985. 142 S. Broadway. Room 105.
20 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. 133— AN AD. CONFIRMING PRIOR STATEMENTS.
FOR SALE-
Business Property.
CONCERNING JEFFERSON ST.
JEFFERSON is no longer a "coming" business street. It has AR-
RIVED. There are at present MORE business improvements contem-
plated and arranged for on JEFFERSON, between Main aind Wesley ave-
nue, than on ANY OTHER STREET IN LOS ANGELES, outside the
downtown center.
On the 24th of last January, in this column of this paper, in my talk
concerning "Jefferson Street," at the same time that I offered a lot on
JEFFERSON, between Main and Grand, for $55 a foot, and another for
$60, I made this prediction:
"I say now that eight months hence property on JEFFERSON^ be-
tween Main and Grand will cost you not less than $100 a foot, and be-
tween Grand and Figueroa $75 a foot. If you don't believe this is con-
servative now, you will LATER."
I sold those two lots, and you can't buy either now^TWO MONTHS
later — for less than $100 a foot, and they're as cheap as anything between
Main and Grand. You can't buy anything NOW between Grand and Fig-
ueroa on JEFFERSON for less than $75 a foot. Don't you think I'm a
PRETTY FAIR guesser when it comes to JEFFERSON street property?
Don't you wish you'd bought a few dollars' worth of those twelve pieces
I've sold on JEFFERSON street since February first?
But never mind that. (Some people NEVER CAN see a bargain till
somd one else buys it.) There are plenty of 'opportunities yet. The good
times— the money making times— on JEFFERSON have just BEGUN.
Values are increasing more rapidly in the southwest than in any other sec-
tion of this town; JEFFERSON is to be paved from Main to Vermont
very soon, and possibly from South Park to Western avenue; business is
springing up all along this grand street; what JEFFERSON is TODAY
is but the faintest echo of what it WILL BE three or four years hence, and
present prices are in proportion.
I honestly believe that, at prevailing figures, there is no property in
the city which offers as large a profit as JEFFERSON, between Main land
Wesley. I am buying there myself. I am getting my closest friends to
buy there. I am spending money to advise YOU to buy there, primarily
because there's a commission in it, and secondarily — ^and this h more im-
portant — ^because I know I can give you such a satisfactory investment that
you'll come after more — ^at least, this is the experience I've had with every
client I've sold to on JEFFERSON this year. Ask them.
I have two exceedingly good things right now on JEFFERSON. One
will take $2500 cash, the other $7500- ^^ you are ready to buy right now;
and not just "shopping around," I'll be glad to give you full particulars.
RALPH SULLIVAN,
Tel. Home 5985. 223 W. Second St-
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 21
FORM NO. 134.
This ad. brings out prominently sizes of lots and prices.
FOR SALE-
SPECIAL BARiQAINS IN LOTS.
$1500— Wilton, near 16th 50x155
$1250-Oxford, near 16th 50x155
$900 — Sixth ave., near Adams. 52x1 50
$700 — ^Fourth ave., near 20th.. 50x140
$1500— Orchard ave., near 27th. 50x125
$750 — ^Jefferson, near Hobart. .50x150
$900 — Brighton, nr. Jefferson. .50x150
$1250— Halldale, near 29th 50x150
A. W. ROSS,
L.A.R.B. 420 Bradbury Building.
FORM NO. 135.
Hotels and Lodging Houses.
28 ROOMS, CLOSE IN $900
17 rooms, close in $800
17 rooms, central $450
20 rooms, central $900
11 rooms, central $350
7 rooms, fine furniture, mo-
quette and body brussels car-
pets and Briggs piano $325
10 rooms, with nice stock of gro-
ceries, good location, rent
$20 $1300
C. H. GEORGE & CO.,
545 South Spring.
22
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. 136.
This ad. shows the effect of surround-
ing blank space.
FOR SALE-
WESTMINSTER SQUARE.
MAGNIFICENT NEW WESTLAKE
TRACT.
AT 10 PER CENT. DISCOUNT
FOR A FEW DAYS.
No greater opportunity for profit-
able investment will be found in this
paper today than here offered. This
high class residence subdivision has
absolutely every advantage of desir-
able location and environment that
can make residence property valu-
able. Location, southwest comer of
Fourth and Western avc. ; high-
class subdivisions on every hand;
the Sixth St. car line is now being
constructed directly through this
property, and will be in operation
in three months; values must ad-
vance rapidly then. Right NOW
and right HERE is the critical time
for you to get one of the most de-
sirable home sites in this city, or se-
cure a certain money making invest-
ment. Our autos at your service
daily.
ALTHOUSE BROS.,
Members L. A. Realty Board.
234 Laughlin Bldg.,
Main 263. Home Ex. 263.
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 23
FORM NO. 137— PETITION, VERIFIED, AND ORDER OK COURT,
AUTHORIZING INVESTMENT OF WARD'S
FUNDS BY GUARDIAN.
No. 3362. Dept. 2.
in the Superior Court of the State of California, in and fot the County
of Los Angeles.
In the Matter of the Estate and Guardianship of James Jones, In-
competent.
Petition of Guardian for Leave to Invest Moneys of Ward.
The petition* of Peter Bennett respectfully shows :
1. That he is the duly appointed, qualified and acting Guardian of
John Jones, an incompetent.
2. That he has in his hands Fifteen Hundred Dollars ($1,500) the
same being proceeds of property which belonged to said John Jones, in
the State of Pennsylvania.
3. That the petitioner desires to invest said moneys in the City of Los
AngeleS) California, in property that will produce an incomef and at the
same time enhance in value.
4. That he has agreed with Elmer Belding and Belinda Belding to
purchase of them, if the Court shall approve such purchase, Lot no of the
Baldwin Tract, as per map recorded in Book 46, at page 268, Miscellaneous
Records of Los Angeles County, California, said lot being situated on
Enterprise Avenue and having improvements consisting of a five-room
cottage, numbered 2134.
5. That the purchase price of said property is Two Thousand Dollars
($2,000), and that the rental value of the same is from $13.50 to $14.00 per
month ; that there is a trust deed upon said premises for the sum of Eight
Hundred and Fifty Dollars ($850.00) in favor of the Federal Building
and Loan Association of San Francisco, California, on \yhich there is a
credit of Two Hundred Dollars ($200.00), leaving a balance of said trust
deed of Six Hundred and Fifty Dollars ($650.00).
6. That the petitioner has advanced Fifty Dollars ($50.00), of his
own funds to bind the bargain^ and the owner has agreed to pay and
transfer fee on the certificate of stock in said Federal Building and Loan
Association, so that the amount to be paid in cash out of the funds in the
hands of the petitioner, if said purchase shall be authorized, will be
Thirteen Hundred and Fifty Dollars ($i,350.oo).
7. That the payments on the trust deed abovei mentioned are Nine
Dollars 20-100 ($9.20) per month, including taxes, and the rentals from
the property will be sufficient to make such monthly payments, and peti-
tioner believes that the income from said property will not only meet
the deferred payments thereon, but that the property, being located between
Sixth and Seventh Streets on Enterprise Avenue, will increase in value,
and that the investment of Thirteen Hundred and Fifty Dollars ($1,350),
of his ward's money in said property would be judicious and would pro-
mote the welfare of the estate of his said ward.
8. That the said ward is not competent to determine or advise as to
whether said purchase should be made, and his children are all minors,
the oldest being thirteen years of age.
Wherefore, petitioner prays the Court to make an order authorizing
him to purchase said lot and improvements on the terms above stated,
without notice.
Dated at Los Angeles, California^ April 13, 1906.
RuFus Spaulding,
Attorney for Petitioner.
Peter Bennett, Petitioner.
24 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
(VERIFICATION.)
State of California, County of Los Angeles, ss.
Peter Bennett, being by me duly sworn, desposes and says: That
he is petitioner in the above entitled action; that he» has read the fore-
going petition and knows the contents thereof; and the same is. true of
his knowledge, except as to matters which are therein stated upon his
information and belief, and as to those matters that he believes; it to be
true.
Petbr Bennett.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 13th day of April, 1906.
(SEAL) Mary M. Rice,
Notary Public in and for the (^unty of
Los Angeles, State of California
No. 3362. Dept 2.
Granted April 20, 1906.
(ORDER OF COURT.)
Be it Remembered that on the 20th day of April, 1906, "iti Department
Two of the Superior Court of the County of Los Angeles, State of Cali-
fornia, Hon. C. A. Giles, Judge, Presiding; present, Mr. L. ML Williams,
Depuly Clerk, the following proceedings were had, to wit :
In the matter of the Estate and Guardianship of John Jones, an
Incompetent.
ORDER AUTHORIZING INVESTMENT.
The petition of Peter Bennett, the guardian of said John Jones,
incompetent, for an order authorizing him as such Guardian to invest a
portion of the funds in his hands belonging to said ward in the house and
lot described in said petition, subject to the incumbrance as in said petition
stated, coming on for hearing, and evidence having been heard, it is or-
dered by the (^urt that said petition as prayed be granted.
Entered Jan. 20, 1906.
N. A. Marsh, County Clerk,
By James Scott, Deputy.
Certificate under date of April 21, 1906^ of N. A. Marsh, County
Clerk, that the same is a true copy.
FORM NO. 138— CORPORATE BOND.
United States of America, State of California — Union Transportation Com^
pany.
First Mortgage Five Per Cent. Sinking Fund, Twenty- Year (k)ld Bond.
Number $1000.
For Value Received, the UNION TRANSPORTATION COMPANY,
a corporation, organized and existing under the laws of the State bf Cali-
fornia, and having its principal place of business at Lo« Angeles, County
of Los Angeles, State of CJalifomia, promises to pay to the bearer hereof
or to the registered holder of this bond, if the sam« be registered. One
Thousand Dollars ($1,000) in gold coin of the United States of America,
of the present standard of weight and fineness, on the first day of Feb-
ruary, in the year 1926 at the office of the Title Insurance and Trust
Company in the City of Los Angeles,! State of California, or at the
Com Exchange Bank in the City of New York, State of New York, and
to pay interest thereon from the date hereof until paid, at th^e rate of five
per centum per annum, at the places specified in the annexed coupons, in
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 25
like gold coin semi-annually on the first days of February and August
in each year, upon the presentation and surrender of said interest coupons
as they severally mature. This bond is one »of a series of First Mortgage
Five Per Cent. Sinking Fund Twenty- Year Gold Bonds of the Union
Transportation Company, of the denomination of one thousand dollars
($i,ooo) each, numbered from one (i) to three thousand (3,000), both
inclusive, issued and to be issued to an amount not exceeding in the
aggregate the principal sum of three million dollars ($3,000,000), under the
provisions of, and be equally secured by, a mortgage or deed of trust
dated February ist, A. D. 1906, and executed by the Union Transportation
Company to the Title Insurance and Trust Company of Los Angeles,
California, as Trustee, to which mortgage or deed of trust reference is
hereby made for the description of the property, rights and franchises
nK>rtgaged, the nature and extent of the security and rights of the holders
of bonds under the same and the terras and conditions upon which the
bonds are issued and secured. This bond shall pass by delivery unless
registered in the name of the owner on the books off said Union Trans-
portation Company, such registry being noted on the bond by said last
mentioned corporation. After such registry, no transfer shall be valid
unless made on said books by the registered owner in person, or by his
attorney duly authorized, and similarly noted on the bond. The same
may be discharged from registry by being in like manner transferred to
bearer, and thereupon transferability by delivery shall be restored, but
this bond may again, from time to time, be registered and transferred to
bearer as before. Such registry, however, shall not affect the negotiability
of the coupons which shall continue to be transferable by delivery. This
bond shall not be obligatory for any purpose until the certificate of the
said trustee authenticating the same shall have been duly signed by said
trustee.
In Witness Whereoi?, the Union Transportation Company has caused
these presents to be signed by its President, and its corporate seal to be
hereunto affixed;,, to be attested by its Secretary, and coupons for said
interest with the engraved fac simile signature of its Secretary to be
attached hereto, as of the first day of February, A. D. 1906.
UNION TRANSPORTATION COMPANY.
By
President.
Attest
Secretary.
Coupon No, $25.
On the first day of , 19 , the Union Trans-
portation Company will pay to bearer, at the American National Bank in
the City of Los Angeles, State of California, or at the Com Exchange
Bank in the City of New York, State of New York, at the option of the
holder hereof. Twenty-five Dollars ($25) in United States gold coin,^of the
present standard of weight and fineness, being six months' interest then
due on its First Mortgage Five Per Cent. Sinking Fund Twenty- Year
Gold Bond, No
W. A. Carney, Secretary.
The TITLE INSURANCE AND TRUST COMPANY, of Los
Angeles, California, the trustee within named, hereby certifies that the
within bond is one of the series of bonds therein mentioned; that said
company has examined the records of the proceedings taken for the
incorporation of said UNION TRANSPORTATION COMPANY and
for the execution and issuance of said bonds and of the deed of trust
herein referred to ; that from such examination it appears :
That said UNION TRANSPORTATION COMPANY is duly incor-
26 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
porated under the laws of the State of California, and is empowered by
law to issue said bonds and to execute said deed of trust; that all the
requirements of law have been complied with in the authorization; execu-
tion and issuance of said bonds and of said deed of trust; and that said
deed of trust and said bonds are subsisting and legal obligations.
Said TITLE INSURANCE AND TRUST COMPANY hereby
certifies that said deed of trust has been delivered and recorded as required
by law, and that said company has issued in its usual form and under its
Order No. 95,665, a policy of title insurance upon the title to that certain
property described in said policy, insuring the owners or legal holders of
said bonds against loss by reason of any defect in or lien or incutnbrance
on the title to the property described in said policy, subject only to the
written and printed exceptions contained in said policy.
TITLE INSURANCE AND TRUST COMPANY,
Trustee.
By , President
FORM NO. 139-CASH SUBSCRIPTION BLANK.
(no CERTIFICATE FOR LESS THAN 3OO SHARES WILL BE SOLD.)
CASH CONTRACT.
SUBSCRIPTION BLANK.
FOR SPECIAL ORGANIZATION STOCK OF
THE GOLDFIELD RELIANCE MINING COMPANY.
The C. M. Sumner Investment Securities Company,
Kittredge Building, Denver Colo.
Gentlemen : — I hereby subscribe for Shares of
THE GOLDFIELD RELIANCE MINING COMPANY Stock, par value
^i.oo per share, full paid and non-assessable, with no individual liability,
at the special price of 4 cents per share, for which I enclose
payment in full. Issue certificate to
Name
Postoffice Address
City
State
PRICE OF stock subject TO CHANGE WITHOUT NOTICE.
FORM NO. 140-INSTALLMENT SUBSCRIPTION BLANK.
(no certificate for less than 500 shares will be solix)
INSTALLMENT CONTRACT.
SUBSCRIPTION BLANK.
FOR special organization STOCK OF
THE GOLDFIELD RELIANCE MINING COMPANY.
The C. M. Sumner Investment Securities Company,
Kittredge Building, Denver, Colo.
Gentlemen : — I hereby subscribe for Shares of
THE GOLDFIELD RELIANCE MINING COMPANY Stock, par value
^i.oo per share, full paid and non-assessable, with no individual liability,
at the special price of 5 cents per share, for which I enclose
first month's payment, the balance to be paid in ten equal monthly pay-
ments. Please acknowledge receipt and send contract for delivery of
stock on completion of payments.
Name
Postoffice Address
City
State
PRICE OF STOCK SUBJECT TO CHANGE WITHOUT NOTICE.
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT . 27
FORM NO. 141— CHATTEL MORTGAGE.
This Mortgage, Made this 30th day of January, in the year of our
Lord One Thousand Nine Hundred Six (1906) by C. H. Allen and Eliza
A. Allen, his wife, of the County of Los Angeles^i State of California;
Mortgageors, to W. A. Wilson, of the County and State aforesaid, Mort-
gagee,
WITNESSETH, That the said Mortgageors mortgage to the Mortgagee
all that certain personal property situated and described as follows, to-wit;
All the furniture and furnishings of sixteen rooms, comprising the
rooming house at No. 1306 Maple Ave., in the City of Los Angeles, State
of California, and consisting of the carpets, rugs, mattings, bedsteads, bed-
springs, mattresses^, dressers or bureaus, washstands, tables, bedclothing
and kitchen utensils, as per inventory thereof, hereto annexed and marked
"Exhibit A," as security for the payment to said W. A. Wilson, the said
Mortgagee, of Two Hundred Dollars, gold coin of the United States of
America, on or before the 30th day of July, in the year Nineteen Hundred
Six, with interest thereon at the rate of 13 per cent per annum, according
to the terms and conditions of a certain promissory note of even date here-
with, and in the words and figures following, to-wit :
$200 Los Angeles, Cal., Jan. 30, 1906.
On or before six months after date, for value received^ we promise to
pay W. A. Wilson or order, the sum of Two Hundred Dollars, with
interest at the rate of thirteen per cent, per annum from date until paid,
interest payable semi-annually, and if not so paid to be compounded semi-
annually, and bear the same rate of interest as the principal; and should
the interest be not so paid then the whole sum of principal and interest
shall become immediately due and payable at the option of the holder of
this note. Principal and interest payable in gold coin of the United States.
Payable at Los Angeles, Californa.
This note is secured by a chattel mortgage of even date herewith.
C. H. ALLEN,
E. A. ALLEN.
It is also agreed that if the Mortgageors shall fail to maKe any payment
as in the said promissory note provided, then the Mortgagee may take
possession of the said property, using all necessary force so to do, and
may immediately proceed to sell the same in the manner provided by law,
and from the proceeds pay the whole amount in said note so specified,
together with all payments made by the Mortgagee for insurance on the
said property, and all costs of sale, including counsel fees not exceeding
twenty per cent, upon the amount due, paying the overplus to the said
Mortgageors. C. H. ALLEN (seal)
E. A. ALLEN (seal)
State of California, County of Los Angeles, ss.
Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of
C. H. Allen and E. A. Allen, the Mortgageors in the foregoing mort-
gage named, and W. A, Wilson, the Mortgagee in said mortgage named,
being duly sworn, each for himself and herself, doth depose and say that
the aforesaid mortgage is made in good faith and without any design to
hinder, delay or defraud creditors.
Subscribed and sworn to this 30th day of January, 1906.
W. A. WILSON,
C. H. ALLEN,
E. A. ALLEN,
James J. White, a Notary Public in and for said County df Los Angeles,
State of California.
(Notarial Seal)
( Acknow ledgment )
28 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. 142— CROP MORTGAGE.
THIS INDENTURE, Made the day of In the year of
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety- BETWEEN
of the County of State of by occupation a Mortgageor
. .and part. . of the first part, and by occupation a , Mortgagee
..and part., of the second part, WITNESSETH: That the said Mort-
gageor.., for and in consideration of the sum of ....DOLLARSy ,
to. . in hand paid, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, do. .by
these presents grant, bargain, sell and convey unto the said part. . of the
second part, and to . .heirs and assigns forever, the following growing Crop
. . .viz. : the Crop. . of now being, standing and growing upon that
certain piece or parcel of land, situate, lying and being in the said County
of , State of , and particularly described as follows, viz. :
TO HAVE AND TO HOLD the above-mentioned and described
Crop. . subject to the provisions hereinafter contained.
PROVIDED, NEVERTHELESS.', and these presents are upon the
express condition.., that if the said part., of the first part, heirs,
executors, administrators or assigns, shall well and truly pay or ca^use
to be paid, unto the said part., of the second part, .... executors, ad-
ministrators or assigns, the sum of Dollars, on the with
interest thereon at the rate of per cent per from the date hereof,
until paid, according to the true intent and meaning of certain Prom-
issory Note, .dated as by said Promissory Isfote. ., reference there-
unto being had, will more fully appear, then these presents shall be void.
And the part. . of the first part do. . hereby covenant and agree to and with
the said part., of the second part, heirs and assigns^ that. .he. .will
well and carefully tend, take care of and protect the said Crop, .while
growing and until fit for harvest, and then faithfully and without delay,
harvest, thresh, clean and sack the same, and deliver the same immediately
into the possession of the said part. . of the second part, or assigns, to
be by held and disposed of for the payment of the debt hereby secured;
that in default of either of the above acts to be done by the said part. . of
the first part, the said part. . of the second part, or assigns, may enter
upon the premises and take all necessary measures for the protection of
said Crop.., and may retain possession thereof, harvest, thresh and sack
the same ; and all expenses so incurred, and all that may become necessary
in the keeping and care of said Crop. ., as well as the hauling^,! storing and
delivery thereof, shall be secured by this Mortgage, and shall be first pay-
able in United States Gold Coin, out of the money realized from the sale
of said Crop. . ; that said part. . of the second part, or assigns shall
and may at all times enter into the premises to view the same, or to tajce
any measures necessary for the protection of said Crop.., or. .. .interests
therein, and that upon harvesting thereof, shall be entitled to the im-
mediate possession of the same, and may haul and store the same, at the
expense of the said part., of the first part, and do. .for the purposes
aforesaid, make, constitute and appoint the said part. . of the second part,
and assigns, true and lawful Attorney, .irrevocable;, with full power
to enter upon said premises and take possession of said Crop. ., and take
care of, protect, thresh, clean and sack the same, in case of any default
on, . . .part of the covenants herein contained ; and do. .further authorize
or assigns to take possession of said Crop., when harvested, to
haul and store the same, to sell and dispose of the same, or any part there-
of, at such time or times, and for such sum or sums of money as may
deem proper, and for the best advantage of all concerned, and out of the
proceeds of such sale, first, to retain the costs and charges thereof, and
any and all expenses by the part. . of the second part incurred in the care
and protection, harvesting, hauling or storing the same, and commission
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 29
for selling the same; second, to apply the residue to the payment of said
Note. ., rendering the overplus, if any there be, to the said part. . of the
first part, or assigns.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the said part., of the first part ha....
liereunto set hand, .and seal, .the day and year first above written.
Signed, Sealed and Delivered in the presence of
(seal)
(seal)
(seal)
STATE of County of ss.
the Mortgageor. .in the foregoing Mortgage named, and the Mort-
^gee. .in said Mortgage named, each being duly sworn;, each for himself,
doth depose and say: that the aforesaid Mortgage is made in good faith
.and without any design to hinder, delay, or defraud any creditor or
creditors.
Subscribed and sworn to before me, this day of 189.., at the
CJounty of
FORM NO 137— HABENDUM AND RENT CLAUSE.
To Have and to Hold the said above mentioned and described prem-
ises, with the appurtenances, unto the said party of the second part, his
executors, administrators and assigns, from the day of , one thous-
and nine hundred and , for and during the full term of years thence
next ensuing, and fully to be completed and ended. Yielding and paying
therefor, unto the said party of the first part, his heirs or assigns*, monthly
^nd every month, during the said term hereby granted, the monthly rent or
sum of dollars. Gold Coin of the United States of America, on the
• .. .day in each and every month during the said term: Provided always,
nevertheless, that if the monthly rent above reserved, or any part thereof,
shall be behind or unpaid on any day of payment whereon the same
ought to be paid, as aforesaid; or if default shall be made in any of the
covenants herein contained, on the part and behalf of the saiid party
•of the second part, his executors, administrators and assigns, to be paid,
kept and performed, then and from thenceforth it shall and may be
lawful for the said party of the first part, his heirs or assigns, into and
oipon the said premises, and every part thereof, wholly to re-enter, and
the same to have again, repossess and enjoy, as in his or their former
•estate, any thing hereinbefore contained to the contrary thereof in any
wise notwithstanding.
FORM 144— COVENANT AS TO INSURANCE, AND APPLI-
CATION OF SAME, ON BUILDINGS ON LEASED GROUND.
The lessee does covenant and agree to and with the lessor, that it,
the lessee, will keep insured, during the said demised term, any aiid all
buildings, or improvements that may be built or placed upon said premises,
in a good and responsible company or companies to the amount of not
less than eighty (80%) per cent, of the cost of the buildings, provided
insurance in good and solvent companies can be obtained to that percent-
age; if not, then to the highest percentage that can be obtained, not
exceeding eighty (80%) per cent., and all policies issued, and renewals
thereof, of all such insurance upon the said buildings or improvements to
the amount of any per cent, of the cost of the buildings, are to t>e assigned
30 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
to, and in case of loss, be made payable to, the Trust
Company of (hereby designated as
trustee) for the purposes hereinafter named, to wit: — the same to be
held by the said Trust Company as trustee as additional security for
the amount of rent that might become due under the said lease and
for the rebuilding herein provided for. And the lessee covenants and
agrees, in the event of the total destruction of said premises by lire,
that immediately upon the payment of the insurance moneys accruing to
said Trust Company, it, the said lessee, will forthwith, and immediately
advance and pay to said Trust Company the difference between the amount
of insurance so received upon said policies and the sum of
thousand dollars, the said sum of thousand dollars to constitute a
trust fund for the payment of the rent hereunder, as well as for the
rebuilding of said building; and said Trust Company, in case said build-
ings or improvements shall at any time or times be destroyed by fire,
during said demised term, shall pay to said lessee,i upon proper architect's
certificates, so much of the said trust fund in such sum or sums as may be
necessary to pay for the rebuilding of said building ; and the lessee agrees
and covenants that said sum shall be so expended in the construction of a
new building upon said premises, and that it will rebuild the same. It
is furthermore covenanted and agreed that the policies of insurance upon
said premises shall be subject to the examination of the lessor, and the
lessor shall have the right to reject any of said policies and m the event of
such rejection, the lessee agrees to substitute new policies in like amount
in companies the said lessor may approve. In the event that, owing to
insurance regulations then or thereafter in force, said msurance moneys
cannot be made payable to said Trust Company, on in the event said Trust
Company shall be unwilling, or should be unable, or should decline, to
act, then said moneys shall be payable to such person or corporation and
in such manner as may be permitted by said insurance regulations, but in
such a way as that all moneys paid or recovered on account of said policies
shall constitute a trust fund as hereinbefore expressly provided.
And it is further understood and agreed that no interest is to be
paid on said insurance money by said Trust Company during the time
said money remains in its possession ; and it is further agreed that any antf
all moneys which the said Trust Company shall receive by reason of any
loss or destruction of the said buildings or improvements, is hereby
constituted a trust fund, to be used for the rebuilding of the buildings and
improvements upon the said premises as hereinbefore provided for. An<r
it is further agreed that said Trust Company shall properly disburse such
moneys and use same toward rebuilding the buildings and improvements
upon the said premises as herein provided for ; but it is expressly under-
stood and agreed that this provision shall not prejudice the provisions in
this lease contained,^ that such insurance money shall stand as additional
security for the rent herein provided for. And it is further understood
and agreed that neither the lessor nor said Trust Comi>any shall be
responsible for the collection or noncollection of any insurance money
or in any event but only for such insurance money as shall come to
its hands; provided, however, that said Trust Company shall take such
steps as said lessee may direct, either by suit or otherwise, for the
collection of said insurance moneys, should the insurance company or
companies for any reason decline to pay any loss; and the lessee shall
advance all costs and expenses of such proceedings and shall fully
indemnify said Trust Company from any loss, damage, costs and expense
resulting therefrom. It is further understood that the said insurance
moneys shall be applicable as to the payment of rent that may be due
hereunder and shall at all times be subject to the payment of such rental.
And the said lessee covenants and agrees that if said buildings and
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 31
improvements, or any part thereof, shall at any time or times during the
continuance of said term be destroyed or damaged by fire or other
casualty, and as often as any building or improvements on said premises
shall be destroyed or damaged by fire or other casualty, said lessee shall
rebuild and replace the same upon the same general plan and dimensions
as before the said fire or casualty, the construction so rebuilt and repaired
to be of the value of not less than thousand dollars, and shall have the
same rebuilt and ready for occupancy within twelve months from each
loss or destruction, at its own expense, provided, tha,t jn case such* build-
ing shall be destroyed or damaged so near the end of said term that there
shall not be ample time (which time shall not exceed eighteen months)
to rebuild or repair the same before the end of said term, then the insur-
ance on the said buildings shall belong to and be paid to the said lessee^
except so much thereof as shall be equal to the sum due and to become
due the said lessor under the terms of this lease, which amount, if any,,
sliall be paid to the said lessor; and in such case this leasehold interest
shall be determined; and it is covenanted and agreed that all and every
sum or sums of money which shall be recovered or received by said
lessee for and in respect of said insurance upon said building or buildings
shall be laid out and expended by it in rebuilding or repairing said buildings
or such parts thereof as shall be damaged as aforesaid, and in case the
lessee shall not have advanced the funds necessary to bring said insurance
moneys up to thousand dollars, it shall be lawful for the lessor to
declare this lease ended, and into said premises to re-enter as herein-
before provided; and any part of any building or buildings remaining on
said premises shall at once be forfeited to said lessor and no compensa-
tion therefore shall be allowed to said lessee, and any balance of insurance
money remaining in the hands of the said Trust Company shall be forfeited
to him as liquidated and ascertained damages, and not as a penalty or
penal sum or in the nature thereof. And it is understood and agreed, in
case of a fulfillment by said lessee of its covenants in this lease, that any
surplus of any and all insurance moneys, after the use of the same for the
purpose provided in this lease, shall belong to and be paid over to the said
lessee, except in the event of the destruction of said building, within
eighteen months of the expiration of this term, when, after the deductfon
of the rental to grow due, the balance of the insurance money shall be
paid to the lessee.
FORM NO. 145— COVENANT IN LEASE THAT LESSOR MAY
POST NOTICES THAT HE WILL NOT BE RESPONSIBLE
FOR CONSTRUCTION, ALTERATION AND REPAIR
OF IMPROVEMENTS.
The lessor shall have the right, and hereby reserves the right, to
enter upon said demised premises on or before or about the time or
during the time of the construction of said new building, and to post,
print, paint, or place thereon, in a conspicuous place or places, notices of
such character and size as the lessor may determine, and to keep them so
maintained, to the effect that, he, the lessor and owner will not be re-
sponsible for the construction, alteration and repair, or intended construc-
tion, alteration or repair, of any building or improvement upon the said
property; or to take any other act that may be required by law or by
Section 1192 of the Code of Civil Procedure to exempt said lessor from
liability by reason of the construction thereof.
32 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. 146-COVENANT IN LEASE AS TO APPRAISAL
OF. AND PAYMENT FOR, BUILDINGS ON
LEASED GROUND.
It is further covenanted and agreed that unless the respective parties
herein shall have agreed in writing ninety days before the day
of A. D., 19. ., (provided this lease is not sooner
determined in any of the ways herein mentioned) upon the actual cash
. value of any and all buildings and any and all improvements that are
situated and standing upon said premises (exclusive oi and not including
the value of the land or ground) then an appraisal shall be made of the
then actual cash value of any and all such buildings and improvements at
the time of the appraisal, said appraisal to be made by three disinterested
free-holders in the City of , owning land in fee in
that part of said City, and not related to any of the parties in interest by
consanguinity or affinity, and they shall be selected in the following manner,
that is to say: The lessee shall select one appraiser and notify the lessor
in writing of the person so chosen, and the lessor shall thereupon, or within
ten (10) days thereafter, choose one appraiser and notify the lessee in
writing of the person chosen, and the two persons so chosen shall, within
ten (10) days thereafter, choose a third appraiser^ and the three persons
so chosen, or any two of them, shall proceed forthwith to appraise the
actual cash value of any and all buildings and improvements aforesaid,
exclusive of and not including the value of the land or ground at the time
of the appraisement, and shall determine whether or not the buildings have
at any time been used for a purpose likely to weaken or injure them beyond
ordinary wear and tear and deterioration, and shall, within ten (10) days
thereafter notify, in writing, the said lessor and lessee of the appraisal so
made by them; and the decision of the said appraisers, or of any two of
them, shall be final and binding. And in case of the refusal of either of
the parties hereto to appoint an appraiser as herein provided, or, in case ot
the death, inability, neglect or refusal to act of either of the appraisers
so appointed by the said parties hereto, or of the third ai^raiser appointed
by the said appraisers chosen by the parties hereto, as hereinbefore pro-
videdw or, in case the appraisers appointed by the said parties hereto shall
neglect or refuse to appoint or be unable to agree upon a third appraiser,
as hereinbefore provided, or, in case the three appraisers are appointed,
that any two of them shall be unable to agree upon an appraisement as
hereinbefore provided, then, in any such event, either of the said parties
hereto, or the party or parties who shall succeed to the interest of the said
parties hereto under the terms of this lease, shall have the right to apply
to any judge of any court of Record having chancery Jurlsoiction within
the said county of for the appointment
of one or two or three appraisers as the circumstances demand ; and any
judge to whom such application shall have been made, shall, upon satis-
factory evidence being furnished that due notice of such application has
been given to the other party in interest, have the power to appoint one
or two or three appraisers, as the circumstances demand, of like qualifica-
tions as herein provided, and the appraisers so appointed shall have
the same qualifications, powers and duties as though they had been selected
as hereinbefore provided. Said appraisers shall take into consideration, in
estimating the value of said building, such sums as may have been expended
under any party wall agreements theretofore entered into by tne said
lessee and the adjacent property owners.
And it is hereby Understood, Covenanted and Agreed that no appraisal
shall be invalid by reason of not being made within the time provided by
this lease, and that the appraised value shall in no case exceed what it
would then cost to erect and complete such buildings and improvements
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 33
less the then depreciation thereof occasioned by wear and tear, age and
decay; but in no event shall said appraisement exceed nor shall said
kssor be under any obligation or liability to pay hereunder a sum ex-
ceeding .dollars.
Ajid the said lessor covenants and agrees to purchase on the
day of * , in the year of our Lord one thousand
hundred and , (unless this lease is sooner determined in any of tkfi^
ways herein provided,) the said building and improvements situatea ai»4
standing upon the said premises, (exclusive of and not including tie.
value of the land or ground) at their actual cash value, so agreed upon
and determined as aforesaid; said purchase money to be payable one-haU;'
in: cash and the balance in one (i) year from the first day of , in
the year of our Lord one thousand hundred , with interest
tbereon at the rate of six per cent, per annum, said deferred payment. to be.
secured by a first mortgage on said premises and improvements^ or i>y
such other securities as may be satisfactory to the said lessee; or.: if the'
said lessor so desires, he may pay the entire sum of said purchase prke*
in cash.
And the said lessee covenants and agrees that at the time and upon
the day of such purchase to-wit : Upon the day of , at twelve
o*ck)ck noon, it will convey all of said buildings and improvements to ithe
said lessor, by a good and sufficient deed of conveyancQ< and will immedi-
ately surrender, yield and deliver up, peaceably, said described premises
in as good condition as when the same was entered upon by the said
lessee, and any and all buildings and improvements thereon in a good and'
perfect condition, ordinary wear and tear, depreciation and decay, excepted;
It being, however, fully understood and agreed by and between the parties
hereto that it is a condition of this lease that all buildings and knprove-
ments and fixtures upon the said premises at the termination of said
demised term, providing this lease is not sooner determined, shall, at
and upon the date of the expiration of said demised term, revert to and
become the exclusive property of and be vested in the said lessor, after
any such deed of conveyance from the said lessee to the said lessor; but
this condition is not to be understood or to be so construed as to waive
the right of the lessee to the payment to it of the actual cash value of tbc
said improvements upon the said premises, to be ascertained and determined
as aforesaid. And it is further understood and agreed;, in the event that
the value of the buildings shall not have been agreed upon or ascertained
prior to the expiration of the said demised term, then and in such case
said lessee shall have the first and valid lien upon said premises for the
amount of such value notwithstanding the surrender of the possession
thereof to the said lessor as above provided, together with interest thereon
at the. rate of six per cent. (6%) per annum from the date of the deter-
mination of said demised term, until so paid or secured; and in default
thereof said lessee may enforce its lien therefor.
FORM NO. 147— COVENANT FOR QUIET ENJOYMENT.
And the said party of the first part, for himself, his heirs, and assigns,
doth, covenant and agree, by these presents, that the said party of the
second part, his executors, administrators or assigns, upon paying the said
monthly rent above reserved, and performing the covenants and agree-
ments aforesaid, on his and their part, the said party of the second part,
his executors^,; administrators and assigns, to be paid, kept and performed,
shall and may at all times during the term hereby granted, peaceably and
fuietly have, hold and enjoy the said demised premises, without any let,
suit, trouble or hinderance, of or from the said party of the first part, his
heirs or assigns, or any other person or persons whosoever.
34 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. I4&-C0VENANT TO PAY RENT.
And the said party of the second part, for himself and his heirs,
executors, administrators and assigns, doth covenant and agree, to and
with the said party of the first part, his heirs and assigns, by these presents,
that the said party of the second part, his executors^ administrators or as>
signs, shall and will monthly and every month during the term granted,
well and truly pay, or cause to be paid, unto the said party of the first
part, his heirs or assigns, the said monthly rent above reserved, on the
4ays, and in the manner limited and prescribed, as aforesaid, for the pay-
ment thereof, without any deduction, fraud or delay, according to the true
intent and meaning of these presents: And that on the last day of the
said term, or other sooner determination of the estate hereby granted, the
said party of the second part, his executors, administrator^ or assigns,
shall and will peaceably and quietly leave, surrender and yield up, unto the
said party of the first part, his heirs or assigns, all singular the said
demised premises.
FORM NO. 149— COVENANT NOT TO ASSIGN LEASE WITHOUT
WRITTEN CONSENT OF LESSOR.
And said party of the second part further covenants and agrees, that
he will not assign this lease or under let or sublet said premises, or any
part thereof, to any person or persons whomsoever, without first obtaining
the written consent of said party of the first part ; and notice is hereby
given that any assignment of this lease or underletting of said premises
not in strict conformity to this provision shall be absolutely null and void :
Provided, however, that the consent of said party of the first part shall
not be unreasonably nor capriciously withheld.
FORM NO. ISO-COVENANT AS TO HEIRS AND ASSIGNS.
It is mutually covenanted and agreed by and between the parties
hereto, that each of the expressions, phrases, terms, conditions, provisions,
stipulations admissions, promises, agreements, requirements and obliga-
tions of this lease shall extend to and bind and inure to the benefit of (as
the case may require) not only the parties hereto, but each and every oif
their heirs, executors, administrators and assigns of the respective parties
of the first and second part hereto ; and wherever in this lease a reference
to either of the parties hereto is made, such reference shall be deemed to
include, wherever applicable, also a reference to the heirs, legal repre-
sentatives and assigns of such party the same as if in every case expressed ;
and all the conditions and covenants contained in this lease shall be con-
strued as covenants running with the land.
FORM NO. 151— COVENANT AS TO RIGHTS OF THE PARTIES
IN EVENT OF DESTRUCTION OF PREMISES BY FIRE.
If, during the term of this lease, the building or premises are destroyed
by fire, or other action of the elements, or partially destroyed so as to
render the premises demised wholly unfit for occupancy, or if tTiey shall
be so badly injured that they cannot be repaired within sixty days after
the happening of the injury, then this lease shall cease and become null and
void from the date of such damage or destruction, and the lessee shall
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 35
immediately surrender said premises, and all interests tTierein, to said
lessor^ and said lessee shall pay rent within this term only to the time of
such surrender ; and in case of destruction or partial destruction as above
mentioned, the said lessor may re-enter and re-possess said premises dis-
charged of this lease, and may remove all parties thetefrom; and if said
premises shall be repairable within sixty days from happening of said
mjury, then said rent shall not run or accrue after such injury and while
the process of repairs is going on, and the lessor shall repair the same
with all reasonable speed, and the rent shall recommence immediately after
said repairs shall be completed; but if said premises shall be so slightly
injured by fire or the elements as not to be rendered unfit for occupancy,
then the said lessor agrees that the same shall be repaired with reasonable
promptitude; and in that case the rent accrued and accruing shall not
cease or determine. In no case shall the lessee be entitled to compensa-
tion or damages on account of any inconvenience or annoyance, or destruc-
tion by fire or earthquakes or by other actions of the elements, or by recon-
struction or repair of any portion of said building; nor for any damage
to or loss of property in said premises from any cause.
FORM NO. IS2—C0VENANT AS TO REPAIRS.
The lessor shall not be required to make any repairs on said premises^
and shall not be responsible for any damage to the demised premises or
property contained therein, by reason of the leakage of water from the
roof, or pipes, or stoppage of pipes, or stoppage or overflow! of sewers, or
leakage or overflow from any cause ; but the lessor will cause the defects
to be remedied with reasonable diligence by a mechanic after receiving
notice thereof; but if said mechanic fails to make said repairs properly
and the lessee sustain loss or damage thereby before the lessor is notified
of such failure and has reasonable time to have the same corrected, thien
the lessee hereby waives all claims therefore against the lessor and agrees
to look to said mechanic.
FORM NO. 153— COVENANTS BY LESSEE OF FLAT BUILDING.
And for the consideration aforesaid, the said party of the second
part further covenants and agrees with said party of the first part^ his exe-
cutors, administrators, and assigns, to take good care of the apartments
demised and their fixtures, and to commit and suffer no waste therein;
that no changes or alterations of the premises shall be made, or partitibns
erected, nor walls papered, without the consent in writing of said lessor;
that said second party will make all repairs required to the walls, ceilings,
paint, plastering, plumbing work, pipes, and fixtures belonging to said
apartments, whenever damage or injury to the same shall have resulted
from misuse or neglect ; that said premises shall not be used as a "board-
ing" or "lodging" house, nor for a school, or to give instruction in music
or singing,, and none of the rooms shall be offered for lease by placing
notices on any door, window or wall of the building, nor by advertising the
same directly or indirectly, in any newspaper, or otherwise; that there
shall be no lounging, sitting upon, or unnecessary tarrying in of upon the
front steps, the sidewalk; railing, stairways, halls, landing, or other public
places of the said building by the said lessee, members of the family, or
other persons connected with the occupancy of the demised premises; that
no provisions, milk, ice, marketing, groceries, or like merchandise, shall
be taken in to the demised premises through the front door of said build-
>x
36 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
ing; that said lessee, and those occupying under said lessee, shall not in-
terfere with the furnace, heating apparatus, or with the gas or other
lights of said building which are not within the apartments hereby demised,
nor with the control of any of the public portions of said building; that
the said lessee and those occupying under said lessee will comply with,
aiid conform to all reasonable rules or regulations that the lessor ma)y
make for the protection of the building or the general welfare and comfort
of the occupants thereof ; and will conform to and comply with the notices
and requirements posted in the halls of said building. And that said
party of the first part shall have the right to put up notices to rent on the
hall doors, and to show said premises between the hours of lo and 12
A. M. of each day, for thirty days prior to the expiration of this lease.
FORM NO. 154— A LOOSE CONTRACT FOR SALE OF LOTS.
Contract No.
RECEIVED OF the sum of.... Dollars ....as a deposit to
secure the purchase of the following described lots of the TRACT,
Lot numbered of block numbered according to the Preliminary
Maps, made by from which plan of sub-division the Official Map
will be made to conform as close as practical; subject to the following
conditions :
The said deposit is accepted only as Rent of said property for thfc
period of one month from date, and the benefits of this contract are con-
ditioned on the further sum of Dollars, being paid as monthly rent
to be paid on the day of each month hereafter for months,, with ex-
act punctuality, as time is the essence of this agreement; then, and in
consideration of having paid said rent for said period, upon payment of
Two Dollars, a grant deed is to be furnished to the above named party,
conveying a perfect title to the above described property, free and clear of
all incumbrances on 190. ., or we will refund all money paid to-
gether with 6 per cent, per annum interest added.
Prior to the delivery of deed, said above named party has the right to
examine Certificate of Title to make certain that a perfect title to said
property will be conveyed, free and clear of all encumbrances at time when
deed is delivered, or we will refund all money paid, together with 6 per
cent, per annum interest added.
All deeds arc to contain a clause prohibiting the establishment oi
saloons to sell spiritous liquors on said property, and also prohibiting .the
erection of shanties thereon, and that all buildings erected on said prop-
erty must be neat, modern, and attractive, the plans of which must be
first approved by the City Building Inspector of 1,, in order to assure
the erection of only attractive homes thereon.
The Company reserves the right to lay water, sewer, gas, and
electric conduits, telegraph and telephone lines and electric railroad lines
over and along the streets of the Tract, without any expense to
lot purchasers.
All deieds will accurately describe the property as the Tract,
according to the official map thereof, which is to conform closely to the
Preliminary Map as above stated.
This contract is based on a contract for the sale of acres of the
Rancho , said contract being dated , and now of record in the office
of the County Recorder of County, California.
By .V President.
All of the above terms and conditions are hereby accepted by me.
,. Purchaser.
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 37
FORM 155— SUBSCRIPTION AGREEMENT TO FORM
SYNDICATE TO PLACE SUBDIVISION
ON THE MARKET.
Subscription Agreement.
Know all Men by These Presents, That Whereas,
has obtained options for the purchase of (here describe the premises)
which said options are hereby referred to and by reterence made a part
hereof; and.
Whereas, It is the intention of the said tu form a syndicate for
the purchase of said properties, and for the purpose of laying out and sub-
dividing said properties into lots of suitable siises^ and to put said sub-
division on the market for sale, and to sell saio lots in said subdivisicHi with
the greatest possible expedition, and, in order to protect tht various in-
terests that may be represented in said S}rndicate and in order to accomplish
the purposes herein set forth, it is the intention to have the title to tiie
said properties taken in the name of the Trust Company, with a
declaration of trust by said company in favor of the beneficiaries who sub-
scribe the money for the purchase of said property; and.
Whereas, It is estimated that the cost of purchasing said properties,
including the expense of grading and improving the land, subdividing the
same, and opening, laying out and improving the avenues, streets and
parks, will be, and shall not exceed thousand dollars; and,
Whereas, It is the intention of said.... to have subscribers hereto
take shares or undivided interests in the beneficial title to said properties,
and for that purpose the total amount hereinbefore estimated is divided
into shares or parts of One Thousand Dollars ($I'|KK).oo) each, and
the said Trust Company, as such trustee, will issue to each subscriber a
declaration of trust showing in apt and appropriate language the amount
of such beneficiary interest, and the shares or parts taken by each subscriber
respectively, and such other matters as may be decided upon; it being
distinctly understood and agreed that said shares are not assessable in
any way whatsoever, and that the total liability of any subscriber hereto is
limited to the exact amount of the subscription made by him ; and that the
said Trust Company shall not be liable in any event beyond the sMUOunts
of money collected by it properly applicable to disbursements hereunder,
nor to issue any certificate of unqualified ownership, until said property
shall have been fully paid for, and an unincumbered title thereto is in-
vested in it; and.
Whereas, The said agrees to turn over to the subscribers
hereto said options for the purchase of said lands, reserving to himse)if»
however, the commission therein agreed to be paid by the aforesaid....;
and,
Whereas, It is understood and agreed that the owners of said prop-
erties, and the said agent may subscribe for shades
in said syndicate, and that the amount of the first cash payment on such
subscriptions respectively may be deducted from the cash amounts pth«r-
Wise coming to them under tie terms of said options and without the ne-
cessity of depositing the thirty-five per cent. (35%) of said subscriptions
in cash as hereinafter provided; and.
Whereas, It is the intention to have said act as
agent for the beneficiaries and the trustee, and in handling said subdivision
and advertising the same for sale, and selling the lots therein, and the
said agrees to act as an exclusive sales agent for ;the
sale of said properties and to advertise said properties extensively in the
press of Los Angeles and otherwise, and to use his best endeavors to sc)l
the lots in said subdivision, and the said also agrees to
38 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
interest other agents in the sale of said lots, and to pay such agents for
services actually rendered by them reasonable commissions upon the sales
effected by them, and otherwise to devote reasonable time and attention to
the business of said subdivision and to the interests of the beneficiaries
herein, so as to produce, at the earliest practicable time, the greatest re-
turn to the beneficiaries or subscribers hereto; and in consideration olf the
promises and covenants on the part of said it is hereby
agreed that he shall receive from the said Trust Com-
pany, as such trustee, a commission of ten per cent (io%) upon all sales
made of any and all lots in said subdivision, and for contracts or deeds
which shall be issued by said trustee, said ten per cent, to be payable out
of the cash proceeds received upon the sale or disposition of any of such
lots so sold respectively; said agency to continue until the termination of
the trust hereinbefore referred to, and specifically set forth and described
in the declaration of trust, reference to which is hereby made ; and.
Whereas, It is the intention, of the subscribers hereto to have an
executive committee composed of three of the subscribers hereto to be
appointed by a two-thirds vote of the subscribed shares, each share being
entitled to one vote; or such committee shall be appointed by the written
consent of the holders of two-thirds of the subscribed shares^ the specific
duties and powers of said committee to be determined by said
Trust Company.
Now, Therefore, We, whose names are undersigned, in consideration
of the mutual promises and covenants herein contained, and of the sub-
scription herein stated, agree each with the other to subscribe, and do
hereby subscribe for the shares and in the amount set opposite our names
respectively,and agree to pay the amount of our respective subscriptions in
the following manner, to-wit:
35% in cash on or before April lo, 1906.
10% thereof on or before three months from April 10, 1906.
10% thereof on or before six months from April 10, 1906.
15% thereof on or before one year from April 10, 1906.
15% thereof on or before two years from April 10, 1906.
15% thereof on or before three years from April 10, 1906.
Provided, however, that the subscribers shall be notified by the said
trustee at least ten days before any such installments, except the first,
shall become due and payable, said notice to be given by sending a letter
to each subscriber at the address designated in this subscription agreement,
or at such other address as may from time to time be left with said
Trust Company ; it being understood that if the sales
of lots shall proceed with sufficient rapidity, it will be unnecessary to call
for all the balance of the subscriptions hereinbefore stated, and in such
event the proceeds of the sales of lots shall be applied (after the payment
of other expenses as provided in the declaration of trust), toward tl^
payment of installments and principal and interest which may be due or
become due on the purchase price of said property, and towards the cost
of such improvements or other expenses as may be directly connected with
the handling of said property. All subscriptions hereunder shall be pay-
able at the office of the Trust Company of Los Angeles,
California, or at any other place which may be designated by said Com-
pany.
It is further understood and agreed that said Trust
Company may, at its option, call for only such proportion of any install-
ment herein agreed to be paid as may, in the opinion of said
Trust Company, be necessary to meet the deferred payments of the pur-
chase price, interests, costs and expenses which may then be due or grow
due.
It is further understood and agreed that when all of the said prop-
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
39
erties shall have been paid for in full, including all costs and expenses
of improvements, and the handling of said properties, the profits or
dividends thereafter earned by the S3mdicate and received by said
Trust Company shall be distributed pro rata among the subscribers hereto
every three months, after deducting the then accrued costs of said
Trust Company in connection with the handling of said trust
Each subscription is made upon the distinct understanding and agree-
ment that if the whole sum of thousand dollars is
not subscribed on or before the day of , 1906, then the sub-
scription of each of the parties hereto shall be and is hereby declared null
and void and of no effect whatever, and whatever cash payments may
have been made by any of the subscribers hereto prior to said date, ^nall,
in the event of such subscription agreement becoming ineffective, be re-
turned to the persons making such payments respectively.
Dated at Los Angeles, California, this day of , iQUlx
FORM NO. 156— SALES REPORT OF TRACT AGENT.
Brown & Jones, Room 3, Dunn Block, Los Angeles, Cal.
Lot No. 12, Block A, Briswalter Tract; Price $1,000; Purchaser, Daniel
Draper; Address 1127 Ingraham Street; Phone, Home 608; Am*t Deposit/ed
$100 ; Terms $350 cash; Balance $650 in one and two years, with 7% in-
terest, payable quarterly. Name of party to whom deed or contract is
to be made, Daniel Draper. Will call at office tomorrow at 10:30 A. M.
Date, May 10, 1906.
Timothy Tilden, Tract Agent.
FORM NO. i57~RULING FOR PAYMENTS ON BACK OF LOT
CONTRACT.
SoUio -
P. 0. Address
For $ •'•
Lot No...
First Payment ^— -
•made-^
.J90...
Date Paid
Amount
Paid
Interest
Paid
To Whom Paid
1
i
•40 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. is8— RULING ON BNVBLOPB TO CONTAIN CONTRACT
£«/..
.Btk...
BOWEN & DOLTON
m ACCOUNT WITH
(Nmu).
vOATE
..Per Cent. Payable QuMtatly-Saat-Aaniitfr
—
To Contract-Detd
By Cash Payment
To Balance due onCont.-Mtg.
FORM NO. 159— BUILDERS EXCHANGE; (SUGGESTIONS AS TO
CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS.)
Objects.
First. — To join in one association all mechanics, manufacturers and
-dealers of good repute, doing business in the city and county aforesaid,
whose vocation connects them, wholly or generally, with the industry of
building, either as an employing contractor in any branch of the 4>iuldiog
business, or as a manufacturer of, or dealer in material used atid employed
ifi-Hie erection of buildings, or other structures.
Second,~^To establish and maintain among the individuals to as-
sociated, a just and equitable system of dealing, and a uniformity in com-
mercial usages by rules and regulations ; to acquire, preserve or disseminate
valuable information regarding the business in which they are 3everally
ihird. — ^To procure (either by lease or purchase), furnish and main-
tain suitable rooms for the use of its members for meeting rooms, offices,
and other purposes.
Fourth. — To establish and enforce a system otf arbitration for the set-
tlement of disputes or misunderstandings which may arise between its
members.
The term ' of existence of this Exchange is to be titn ysars> ixmn
and after the filinp: of the certificate of incorporation.
No shares of stock or individual right in the property of this £x-
iteage ^ail exist or be acquired during its existence.
RBAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 41
But the property belonging to, and in the name of "The Builders' Ex-
change," shall be held in trust by the Directors for this Exchange, and shall
not be diverted from the purposes and intentions for which it was or-
ganized.
M^MBSRSHIP.
Any person creditably and practically engaged as an employing con-
tractor in any trade connected with the business of building, or in manu-
facturing, or dealing generally in building material, is eligible to mem-
bership in this Exchange, and may be admitted as provided in the By-
Laws of the Exchange.
A copartnership or corporation may become a member of the Exchange
as one person, in the manner provided for the election and admission
of members.
Such copartnership may be represented by any member thereof; but
a corporation shall be represented only by some officer duly authorized to
act for them. Neither a copartnership nor a corporation is entitled to
but one vote on any question.
The fee for admission to this Exchange is Twenty-five Dollars
($25.00), until the membership reaches two hundred.
The fee will then be Fifty Dollars ($50.00), until the mem-
bership reaches four hundred, after which time it will be One Hun-
dred Dollars ($100.00).
The dues to be paid by each member are Twenty-four Dollars ($24.00)
per annum, payable semi-annually, in advance, on or before the third
Monday of February and August of each year, and mustj be paid before
the annual or senvi-annual meeting, to entitle the member to vote or take
part herein.
Powers of Direciors.
The Board of Directors have power to adopt By-Laws, Rules and
Regulations for the management of the affairs of the Exchange, not in
conflict with the laws of the State, and amend or repeal the same, sub-
ject to the approval of the Exchange, by a majority vote of thie members
' present at the next regular meeting of the members thereafter, or at a
special meeting duly called for that purpose.
Second. — To fill all vacancies which may occur in its own body, until
the next election.
Third. — To have and exercise a supervisory care over the affairs of
the Exchange and its members; to designate the bank in which the
funds of the Exchange shall be deposited, and require the Treasurer to
keep them deposited there, and to change the same when in their judgment
the interest of the Exchange requires it.
Fourth. — ^They shall hear, examine into, and, if possible, settle all
dispntes between members when they can do so to the satisfaction of the
parties concerned ; otherwise direct the parties to submit the matter in
controversy to arbitration in the usual manner, or as provided in the By-
Laws.
Fifth. — ^To hear and determine all charges brought against any^ member
for a violation of the Laws, Rules and Agreements^ for any unbusiness-
Kke conduct, or for any other cause, or to cause the same to be heard
and determined by a committee to be appointed by the President from
among the members of the Exchange, subject, however, to revision by
the Exchange as a body at the next or a subsequent meeting. And the
jaid board shall, when any charges are preferred by one member against
another, proceed to hear and determine the same without delay, or appoint
a committee for that purpose, which committee shall have the powers pro-
"Wded for in the By-Laws.
Sixth. — To receive, hold in trust and invest such funds of individual
inembers as may, under the provisions of the By-Laws, be placed in tiidr
42 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
hands for that purpose, and in the manner and form, and subject to all
the conditions therein prescribed.
Seventh. — To obtain by lease or purchase, and to hold in trust for
and in the name of "The Builders* Exchange/' any real or personal prop-
erty necessary for the use or benefit of the Exchange, and to mortgage,
sell, lease or otherwise dispose of the same, whenever in their judgment
it may be necessary to do so ; and they are vested with full power to appro-
priate the funds and manage the affairs of "The Builders' Exchange" sub-
ject to the laws of this State, and the By-Laws and Rules of the Ex-
change.
Sundry Provisions.
Neither the Board of Directors nor the members of the Exchange
have power to pass any By-Law or Rule abridging the right of any
members to conduct or transact his business in such manner as. he shall
deem just and proper, unless such law or rule shall have received the
affirmative consent of at least three-fourths of all the members of the Ex-
change.
Due notice of the passage of any such By-Law, or Rule is to be given
to each member in writing (or be mailed to him at his address, as given
to the Secretary), at least two weeks before the same shall be in force,
and a minute to that effect made in the records.
Any member of the Exchange may propose an amendment to the By-
Laws, and the same shall be acted on at the next regular meeting of the
Board, after having been posted in the rooms of the Exchange! for one
week; or any member may propose an amendment at a meeting of mem-
bers, and the same having been first posted in the rooms of the Exchange
for one month previous to the meeting, shall be acted upon; and if it
receives a two-thirds vote of the members present it will become a law.
The removal from the State of any officer or Director, or the volun-
tary absence from three successive meetings without leave from the
Board, of any Director or officer required to be present at such meetings,
shall be sufficient cause for their removal from office; and they may be
so removed in accordance with the provisions of the law of this State,
cither by the Board of Directors or by the members.
FORM NO. 160-PETITION TO INCORPORATE TOWN.
PETITION.
Notice is hereby given that the following petition will be presented to
the Board of Supervisors of Los Angeles County, California, at the reg-
ular meeting of said Board, to be held at 10 o'clock a. m. on Monday^
April 30, 1906, in the office of the said Board, in the Court House, of the
County of Los Angeles, California.
To the Honorable Board of Supervisors of Los Angeles County, State
of California:
The undersigned petitioners respectfully represent :
First, That they, and each of them, are bona fide residents of arid
within the territory hereinafter described and proposed for municipal cor-
poration, and that they, and each of them, are qualified electors of the said
County of Los Angeles. State of California.
Second, That the following is a particular description of the boun-
daries of the territory proposed for municipal corporation:
Beginning at the intersection — (Description).
Third, That your petitioners believe that the interest of the in-
habitants residing within the boundaries of the proposed municipal cor-
poration, above described, and the interests of all owners of property
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 43
within said boundaries above mentioned, will be subserved and promoted
by its incorporation as a city of the sixth class, to be named and entitled
"The City of Watts."
Fourth, That said portion of Los Angeles County so described and
bounded or any part thereof, is not incorporated as a municipal corpora-
tion, or any part of a municipal corporation, and there are now living and
residing within the boundaries of said proposed municipal corporation more
than two thousand inhabitants.
Fifth, That there is attached to this petition an affidavit of (3) three
qualified electors verifying that the said petition has, and bears the re-
quired number of signatures of qualified electors.
Wherefore, your petitioners, being more than fifty qualified electors
of Said County of Los Angeles and residents within the limits (A the cor-
poration hereby proposed and petitioned for, pray that that portion of Los
Angeles County, State of California, lying within the boundaries herein-
before described, may be incorporated as a municipal corporation of the
sixth class under the name and style of "The City of Watts," under and by
virtue of the provisions of an Act of the Legislature of the State of Cali-
fornia, entitled, "An Act to provide for the organization, incorporation and
government of municipal corporations," approved March 13, 1883, and acts
amendatory and supplemental thereto. And further pray that to that end
your Honorable Body take the steps necessary under the aforesaid act and
acts amendatory thereof and supplemental thereto to cause an election to
be held in said territory included in said proposed corporation in accordance
with law.
Dated this 5th day of April, A. D., Nineteen Hundred' and Six.
W. M. Kellogg, C. W. Curran, et al.
State of California, County of Los Angeles, ss.
S. J. Lord, C W. Curran, A. H. Trimble, each being first duly sworn,
each for himself and not one for the other, deposes and says :
I am a qualified elector of the County of Los Angele^ State of Cali-
fornia, and reside within the limits of the territory described in Section
n of the foregoing petition for incorporation, and was then and since
have been such elector and resident as aforesaid; that I know, o(f my own
knowledge that the facts stated in said petition are true and each signer
thereof is a qualified elector of said county and a resident within the limits
of the territory described in Section H of said petition as the territory to
be included within said proposed municipal corporation, and that each and
everyone of said signers was such elector and resident when he signed his
name to said petition and has continued to be such elector and resident,
I know of my own knowledge that each signature to said petition is the
true and genuine signature of the person whose name it purports to be
and that the identical petition to which this is attached was and is actually
signed by more than fifty persons, each of whom is both a qualified elector
and * resident within said proposed municipal corporation, as the boun-
daries thereof are described and set forth in said petition.
S. J. Low),
C. W. CUKRAN,
A. H. TSIMBLS.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of April, 1906.
(seal) Caroline E. Smith,
Notary Public in and for Los Angeles County, California.
44 RBAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. i6i— PETITION FOR REMOVAL OF POST OFFICE TO
. MORE CENTRAL LOCATION.
Saticoy, Cal., May lo, 1906.
To the Hon. Fourth Assistant Postmaster General, Washington, D. C :
We, the undersigned citizens and business men, living within the de-
livery of, and receiving our mail matter at, the Saticoy Post Office, do most
respectfully petition that said post office be removed from its present lo-
cation to a more convenient portion of the town.
We do most respectfully represent and direct your attention to the
following reasons for the desired removal.
I.
That the said Post Office is now, and has been for a considerable time,
located at the extreme eastern portion of the said town of Saticoy, Cali-
fornia, thereby causing each and all of the said undersigned citizens zud
business men great and unnecessary inconvenience in going to and re-
turning from said Post Office, as they have business to transact therewith;
11.
That a building or room as secure, commodious and desirable as the
one now used by the government for the transaction of its postal business
in Saticoy, can be obtained in a more convenient and central location
in said town.
IIL
That the building or room that may be so secured is located within a
reasonable distance from the depot oif the Southern Pacific Railroad Com-
pany, which Company, our petitioners are informed and verily believe, is
under contract to carry and deliver the mails as the same arrive ^t, and
depart from, said town.
IV.
That said proposed change and removal will meet with the ^prov^l
and approbation of the vast majority of the patrons of said Post Office.
Wherefore, your petitioners pray that the desired change and removal
in the location of said Post Office in the town of Saticoy may be of'def #d
and effected.
REAL ESTATE SBLP-TAUOHT
Form No. 162 — Printed Back op Vouchsr.
45
Voucher No Check No..
Month Amt. $
Date of Payment
In favor of
FEDEEIAL REALTY COMPANY.
Z>1SI3I'X'
•
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OoeratinfiT Expenses
General Expenses
Total...
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OXKBDZ>I'X'fll
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Bills Payaable
Voucher Account...
Total Credits......
46
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
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REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
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48
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. 165— BALANCE SHEET.
Balance Sheet
of
JOHN NEWMAN
For Year Ending December 31. 1906.
Ledger
Financial Accts.
Speculative
Accts.
Titles
Dr. Cr.
Reior. Liab.
Loss Gain
Real Estate
130000.
*3^-
Furniture
360.
360.
Gen. Expense . .
225.
$225.
Opr. Expense . .
560.
560.
Taxes & Ins. . .
150.
150.
Interest
480.
480.
Bills Recvb
900.
900.
Accts. Recvb. . .
38.75
38.75
Cash ...
871.25
871.25
J. N's Capital
Acc't
$21778.
Bills Paybl
8000.
$8000.
Voucher Acct. . .
35.
36.
Commissions . .
1222.
$1222
Rentals
2550.
2550
$33585. $38585.
$32170. $8035.
$1415. $3772.
Total gain* •^'^'^^
Total losses • ^^^^'
Net gain for year S2357.
Total resources $32170.
Total liabilities • ^^^-
Present worth • 24135.
John Newman's Net Investment • 21778.
Netgain »2357.
Dividing $2357 by 1% of S21778 (or $217.78) gives .1082 as rate
per cent of earnings for year.
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
49
30 REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
FORM NO. 167— ANOTHER FORM OF DECLARATION OF TRUST
FOR PLACING SUBDIVISION ON MARKET.
DECLARATION OF TRUST.
Know All M«n By Thbse Presents. :— That the FEDERAL TITLE
COMPANY, a corporation organized and existing under and by virtue
of the laws of the State of California, and having its principal place of
business at the City of Los Angeles, County of Los Angeles, State of Cali-
fornia, hereinafter called the "Trustee," hereby certifies and dclares thiat
^it has received and accepted the assignment and transfer to it, of that cer-
tain agrreement for the purchase of real estate made and entered into on
th I2th day of June, A. D. 1906, between L. M. Sellers, of the city of Los
Angeles, County of Los Angeles, State of California, and Alonzo Byers,
of the same place, which agreement is in words and figures as follows,
to- wit : —
THIS AGREEMENT, made and entered into this 12th day of June,
in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and six, BETWEEN
L. M. Sellers of Los Angeles City and County, State ai California, and
party of the first part and Alonzo Byers of Los Angeles City and County,
State of California, the party of the second part.
WITNESSETH: — ^That the said party of the first part, in consideration
of the covenants and agreements on the part of the said party of the
second part hereinafter contained, agrees to sell and convey unto th^e
said party of the second part, and the said second party agrees to buy, all
that certain lot or parcel of land, situate in the County of Los Angeles
and State of California, and bounded and particularly described as follows,
to- wit :
(DESCRIPTION.)
for the sum of Twenty Thousand ($20,000) Dollars, (k)ld Coin of the
United States; and that the said party of the second part, in considera-
tion of the premises, agrees to pay the said party of the first part the
said sum of Twenty Thousand ($20,000) Dollars, as follows, to-wit:
Two Hundred Fifty ($250.00) Dollars, cash in hand paid, the re-
ceipt whereof is hereby adcnowledged ; two thousand two hundred fifty
($2,250.00) Dollars upon the delivery to the second party of an unlimited
certificate of title, issued by the Title Insurance and Trust (>)., of the
City of Los Angeles, showing the above described property to be free
from all incumbrances to date, and the title thereto to be vested in the
said party of the first part; three thousand ($3,000) Dollars on or before
six months from date of this agreement ; three thousand ($3,000) Dollars
on or before one year from the date of this agreement; five thousand
seven hundred fifty ($5,750) Dollars on or before two years from datte
of this agreement; and five thousand seven hundred fifty ($5,750) Dollars
on or before three years from date of this agreement, together with in-
terest on all deferred payments at the rate of six (6) pet cent, per annum,
interest payable quarterly.
And the said party of the second part agrees to pay all State and
County taxes or assessments of whatsoever nature, which are or may be-
come due on the premises above described.
It is further agreed that time is the essence of this contract, and in
the event of a failure to comply with the terms hereof, by the said party
of the second part, the said party of the first part shall be released from
all obligations in law or equity to convey said property, and said party
of the second part shall forfeit all right thereto, and to moneys thereto-
fore paid under this contract and his interest in or to said moneys, and
to said property shall thereupon immediately cease, as fully as if said
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT 51
money had never been paid, or this agreement entered into. And the
^id party of the first part on receiving such payment at the time and
in the manner above mentioned, agrees to execute and deliver to the
said party of the second part, or to his heirs, or assigns, a good and
sufl5cient deed of grant, bargain and sale, conveying to said party of the
second part, or his assigns, the title to said premises.
Upon the payment of eight thousand five hundred ($8,500) Dollars
hereunder, together with interest on all deferred pa3rments herein, first
party, or his assigns, will execute and deliver to the said party of the
second part, or his assigns, a good and sufficient deed of grant, convey-
ing to said second party or his assigns, the above described property,
subject however, to mortgage, executed by said second party or his as-
signs, in favor of said first party, which said mortgage shall be a first
lien on the above described premises, and shall secure the payment
of two promissory notes, each in the sum of five thousand seven hundred
fifty ($5i75o) Dollars, one to mature on or before two years from date
hereof and the other on or before four years fromi date hereof, each of
said notes, to bear interest at the rate of six (6) per cent, per annum,
which said interest shall be payable quarterly. The said mortgage sot to
be executed, together with the said notes shall be of the form employed
by the said Title Insurance and Trust Co. Said notes shall provide in
each case a thirty days' notice in writing prior to payment thereof must
be given by second party to first party before such pajrment can be
made. At the expense of second party at the time of the execution of
^id "mortgage said certificate of title shall be continued by said com-
pany, showing title in said herein described property, vested in second
party, subject to said mortgage.
First party agrees to release any parcel or lot or subdivision of the
above premises, having a depth not exceeding one hundred and fifty
feet upon payment of a sum of money reckoned at the rate of sixteen
dollars per front foot for property on Belmont Avenue ,twelve dollars
per front foot on Carter Avenue; and eight dollars per front foot for
all other frontage on streets which said property may have. All moneys
paid for releases during the first year hereof shall be applied on the last
two deferred payments herein. First party agrees to join the second party
in dedication of streets in said property within a reasonable limit
And it is understood that the stipulations aforesaid are to apply to
and bind the heirs, executors, administrators and assigns of th^ respective
parties.
In Witness Whereof, the said parties of these presents have here-
unto set their hands and seals the day and year first above written.
L. M. SELLERS. (Seal).
ALONZO BYERS. (Seal)
Duly acknowledged.
That the portion of the purchase price of the property described in
said agreement heretofore paid, was paid by Alonzo Byers, John Ensign
and Charles Davis, hereinafter called the "Beneficiaries", and no part
thereof has been paid or is to be paid by said Trustee.
That the said transfer and assignment, while absolute in form, is never-
theless in trust and said Trustee holds and shall hold said agreement in
trust for the purpose of selling the property therein described and ap-
plying and disposing of the proceeds arising from the sale thereof as
hereinafter specified and provided.
For the purpose of effecting the sale of said real estate and carry-
ing out the trusts herein set for&, the said Trustee shall have the power
and authority: —
First, To sell and transfer the land and premises described in said
52 RBAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
agreement either as a whole or in parcels of one lot or more, as per map
of the Subdivision of said property recorded in Book 2, Page lOO of Maps,
in the office of the County Recorder of Los Angeles County, to such per-
son or persons and at such price and upon such terms as said Trustee shall
deem best; Provided, that no part, parcel or lot of said property shall
be sold at a less price than that fixed by a schedule of prices to be here-
after agreed upon by and between the said beneficiaries and the said Trus-
tee, which schedule of prices, when prepared, shall be affixed hereto and
be and become a part hereof, the same as though it were attached hereto
at the time of the signing hereof; and provided further, that the said
Trustee shall not sell said property or any portion or parcel thereof to
any person or persons other than of the White or Caucasian fcice.
Second: To impose conditions, riestrictions and covenants upon said
property, prohibiting the sale thereof to objectionable persons and for ob-
jectionable purposes, and restricting the cost, class and location o( buildings
thereon.
Third: To employ said Alonzo Byers, or any other person, firm or
corporation as it may deem best as its agents in the selling of said
property and in the transaction of the business necessary in the adminis-
tration of this trust, and the said Trustee shall not be liable for atoy
default, defalcation or wrong-doing by any person, firm, or corporation
which it may employ as agents to make sales.
Fourth: To delegate to agents employed to effect the sale of said
property, the supervision and direction of all improvements of whatsoever
kind or nature made or placed thereon; the power to appoint sub-agents
to assist in making sales of said property, also the matter of directing the
advertising of said property and placing the same on the market, and
also the right and authority generally to represent the said Trustee
in marketing and selling said property; provided, that the compensation
to be paid to such agent or agents for handling said property and per-
forming all services in connection therewith, including those specified
above, shall not exceed lo per cent of the selling price of said prop-
erty. 3«» I p.-^-A
Fifth : To grade or cause to be graded, the streets laid out on said
Tract, and also to put in sidewalks and curbs, lay water mains and pipes
throughout said tract and make and place thereon such other improvements
as it shall deem best to facilitate the sale of said property.
The said Trustee shall apply and dispose of the proceeds arising from
the sale of said property as follows:
First: To the charge of the Trustee for the preparation and is-
suance of this Declaration of Trust and for the performance and execu-
tion of the trusts herein set forth hereby fixed at $275.00, which fees and
charges shall be deemed to be earned upon the signing of this Declaration
of Trust.
Second: To the payment of the fees for recording said agreement
assigned to said Trustee as aforesaid, and for the recording of the deed
hereafter to be made and received pursuant to said agreement and also
to the payment of the expenses and fees for obtaining and filing for
record any deeds for lots or parcels of said land that may be required and
obtained from time to time under the terms of said agreement, prior to
the execution and delivery of the deed conveying the whole of said tract
to said Trustee, and also for obtaining and recording any other instruments
that may be required in connection with this trust.
Thirb: To the payment of the unpaid portion of the purchase price
of said real estate as specified in agreement hereinbefore set I6rtk to
;said L. M. Sellers, togetiier with interest on deferred payments as such
REAL ESTATE &EL9-TAUGHT 58
principal and interest shall become due and payable under tke tenns and
provisions ol said agreement
FouRtH: To the payment of taxes levied, assessed or imposed on
or against said property and any assessments levied by municiptrl or othet
authorities for the improvement of said property, not payable by pur-
chasers thereof.
Fifth: To the payment of alt bills for grading streets laid out
in said Tract and for the construction of sidewalks and cw^a tkereoa
«nd for laying water mains or pipes and making any other improveaKnts
upon said property.
Sixth: To the pajrment of commissions to agents efifeetiip^ the sales
of said property not to exceed lo per cent of the selling pnce as fixed
by the schedule referred to above, payable out of the first payment made
on any contract of purchase.
Seventh: The remainder of the proceeds received from sales shall
be distributed and paid as follows:
To Alotlzo Byers, 1-3 thereof.
To John Ensign 1-3 thereof,
To Charles Davis 1-3 thereof^
Provided, however, that no distribution of any portion of the pro-
ceeds arising from the sales of said property shall be made to the bene-
ficiaries hereunder until the said Trustee shall have on hand a sufficient
sum of money accruing from said sales to meet the payments that shall
become due on the purchase price of said property tindler the provisions of
the agreement hereinbefore set forth. Any surplus in the hands of said
Trustee over and above such sum or sums shall be disbursed as dMdtndM
from time to time as the majority of the interests hereunder shall di-
rect
In case the ttioneiys received from the siles of said property shal!
be insufficient at any time to meet the payments that shall fall due und^
the provisions of the agreement set out above, then the said Trustee shall
demand of the said beneficiaries respectively their proportionate shares of
the sum or sums necessary to pay such deficiency, the share to l\e paid in
such case beitig measured by their respective interests in said property
as hereinabove set forth. Should any of the said beneficiaries, however,
fail or default in the payment of his portion or share as afore^id, of
the moneys required to be advanced to make the payiuents in con^liance
with the terms of said agreement, then the said Tmstee shall iK>tify the
other beneficiaries of such default and they shall thereupon have the
right to purchase and take over the interest hereunder Of such defauhing
party, either jointly or with the consent of the other beneficiaries, lind
such interest may be taken by any one or more of the said parties of
interest ; in any event, if it is necessary to protect his rights and interests
hereunder and in said land, any one of said beneficiairies may advance the
share of the party in default and the interest herein of the yfelincjuent party
shall thereafter be held by said Trustee as security for the sunn or sums thus
paid and advanced. The defaulting party in such case shall be entitled to
have refunded to him the actual cash theretofore paid hereunder, without
interest, and upon such sum being paid, he shall forfeit all righil^ title
and interest in and to the said land, and the proceeds of the sale thereof
and his interest hereunder, including the attendant obligations and bene-
fits, shall pass and belong to the purchaser thereof.
In the event, however, that the other beneficiaries hereunder decline
to purchase the share and interest of a defaulting party on the terms and
conditions recited above, then the said Trustee shall sell sudi share and
interest at public auction to the highest bidder and the purchaser at such
sale shall be substituted in the place and stead of the party in default
54 RBAL BSTATB SBLF-TAUGHT
in his relation to this trust; and shall thereupon assume all obligations
and enjoy all benefits as beneficiary hereunder, incident to the share and
interest Uius acquired. The other beneficiaries herein may be purchasers
at such public sale under the same conditions as a stranger to this trust
The sums received for the interest of the delinquent party at the pub-
lic sale, shall be applied first to the payment of all obligations and claims;
attached hereunder to the share of interest sold, and any surplus remaining
shall be paid to the party suffering default, and upon receiving such sum,
all of his right, title and interest hereunder shall be forfeited and this
trust as to him, shall cease and determine.
The schedule of prices referred to above may be changed at any
time, and a new schedule substituting therefor, provided that such
new schedule shall not be operative until signed by a majority of the
parties hereto.
The trustee shall be under no obligations to make the payments that
shall become due under the aforesaid agreement for the purchase of said
real estate, or to pay the taxes or make any other payments required to
be made hereunder, unless there be sufficient funds in its hands to make
said payments.
This trust shall not cease or determine until the fees and expenses
of the said Trustee shall have been fully paid and it shall have been
reimbursed for all expenses incurred and moneys expended in connection
with this trust
Every stipulation and agreement herein shall jnure to the benefit of
the heirs, executors, administrators, successors and assigns of the re-
spective parties.
In Witness Wherdof, the FEDERAL TITLE COMPANY has
hereunto caused its corporate name to be subscribed by its President and
its Secretary, and its corporate seal to be affixed, this tsth day of June;
1906.
U^meaJd, Titte Company,
(Seai,) By ARNOLD NIXON, President
By ALBERT BALLES, Secretary.
We, the undersigned, being the beneficiaries under the above and fore-
going Declaration of Trust, do hereby certify and declare that said De-
claration of Trust correctly and accurately sets forth and discloses the
trusts under and by which the said Trustee holds and shall hold said
agreement for the purchase of real estate, and we do hereby (ratify, ap-
prove and confirm the same in all its parts, and do hereby make, constitute
and appoint the said FEDERAL TITLE COMPANY, our true and law-
ful attorney, irrevocable, in our name; or other wise, to do and perform
all and every act and thing whatsoever requisite and necessary to be done
in and about the premises as fully, to all intents and purposes, as we
might or could do if personally present; hereby ratifying and confirming
all that our said attorney shall lawfully do, or cause to be done; by virtue
of these presents.
In Witness Whereof, we have hereunto set our hands and seala
this 15th day of June, 1906.
ALONZO BYERS. (Seal).
JOHN ENSIGN. (Seai,).
CHARLES DAVIS. (Seai,).
REAL ESTATE SELF-TAUGHT
65
FORM NO. i68— MISSION STYLE ENTRANCE ARCHWAY, PLOR-
ENCITA PARK, LOS ANGELES. RED TILE ROOF,
PLASTER SIDES.
ti^t H
>>' *' ^ T»P ^K-
:->^-
■;')'"^>'-
THIS BOOK IS DUE ON" THE LAST DATE
STAMPED BELOW
.rtii 29 1930
30 1 9 85
WPa S3 Vi:^
^ g)uV57GB
^UG 4 19 3a
S EP 27 1G45
^•'^ 30 i^/^7
SFeb'49i<^
S^wcOFAP
7Janb2PFC
-<-^
:4
^«tn-
, ^^yl7iqSf)lU
REC D I.
JUL 15 \hbi
iHrf^S^"^^
frPC^D to
DEO 9 19S8
14Miy6t«H
-ii W'^^-
AN INITIAL FINE OF 26 CENTS
WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN ^x c^
THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY * '^..''^
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DAY AND TO SI.OO ON THE SEVENTH DAY
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zh | N/A | N/A | 语文审美教学的理性基础
潘家明
教育不仅仅是一门科学，而且也是一种艺术。当当教师更多地懂得如何将美的情愫进入教育领域， 当教师与学生在教学过程中有意识地去扩展、 去完善这种美的时候，教学就成了一种艺术，一种特殊的创造艺术。语文教学是培养学生感受美、欣赏美、创造美的重要途径之一，追求语文教学美感提高学生的语文审美能力既是广大语文教师的理想，也是语文课程改革的最高境界。
语文课程和教学中存在着许多美的因素，教师如何引导学生去寻找它们，去发现它们，从而让学生在体验之中得到感染提高审美能力呢?要创造语文教学美感， 首先要求教学应当遵循语文教学的审美法则。
一、由”形”到”情”感受美
审美教育总是从感受美开始的。要使学生感受美，必须设法在他们面前显示生动、鲜明的形象。日比如讲读朱自清先生的《春》，教师首先要充分展示文章所描写的自然春景，结合学生的生活体验，感受作者所描写的春之美景，从而让学生热爱自然，保护自然，建立人与自然和谐一体的观念。这种从”形”到“情”的感受过程，可以使学生进一步从美感中产生热爱大自然、创造优美生活环境的情感。
要让学生由”形”到”情”教师还要从人物的形象入手。让学生从人物的语言、神态和动作中去感受人物的形象，并通过人物的心理活动，1体验人物的情感美。如教师在讲魏巍的《我的老师》
》
一文，要让学生去朗读、品
味描写老师的那种关心”我”的语言、上课时的神态以及和我们做游戏时的动作，学生通过对这些内容的学习，体会师生之间的情谊，从而感受人情美。
二、由”情”到"理”鉴赏美
感受美，应该说是审美教育的初步，同时也是最重要的一步。学生在审美的熏陶和感染中，使他们逐渐地形成对美的热烈的真挚的追求。在他们追求美的过程中，培养他们鉴别美丑则是一个十分重要的问题。
缺乏理性的情感是不稳定的情感，只有形成了理性观念时，学生的情感才有可能形成自觉的道德感情和道德行为。因此，个语文教师，不但要善于通过内心思想来引导学生感受美，
而且
要通过外在形象，由表及里地启迪学生去识别真伪，明辨是非，深刻地理解课文的思想内容。茅盾在《白杨礼赞》一文中，对白杨树的形象性的热烈赞美之后，在结尾处以激愤的笔调怒斥那些看不起民众、贱视民众、元顽固倒退的人们。他说："让他们去赞
美那贵族化的楠木，去鄙视这极常见、极易生长的白杨树吧，我要高声赞美白杨树!”确实，，白杨树的形象，蕴含着深刻的哲理内容，教师要善于将形象性的语言和思辩性的笔触结合起来，从中让学生理解文章的哲理美。
三、由”悟”到”发”色创造美
培养学生具有创造美的能力，是整个审美教育的重要内容。在语文教学中，最突出地表现在运用祖国的语言文字去表达美、、创造美，这是语文教学重要的一环。
创造力是一种综合能力。因此 语文教师必须在引导学生进行观察、分析、想象的基础上进而让他们模仿，再在模仿的基础上进行创造。这个过程，也就是由”悟”到”发”的过程。
碧野的《天山景物记》是一—篇赞美祖国锦绣风光的优秀散文，它按照天山的地理特点从外围到深处，，从低处到高处的线索，展现了天山绮丽的雪峰、溪流、牧场和天然湖泊的景色。语文教师可以引导学生反复品读、琢磨文章的写法，让他们在欣赏领悟过程中激发创造的火花。学生首先可以通过模仿写出富有新意的好文章。学生的习作在很大程度上源于名家作品的启示和自己内心的领悟。因此，教师在教学中必须注意”悟”与”发”的内在联系，让学生在悟中发，发中悟，这样才能使学生美的情感喷涌而出。
如何达到语文教学的美感效应，许许多多的语文教育家在进行着不断的探索和实践，也创造
出了值得学习和借鉴的成功经验，归纳起来，创造语文教学美感的手段应该包括以下几个方面：
一、形象直观教学创造美感
语文教学美感是一种具体生动形象化的教学， 它总是通过审美媒介——课文的鲜明形象来感染学生。因此，教师要善于运用形象直观的教学方法，把课讲得生动具体，有血有肉，给学生以如临其境、如闻其声、如见其人、如睹其状的形象感。
第一，指导学生”美读”感知作品。 ”美读”，，能够使朗读者在绘声绘色的朗读中将文章的情感传达出来。通过"美读”能使学生把课文中无声的文字变为有声的语言，把文中静止的感情变为真情实感，既能"”了解作者说了什么”、"与作者的心灵相感通”，又能把课文中的人物、情景展现出来，跃出纸面，把自己带进课文的情景中去体味、领会、琢磨、评赏。通过”美读”学生能把课文内容入于眼、出于口、闻于耳、记于心，乃至”布乎四体”，形象感知课文内容。
第二，运用现代电化教学手段辅助教学。D语文教学中，学生通过视听艺术形象，，能更好地把握教学内容。随着幻灯、投影、电影、电视、多媒体等的普及运用，教学的艺术手段越来越多，效果越来越好。运用电教化手段， 能使抽象的教材形象化，使教学内容具体形象，教学过程生动有趣，感染力强。
第三，运用形象化的语言讲解知识。。语文审美教学的形象性，可通过教师形象的语言来实现。学生通过具体的感性的形象思维活动把握抽象的理性知识。教师可运用比较、拟人、摹状、夸张等，充分发挥语言的形象功能，调动学生直觉思维，发展学生的想象力和创造力。
二、情境设置教学创造教学美感
情境教学是对一定事件的形象描述或模拟，设置一定的环境氛围，以激发学生的情感和思维，使学生产生身临其境的逼真感，从而达到一定教育目的的教学方法。
根据审美主体和审美对象的
特点，精心创设审美情境，对培
养学生的审美意识、审美情感起着重要作用。李吉林老师概括的创设情境的"四为”和"五要素”，十分精辟一。D”四为”即以“形”为手段，以”美”为突破口，以”情”为纽带，以”周围世界”为源泉。 ”五要素”即以培养兴趣为前提，诱发主动性；以指导观察为基础，强化感受性；；以发展思维为中心，着眼创造性； 以陶冶情感为动因，渗透教育性； 以训练学科能力为手段，贯彻实践性。要实施情境教学，还必须注意把握创境——入境——移情——共鸣这几个环节。在语文教学中创设审美情境要符合学生的心理特点和认识规律，，以美、趣、智的特点缩短教学内容与学生之间的距离。在通常情况下，教学内容与学生既有时间距离，也有空间距离，加之教师枯燥无味的分析和灌输，导致很难激起学生对教学内容的兴趣，存在陌生感。情境教学以生动直观的语言描述创设各种情境，再现教材的相关内容和景况，使教学贴近了学生，使其因感文中的人、事、景、物在头脑里”活”起来。要使学生深入情境，教师还必须通过选择或综合运用实物的演示、音乐的渲染、图画的再现、角色的扮演以及语言的描绘等途径，使情境作用于学生的多种感官，加深感受。因此，在教学中，教师应把学生带入课文特定的情境中，变”此情此景”为”我情我景”， 使学生通过亲身情感体验，产生对客观事物的肯定或否定的审美态度和审美评价，在情感上产生”移情”和”共鸣”，性情得到陶冶，
灵魂得到”净化”，从而按弃假、丑、恶，追求真、善、美， 达到教学美感熏陶，提高审美能力。
三、愉快对话教学创造教学美感
愉快对话教学是一种美的教育，其实质是充分调动学生的积极性，使学生得到全面的生动活泼的发展，同时使学生的个性也得到健康的发展。从学习心理学的角度看，愉快对话教学主要是理顺情绪、情感与认知的关系，杜绝消极情绪对教学活动产生的影响，发挥正常情绪对认知活动的促进作用。愉快教学不带有规定性、强制性，让个人按照自己的兴趣爱好和心理需要，不杂个人的功利目的，无拘无束页，，自觉自愿，带着轻松愉快的心情，去追求一种赏心悦目的快感和美的享受。愉快对话教学在教育教学活动中体现出合目的性、合规律性和合个性的有效结合，也具有审美的价值。语文教学中，教师"指一点门径”、"给一点暗示”与学生对话交流沟通，让学生自力品文，“自求得之”，"随时发现一些晶莹的宝石”，得到美的欣赏，
：
充实自己的经验， 让学生的思想、情感、意志往更高更深的方向发展， "从心里头说-个'好'字， 一个美'字来，不至于跟着别人'说长道短'”(叶圣陶语)。总之，，愉快对话教学就是让学生在自由、愉快和审美的对话中获得知识，让过去的”苦学”变为”乐学”。设之
感之以象，动之以情，以境，寓教于乐，合作共进是实现语文教学美感的基本方法，广大的语文教师在自己的教学过程中应结合自己的教学实践， 依据自己的教学风格仓造性地运用，语文教学就会绽放出绚烂的光彩，语文教学就会朝着理想境地迈进，学生的审美能力就会日渐提高。 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **部分高校硕士研究生招生政策存在的问题及对策**
**李文翠，胡浩权，刘永霞，周鑫慧**
**(大连理工大学化工与环境生命学部化工学院，辽宁大连116024)**
**\[摘要\]研究生教育直接体现高校的办学水平、科研能力和教学质量，合理的招生政策对于高校的发展至关重要。本文根据大连理工大学化工学院近年研究生招生情况，结合外校招生政策和本校导师意见，总结了现有部分高校研究生招生政策存在的问题，并提出了改革方案。**
**\[关键词\]研究生；招生政策；改革方案**
Problems and Countermeasures in Postgraduate Admission Policies of Some Colleges and Universities
Li Wencui， Hu Haoquan， Liu Yongxia， Zhou Xinhui
**Abstract： Postgraduate education directly reflects the schooling level， the scientilic research capacity and the teaching quality of colleges and universities. Reasonable admission policies are essential for the devel-opment of colleges and universities. Based on the cnrollment situation of School of Chemical Engineering， Dalian University of Technology (DUT)， we summarize the problems in the university admission policies with the combination of the other schools’ admission policies and the opinions from supervisors of DUT， and then propose a reform scheme.**
**Key words： Postgraduate； Admission policy； Reform scheme**
**研究生教育作为高等教育中的最高层次，1为国家发展提供了广泛的智力支持和坚实的人才基础。同时，高校培养研究生的能力直接反映院校的办学水平和科研能力，提高研究生的教育水平可以很大程度上提高该院校的教学质量。2因此，如何甄别和挑选研究生应当成为高校密切关注的问题。确定合理的招生政策，不仅能提高高校的办学水平和科研能力，也将为优秀人才提供更多的就读机会。-3.4\]**
**本文结合近两年大连理工大学化工与环境生命学部的招生政策和实际招生情况，对其他高校招生政策的调研及向本校硕士生导师的问卷调查，分析了招生政策中存在的问题，并据此提出了改革方案。**
**一、大连理工大学化工与环境生命学部硕士生招生工作概况及存在的问题**
**学部的研究生招生工作分为初试和复试两部分。初试为全国统考。学校根据初试单科成绩和**
**\[作者简介\]李文翠(1969-)，女，教授，博士，化工学院副院长。** 1L784NationalSocial Sciences Database
**总成绩，筛选出招生人数(不包括推免生)的140%参加复试。复试方案如下：**
**1.复试成绩由4项构成，分别为专业课笔试(满分100分)、综合面试(满分200分)、外语能力(听力满分15分，口语满分15分)和特殊加分(特殊学术专长或具有突出培养潜质，最高为50分)，复试总成绩不得超过 330分。**
**2.凡复试总成绩低于200分，综合面试低于120分、专业课笔试成绩低丁60分，外语听力缺考等，符合上述任意·项者，学校即不予录取。**
**3.复试成绩介格者，学校按照总成绩(总成绩一初试成绩+复试成绩)进行排序，由高到低录取。若总成绩相同，则按初试分数→单科外语分数→业务课1分数→业务课2分数→单科政治分数高低依次排序。**
**通过这种招生方式，我校化环生学部近年来硕士研究生招生工作取得了比较令人满意的结果。然而，在这个过程中，我们也发现了--些看来不公平的现象。**
**如化学工艺系和工业催化系联合设置的能源化工专业，2011年预计招收9人，参加复试的考生初试诚绩最低为352分，最高为372分；而化学工艺专业预计招收35人，参加复试的考生初试成绩最低为375分，最高分为432分。这两个专业的初试内容完全一致，但招收分数差异很大。因此，笔者认为，两个二级学科独立招生，会造成部分热门学科的优秀考生流失。**
**以此为出发点，笔者汇总了该学部近年来招生中存在的问题，在调查其他高校招生政策和汇集本校化工学院及化学学院导师意见的基础上，综合各方面因素，提出了如下的改革方案。**
**二、招生政策调研**
**我们对国内部分“985工程院校”及中科院研究所的化工类硕士研究生招生政策的调研发现，多数高校化工(化学)院系的复试由笔试、面试及外语三项组成，且面试所占比例最大。笔者调研的高校中，有64%的高校按一级学科统一录取，然后按成绩排序和学生填写的志愿分人各个二级学科专业；其余36%的高校如大连理工大学按二级学科专业录取本专业考生。比较而言，按照一级学科招生可以保证初试成绩分数高的学生能够进入到复试环节，但复试环节特别是面试环节需要合理组织；按照二级学科招生则面试环节相对**
**简化，但容易造成初试高分学生流失。**
**三、问卷调查**
**在综合分析了兄弟院校的相关招生政策后，为了解本校教师对招生政策的满意程度，根据大连理工大学化学工程与技术一级学科近年研究生招生情况，笔者设计了一份调查问卷，该问卷面向我校化工学院和化学学院的研究生导师，包括二部分内容：导师基本信息、导师对硕十研究生招生复试工作方案的满意程度，以及导师对招生政策的意见和建议。**
**此次调查共收回有效问卷49份，参与者中39%为博士研究生导师，61%为硕上研究生导师，涵盖了化工学院和化学学院所有专业。调查对象具有代表性。18%的参与调查者对目前研究生招生政策表示非常满意，71%表示基本满意，11%则表示不满意。对于复试政策，大部分导师表示认同，但也有部分导师提出了不同的意见，例如希望提高面试或笔试的权重，降低特殊专长加分额度等。对于前文提到的化学工艺专业与能源化工专业进人复试分数线相差较大的现象，近50%的导师认为这种情况造成了高水平生源的流失。与此相反，有27%的导师认为报错专业是学生能力不足的一种表现，这种报考方式是对考生能力的一种筛选。另外，在不同二级学科是否独立招生这方面，我们建议将相近二级学科合并招生，与认为保持现状为好的导师数目基本相等。**
**为了避免高素质生源的流失，笔者根据现行招生工作中存在的问题，提出了按照级学科划线，二级学科设置平行志愿招生的方法。超过半数(55%)的导师认为这种招生方法很合理，32%的导师对此保持观望态度，希望通过实践来检验这种方法。在对笔者提出的改革方法表示赞同及希望通过实践检验的导师中，有67%倾向于设置两个平行志愿，22%的导师则希望设置三个平行志愿，在录取政策方面，有高达78%的导师对笔者提出的“将报考同一大专业(即将相近二级学科合并后的专业)的考生的总成绩由高到低排序，优先考虑其第一志愿，若第一志愿已录满则考虑录取其第二志愿，以此类推”的录取方法表示赞同，并有84%的导师认为在平行志愿报考的过程中应引入调剂项，允许进入复试环节的学生在无法满足自己所报志愿前提下，依次在本学科、本校相近学科、外校相近学科间进行调剂，尽量保证进人**
**到复试环节的学生能够找到一个合适的位置。**
**导师们对于招生政策的意见和建议主要集中在三点：首先应当提高导师在研究生招生工作中的自主权；其次建议加大宣传力度，提高生源水平；应适当增加实验测试环节，特别是对米自生源质量一般学校的考生，尽量通过进行多层筛选来确保研究生的高质量。**
**四、改革方案**
**通过对调查结果的分析并参照其他高校的招生政策，以2011年招生方案为基础，笔者提出了改进后的研究生招生方案。**
**1.将复试成绩的组成调整为笔试(满分100分)+面试(满分200分)+外语听力I语(满分30分)+有特殊专长或者突出培养潜质加分(最高额度为50分)，复试总成绩不得超过 330分；**
**2.相近二级学科(初试科目必须完全相同)例如化学工程与技术·级学科中的化学工程、化学工艺、工业催化二级学科与学校自主设立的膜科学技术、水科学和能源化工等专业合并(合并后简称大专业)招生；**
**3.设置两到二个平行志愿，考生可以选择报考同·人专业的不同的二级学科专业，允许调剂；**
**4.总成绩按照初试成绩与复试成绩直接相加得到，将报考同一大专业的考生按照总成绩由高到低进行排序，优先考虑高分同学的第一志愿(如第一志愿的专业录满，则考虑录取其第二志愿，以此类推)；**
**5.希望学校适当增加招生过程中导师的自主权，加大宣传力度，提高生源质量。**
**此方案在复试成绩组成上综合考虑了考生的专业素质、英语素质及科研能力，以保证优秀人才不会流失，招收的人才个个优秀。跟原招生政策相比，大专业合并招生能提高高分考生的录取率，为学校招收优质生源提供了保障，也为优秀人才提供了更多的就读机会。平行志愿的设立保障了**
**考生的利益，为考生报考提供了更多的选择，也规避了考生错报志愿落选的风险。按照总成绩排序结合平行志愿，最大可能地保证了招生的公平性，可以做到以实力选拔人才，凭学识辨别优劣。**
**此方案是在统计各高校的研究生招生政策的基础上，广泛收集了研究生教育中的重要参与“ _者_ 研究生导师的意见，并根据实际情况确立的，既保证了学校招收学生的质量，又保障了报考考生的权利，只要对方案进行合理运用，就可以获得高校和考生双赢的局面。此方案不具有个别性，体现了化工专业招收学生的基本要求。鉴于部分其他高校也存在优秀生源流失等类似问题，我们建议可在各个高等院校及研究所进行推广。如何更好地加强学校、导师和学生之间的沟通，根据现实情况和社会发展及时调整招生政策，无论是对国家、高校还是个人都是非常重要的。**
**研究生是高校的科研能力得以快速和稳定发展的血液，只有不断纳人新鲜的富有生机的血液，高校才能蓬勃发展，才能为国家提供更坚实的技术支撑和人才储备。所以高校应根据时代要求和研究需要，对实际招生中存在的问题及时反映，并做出修改，以此适应本校学术研究的需要，并为社会提供满足时代需求的人才。**
**(文字编辑：吴文水)**
**参考文献：**
**\[1\]唐立山.浅谈研究生在高校科研中的作用\[J\].吉林教育科学·高教研究，1992，(4)：51-52.**
**\[2\]赵京.因材施教教学相长——研究生培养心得** \_ **J\].化工高等教育，2011，(6)：5-6.**
**\[3\]衡旭辉.改革开放以来我国硕士研究生招生政策变迁研究D\].西安：陕西师范大学，2010.**
**\[4\]梁龙霞.高等教育大众化迸程中的研究生教育质量现状及研究策略\[D1.西安：陕西师范大学，2006.** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 摘要：以自动翻译为努力方向的机器翻译受人工智能理论和算法的局限，发展停滞不前。计算机辅助翻译把计算机辅助技术引入语言翻译，突破了内核翻译的瓶颈，为机器翻译提供了一条现实可行之路，是机器翻译的发展趋势。
关键词：机器翻译；计算机辅助翻译；交互
中图分类号： G642 文献标识码：B 文章编号：1008—8350(2007)03—0069-02
语言翻译既是一门科学，又是一门艺术，更是一种创造性劳动。由于它的复杂、繁琐和枯燥，人们提出机器翻译的设想，希望借此摆脱翻译时“字典不离手，惶汗不离身”(鲁迅)的困境。1946年，英、美两个工程师 A. D. Booth & 和Weaver 首先提出了利用计算机进行翻译，各国科技人员相继投入研究。我国也早在1956年就已开始研究机器翻译问题，国家“六五”、“七五”“八五”规划和高新技术研究发展计划(863计划)都把机器翻译列人重点发展项目。1987年“科译一号”的出现给业界带来欢欣鼓舞的局面，译星、高立、通译等一个又一个产品相继出现。但由于语言的复杂性和机器翻译涉及的领域的广泛性，产品在理论上和技术上难以有大的突破。
随着我国对外开放的不断深人和成功加入 WTO，对外交流日益频繁，科技资料的翻译越来越成为大学科研机构、情报部门以及大型企业的重要工作之一。人工翻译远远不能满足巨大的市场需求，顺应信息化时代的要求。机器翻译逐渐为人们所接触、了解和认可。目前，国内机器翻译软件不下 100种，根据不同用户的要求层次，大致可分为词典、汉化翻译集成环境、专业翻译系统。
词典类翻译软件最负盛名的是《金山词霸》，其消费群体主要是大、中学学生。它可以迅速地查询英文单词或词组的词义，并提供单词的发音，解决用户阅读中遇到英文生词的问题，但在进行成篇的阅读时，只实用于英文非常熟练的人，英文不好的人用起来还是不够方便。对于专业翻译来说，它不足以成为一个完善的翻译工具，只能是部电子词典而已。
汉化翻译集成环境的典型代表是《东方快车》，为不会英
收稿日期：2007-03-09
作者简介：侯晓华(1976-)，女，湖北潜江人，景德镇陶瓷学院，讲师，项士。刘定远(1971一)，男，江西万载人，景德镇陶瓷学院，讲师，在读硕士。
国家哲学社会科学学术期刊数据库
语或英语水平不高的人提供详细解决方案，功能非常全面，包括内码转换、电子词典、永久汉化、仿真西文 Windows 等功能，帮助用户迅速掌握英文软件、了解西文网页内容、获取屏幕英文信息和文章的初步翻译，针对的用户主要是网络用户。近年来网络用户急增，网络信息又大多是英文，越来越多的人遇到语言障碍，而他们对翻译的质量要求不高，汉化翻译集成环境便能达到这一要求，受到众多用户青睐。
面向专业用户的翻译软件，以通译、译星为代表。这类软件以传统语法规则为翻译内核，自动翻译为努力方向。它的用户群英文水平较高，翻译的目的是用于信息发布，对翻译的质量要求也就高。由于无法逾越语法障碍这一鸿沟，翻译的准确性离专业用户的要求还相差甚远，实用性远远不够，在相当长的一段时间内，专业翻译软件一直处于徘徊不前的状态。
一位翻译界权威人士这样评价目前的状况：“目前国内开发的各种专业翻译软件，操作方便程度及翻译准确性、可读性都相差不大，翻译机理大同小异，专业翻译软件的发展几乎处于停滞状态，如果没有新的思路，国内的专业翻译软件就会走向瓶颈，但我们不应放弃，必须另辟新路，寻找新的解决方法。”
可喜的是，北京雅信诚软件技术有限公司另辟蹊径，针对自动翻译的缺陷，把 CAD(计算机辅助设计)、CAM(计算机辅助制造)中的计算机辅助技术引人语言翻译，于1993年提出 CAT (Computer Aided Translation 计算机辅助翻译)概念，并在1995年开发完成了“雅信计算机辅助翻译系统”1.0版。1997年10月推出的97版“雅信译霸英汉翻译系统”引人了“广义语法”的概念，根据英文句子的特点，从单词、短语、片段或句子级别解决计算机自动翻译的歧义性，交互更加人性化。1998年7月推出了“雅信译霸英汉翻译系统”98版，扩充了“广义语法”的内容，参考译文更加准确，同时能够保留译文版面风格，交互翻译效益进一步提高。
雅信 CAT 是一种人机交互式的计算机辅助翻译系统，充分利用人的综合判断能力与计算机的海量存储与快速检索能力，集记忆、分析、交互为一体，将翻译中机械的、重复的、琐碎的工作交给计算机来完成，翻译者将精力集中在创造性的思考上，使专业翻译人员在保证质量的前提下更轻松、更高效地工作。采用计算机辅助翻译，预先在计算机中存储大量的词库，计算机自动地把要翻译的句子的每个单词或词组通过查词典在屏幕上显示出来，并把高频释义放在首位，同时自动地给出参考译文。对于一个单词对应多个中文释义，计算机选择有误的，可通过点击鼠标选择正确的予以替换。对于复杂句，按照人的理解，用鼠标点取计算机给出的中文解释，如同大小不等的“构件”，只要按照需要，用鼠标选取这些“构件”加上一些连接词，就可以组成正确的译文。翻译过程中省去了查词典、书写、录人甚至排版，从而提高了工作效率。采用计算机辅助翻译，系统还可将已经翻译过的句子存人记忆库，通过搜索记忆库，对需要翻译的内容进行分析、对比，给出翻译建议和参考译例，保证相同的句子和片段不用翻译第二遍。这在翻译同类文章尤其是某些产品的说明书时非常有效，只要翻译过一个版本，今后产品升级换代或出现相关产品时，50%以上的内容可以不用翻译，大大提高了工作效率。
计算机辅助翻译为机器翻译指明了一条现实可行之路。绝大多数的翻译软件采用基于语法树结构的翻译内核，对英语语法进行分析，并总结成规律，用于机器翻译。这种翻译内核对符合标准逻辑语法的句子有一定的效果，然而语法现象千变万化，无法全面覆盖，导致机器自动翻译达不到实用价值。而雅信 CAT采用基于模式结构的翻译内核，这种内核是基于传统语法和自然语言基础上的一种广义语法，让计算机根据这些规则举一反三进行翻译，并不断学习新的语法。广义语法的基础是“句型”和“类”，这使得语法的表示形式更简单、易用，并可分类继承，提高了系统的专业翻译水平，机器翻译的选词机制采用模式翻译内核，使计算机给出的参考译文更准确、合理。可见这种翻译内核有更好的扩展性。雅信 CAT 的主要特点为：
1.综合利用了多种技术(I+MT+TM)
I=Interactive(交互)
TM=Machine Translation(机器翻译)
MT=Translation Memory(翻译记忆力)
2.最大限度地重复使用已有资源
词汇复用：系统提供大容量的专业词库，用户在翻译过程中无须查词典，单词、词组及其释义就在手边，只要点击鼠标既可完成句子翻译。
模糊匹配复用：先进的翻译记忆(TM)技术把用户翻译的原文句子和译文结果自动记忆到数据库中。通过人工智能神经网络，瞬间搜索主题记忆库，对要翻译的内容进行快速分析、对比，保证相同的句子永远不用翻译第二遍，相同句型的句子给出翻译建议和参考译例，用户甚至可选择自动匹配替换，避免重复劳动。
3.完全开放的系统
词库开放：用户可以根据需要定义词库。
记忆库开放：用户可以将翻译成果与原文自动整合为一一对应形式，建立一个或多个记忆库，供重复使用。
语法库开放：用户可以根据需要进行增减或编辑，提高系统自动化程度。
4.全程服务，便于建立规范、高效的翻译流程
译前：进行预处理，对需翻译的文件进行分析，产生项目文件，保证译文中术语和用语前后一致。译中：灵活方便的翻译平台，快速得到标准译文。译后：翻译结果统一保存为原文-译文逐句对照的双语文件，方便校改和记忆库更新。
5.统一规范的多种文档格式支持
对应不同排版系统的转换器可从源文档(如：Word、RTF、HTML，RC等)中抽取出要翻译的内容，在雅信 CAT中完成翻译后再由转换器生成源文档格式并保留原文版面风格(如字体、字号、颜色、图形、表格等)，翻译排版一次完成。
雅信 CAT 根据需要针对不同的用户群推出了不同的版本。个人版适合任何从事英汉翻译的单位和个人；专业版在个人版的基础上增加了与 Word 无缝对接和项目分析功能，更适合长期有翻译任务的单位和个人；网络版在专业版的基础上又增加了网络共享功能，适合于多人参与翻译的公司和团体使用。
以自动翻译为努力方向，基于语法树结构翻译内核的翻译软件由于人工智能理论和算法的局限，无法突破瓶颈，其发展几乎处于停滞状态。计算机辅助翻译把计算机辅助技术引入语言翻译，提供一个方便的操作平台，由计算机辅助人工完成语言的翻译。它集记忆式翻译、语法分析式翻译、人机交互式翻译为一体，突破了内核翻译的瓶颈，给整个机器翻译领域带来了一次巨大变革，机器翻译技术也有了新的发展方向，这也是世界机器翻译的发展趋势。
参考文献：
\[1\]范易.我与翻译软件\[J\].中国翻译，2000，(3).
\[2\]佳茗.翻译人员如何利用高科技提高工作效率\[\]\].中国翻译，2000，(4).
\[3\]孔祥燕.汉译英中的文化翻译及其策略\[J\].中共山西省委党校学报，2006，(6)：128-129.
Analysis about the Developing Trend of Machine Translation
Hou Xiaohua Liu Dingyuan
{Jingdezhen Ceramic Institute， Jingdezhen， Jiangxi， 333001)
Abstract： Auto - translation -oriented machine translation comes to stagnancy due to the limitation of artifi-cial intelligence theory and computation. This article points out that computer - aided translation， by introducing the technology of computer assistance into language translation， breaks the bottleneck of kernel translation and thus leads the trend of machine translation.
Key words： machine translation； computer aided translation； interaction. 本文责编 安春娥 | null | null | null | null | null |
en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | The Brain and the Bible: Or, The Conflict Between Mental Science and Theology. ...
author: Edgar Charles Beall
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ms:'^- '„>--.'-
THE
BRAIN AND THE BIBLE
OR,
THE CONFLICT
BETWEEN • •••
• • • •
«
MENTAL SCIENCE AND THEOLOGY.
BY
EDGAR C. BEALL.
WITH A PRKFACE BY
ROBERT Gr, INCtERSOLL.
. " Truth wears no mask ; hows at no human shrine ; seeks neither place
nor applause : she only asks a hearing. Let no man fear corruption from her
teaching, though new; neither expect good from error, though long believed.**
NEW YORK:
THE TRUTH SEEKER PUBLISHING HOUSE.
28 Lafayette Place
h-iii-
t(
•i
CONTENTS
PAGE.
Dkdication, ....... V
Pkkface iiY R. G. IxuKiisoLL, .... vii
AUTHOU's PUKKACE, ...... XXlu
Introductiox, ...... 1
Cjiaptefi I. — The PiUiT df the Passions, . . ,46
II. — Thk Ya\a. ok Max, .... 67
III. — CiiAN(jK OF IIkaiit, . . . .84
IV. — TiiK Plan of Salvation, . . . 113
•' V. — Is Xatuke Self-Exlstext? . . . 127
' VI. — The Design Argument, . . . 140
" VII. — Joseph Cook's *' vSciextifio Theism," . , 159
* VIH. — The Correlation Argument, . . 174
" IX. — The Logic of Jesuitism, .... 199
X. — Popular Objections to Infidelity, . . 217
'* XI. — Our Substitute for Christianity, . . 248
(iii)
TO ALL
FRIENDS OF HUMANITY,
WHO DO NOT FEAR TO DISCOVER IN
NATURE
THE ONLY CAUSE AND CURE
OF ALL THAT STANDS IN THE WAY OP OUR
HIGHEST GOOD,
T DEDICATE THIS VOLITME.
PREFACE BY llOliERT (i. INGERSOLL.
THIS book, written by a brave and lionost
man, is filled with brave and honest thoughts.
The arguments it presents can not be answered
by all the theologians in the Avorld. The au-
thor is convinced that the universe is natural,
that man is naturally produced, and that there
is a necessary relation betw^een character and
brain. He sees, and clearly sees, that the theo-
logical explanation of phenomena is only a plausi-
ble absurdity, and, at best, as great a mystery
as it tries to solve. I thank the man who
breaks, or tries to break, the chains of custom,
creed, and church, and gives, in plain, courage-
ous words, the product of his brain.
It is almost impossible to invcstii::atc anv
subject without somewhere touching the religious
(vii)
prejudices of ourselves oy others, Most people
judge of the truth of a proposition by the con-
sequences upon some preconceived opinion. Cer-
tain things they take as truths, and with ' this.
little standard in their minds, they measure all
othor theories. If the new facts do not agree
with the standard, they are instantly thrown
away, because it is much easier to dispose of
the new facta than to reconstruct an entire phi-
losopliy.
A few years ago, when men began to say
that character could be determined by the form,
quantity, and quality of the brain, the religious
world rushed to the conclusion that this fact
might destroy what tbey were pleased to call
the free moral agency of man. They admitted
that all things in the physical world were links
in the infinite chain of causes and effects, and
that not one atom of the material universe
could, by any possibility, bo entirely exempt
from the action of every other. They insisted
that, if the motions of the sjiirit — the thoughts,
I-TtEFACE nr IIOBEnT a. tNr.f.n.^OT.L.
'm dreams, and conclusions of the brain, were as
jsarily produced as stones and stars, virtue
aine necessity, and morality the result of
porces capable of mathematical calculation. In
pther words, tUey insisted that, while there were
muses for all material phenomena, a something
Icalled the Will sat enthroned above all law,
■and dominated the phenomena of tho intellectual
■World. They insisted that man was free; that
■ he controlled his brain ; that he was responsible
Ifor thought as well as action; that the intellec
I world of each man was a universe in which
JiU will was king. They were afraid that phre-
might, in some way, interfere with the
piherae of salvation, or prevent the eternal tor-
inent of some erring soul.
It is insisted that man is free, and is re-
nsible, because he knows right from wrong.
But the compass does not navigate the ship;
Mcither does it, in any way, of itself, determine
Hif direction that is taken. When winds and
SiVjil'cs nrc too [towerful, the compass is of no
PREFACE HY UOBERT G IXGERSOLL
importance. The pilot may read it correctly,
and may know the direction the ship ought to
take, but the compass is not a force. So men,
blown by the tempests of passion, may have the
intellectual conviction that thev should sro an-
other way; but, of what use, of what force, is
the conviction?
Thousands of persons have gathered curious
statistics for tlie purpose of showing that man
is absolutely dominated by his surroundings.
I5y these statistics is discovered what is called
"the law of average." They show that there
are about so many suicides in London every
year, so many letters misdirected at Paris, so
many men uniting themselves in marriage with
women older than themselves in Belgium, so
many burglaries to one murder in France, or so
many persons driven insane by religion in the
United States. It is asserted that these facts
conclusively show that man is acted upon ; that,
behind each thought, each dream, is the efficient
'PHEFACE sr SOSERT *?. iNOBRSotT^
;e, and that the doctrine of moral rosponsi-
lity has been destroyed by statistics.
But, does the fact that about so many
rimes are committed on the average, in a given
KSpuIation, or that so many any things are done,
■ove that there is no freedom in human action?
Suppose a population of ten thousand per-
s; and suppose, further, that they are free,
I that they have the usual wants of mankind,
ts it not reasonable to say that they would act
, some way ? They certainly would take meas-
to obtain food, clothing, and shelter. If
} people differed in intellect, in surround-
taga, in temperament, in strength, it is reason-
to suppose that all would not "be equally
taccesaful. Under such circumstances, may we
lOt safely infer that, in a little while, if the sta-
[stics were properly taken, a law of average
^uld appear ? In other words, free people
act; and, being different in mind, body,
circumstances, would not all act exactly
All would not be alike acted upon. The
xii THEFACE BY ROBERT G. INGERSOLL.
deviations from what might be thought wise, or
right, would sustain such a relation to time and
numbers that they could be expressed by a law
of average.
If this is true, the law of average does not
establish necessity.
But, in my supposed case, the people, after
all, are not free. They have wants. They are
under the necessity of feeding, clothing, and
sheltering, themselves. To the extent of their
actual wants, they are not free. Every limita-
tion is a master. Every finite being is a pris-
oner, and no man has ever yet looked above or
beyond the prison walls. Our highest conception
of liberty is to be free from the dictation of fel-
low prisoners.
To the extent that we have wants, we arc
not free. To the extent that we do not have
wants, we do not act.
If we are responsible for our thoughts, we
ought, not only to know how they are formed,
but we ought to form them. If we are the
isters of our own minds, we ought to be able
[ tell what we are going to think at any future |
Evidently, the food of thought — its very
) and woof — is furnished through the medium
I the senses. If we open our eyes, we can not
Hp seeing. If we do not stop our ears, wo
not help hearing. If any thing touches us,
feel it. The heart beats in spite of us.
ke loD^ supply themselves with air without
knowledge. The blood pursues its old ac-
iBtomed rounds, and all our senses act without!
Igfr leave. As the heart beats, so the brain
abmks. The will is not its king. As the blood
liflWA, as the lungs expand, as the eyes see, as
i ears hear, as the flesh is sensitive to touch,
> the bi*ain thinks.
I had a. dream, in which I debated a
Mtiou with a friend. I thought to myself;
Ills is a dream, and yet I can not tell what
' opponent is going to say. Yet, if it is a
am, I am doing the thinking for both sides,
Xi» PREFACE Br ROBERT G. tSOERKOLL.
and, therefore, ought to know id arlvanee what
my friend will ui^." But, in a dream, there
is isome one who seems to talk to us. Our own
brain tells us news, and presents an unexpected
thought. Is it not possible that each bnun is a
field, where all the senses sow the seeds of
thought? S(ime of thcBC fields are mostly bar-
ren, poor, and hard, producing only worthless
weeds; and some grow sturdy oaks aod stately
palms; and some arc like the tropic world,
where plants and trees and vines seem royal
children of the soil and sun.
Nothing seems more certain than that the
capacity of a human being depends, other things
being equal, upon the amount, form, and quality
of his brain. We also know that health, dispo-
sition, temperament, occupation, food, surround-
ings, ancestors, quality, form, and texture of the
brain, determine what we call character. Man
Is, collectively and individually, what his sur-
roundings have made him. Nations differ from
. other as greatly as individuals in the same
PREFACE BY R'lISERT Q. INaERSOLL,
ation. Nations depend upon soil, climate, goo-
[raphical position, and countless other facts.
foakespcare would hare been impossible without
he climate of England, There la a direct rela-
Bon between Hamlet and the Gulf Stream. Dr.
Draper has shown that . the great desert of Sa-
ira made negroes possible in Africa. If thi
iaribbean Sea had been a desert, negroes mighfl
lave been produced in America.
Are the effects of climate upon man neces-
sary effects ? Is it possible for man to escape
lem ? Is he responsible for what he does as a
bnaequence of his surroundings? Is the mind
Bcpondent upon causes ? Does it act without
iause ? Is every thought a necessity ? Can
;&n choose without reference to any quality ii^
^e thing chosen?
ICo one will blame Mr. Brown or Mr. Jones
fcr not writing like Shakespeare. Should they
( blamed for not acting like Christ? We say
Siat a great painter has genius. Is it not pos-
We that a certain genius is required to be
PREFACE BT &OBEBT G. WGEBSOLL.
what is called "good"? All men can not be
great. All men can not be successful. Can all
men be kind? Can all men be honest?
It may be that a crime appears terrible in
proportion as we realize its consequences. If
this is true, morality may depend largely upon
the imagination. Man can not have imagination
at will ; that, certainly, is a natural product.
And yet, a man's action may depend largely
upon the want of imagination. One man may
feel that ho really wishes to kill another. He
may make preparations to commit the deed;
and yet, his imagination may present such pic-
tures of horror and despair; he may so vividly
see the widow clasping the mangled corpse; he
may so plainly hear the cries and sobs of or-
phans, while the clods fall upon the coffin, that
his hand is stayed. Another, lacking imagina-
tion, thirsting only for revenge, seeing nothing
beyond the accomplishment of the deed, buries,
with blind and thoughtless hate, the dagger iu;
his victim's heart.
PREFACE BY UOBERT 0. INGET^SOLL. xvii
^Mi^ ■ ■■■■■■■— — ^ ■!■■■■■■■■»■ ■■ - ■■ ■ '"■ i..^-. ■■■■■■■I ■>
Morality, for the most part, is the verdict
of the majority. This verdict depends upon the
intelligence of the people; and the intelligence
depends upon the amount, form, and quality of
the average brain.
If the mind depends upon certain organs
for the expression of its thought, does it have
thought independently of those organs ? Is there
any mind without brain? Does the mind think
apart from the brain, and then express its
thought through the instrumentality of the
brain? Theologians tell us that insanity is not
a disease of the soul, but of the brain ; that the
soul is perfectly untouched ; but that the instru-
ment with which, and through which, it mani-
fests itself, is impaired. The fact, however,
seems to be, that the mind, the something that is
the man, is unconscious of the fact that any thing
is out of order in the brain. Insane people in-
sist that they are sane.
If we should find a locomotive oflP the track,
and the engineer using the proper appliances to
xviii PREFACE BY nniiERT G. IXnERsOLL
put it buck, wo would say that the machine is
out of order, but tlie engineer is not. But, if
we found the k^comotive upside down, with
wheels in air, and the engineer insisting that it
was on the track, and never running better, wo
would then conclude that soniethin;^: was wron<r,
not only with the kxxnnotive, but Avith the en-
irineer.
We are told in medical books of a girl,
who. at about the aire of nine rears, was at-
tacked with some cerebral disease. When she
recovered, she had forirotten all she ever knew,
and had to relearn the alphabet, and the names
of her parents and kindred. In this abnormal
state, she was not a c:ood irirl : in the normal
state, she was. After havinti: lived in the sec-
ond state for several years, she went back to
the first ; and all she had learned in the second
state was forirotten, and all she had learned in
the first was remembered. T believe she changed
once more, and died in the abnormal state. In
which of these states was she responsible?
PREFACE BY MOBERT G. INGERSOLL. lis
Were hor tlioughta and actions aa free in one
as in the otlier? It may be contended that, in
Jier diseased stato, the mind or soul could not
correctly express itself. If this is so, it follows
that, as no one is perfectly healthy, and as no
tone has a perfect brain, it is impossible that
:he soul should ever correctly express itself. Is
,e soul responsible for the defects of the brain ?
3 it not altogether more rational to say, that
hat we call mind depends upon the brain, and
^t the child — miiid, inherits the defects of its
!nt — brain ?
Are certain physical conditions necessary to
le production of what we call virtuous actions?
a it possible for any thing to be produced with-
>ut what we call cause, and, if the cause was
lufficient, was it not necessarily produced? Do
lot most people mistake for fi'eedom the right
examine their own chains? If morality de-
jends upon conditions, should it not be the task
if the great and good to discover such condi-
ions? May it not be possible so to understand
PREFA CE BT ROBERTO. Il^GEJtSOLL.
the brain that wo can stop producing crimi-
nals?
It may be insisted that there is something
produced by the brain besides thought — a smno-
thing that taltes cognizance of thoughts — a some-
thing tliat weighs, compares, reflects and pro-
nounces judgment. This something can not find
the origin of itself. Does it exist independently
of the brain "? Is it merely a looker-on ? If it . \
is a product of the brain, then its power, per-
ception, and judgment depend upon the quanti- '
ty, form, and quality of the brain.
Man, including all his attributes, must havo
"been necessarily produced, and tiie product was
the child of conditions.
Most reformers have infinite confidence in
creeds, resolutions, and laws. They think otm
the common people as raw material, out df'l
which they propose to construct institutions att^
governments, like mechanical contrivances, whei
each person will stand for a cog, rope, wheel,'
pulley, bolt, or fuel, and the reformers will
Isho managers and directors. They forget that
cogs and wheels have opinions of their
bwn ; that they fall out with other cogs, and re-
I to turn with other wheels ; that the pulleys
jid ropes have ideas peculiar to themselves, and
ftelight in mutiny and revolution. These re-
■orraers have theories that can only be realized
when other people have none.
Some time, it will be found that people can
) changed only by changing their surroundings.
is alleged that, at least ninety-five per cent
the criminals transported from England to
SnUStralia and other penal colonies, became good
useful citizens in a new world. Free from
iTDjer .associates and associations, from the ne-
lities uf a hard, cruel, and competitive civil-
, they became, for the most part, honest
ipple. This iuimonso fact throws more light
lOn social questions than all the theories of
1 world. All people are not able to support
liemiielvea. They lack intelligence, industry,
■ — in short, capacity. They are continu-
xxii PREFACE BY ROBERT ^. lUffSitSOjLL.
ally falling by the way. In the midst of plenty,
they are hungry. Larceny is born of want and
opportunity. In passion's storm, the will is
wrecked upon the reefs and rocks of crime.
The complex, tangled web of thought and
dream, of perception and memory, of imagina-
tion and judgment, of wish, and will, and want
— the woven wonder of a life — hns never yet
been raveled back to simple threads.
Shall we not become charitable and just,
when we know that every act is but condition's
fruit; that Nature, with her countless hands,
scatters the seeds of tears and crimes — of every
virtue and of every joy; that all the base and
vile are victims of the Blind, and that the good
and great have, in the lottery of life, by chance
or fate, drawn heart and brain?
Robert G. Ingeesou,,
Washington, Dec. 21, 1881.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
*'The purpose of my writing is to make men anthro-
pologians instead of theologians ; man-lovers instead of God-
lovers; students of this world instead of candidates for
the next; self-reliant citizens of tiie earth instead of sub-
servient and wily ministers of a celestial and terrestrial
monarchy." Feuerbach.
T
HE mission of Infidelity is not to destroy
any thing, that is good, but simply by the
light of science to discovjer the one sublime Tem-
ple of Truth, in search of which, groping and
guessing, bruised and bleeding, humanity has
wandered through all the long unhappy night
of the past. Instead of wishing to undermine
the principles of virtue, we seek only to make
them more secure. And so far from aiming to
blot out the religious nature of man, we wish
only to purify and intensify it by directing it to
its legitimate objects of flesh and blood.
(xxiii)
He who can find no incentive to do right
for the love of man, is incapable of sincere de-
votion to any noble ideal. And he who has no
fear of human fetribution, or hatred of wrong
lor its own blackuess, can have but little fear
of Hell. Hence, instead of an absolute, con-
ditionless Deity, of whose existence there is no
evidence, we regard Humanity as the only true
object our sense of duty toward which should
restrain us from evil and impel us to [lurity of
life.
Nothing can he more sacred than the happi-
ness of mankind, and no book sincerely written
in defense of such an object should need an
apology. But the Church, never willing or able
to meet logic with logic, denies that Infidels aim
to make the world better, and, to give color to
this charge, defines Freethought as a synonym
for all that is vile, and describes as its repre-
sentatives only the monstrosities and dwarfs to
which she herself has given birth. As to this,
and all other objections, we court investigation.
A UTHOR'S PREFA CE. xx v
All we ask is that the world may be permitted
to think, and that the problem of our highest
duty may be submitted to reason. Christians
should not expect to discover any truth by false
methods. And no greater mistake can be made
than that of allowing the feelings to usurp the
place of judgment. The Roman Catholic is just
as sure from the voice of his "subjective cog-
nition " that his creed is the only true one as
the Protestant is that the Roman Church is the
" Harlot of Babylon." But if " spiritual dis-
cernment" is superior to science, why is there
so little unanimity of belief? If the "heart"
is of any A'^alue as an authoritative guide, why
does it present such contradictory evidence?
And if the unshaken faith of millions affords
any ground for an argument, why not accept
Buddhism, which is believed by almost a third
of the population of the globe? He who re-
pudiates reason as the only torch, can not con-
sistently deny that the grossest superstition may
be the true religion.
However, while rejecting the solutions of-
fered by theology, the true Infidel is far from
presuming to unravel the ultimate mystery of
the Absolute. " His refusal of the creative hy-
pothesis," says Tyndall, " is less an assertion of
knouiUdge, than a protest against the assumption of
knowledge which must long, if not forever, lie
beyond us, and the claim to which is the source
of manifold confusion upon earth." Moreover, it
should not be supposed that wherever Science ia
mute, the garrulity of Faith is necessarily true.
Our inability to establish an absolute negative,
by no means renders the affirmative certain ; and
as to the question of Theism, the burden of
proof falls wholly upon the Church.
All forms of argument employed to defend
the dogmas of the Bible, must, of necessity, be
within a circle. Hitherto, when closely pressed,
theologians have exhibited remarkable dexterity
in shifting from one side of the circle to the
other, and one of the chief i-easons why the war-
faro between science and super natux'al ism hag con-
A UTIIORS PREFA CE. xxvii
» ■
tinued so long, is because Infidelity has seldom at-
tacked both sides of the circle at once. Forced by
the revelations of modern physics to withdraw her
lines of defense beyond the material world, the
Church now seeks refuge in the supposed un-
fathomable mysteries of mind. It is to this field
of investigation that I wish especially to call at-
tention, and with an earnest desire to promote
the highest interests not only of those who live
to-day, but also .of the millions yet unborn, I
offer this book as a humble contribution to the
sacred .Cause of Humanity.
Edgar C. Beall.
Cincinnati, Ohio, December 1, 1881.
I-
INTRODUCTION.
"This is Iruth, thoiigli at enmity with the philosophy of
nses."— Gall.
o
" Die eirifachsten Wahrheiien sind es gerade, gtuf die der Mensch
immcr erst am spdtestcn koftimty — Feuerbach.
^^ Der Stoff VI seiner Gesammtheit ist die A lies gebdretide und Alles
wieder in sick zurucknehmende Mutter alles Seienden." -^Biichner.
TN the infancy of humanity, the intellectual
^ horizon was an unbroken gloom. The inex-
plicable every-where suggested the supernatural.
The orb of day in his majestic march, the va-
riable moon, and the serene stars, all seemed
endowed with life and thought, while the voices
of the genii echoed from rocks and clouds, and
from wind and wave.
Although the air was filled with mystery,
investigation was discouraged. To account for
the miraculous by natural agencies was deemed
an indignity to the gods. Science slumbered,
(1)
i7j.
TffE BTtAIN ANT) TJTE BIBLE.
and for many dark and weary years, the great
problems of life and happiness remained un-
toufihcd. Anatomy and physiology were un-
known. Physical disease was held to be one of
the dispensations of Providence, while the realm
of thought seemed directly linked with a spirit
world. Temptations to commit crime were sup-
posed to he suggested by Satan, ■while the dis-
position to be pure and good was regarded as
the inspiration of Divine Grace. However, these
dreams of deities and demons did not satisfy the
brave few who have always dared to think, and
hence the attention of the earliest philosophers
became directed to a study of the human mind.
For thousands of years, many of the most
learned men endeavored to establish some defi-
nite system of mental science — some classifica-
tion and analysis of the psychical activities
which would solve the mystery of human na?
ture. But, until near the beginning of the pres-
ent century, scarcely any thing definite was over
ascertained respecting the true character of the
organization. Theory upon tlioory was
proposej, adopted for a wlnic, and snhsoquPiitly
rejected. One after another of the great meta-
physicians rose and refuted the doctrines of Ids
predecessors, only to meet the same fate himself
a few years later. But, it will be asked, why
did 80 many seekers fail to discover the truth?
feimply hecauae of their false methods- of inves-
tigation. They reasoned almost entirely a priori,
which consta,ntly led them into deeper mysti-
nism. Each blindly assumed his own conscious-
mess as the standard of human nature, and oo
■cupied himself chiefly with the contemplation
nf his own feelings, utterly ignoring the fact
BUiat all persons do not possess the aamo devel-
■opment of the mental powers, and tfiat no indi-
■ridual could properly regard his own riiiiul as
Ban ideal of perfection, without first establishing
Bibo true standard with wliich to compare liitn-
,:8elf. Of course, every such investigator natur-
taHy evolved a philosophy corresponding simply
■ to his own peculiar organization. For example,
in the last century, the popular teleoloffist, Dr.
Paley, wlio was evidently endowed with more
"Veneration" than "Conscientiousness," did not
admit the existence of an inherent sentiment of
justice in human nature, but hold that virtue
consists in "the doing good to mankind, in
I obedience to the will of God, and for tlic sal-6
of eiierlastinff happiness." Tills would he the
'natural expression of a mind in which the self-
ish propensities are strong, and in which revor-
iCnce is more powerful than the love nf right for
its own sake. Looking in upon one's own foel-
iinga with such a combination of faculties, of
course it would be difficult to form any othrf
conception of moral principle. In his " Theory
of Moral Sentiments,^' Dr. Adam Smith taught
that sympathj was probably the source of moral
approbation. This idea would naturally oraanato.
from a mind dominated by " Renevolenee.'*
Then there were writers who ninde tlie desire'
for praise, and various other forms of aelfish,--
ness, the basis of all virtue; in teaching whicb
isrnoDVCTioN.
Jiey usually betrayed thoir own deficient sense
Bof justice, while Mr. Stewart, Lord Karnes, Dr.
■ Brown, and many others, earnestly contended
[for the existence of an inherent love of justice
ndependcnt of any other consideration. Equally
I discordant and chaotic were the opinions respect-
Sng the existence of an inherent sense of beauty;
mOme philosophers asserting that the esthetical
Leleraent in the mind was purely factitious, and
iicquired wholly by the post-natal experiences and
ducation of the individual.
Scores of similar examples might be cited to
fehow how utterly conflicting and unsatisfactory
■were the speculations regarding man's mental na-
ire, when, toward the close of the last century,
he functions of the brain, and the true philoso-
phy of mind were discovered and made known
► the world by Dr. Francis Joseph Gall.
Words would fail to describe the abuse
land ridicule which were heaped upon this man.
■The Church, with her usual hostility to science,
pSUppresacd his lectures in Vienna, so that he
TBM BXjm AKB THE JilBlE.
and his companion and pupil, Dr. Spurzlieim,
were obliged to leave their native country in
order to continue their investigations. The re-
sult of their labors, however, has been the es-
tablishment of the science known as Phrenology
(a term derived from the Greek M'ords jjhren and
logos, mind and discourse). Dr. (rail's mode of
investigation was purely a posteriori, or inductive.
This man, a profoundly learned physician, and
metaphysician, as was also Dr. Spurzheim, be-
gan his great life work when a mere schoolboy,
by noticing the peculiarities of his fellow-pupils,
and until stricken by death at the age of
seventy-one, he continued to labor for the pe]>
fection of his discoveries. He visited hundreds
of schools, prisons, hospitals, asylums, and other
institutions, which aiforded him excellent oppor-
tunities for observing a great many distinct
types of people, of which all the individuals jn
each class possessed alike some one leading trait
of character; and by carefully comparing the
cranial developments of all such persons to
INTItODUCTION. 7
whom he could gain acc&ss, he was generally
able to discover, in each class, a particular con-
figuration of brain which was equally marked
in all, and which appeared to be the only pecu-
liarity which all possessed in common. For ex-
ample, in the prisons, he noticed that the heads
of all the thieves were remarkably wide about
an inch back of the temples, while, in other re-
spects, they differed as much as any other class
of criminals. All the murderers were remarka-
ble for width of head just between the ears,
hough differing in other respects, etc., etc. la
the asylums for the insane, he succeeded also
very frequently in discovering a peculiar form
of brain which was common to all who were de-
ranged upon the same subject. The location of
he cerebral center named Cautiousness, was dis-
JBOVered by Dr. Gall at an entertainment where
Ite occupied a seat immediately behind a gentle-
nan whose notorious irresolution and timidity
had obtained f.r him the nickname Cacadubio.
Dr. Gall was struck by the extraordinary width
8 THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
of this head at the point known to anatomists
as the "parietal prominence," situated at the
extreme upper and back part of the side head,
usually about two inches from the tops of the
ears. Being well acquainted with the man's
predominant trait, it occurred to the Doctor that
this part of the head might be the seat of a
faculty of cautiousness. Accordingly, on return-
ing home, he examined all his casts, skulls, and
portraits, of which he had a large collection, and
in the case of every one whose original he had
known to be strongly endowed with the faculty
in question, he observed a great width of head
at the "parietal prominence." He next exam-
ined the heads of a number of his friends and
others who were remarkable for prudence, ap-
prehensiveness, etc., and, in every instance, he
found the same configuration of brain, while in
all examinations of persons who were deficient
in this mental quality, he found heads narrow
in the region of the "parietal prominence,"
Thousands of observations by later Phrenologists
lNTItObVCTIOS_
j luive demonstrated beyond a doubt llie accuracy
lof the discovery. By these and simihir indue-
|tive methods this man alone succeeded ia loeat-
twenty-aeven of the forty-three centers now
I established ; certainly one of the most remark-
liible labors ever accomplished by any one man.
I Some objectors have declared that it would be
I impossible for one man or one generation of
I men to collect sufficient evidence to establish
I the location of so many cerebral centers ; but
iBUch critics are obviously unacquainted with the
■ requirements of the inductive method. Dr. Gall
Ihimself made thousands of observations more
han were strictly necessary to confirm his dis-
[cDVeries, and the centers localized by his suc-
feeasors have been established by millions of ob-
[Bcrvations. If a coin is tossed up five hundred
•times in succession, or oven half as many times,
land it invariably falls upon a particular side,
\yte are entirely justified in the conclusion that
lit ia "loaded," since it would bo impossible for
kach a number of coincidences to be accidental.
In TtJU tsRAlN AXD TfllC JSIJiI.E.
The same principle may be applied to the ques-
tion of special cerebral developments. If we
find that all men who possess great physico-
perceptive intellectuality, with deficient reflective
power, have, in every instance, foreheads very
prominent immediately above the eyes, but nar-
row and retreating in the upper portion; uhile
we observe that all foreheads largely developed
in the upper portion and depressed in the lowerj
are accompanied by predominant reflective intel-
lect, we logically infer that the perceptive facul-
ties depend for their manifestation upon the
cerebral matter beneath the superciliary ridge,
and that in the upper part of the forehead are
located the material substrata of the reflective
powers. There is no possibility of evading the
results of such reasoning. If Phrenology can not
be demonstrated nothing can be domonstrated.
Moreover, its leading principles are so simple
that a child can easily master them, notwith-
standing which, however, it is a fact that among
the most learned men comparatively few under-
INTROhUCTlON.
iatand even the rudiments of it. At first glance
(this seems almost unaccountable, but tlicro are
[sevoral reasons for it. First, scholars are usu-
■ally very conservative, and disposed to be an-
Itagonistic to every new system of philosophy
[that bears an odor of empiricism, and especially
nf it threatens to subvert the established ideas
lof metaphysics or theology. Second, it is a pe-
r culiarity with the majority of philosophical
I minds, that they will not condescend to examine
■the alphabet of a candidate science, and by
Ipassing judgment upon its principles before in-
Ivestigating its facts, or familiarizing themselves
ffith its technicalities, they are almost certain
arrive at conclusions exactly in accord with
heir preconceived opinions. Such men try to
walk before they can crawl, and the result is,
[they accomplish but little in their investigation
*f a subject until they chance to become preju-
■•diced in its favor by external influences. Third,
lit must be confessed that none of the phreno-
tlygical treatises have ever been presented in the
THE BRATA' AND THE BIBLE.
best manner to facilitate the study of the sell
From the time when Drs. Gall and Spun
published their first books on the functioid
the brain, to the present day, it has beea;^
ternary to indicate the locations of the ceM
centers by illustrations which, to persons
quainted with the subject, often "convey thj
pression that the centers always exhibit i
and tangible protuberances upon the surfad
the cranium ; than which, however, nothing *
be more erroneous. By the term cerebral '
ter," or "organ," as Phrenologists usually;
it, is meant simply that portion of the gw
convoluted brain substance the action of '
constitutes what is understood by a mental!
ulty. All of the centers now regarded aa i
lished, have received names which are uaeij
most synonymously to designate either sp
parts of the brain, or their manifestations ■
we call mental faculties, and are, for conveni^
written with large initials to distinguish
as referring to individual faculties, fromJ
INTIiODi'CTrO.V.
lanifestations which proceed from diflerent eet
ers acting in combination. One of the moi
ilausible objections ever made against Phrenolj
gy, is based upon the idea that its advocates
irofess to have discovered forty-three distind
ad independent compartments in the
lUt this is not a fair statement of their teach-"
ig. In no instance has it ever been asserted
lat the seats of the faculties are entirely sepa-
ated, and independent of one another. On the
lutrary, they must be connected, and their
mndaries literally interwoven like the colors in
te rainbow, in order to facilitate their necessai^
(peration. And yet it is quite possible tha
bere may exist very distinct lines of dcmarcffl
ion which our present meana of observation art
30 imperfect to detect. Modern anatomisn
how that there is really no difference in struj
ire between a motor and a sensory nerve, >
apt in the manner in which it terminates,
lotor filament begins in a cell and ends in 1
ii:d of loop, while the sensory filament bog;inQ
THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
in one cell and ends in another. In view of
such peculiarities it is not strange that the dis-
secting knife should fail to reveal many complex
nervous functions. But while we do not profess
to separate the individual fibers or cells compos-
ing each center, it is true nevertheless that the
boundaries of the centers may be observed ex-
ternally with sufficient exactness for all practical
purposes. In cases of extreme development or
unusual deficiency these limitations and conse-
r|uently the shapes of the centers are very
plainly discernible. As, for example, when Com- ',
bativoness is very much larger than the sur- |
rounding convolutions, its form is plainly seen
to be elongated, and its position perpendicular.
Very deficient Continuity, when surrounded by
large Inhabitiveness, Friendship, Self-Estecm, ,
etc., causes a depression in the sli;ipe of a cres-
cent, the points inclining downward. Other cen-
ters present still different configurations, some
running horizontally and others perpendicularly.
It is very difficult to understand the exact rela-
INTRODUCTION. 15
ion between brain and mind, or at least to ex-
)ress the idea in popular language. The Ger-
nan physiologist, Bock, says, " Geist ist die Ar-
ies Gehims." (Mind is the labor of the
jrain.) Force is only a quality or property of
patter, and all we can say of the mind, is, that
tt is the activity of the brain. For want of any
nore strictly accurate expression, I shall con-
iinne to use the word "center," to designate the
ocal seat of a particular mental power, although
is to be regretted that we have not some
ither term which would be at once entirely phi-
osophical and unambiguous. Now the diagrams
)r "mapped" heads in the phrenological treatises
I intended only to show the spaces or territory
rhich the centers occupy at the cortex or sur-
lace of the brain. These centers seem to ex-
and from the terminus of the spinal cord uji-
(fard and outward, very much as the bi-anches
md fruit upon a tree grow upward and outward
rem the trunk; and, in order to estimate the de-
velopment of a center, it is necessary to measure
the distance from the space it occupies at (lie sur-
16 THE SnAm AND TJIIC JilBLR
face of the brain or cranium, to the medulla oUon-
gata, or terminus of the spinal cord. A line drawn
through the head from the opening of one ear
to that of the other, will pass through the an-
terior portion of the medulla oblongata, thus con-
stituting the meatus auditorius exter-nus, or exter-
nal opening of the ear, an entirely convenient
and accurate base of measurement.
A well balanced head will, in general terms,
present a development of about two-thirds for-
ward of a line drawn upward through the open-
ing of the ear, and one-third back of this line.
After becoming familiar with this proportion it
is easy to detect at a glance any variation ivotty,
it. All the developments visible in the profile'
are measured from the opening of the ear, just
as one might estimate the length of the spokes
in a carriage wheel by glancing from the hub to
the tire. Tho centers in the lateral parts of the
brain, or "side head," are estimated by measur-
ing the head through from side to side. The
seats of the faculties are all double, like the
ISTBOnVCTlON. IT
yes and ears ; each faculty having a center in
ich hemisphere of the brain. Special promi-
encea or elerations upon the skull are indeed
ometimes produced by special developments of
he brain, but this occurs only when one center
much larger than those by which it is sur-
lounded. In like manner a depression is often
mused by the great deficiency of one center
iphen it is surrounded by others which are
irgely developed.
However, only a small proportion of the
jrty-three centers will ever be found to present
Uch appearances upon any one head, and in, all
1 the development must be estimated by ob-
arving the distance from the opening of the ear
I the cortex of the brain, or the surface of the
fcnll; or by the width of the head from aide
side, as the case may be. For example, to
Qeaaure the center named Firmness, project a
ne from the opening of the ear directly upward
> the top of the head, and tJie length of this
ne will indicate the development. Or, to
18 THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
measure Secretiveness, place the open hands
upon the sides of the head about an inch above
the tops of the ears, and observe the width or
diameter of the head at this point. Of course
considerable practice is necessary to attain skill
in estimating corebral development, as in the
case of any delicate mechanical work. In this
connection I may remark that the centers in the
extreme lower corner of the forehead, just back
of the outer angle of the eye, are perhaps the
most difBcult of all to estimate correctly. But
it is only in exceptional cases that real- obstacles
are presented here, and then they are by no
means formidable. The phyaico-perceptives,
which are located beneath the superciliary
ridge, are not estimated by their anterior pro-
jection alone, but also by the a^yjtearance of the
eyebrows. Individuality, for example, which ob-
serves things simply as individual existences, U
indicated not only by the fullness of the brow
above the root of the nose, and by the distance
from the opening of the ear, or from the most
INTRODOfTION. lit
irominent part of the zygomatic arch, but also
>y the space between the eyebrows; while large
Jrder causes the eyebrows to arch over the
uter angle of the eyes. In general terms, the
yebrows may be said to arch over large per-
leptives, and to present a horizontal and flat-
ened appearance when these centers are defi-
dent.
In view of these facts regarding the true
lethods of estimating cerebral development, all the
natomical objections to Phrenology fall to the
rotmd. Such as, for example, those based upon
lie supposed difficulties presented by the frontal
the temporal muscle, variation in the
lickneas of the plates of the skull, etc., etc.
F .Phrenologists really assorted that the centers
Iways exhibited protuberances upon the surface
the cranium, and that these excrescences
luat all be measured like so many warts, it
fould indeed be ridiculous ; but they have never
aught any such idea, and the popular notions
egarding "bumpology" have arisen chiefly
THE liRATN^ AND THE BIBLE.
from superficial persons who criticised that
which they did not understand. The same illit-
erate class who cry " bumpology," may gener-
ally be heard confidently discussing the "ab-
surdities " of Darwinism. Their criticisms on
Evolution may be chiefly summed up in the
word "monkey," while the principal idea they
seem to associate with the name of Dr. Gall is
"bumps." With reference to this latter expres-
sion, I wish to remark, in the words of George
Combe, that "its use is sanctioned by neither
correctness of language, nor sound philosophy."
If there is any one department of nature
more important and dignified than all others, it
is certainly the human brain ; and whether the
terms "center," and "organ," are entirely phil-
osophical or not, there can be no need of the
vulgarism referred to above. However, as the
masses of the people have had comparatively
little opportunity to learn much of Phrenology,
it is not strange that they should often misin-
terpret it, or fail to appreciate it; but it is not
/.VTBODUcT/OiV. SI
iso easy to justify the large number of eminent
jscientists who stubbornly oppose it. It is true
.Ve can in some degree account for their hostility,
ftsd, in view of certain reasons already indicated,
fliey are perhaps not deserving of Very severe
lenstire; but still they ought to honor the sub*
ject of their criticisms with a careful exaniiim*
flon. This they have obviously never dono.
i.t least it is a fact worthy of note that none
of the anti-phrenological literature extant is freo
from gross misrepresentations, together with ob-
jections of an exceedingly trivial and irrelevant
baracter. For example, the modern " Pliyaico-
Faycbologists," " Psychic- Physiologists," (ir "New
Phrenologists," as they are variously called, say
that as the brain is like a folded gl<>vi>, the
imctioDs of its midmost and lowest parts ean
iiot be known to the disciples of Gall, and that
in consequence of their viviscctioni* upon pigeon»,
■abbits, frogs,' etc., the "phrenological iriap" will
wve to be "revised." Jfow thU in not only
Unscientific, but absurd. The oontributiunt to
TSE BRAIN ANT) TBE BIBLE.
cerebral physiology made by these gentlemen^
suggest the fable of the mountain that labored
and brought forth a mouse. If, for example, in
the exposed brain of a dog, we discover the:
nerve center which enables him to wag his tail,,,
what relation does such a demonstration bear to
the exalted mental faculties of man? Suppose i
that by such experiments we do ascertain that,
a certain nervous bulb in the base of the human
brain relates to the involuntary operations ftfj
digestion, respiration, circulation, etc., or to tiie
movements of our bodies or limbs. Can this
invalidate the previous discovery of such centers
as Conscientiousness, Firmness, Benevolence, or'
Causality? By no means. As well talk of de«'
nying the existence of Jupiter because of the
discovery of his moons. i
There are myriads of diminutive insects i
whose anatomical structure has hitherto com-'
pletely eluded the most skillful microscopiats.
If these are ever dissected and their nature
thoroughly understood, will it then be necessary
for us to give different names to the lion or the
horse ? Every science has dim recesses into
which no human eye has ever peered. To this
rule Phrenology has never been presented as an
exception. But its advocates do profess to de-
termine, classify, and analyze, all of the impor-
tant mental faculties, in precisely the same
Sense that naturalists have enumerated all the
important animals now extant, or in the same
lense that astronomers have discovered all the
nportant planets within the solar system.
As a proof that there yet remains but little
do in the way of discovering new cerebral
tenters of special importance, we submit the
iact that, already, centers have been localized
lich, either singly or in combination, corre-
ond to, and satisfactorily account for, all of
he normal mental phenomena with which we
are acquainted. As the existence and functions
Df these centers have been demonstrated by a
rigid and extensive induction, no amount of ad-
ditional discovery can ever refute them. Fur-
24 THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
thermore, clinical observation has demonstrate<
that they are located in the gray matter, whicl
composes the cortex or external portion of th<
brain, by the circumstance that when any facult;
is especially excited, diseased, or otherwise al
fected, the only perceptible anatomical phenomeru
are in the cortical substance, and not in \hi
striated or interior structure; much in the sanw
sense that the growth or decay of an apple h
not accompanied by any perceptible structural
change in the body or limbs of the tree. An<
as the richest fruit usually grows upon th)
longest branches, or at the greatest diatano
from the trunk, so the strength of the cerebi
centers, other things being equal, is indical
more by their distance from the vieduUa obloU
gata, than by their lateral expansion at the snp
face of the brain. Hence we might as reasona
bly split open the limbs or trunk of a tree
look for apples, as to seek new centers of iiU'
portant faculties in the midmost and lowerf
parts of the brain. Wliy or how this is true,
INTRODUCTION. 25
eecl not here be discussed. We have irrefuta-
e proof that it is true, and that is suflficlont
ir our present purpose. Again, if the brain
ay be unfolded like the fingers of a olendied
,nd, or glove, which, be it romcrnberod, Drs.
all and Spurzhcira were the first to demon-
;, it is equally true that the healthy ftmc-
of the brain are performed only when it i»
Med, and that its most important centors may
: observed without unfolding it. That lhi»
»y be done is sufBcicntly proved by the fact
at it has been done.
To show clearly and conclusively tliat the
Lysiologiats are, as a rule, very imperfectly ac-
ited with Phrenology, it is necessary only
observe the language they employ in their
iDccs bo it. A single example will suffice.
Dr. Dungliaon's Medical dictionary, the edi-
in of 1874, a well known work, and one r^^-
by the medical prrifeitsiun as «ccond to
DC in authority, under ibc word CranioUigy.
the following extraordinary statement:
28 THE BJIAIN AND THE BIBLE.
"According to Dr. Gall, each projection,
which he calls an o7'(/an, is the seat of a par-
ticular intellectual or moral faculty, and all per-
sons endowed with the same faculty, have, at
the same part of the brain, a prominence, which
is indicated, externally, by a bump or projection
in the bony case. The System of Dr. Gall is
made to comprise twenty-aoven prominences,
which answer to twenty-seven primary faculties."
Here we have the hackneyed and ground-
leas accusation, that, "according, to Br. Gall," for
each mental faculty, there is in all cases exhib-
ited a cranial "bump"; or, in other words, that
each individual head displays as many bony ex-
crescences as its owner possesses mental facul-
ties. Truly nothing could be a greater distortion
of Dr. Gall's teaching, and yet this is but a
mild specimen of the misrepresentations made
by many of the eminent medical, theological,
and philosophical writers. I will not attempt
any further explanation of the causes of this in-
justice. It is enough for the present to show
lyyjtODVCTlOX- 27
lat in this matter our opponents display either
;noraiico nr dishonesty.
Phrenology may be defined, first, as a sys-
(m of mental philosophy founded upon the phys-
>logy of the brain ; and second, as the art or
eienco of reading character by estimating cere-
ffal power. It is well not to lose sight of this
aal definition. Phrenology establishes the only
MTCct mental philosophy by determining the true
wnJer and nature of the primary faculties which
JUatitute the human mind, and in this sense it
i a positive system. But as applied to reading
laracter, it must be regarded simply as an ea-
maUve science precisely analogous to the prac-
ce of medicine. Until the discovery of the
inctions of the brain, it was impossible to as-
irtain the number of the inherent faculties, or
» distinguish between the manifestations of dis-
inct faculties and the manifestations produced
■ two or more faculties acting in concert. As,
(T example, if a man was obser^ cd to evince a
enJcnry to finish every undertaking without in-
28
THE BRAIN ANh TtUi BIBLE.
termission, it was impossible to determine
whether this disposition arose from a faculty of
cxecutiveness, a faculty of firmness, or two such
faculties in combination ; or whether it was pro-
duced by a single faculty of continuity ; and so
with many other mental phenomena.
It may be well to explain here that the
metaphysical analyses and the nomenclature laid
down in many of the phrenological textbooks
are not in every pai'ticular entirely correct,
owing to certain difficulties which were nccessa^
rily encountered in the early history of the
science, but which are now easily overcome by
means of the great number of data possessed at
the present time. Nearly all of the cerebral
centers were first discovered by observing them
in cases of extreme development, or by observ-
ing excessive or perverted mental manifestations;
hence it was but natural to adopt a nomencla-
ture, which, in some cases, was expressive of
perverted rather than normal mental action.
Thus Dr. Gall was led to give to the center
INTROD UCTION. 29
now called Dostructiveneas, or Executiveness,
the namea "ffar^sm»," and " Penchant au meurtre,"
which mean the propensiii/ to kill, because he found
it large in the heads of all murderers, and car-
nivorous animals. In like manner, the so-called
"spiritual" faculties, Hope, Veneration, and
Wonder, have been supposed to relate to a
supernatural world, because they have been ob-
served to be extremely active in persona strongly
inclined to superstition. This inference, how-
ever, is entirely unwarranted, although it has
been regarded with much more favor by modern
Phrenologists than by Gall, Spurzheim, or
'Combe. On this point I agree substantially with
Combe. The first faculty in this so-called
''spiritual group," Hope, which, by many Christ-
ians, is said to inspire an intuitive belief in ira-
iiortality, if regarded normally, and with refcr-
■nee to its dependence upon the intellect for its
pbjects, has clearly no necessary connection with
ft faith in any other world than the present.
The normal function of Veneration is to produce
the sentiment of respect for superiors, and for
every thing proTwimced bi/ the intellect to be great
and good ; also to offset the arrogance and super-
ciliousness which would otherwise naturally
spring from Self-Esteem. Thirdly, the much
diacuased faculty of Wonder, misnamed " Spirit-
uality," can not be shown to have any exclusive
relation to a belief in the existence of disembod-
ied souls, or spirit communication, since it may
be gratified by the contemplation of any thing
novel or wonderful. Its normal function la sim-
ply to confer a love for the new and the un-
known in general, and to inspire a confidence
and interest in any mysterious or apparently
impossible thing before the evidence of its truth
has been or can be presented. It thus has a
legitimate and useful sphere of activity within
the domain of the natural. And as its function
is clearly one of general wonder, the name of
the faculty should also be a general term which
could not be construed to refer exclusively to a
special phase of manifestation. In discussing
JNTRODUCTION. 31
subject, George Combe very correctly aays,
hat "philosophy can not acknowledge any object
or event that occurs in the present day as mi-
■aculous or supernatural : a special faculty, there-
fijre, for belief in such objects, appears inadmis-
tible." Again: "Philosophy does not recognize
the 'supernatural,' while it admits wonder at
and extraordinary circumstances as a legiti-
nate state of mind."
Such imperfections in the literature of
Phrenology, and apparent contradictions in the
Bachings of its defenders, have led many to
juestion its right to be called a true science;
l)ut this objection is entirely superficial. There
no contradictions in the science itself, and
he inaccuracies of its teachers arise solely from
their prejudices or imperfect knowledge. The
same is true of every other department of
leajning.
Here it may be asked, what is the proper
inethod by which to determine the legitimate
function of a cerebral center? We answer, that
THE BRA IN A ND THE BIBLE.
tbe teat mu3t bo made solely by our reason. If
a certain sphere of activity is evidently conduc-
ive to the highest degree of harmony in the ac-
tion of the whole faculties, the intellect and moral
sentiments holding the supremacy, we may cer-
tainly regard it aa legitimate. To illustrate; It
13 entirely reasonable to be prudent, watchful,
and careful, and to try to avoid danger. We
know that there are many dnngcrs which we
must escape in order to be happy, and so we
perceive that the faculty of Cautiousness has a
sphere of activity which is conducive to the
highest degree of harmony in the affairs of life.
But suppose this faculty should be too strongly
developed in an individual, and should give rise
to a settled hypochondria, under circumstances
entirely favorable to safety, health, and happi-
ness. In such a case it would be quite proper
for -the intellect to pronounce such a manifesta-
tion an abuse of the faculty. In the same man-
ner the intellect readily perceives that gluttony,
murder, theft, and lying, are abuses of Aliment-
I sTnoDVCTtoyr.
S3
iveness, IX'stnu'tivenoss, Actjuisitivencss, and
Secret! veness, because to a ftiil-orbetl and en-
lightened mind, these actions give great offense
to the sentiments of Conscientiousness and Be-
nevolence. Then as regards the names of the
feculties, it is very evident that only those
terms should bo selected which will express or
include all the general and legitimate functions
of a faculty, without specifying any perverted
manifestation or particular phase of normal ac-
tion. Thus the name Wonder, adopted by Mr.
Combe, is consistent with all of the legitimate
functions of the faculty to which it refers, wliile
the modern term " Spirituality " is objectionable
because it implies a special phase of nuinifosta-
i tion, "which, even if it were philosophically ad-
missible, does not include or imply the legiti-
mate functions of the faculty within the phyfti-
cal world. The terms Hope, and Veneration,
I are, however, not open to this ohjcction.
Phrenology tlms reveals the inherent connti-
tution of the mind, furnishing the correct ideal
or model of human nature, to which all can
look as an example for imitation. It bears the
same relation to every thing mental, that physi-
ology and anatomy do to the physical man.
Its importance and dignity in. this respect can
scarcely be overestimated, although it has been
objected that the true principles of government,
education, ethics, etc., etc., can be ascertained
without appealing to mental science, just as
mathematics, chemistry, geology, etc., have been
developed without any reference to the mental
faculties. The fallacy of such an objection is
immediately apparent when we consider that
botany, astronomy, chemistry, mathematics, geol-
ogy, etc., relate to objects the existence of which
is entirely external to, and independent of the
mind ; whereas the objects of civil and criminal
legislation, intellectual culture, moral philosophy,
etc., etc., are the qualities and actions of the mind
itself. These objects have, of course, no exist-
ence independently of the mind, and they can
no more be systematically or correctly under-
I stood without a knowledge of the mental consti-
Itution, than surgery can be cultivated iis a
t science in ignorance of the structure of the
[ body.
Let us now briefly notice the suliject of
" Practical Phrenology," or "Anthroposcopy ;"
I the art or science of character reading. In this
Isense, or from this point of view, Phrenology
I may be comprehended in the general term Phys-
iognomy," although the meaning of the- latter
word is popularly limited to the facial organiza-
I tion, while the former is restricted to the cranial
[ indications. In reading character, it is necessary
I to take into account not only the relative cere-
I brai developments, but also the various modify-
I ing influences, such as health, education, the ab-
I solute size and texture of the brain, the tem-
perament, and the "quality;" the indications of
I which include all facial or other physiognomical
j signsj and are all very perceptible to the prac-
ticed Phrenologist. Ilcjilth states are compara-
easy to detVrniiiic. Education, or recent
36 THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
activity of any part of the brain, especially if
exceaaive, or steadily continued for a few years,
or even months, produces a peculiar elevation
and sharpness of the contiguous section of the
cranium, a condition rery easily distinguished
from irregularities dependent upon other causes.
Size of the brain, as a whole, or of its individ-
ual parts, is a measure of power only when the
other conditions are equal. In a given tempera-
ment, and of a given texture, the lai'ger an en-
tire brain, or an individual part, the. greater the
power. All really great men have large brains,
without a single exception. By great men, I
mean those whose operations are on a large
scale, and who deal with great subjects. Such
as Shakspeare, Napoleon, Humboldt, etc. Mod-
erate sized heads may bo penetrating, subtile,,
and brilliant, like the diamond, but never pro
found; while largo heads are often dull because
of coarse texture or an unfavorable temperament
An individual may also manifest great intel-
lectual power with a forehead wliicli uppears low
mrnoDucTioN.
I or narrow, because of a deficiency of Agreeable-
, Mirth fulness, Ideality, etc., which a,ssist
I very much in giving breadth and height to the
I frontal lobes, Generally speaking, the most im-
Pportant modifying condition is Temperament.
I This word, etymological ly considered, means
laimply mi\tm'e. In popular parlance, it is often
fused to indicate a peculiar combination of men-
Ital qualities; but as a phrenological technicality,
I it refers exclusively to the relative proportion
■ of the physical elements presented in an indi-
Ividual, and may be taken to represent either
[this combination or the general state of the con-
stitution resulting thereirom. Character is af-
tfected by temperament in several ways. First,
I the nutrition, activity, and strength of the brain,
I are dependent upon the functions of digestion,
Irespiration, circulation, etc.; and, second, as the
I cerebral centers of the purely psychical or con-
Iscious activities are literally interwoven with
I centers relating to purely physical or involuntary
I functions, the great activity of any special bodily
38 T!ii: nn.-\ i.v and the bible. •
organ tlius tenuis t > excite those montal faculties
which are in sympathy with, its functions. Thus
the condition of the digestive apparatus affects
AlimentiFcncss, Amativeness, etc. Muscular ex-
ercise shari^ens Combativencss, the physico-
perceptive intellectual faculties, etc., etc.
The texture of the brain, in general terms,
corresponds to the texture of the other parts of
the organization, and may he conreiiiently de-
termined by observing the character of the halt,,
ekin, etc., at the same time taking into accottnt
the influence of the temperament. The especial
development as well as the great activity of the
cineritioua or convoluted cerebral matter is indi-
cated also by the high temperature and evident
thinness of the cranial bones, peculiar adhesion
of the akin to tho forehead, etc., etc. Upon the
texture of the gray matter depends the delicacy
of the mental operations, while tho absoluto
ijuantity, caeterls paribus, determines the power.
It is to be regretted that none of the
phrenological authors give an accurate definition
INTRODUCTION 30
f "Quality." TIio majority of them ignore it
ntirelj, wbilo others confound it with the on-
phalic temperament, or with the manifestations
' Ideality, and nearly all refer to it as a syno-
ym for cerebral texture and consequent sub-
nty or power of intellect. But according to my
bservations, it is necessary to distinguish a con-
ition which ia not referable to any particular
irebral or temperamental combination whatso-
frer, and which, is distinct from brilliancy or
&ptH of intellect. This I call Quality. In
immon parlance the word "blood" is often used
■ represent the same idea; as, for example, a
lily is said to be of good "blood," or good
btoofc." Some persons impress us by their in-
ductive refinement and natural aristocracy,
fiile others, though perhaps endowed with
ater acutenesa or profundity of intellect, still
stray a plebeian cheapness in every thuig they
D. High Quality is always accompanied by fine
otture, but fine te-':turo ia by no means always
ccompanied by high Quality. The " Nervous
40 THE liRMS ASD THE liJBLE.
Temperament" of the pathological classification
often illustrates very delicate texture without
high Quality, while the latter is indicated bj(
classical features, symmetrical form, etc., but ea
pecially by a peculiar stamp or expression oi
the face, and by a light in the eye which maj
be seen and felt, though not easily described.
These remarks upon mental science are of
course intended only to point out the fact tha'
the Gallian system is established, and that con
sequently all logical deductions from it may b<
accepted as irrefutable. And as it would be im
possible within the limited space of this Intra
duction to answer all the numerous objection*
made by our opponents, I would ask the reade:
especially to remember that the evidence upoi
■which Phrenology rests, is of the most logical am
conclusive kind known to human reason. It chaj
lenges criticism by the most scientific method^
of investigation ever devised. We do not say
look at the evidence and believe, but, look am
know. However, if the reader should have anj
JNTJiODUGTIOM
pse to doubt the accuracy of my statements, I
bectfully invite him to invest igii to tlie subject
himself, which, I am sure, wi!I more than
ay faim for all the necessary outlay of time
, effort. I would advise a careful perusal of
boat any of the standard phrenological text-
pks, but particularly the works of George
nbe, keeping in mind the hints I have given
preceding pages with reference to the
bper methods of measuring the cerebral de-
ilopments, as well as regards the scientific an-
alysis of the faculties of Hope, Veneration, and
W onder. But if this should prove insufficient
I convince the skeptical student, let him ob-
ve the heads of his friends and others as he
I opportunity, and if he conducts his investi-
fcions according to the rules to which I have
ferred, he will certainly discover that the
Boetrine of Gall " is supported by an array
I facts which nothing can set aside. And who
I contentedly remain unacquainted with a sub-
let which is confessedly second to none in dig-
TUB BRAJN AND THE BIBLE.
mere beginner should ever attempt to read char-
acter professionally, any more than a tyro in
surgery should attempt to extract a cancer.
But still it is very wrong to judge a
science merely by its representatives. Char-
acter and reputation are often very widely
different. Phr.enology is not the property of
Phrenologists. It belongs to the whole human
race, and appeals to every individual. If the
people want better Profeasors of mental science,
let them make the demand, and it will be met.
Or if the people want better phrenological
treatises, let them free their minds from the
slavish dogmas of supernaturalism, and the
phrenological textbooks will be correspondingly
improved also. It is tfie superstition in the world
to-day which keeps scientific Phrenology in obscurity.
When the clouds break away the sun will ap-
pear.
Hoping that the reader may be prepared to
accept the ideas contained in the subsequent
chapters at their just value, whatever it may
INTRODUCTION. 4i>
be, I shall proceed with a few arguments to
show that the Brain is the only true Bible;
that Nature embraces all there is of which we
have any logical evidence, and that neglect of
Nature paves the broad road to the only Hell,
while obedience to natural law makes a flowery
path to the only Heaven.
.,.^ . . . .^*».**-^v '.-'*'»•
TIJE hUAlN AND THE BIBLE.
CHAPTER I.
THE PILOT OP THE PASSIONS.
TN surveying the mental constitution we are
-^ struck by the fact that the different facul-
ties are not all of the same rank or importance,
and that some of them are adapted to be leaders
and directors of the others.
Abundant experience shows that mankind
are happiest when acting under the supreme
control of the moral sentiments and enlightened
intellect. ^ That ia, allowing to each of the lower
propensities a sphere of activity which sliall be
pronounced by the intellect to be legitimate, and
which can give no offense to the moral senti-
ments. The propensities are entirely blind, sim-
jdy desiring gratification, without the least power
to determine their proper objects. Thus, for ex-
ample, Aliraentivenesa simply desires food; but
the assistance of the intellect is necessary to de-
TtTR PILOT OF THE I'ASSIONS-
cide as to what is wholesome. Acquisitiveness,
if indulged without any reference to the decis-
ions of the intellect, would be as much gratified
by the accumulation of stolen property, as by
the proceeds of a legitimate husiness. Benevo-
lence is quite as blind as Alimeotlveness. It
simply prompts to deeds of kindness, and, unless
controlled by intellect and Conscientiousness,
would be delighted £o steal from the rich in
order to help the poor. In fact this manifesta*
tion is by no means infrequent. Conscientious-
ness, although itself such a powerful element for
good, and so necessary for the control of the
other faculties, is also entirely dependent upon
the intellect for" guidance. Indeed nothing can
be more obvious than that in every ago and
clime, people have been educated to do wrong in
the firm belief that they were fulfilling their
highest duty.
Now, the faculty of Veneration, like the ap-
petite for food, can not of itself suggo.'it an ol>
vliich shall deserve its homage. Jf it isin
THE BIlAIIi ANt) THE BIBLE.
superior to reason, why liave the religious
[ nations of the world always worshiped deities
[ which corresponded exactly in character to the
peculiar intellectual status of their votaries?,
I That Veneration must be directed through the
intellect to its objects, is too self-evident to re-
quire any extended illustration.
The faculty of Wonder, miscalled " Spirit-
uality," as I have stated in the Introduction, has
been regarded by many as properly the faculty
of faith in the supernatural, and particularly in
the Christian Bible. But if it has the power to
select its objects, why is it stimulated by cogni-
tions and beliefs which vai*y as interminably as
the intellectual training and biases of its posses-
sors? As, for instance, among Mohammedans
we find it excited and gratified by the Koran,
although unaffected by the traditions of Bud-
dhism. Among the Jews we find it marveling at
the fables of the Pentateuch, although indiffer-
ent to the alleged miracles of Christ ; while
among Roman Catholics aud Protestant Christ-
THE PILOT OF THE PASSIONS. 49
ians its phases of manifestation present still
different peculiarities, which, in some respects,
are diametrically opposed to each other and to
those of all other creeds. The cold intellectual
act of belief, combined with the influence of this
fiaculty, constitutes "faith;" but alone, Wonder
produces simply a pleasurable emotion when any
remarkable circumstance is communicated to the
mind. As its gratiiication depends solely upon
the novel or extravagant character of certain ob-
jects contemplated by the intellect, it may bo
said to stimulate or produce belief in those ob-
jects, from the fact that it repels every act of the
intellect which would divest them of their marvelous
qualities. Thus, when an individual has been
taught to believe the reputed Christian mincles,
a large development of Wonder, by filling the
mind with agreeable sensations awakened in con-
sequence of that belief, in its turn, biases the
judgment in favor of the reality and legitimacy
of the miracles. It is thus clearly impossible
that this sentiment can possess any superiority
50 THE BRAIN AND TJJE BIBLE.
over the intellect as a guide to truth, when from
its very nature it must antagonize all attempts
to destroy the phantoms upon which it feeds.
Independently of intellectual cognition, it is no
moro able to solve the problems of the Whence
and Whither, or to teach us the duties of. life,
than the avarice of a miser, or the egotism of a
tyrant.
As regards the remaining one of the so-
called "spiritual faculties," Hope, I have already
remarked that it is thought by many to be the
basis of the almost universal belief in the im-
mortality of the soul, and therefore an indirect
proof that there is a future life. There are,
however, no facts to support the assumption that
Hope, unaided by external evidence presented to
the intellect, would instinctively suggest a belief
in a spirit world. The true office of this faculty,
regarded by itself, is simply to produce a feeling
of confidence in the future attainment of what-
ever the other faculties may desire, without any
reference tu possibility, probability, or reasona-
THE PILOT OF THE PASSIONH.
I blencss. Hence, tu assert that these three facul-
ties possess within themselves an intelligence
which can determine the reality of certain ob-
jects, the existence of which is declareil by the
intellect to be impossible or incredible, because
in direct conflict with the first principles of
scientific and philosophical investigation, is as
irrational as to say that the paintings of Rem-
' brandt or Titian can delight the blind, or that
the symphonies of Beethoven can thrill the
deaf.
I That these faculties have for many ages
[ been exercised to a great extent in connection
■with a belief in the supernatural, may be easily
[ explained. The function of Wonder, as before
I atated, is to inspire in the mind a sympathy
I with any thing new, remarkable, or apparently
[ inexplicable, under circumstances where demon-
stration is for the time being impracticable or
difficult. This love for the unusual, the extrava-
gant, and tho romantic, relieves the mind of that
staid, matter-of-fact tendency, which may often
52 THE Bn.iljV AA'D THE BIBLE.
be observed among individuals of all ranks, and
manifestly serves a very useful purpose in off-
setting what would otherwise be a too skeptical
and disagreeably incredulous action of the intel-
lect. Without a certain degree of this element,
the mind is almost as prone to sneer at new
and extraordinary scientific truths, as to reject
the supernatural. The faculty of Veneration
naturally reveres the ancient, the powerful, and
the good, thus producing the disposition to rec-
ognize and submit willingly to authority. Its
influence, when predominant, is well illustrated
in the sycophantic character of the negro ;
while the American Indians, who have a great
deal of Combativeness, Destructiveness, and
9elf-Esteem, bow to no one but the " Great
Spirit." Hope, in its normal action, looks to
the future, and directs the mind to a contem-
plation of possible enjoyments beyond the
present.
By comparing these facts of normal mental
function with the history of religious creeds, it
THE MLOT OF TBE r.l.^SSOXK
fia TeiT" evident that the whole structure of su-
J)ernaturalism, with all its beauties and terrors,
has been developed from an abuse of the mental
Ifacultics rather than by an obedience to the true
Bible of ?Cature.
In the dawn of intellectual evolution, noth-
ng was known respecting the constitution of the
nind, and little more concerning tlio facta of the
external world. Consequently, the mental facul-
■ties operated merely as blind instincts, simply
desiring gratification, without the slightest re-
gard to any laws of mental action. Inexplicable
ptenomena were observed on every hand. All
(Operations of nature not visibly connected with
■their causes, appeared to depend upon some ca-
pricious being superior to nature. Thus was
Bfirst suggested the idea of a God. A desire to
■Secure the approval of the gods, and to avoid
■giving them offense, was tlie fojMidation of all
religious worship ; and this explains why systems
mof theology are almost as old and as universal
! ignorance itself. As the gods wero conceived
54 THE SnAIN AND TSE BTELE.
to be the highest powers in the universe, of
course they became the chief objects for the ex-
ercise of the faculty of Veneration. All phe-
nomena, or accounts of phenomena, supposed to
proceed from the gods, naturally afforded the
most accessible and abund<int material for the
gratification of the faculty of Wonder. The
connection of the faculty of Hope with the idea
of immortality, originated in the same manner.
A purely intellectual process determined the be-
lief in the permanency of the supposed psychi-
cal entity, and the faculty of Hope seized upon
this conception as the highest object for its
gratification, and finally came to be regarded as
the source of the idea.
We are thus led to the conclusion that the
intellect is the only possible judge of what con-
stitutes legitimate food for the various mental
powers, — in short, that reason bears the same
relation to the propensities and sentiments that
the engineer of a locomotive does to the steam
in the boiler. And if this is true, we must ad-
that no objtet is irortig of omr rtfptct or onr
jf, if it- is declared iy our ettlipitatrd inteUtct
J false.
It is often objected that reason is not inf)il>
Qible. Suppose it is not. Does that in any de-
gree change the fact that it is the only proper
guide for the whole faculties? Would siny one
think of denying that it is the duty of the en-
. gineer to reguhite the locomotive, simply because
lliis judgment is not always correct? Certainly
Jinot. We always consciously or unconsciously
toIto out beliefs from evidence presented to
lie intellect, be they what they may, simply be-
auae it is only the intellect which dues beliove.
ind yet, while belief is restricted to the under-
standing, of course the instinctive activity of the
other faculties often biases its judgments. Thus
blind sentiments of Wonder, Veneration,
Pand Hope, may incite the intellect to seek out
lobjecta for their gratification, although within
■themselves they arc utterly unable to form any
iideas, and are helplessly dependent upon the in-
66 THE BRATN AND THE BIBLE.
tellect for all the objects they secure. But, to
obtain the highest results, all tests of truth
should be made by intellects which are trained
to logical methods, and which are duly enlightened
regarding the legitimate spheres of all the propensi-
ties and sentiments.
Some clergymen of to-day who imagine that
Phrenology may be reconciled with Orthodoxy,
lay great stress upon the idea that fragmentary
heads always evolve fragmentary philosophies,
and hence that men of ever so great intellect
who are deficient in Veneration, Wonder, apd
Hope, are incapable of ascertaining the higher
needs of the soul, or of properly criticising the
Bible. But it might quite as reasonably be ob-
jected that a skillful pilot is no longer capable
of determining the safest course for a ship when
in a storm, simply because at such a time all
her sails are furled. However, while we hold
that these angular philosophers are fully able to
point out the perilous rocks and strands in the
ocean of life, we freely admit that before they
THE PILOT OF THE PAS.S10A'S. 57
;an be thoroughly qualified to suggest the nec-
ieasary motors for the ship of humanity, they
Jnust become acquainted with the legitimiite
iinctions and needs of the whole mental facul-
:ies. But it is a very great error to suppose
that all Infidels are only angular iconoclasts. It
is simply a question as to the true religion ;
that is, as regards the proper ideals to which
inankind should be bound ; and as to whether
we should be guided to our ideals by reason, or
by emotion.
Now we are taught by supernatural ists who
\ to be authority in matters pertaining to
iie highest culture, that " all things are possible
yrith God," and that it is our duty to believe in
the divinity of the Bible whether we can recon-
Hie its doctrines with reason or not. But if the
ibjecta of our belief are not to be subjected to
[o^al criticism, why should Christians not ac-
cept Mohammedanism as the true religion ?
'Indeed, why is nut tlic Kiu-nn tlie true Bible?
The Christian answers, "because it teaches ab-
I th
58 THE BHAIN AND THE BIBLE,
surdities, impossibilities, etc.; such as that the
earth is a level plane; that the sky is supported
by mouiit;rmR, etc." Now I ask, if ^spiritual
discernment" is superior to reason,, >vhat ^ight
have we to reject the Koran on the ground_that
it is unreasonable ? May it not have been a
part of God's " infinite and unfathomable plan,"
to introduce those inconsistencies into the Koran
just to "try our faith"? How shall we decide,
if all things (absurdities included,) are possible
with Grod ? But if we test the Koran by the
standard of reason, why should we not subject
every other Bible to the same test? The Chris-
tian of course scorns Mohammedanism, Buddhism,
etc., etc., as systems destitute of any logical
support, and hence unworthy of acceptance ; but
is not this an appeal lo reason? Christians of-
ten admit that the truth of their religion can not
be demonstrated by logic, and yet they say they
choose it in preference to Buddhism, or other
heathen superstitions, because it is better than
the latter. But how do they determine that it
w
THE PILOT OF THE PASSIONS. 50
is "better,^' if not by an operation of the intel-
lect ? Are they not, therefore, very inconsistent
in denying to the Infidel the right to test their
Bible by the standard of enlightened intellect,
when they do so themselves according to their
ability ? Clergymen may often be heard preach-
ing this idea : " If the difficulties in the Bible
will not yield to our reaeon, then our reason must
be defective." But how can a man be justified in
the conclusion that, in such a case, his reason is at
fault, until, he has first demonstrated that the
Bible is true? And how is it possible ever to
demonstrate the divinity of the Bible, so long as
it can be shown to contain doctrines which are
utterly opposed to reason ? Why not say, " if
the Koran contains apparently illogical state-
ments, then my ideas of logic must be defecU
ive " ?
To deny that a creed must be subjected to
reason, is equivalent to saying that there is no
means by which to distinguish truth from eiTor,
00 THE BRAIN ASD TIIF. BIBLE.
since it is only through reason that we know
any thing. And to admit that a hook contains
statements which are irreconcilable with reason,
must be equal to an admission that the book is
not divine.
To show that Christians themselves, as long
as was possible, held that in order to be authori-
tative, the Bible must be true in all its details,
it is necessary only to point to their tireless ef-
forts to explain the inconsistencies in which it
abounds. And that no theologians would ever
have modified the doctrine of plenary inspiration
if the demonstrations of science had not com-
pelled them to do so, is too self-evident to re-
quire any illustration.
And now I would ask, is not the Christian
Bible unreasonable, and unworthy of acceptance
as anything more than a human literature ? To
prove that it is not an infallible book, and that
its very foundation is at utter variance with
truth, we have only to compare its declarations
THE PILOT OF THE PASSIONS.
(I'ith the certain revelations of nature. Sub-
Bected to the crucible of logic, nothing can be
Blearer than that the Bible has been produced
n'ithin the realm of the natural ; that it is sim-
ply human; that it abounds in error, and that
i only illustrates the mental development of the
fimes in which it was written.
It is often asserted that wo are daily obliged
60 admit many things in nature as true which
pre heyond and above our comprehension ; as, for
example, the growth of vegetation; the phe-
nomena of heat, light, electricity, and human
[ife itself. And as these and a thousand similar
explicable truths are believed without question,
(ve are told that we should not reject the mys-
«ries of the Bible. To this, we reply that the
jteries of nature, although not e.tplainable by
^uman intelligence, are still in Jtarmomj with rea-
Bon and experience, while the dogmas of the
Bible are flatly contradicted by reason. As there
I no analogy between the two cases, this objec-
, together with all others of its kind, falls to
63 THE niiAIN AND THE BIBLE.
the ground. Again, it is urged hy many, that
because the theory of Evolution ia not yet posi-
tively demonstrated, and because we can not
trace the first appearance of life upon the earth
— in a word, because Science has been unable to
disintegrate the Absolute, she should humbly
bow at the shrine of Christian Faith, and ac-
knowledge herself a learner at the feet of Super-
stition. But how absurd is this insinuation that
because Science has failed to do every thinff, she
has therefore done notkinff! Is it necessary that
a gallon sliould be a hogshead in order to be
more tliau a gill ? Why, then, should the evi-
dences supporting the theory of Evolution need
to be presented in an endless chain, without a
missing link, simply in order to outweigh the
" airy nothings " of Bible creeds ? As to the
mysteries of the objective world. Infidels have
always boon the first to admit that all our
knowledge is simply relative, and that the
nature of things "an und fur sich," must forever
remain inscrutable to our finite minds. All we
TUF. PILOT OF TIJF. PASSIONS.
I affirm, and all we iDsist upon, is, that fact is
I weightier than fancy; that knowledge is superior
I to faith and fear; that only reason can safely
Iguide us in our investigations, and that the
I achievements of Science, although imperfect, are
I infinitely more than sufficient to render incredi-
Ible the dogmas of the Church.
But theologians are not content with sim-
ply ridiculing our "Gospel of Dirt," as it has
I been called. And they not only assume that our
■ inability to bridge the chasms between the
■ known and the unknowable should be taken as
I proof that theology is true, but that before we
treject the theological affirmative, it is our duty
I to prove our negative. That is to say, before
we reject the Bible, it logically devolves upon us
to demonstrate absolutely that there is not a super-
natural order, Cou!d any thing be farther from
all principles of correct reasoning? Suppose an
I innocent man is arrested on a charge of theft.
rMust he be punished simply because he is un-
■ to prove an a//^*? No; the court must hold
04 THE BRATN AND THE BIHLE.
liiin innocent until he is proven guilty, and un-
less the evidence of his guilt is presented, he is
entitled to an honorable dismissal. The same is
Iriio of Infidelity. For eighteen centuries Free-
thinkers have been arraigned before the bar of
Christian Ecclesiasticism, on the charge of crimi-
nal unbelief, and it devolves upon the Church to
produce the evidence of our guilt. This she never
has done, and never can do. [ Therefore, while we
do not say absolutely that our honest heresy is no
crime against some infinite and unknowable Be-
ing, in the absence of any logical evidence of such
a preposterous thing, we simply do not, can not,
and should not believe it.
Objections are also made against criticism
of the Bible, on the ground that its chronology,
geology, astronomy, etc., etc., are not inspired,
and were not intended to be scientifically cor-
rect. But who has the authority to say that
one part is true and another false? If tho
story of Eden is a "poem," a "picture," or an
THE PILOT OF THE PASSIONS-
I "allegory," aa we are often told, why may not
I the command to believo in Clirist be alao an
"allegory"? Why may not the doctrine of
Eternal Retribution bo a "picture"? Or why
nay not the whole Plan of Salvation be a
'* poem " ? If Genesis is not a "geological book,"
nnd was not intended to give a "scientific" ac-
iount of the creation of the earth, how shall we
know that it was intended to give a "scientific"
lor literal account of the fall of man ? The
PChriatian may answer that the Bible is simply
I moral guide, and that it is infallible only in
[its exposition of moral science. But, unfortu-
jnately for this position, there are as grave errors
■in the moral science of the Bible as there are
I'jn its astronomy, geology, ethnology, etc. There
lifl, therefore, no way here for the Christian to
•escape an embarrassing dilemma. If the Bible
lis to be taken as a message from God, we must
■Bccept it as entirely divine. There can be no
imidclle ground in the matter. If it is inspired,
i authority must rest upon its infallibility. If
66
TSE BltAIN Ant> THE BIBLE.
we can show it to be false in certain particulars;
if we can point out errors in certain parts, it
then becomes 'subject to the decisions of our in-
telligence as to the truth of all its parts, and
necessarily loses all its authority. However,
our present inquiry has to do solely \V^ith the
truth of the fundamental doctrines of the Bible,
and if we can show that these are opposed to
reason, they must still be unworthy of our be-
lief whether they are inspired or not.
Tim FALL 0-P MAJ^.
CHAPTER II.
THE FALL OF MAN.
IF Adam ever existed in reality, it will hardly
I lae denied that his cerebral organization
Kmust liave been either complete or incomplete;
■perfect or imperfect. If complete, and perfect,
brain would have presented a harmonious
©nfiguration, and a development chiefly in the
and frontal regions, Furthermore, if a
lerfect brain ever existed, it must have produced
)erfect mind.
A perfect mental organization would be, of
lourse, one in which all the various faculties
would act harmoniously, the intellect and moral
feentiments holding the supremacy.
Now, if Adam was created perfect, his lower
'opensities must all have becu entirely under
he direction and control of his intellect and his
sentiments, and, consequently, no thought,
W> 'dwJKv »o ftcUon, could have found sympathy
^ ^ibi u^aid unless approved by his moral aen-
>timmit» «Btl intellect.
■All eminent orthodox writers agree that
'^^hi"*" w sympathy with what is known to be
*WWi^; a yielding or consent of the mind to
^'Bjftftlfcize with, or to do, something which the
•Jriwftlhvt decides is not right. No intelligent
<^jlfilftUion of sin can be given which does not
tH(S«NV with the one just stated. To say that a
*»»«* i-ommits a sin without being aware of it,
i|t »Wurd. He may, .indeed, unconscitfusly do
*tvwg, that is, do an act which is in some way
IlHWnnful; but as long as his intentions are right
**»d his thoughts pure, he can not be said to
If, by the words "perfect government,'.' we
wean any thing, we certainly mean at least a gov-
ernment which would not consent to a violation of
its established laws. And if the words " perfect
moral nature " have any significance, they cer-
tainly imply a combination of mental powers in
THE FALL OF MAN. 69
which it woulil be impossible for any of the
lower faculties to act without the approval of the
higher. For illustration, we know that there are
thousands of persons who could never obtain the
consent of their Conscientiousness and Benevo-
lence to commit a willful murder. AVby not?
For the same reason that an ounco can never
outweigh a pound.
A perfect mental organization then, from a
moral point of view, would be one in which
Conscientiousness and tho other moral faculties
would exercise tho same restraining power with
reference to all the lower propensities, that they
do in the case of the best people now in the
' world, with reference to the crimes of murder
and theft. If a man can not possibly obtain
the consent of his mind to commit a theft, he
may be said to have a perfect moral nature so
far as that particular crime is concerned. In
fact, nothing is more frequently observed than a
i disposition on the part of individuals to indulge
readily in certain peculiar vices, while they
70 TIJE BTIMX AND TIIK BIBLE.
would scorn to do other reprehensible things to
which some of their neighbors would probably
yield with scarcely any power of resistance.
Thus, one man will indulge in excessive gluttony
and drunkenness, and yet will abhor stealing.
Another will steal, and yet will rigidly obey
every physical law. The former would be a
perfect character so far as theft is concerned, and
the latter would be perfect so far as the abuse
of appetite is concerned ; while an entirely per-
fect mental nature would preclude the possibil-
ity of any vice or crime whatsoever.
If Adam was created perfect he could not
have sinned, because none but an imperfect na-
ture can sympathize with ^vrong. If he was
morally perfect at all, his perfection must have
consisted in the supremacy of his moral faculties,
and in a necessarv incai\icitv to vield the reins
of government to the lower propensities. And
if his moral faculties had been supreme, his
highest pleasure would have been in acting ac-
cording to their dictates. It is, therefore, un-
THE FALL OF MAN. 71
reasonable to believe that such a man was ever
created perfect, and that, notwithstanding his
perfect moral powers, he allowed the lower nature
to overcome the higher.
The idea of a perfect moral nature neces-
sarily implies a complete moral restraining
power ; and where this moral restraint is per-
fect, no amount of temptation would be capable
of overruling it. Such a mind would be as in-
capable of vice as Nero was incapable of virtue.
Imagine Nero being irresistibly tempted to a
life of purity ! Could any thing be more absurd?
And yet it is surely no more inconsistent than
to imagine a perfect man and woman being in-
duced to steal.
If it is objected that in a perfect mental or-
ganization, the lower faculties would be subject
to the same temptations as in any other com-
bination, I answer, that from the very nature of
the case, the greater the appeal to do wrong,
the greater W(;i:'d bo the offense to the moral
sentiments ; and as in a perfect supremacy of
k4.
72 TItK BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
the moral forces, all sinful appeals to the lower
propensities would elicit a corresponding resist-
ance from the moral sentiments, of course the
intensity of this resistance would keep pace with
the force of the appeals to the lower faculties,
thus entirely preventing the lower propensities
from ever obtaining the consent of the moral
faculties to indulge a criminal desire. Take, for
example, a highly cultivated and refined lady,
with large Benevolence, Conscientiousness, etc.,
and with small Destructiveness and Acquisitive-
ness. Think of such a person being tempted to
commit a murder for the purpose of robbery.
That is, imagine her debating the question in
her mind; her small Destructiveness and Ac-
quisitiveness urging her to commit the deed, and
her moral faculties protesting against it. With
such a combination of faculties could there be
any conflict in the mind, any debate, any temp-
tation (i. e., tension) ? It would surely be an
argument of only one side ; a simple decision
of the moral faculties. The bare mention of so
TBE fALL OF MA h\ T-l
terrible a crime would shock such a luiture.
Now, if the reader will picture to himself a
mind in which the moral faculties exert a similar
restraining power over all the inferior propensi-
ties, he will have the idea of a perfect mental
government.
If Adam possessed such a perfect mental
equipment, he would not and could not have
sinned, because •perfection implies complete moral
restraint. On the other liand, if he was created ;
imperfect, in yielding to sin, he would have
undergone no constitutional change. That is to
say, if he sinned in deed, he was a sinner in
thought before he coniuiitted any outward act,
and must have been originally endowed with a
sinful nature. Or, in still other words, he must
have been depraved before he fell, nr he would
not have fallen, and being already sinful, of
course did not fall when he sinned.
The Bible teaches that Adam fell. If he
was created perfect, the idea of the Fall is ab-
surd. If he was created imperfect, he then, in
74 THE bliALX aSI> HIE BIBLE.
sinning, simply acted out the nature with
which he was endowed, and manifested a will
which was necessarily evolved from his inherent
organization and his environments. In the lat-
ter case, God would have been directly responsi-
ble for Adam's transgression. This can be shown
more clearly, however, after a definition of the
will.
The mental faculties may be compared to
the members of a jury or any legislative body.
When a juror suggests a certain verdict, or a
legislator proposes a bill, its adoption or rejec-
tion depends upon the relative strength of its
snjiporters and opponents. The operations of
evory individual mind are precisely analogous.
When certain faculties approve, and others op-
|)os(\ a sort of debate or conflict ensues, and the
result is the will. This result, or decision,
stands in the same relation to the faculties that
the verdict of a jury does to the jurymen, and
is not by any means itself a faculty of the mind,
as is popularly supposed.
-: i-«- '.tju -^
THE FALL OF MAN. lb
-
Some quibblers try to make it appear that
the will is a faculty of the mind by using the
word faculty in the sense of indefinite ability or
power. And because the mind has the capacity
or power to evolve certain wills, or resolves, they
say that it has the faculty to do so, and hence that
the will itself -is a faculty. This is, however, a
>ery flimsy piece of sophistry. In the phrenolo-
gical sense, the word faculty refers only to a
mental manifestation which proceeds from a sin-
gle cerebral center, or individualized part of
the brain, as distinguished from combined activi-
ties. Thus, Acquisitiveness is a distinct faculty,
while selfishness is not.
The will is always determined by the
strongest faculties; either those which are per-
manently strongest, or those which arc for the
time being strongest. For example, a merchant
wills to go to a distant city to buy goods. lie
is prompted to do so by predominant Acquisi-
tiveness; the other faculties giving their consent
to this gratification of the leading propensity.
t 1
T5 THE BRAIN AXD TIIK BIRLE-
But just as lie is about to start upon his jour-
ney, lie learns that a malignant fever haa sud-
denly appeared in the city, whereupon he is
so alarmed at the prospect of danger, that he
immediately resolves, or wills, to remain at
home. Now, in this case, the merchant has a
great deal of Cautiousness, as well as Acquisi-
tiveness, and the former being suddenly excited,
overrules Acquisitiveness and reverses the will.
Surely nothing could be simpler than this, and
yet, for centuries, philosophers have been trying
to prove that the will is a faculty of the mind,
and entirely free.
Nothing is more erroneous than the suppo-
sition that one can will to do any thing inde-
pendently of his faculties. However, the objec-
tion is often made that a man may have, for
example, a strong proclivity to steal, which,
though his master passion, he overcomes by an
"effort of the will." But let us examine this
so-called "effort of the will." We find, perhaps,
that the man has very large Approbativeness,
THE FALL OF MA!^.
which makes him so keenly soiisifivo to the
opinion of his friends, that the fear of disgrace
and loss of social position produces a feeling
much stronger than the desire to steal. Or, he
may be restrained by large Conscientiousness.
The result is, he does not and can not obtain
the consent of his whole mind to commit the
crime of theft. Besides, he may he endowed
with great Firmness also, which bestows the
quality of persistence and steadfastness in a po-
sition once taken. This faculty may be defined
as the propensity to resist all influences tending
to produce changes of purpose, and is the basis
or source of the mental quality popularly known
as " will power." Among the innumerable mis-
conceptions in regard to mental science, perhaps
none is more common than to confound the idea
(if will with that of "will power," or Firmness.
A person may he almost totally deficient in
" will power," and yet have as may wills as one
endowed with the highest degree of Firmness.
If there should be any difference, the individual
TITS BRAl.V AA-D TUB lilBLE.
L small Firmness, on. account of his vacillat-
S*^ character, would be likely to evolve a
grc«li?r number of wills than the other.
Th? idea of a freedom possessed by every
iwJividujil to evolve a will, is, by the advocates
»»f "frep-agency," strangely confounded with the
Me« of a freedom to evolve any will, than which
iwvthing could be more illogical. Of course,
' Bvory one is free to will to do whatever he is
Hree to resolve to do, but it is certainly impossi-
blo for him to will what he can not choose;
llifit is to say, to wish what he can not desire.
Xiiw the theologians say that Adam was created
I A "free agent," and that he was perfectly iree
X\i sin or not to do so, but that ho chose to sin.
.Vnd their only explanation of his motive in
choosing to sin, is, substantially, simply ^^hecause
I willed to do so." If we ask why he "willed"
sin, they answer '■'■ because lie chose to do so,^'
No one who will allow himself to analyze this
liar doctrine can fail to see that it is utterly
I to reason.
THE FALL OF MAN. 79
The Church says that any man is free to
live a life of piety, "if he only Avill." Vwy true,
"if he only will;" but suppose he can not will.
Suppose his animal nature is always stronger
than his moral faculties. "Ah!" says the su-
pernaturalist, "but he can will if he only resolves
to do so." This is equivalent to saying that a
man would be perfectly free to fly if he only had
wings.
Freedom can be defined only as a condition
which is unaccompanied by restraint. The less re-
straint, the more freedom ; and vice versa. It
matters not in what form the restraint may be
exercised, whether by bolts or chains, by the
" silken cords of love," or by the lash of Consci-
entiousness. Perfect freedom can exist only
where there is an absence of all restrictio^n, and
if, as the Church teaches, Adam was perfectly
free to sin, he could not have possessed any moral
faculties whatever; which, supposing him to have
been a perfect man, is, of course, the acme of
absurdity.
80 THE BUMN ANIi THE BIBLE.
Modern Calvinists hold that there is a radi-
cal distinction between necessity and certainty.
And while they do not teach that God decrees
human volitions in such a sense as to make
them necessary, they assert that he endows
men with such tendencies, and surrounds
them with such environments that they will be
certain to act just as they do. They say also,
that the elect can fall away after regeneration,
even totally and finally, but never will. N"ow
can any theologian explain how it is possible to
provide for the certain accomplishment of a re-
sult, without interposing conditions the effects of
which will be inevitable ? And if those condi
tions inevitably produce the desired result, is not,
the result a necessary effect of those conditions?
What' constitutes certainty in a result, if it is not
the necessary relation between cause and effect?
How can God know that the elect never will
fall away, unless he is aware of certain condi-
tions which would render it impossible for them
to do so ? And since the predominant faculties
bf the human mind necesaarily determine its vo-
litions, how can those volitions be said to be
&-ee?
One of the chief reasons, perhaps, why peo-
lile cling to the doctrine of "free-will," is be-
use every one ia conscious of a freedom, or
seems to him to be a freedom, to do cer-
lin things. But the narrowness of the limits
which we are all confined may be quickly
feeen if we attempt to reverse the decisions of
• strongest faculties. Strange as it is, people
&o not stop to think that their own faculties re-
strain them from certain actions. When sub-
. to analysis, nothing can be more obvious
han the fact that every will is an eifect, necos-
T dependent upon adequate causes, and that
he same causes must always produce the same
rill. "Man is, free," says Lavater, "like the
[ in the cage ; he can move himself within
sertain limits."
As a product of nature, each human indi-
presents the agglutinated results of all
82 TBE BBAt.V ASU THE BIBLE.
the influences which hare ever affected him,
from the remotest ancestor down. The causes
of the will are, therefore, chiefly the causes which
have combined to produce the personalitj of the
individual, and are often determined before he
becomes a conscious entity. Thus we are all free
to evolve whatever wills do not conflict with
any of our desires or impulses, and the amount
of freedom we possess with regard to a partic-
ular will, must depend upon the number and
power of the opposing influences.
In view of these facts, is it not utterly im-
possible to render credible the fabled fall of
man ? And if this account is a myth, is not
the whole system of orthodoxy also a human ia-
vention? If Adam never fell, we certainly have
no need of any Redeemer. But what says the
Church on this point? One Commentator re-
marks: "It is difficult to conceive how our first
parents, being holy, could sin. But as we have
the fact, it is not necessary to inquire into the
philosophy beyond what is given." This well
w^:
.^« ■
THE FALL OF MAN. 83
illustrates the spirit of blind faith so character-
istic of theologians. They begin to study the
Bible with the preconceived idea that it is a
supernatural book, and when they meet a con-
tradictory fact, they simply ignore it, or boldly
assert that the Bible transcends science, and
does not need to be reconciled with logic.
But such evasions will not silence the eager
inquiries of the present generation. It will no
longer suffice to say that the '^ Fall of Adam "
is a "mystery" which God never intended us
to understand. In fidelity to our deepest con-
victions we must admit that the storv of Eden
is simply an oriental fiction. In the foundation
of orthodoxy it is only a lump of crumbling clay.
It never has been, and never can be, reconciled
with our only possible criterion of truth.
Jt! .^
THE URAfX AND TUB BIBLE.
CHAPTER III.
CHANGE OF HEART.
OXK theologian says : " The great majority
^ those who take the Bible as the rule of
i^jf feith/have always understood it to teach,
.i..,'}^ ,«iiice the fall, all men are wholly depraved —
(,«-5^luto of all holiness, and disposed only to sin.
I Uiis belief, they are sustained by many of
y^ plainest declarations in the inspired vol-
This doctrine is clearly contradicted and
'(■iproved by the fact that all goodness, or holi-
i.iocs, proceeds from the brain, and that, other
Ihings being equal, the development of the brain
determines the amount of goodness. Some have,
be sure, more than others; but nearly all
Tsons have, by nature, a certain endowment
superior faculties, and to assert that all
CHANOB OF irjUAnr. sr>
' men are inherently disposed only to sin is an
I exceedingly gross error.
It would probably be no exaggeration to say
Ethat all systems of supernatural religion origi-
Inated in consequence of ignorance respecting the
I constitution of the mind. Tlio ancients observed
I the weaknesses and follies of mankind, and as
■ they were ignorant of the dependence of the
Imind upon the brain, it was quite natural for
them to attribute all mental phenomena to the
influence of spirits. Good thoughts were sup-
posed to be suggested by good spirits, and evil
thoughts by evil spirits. Something was evi-
dently defective in human nature, and so it was
supposed that man must have "fallen" from
some previous state of perfection. It did not
occur to them that perhaps the human race was
slowly ascending, and had never before occupied
80 high a plane. Our savage progenitors simply
reversed the order of development. If they had
known a little more of nature, the idea of Adam
and the Fall would never have been conceived.
86 THE nUAIK AXD THE BIBLE.
But after the acceptance of this fiction, it be-
came a matter of profound interest to discover
some method of regaining that which was sup-
posed to have been lost. As evil was held to
be the offspring of a malignant spirit, it was'
therefore natural to think that only a good
spirit could counteract it. This view of sin and
its remedy is the popular one to-day throughout
the world. Theologians still teach that human
depravity emanates from Satan, and that only
Divine Grace can "cleanse the heart from all
unrighteousness, etc."
]iut what light does science throw upon this
question ? Simply that sin is the direct result
of a diseased or imperfectly balanced brain; a
purely natural caus6, the natural and only thor-
ough remedy for which is to develop and
cultivate the superior cerebral centers so that
they will be supreme in power, or to re-estab-
lish the health of the brain, as the case may
require.
The so-called "change of heart" is nothing
CHANGE OF HEA RT.
more or loss than an awakening to special ac-
tivity of the superior brain centers, particularly
Conscientiousness, Veneration, and Wonder. Its
rationale is no more wonderful, no moi'e super-
natural, no more difficult to understand, than the
arrows of Cupid, whose subtle power is daily
manifested among the youth of our acquaintance.
"When any of the emotional centers, for the first
time, or after a long period of dormancy, sud-
denly become aroused to great activity, the ef-
fect is perceptible in the manifestations of all
tlie other faculties. ■ Wlien a young man is for
tie first time conscious of a deep, chivalrous,
and unselfish love for a pure and noble girl,
every thing around him seems changed. The
whole world is brighter; the flowers are more
fragrant, and the birds sing more sweetly. Ho
never before so thoroughly appreciated music.
He now has a pleasant and friendly greeting for
every person he meets. He is conscious of a
tenfold greater ambition than he ever felt be-
In short, ho has been *'bnrn again."
THE BJtAIN AND THE BIBLE.
Much tliat he once loved he now hates, and
many things he once hated he now loves. He
feols new life welling up within him. He is
physically stronger than formerly, and his men-
tal poreoptions are all sharpened. Now, this is
no imaginary picture. It is something with
which all are familiar, either by personal ex-
perience or by observation. But who thinks of
attributing this form of "new birth" to the in-
fiuence of any supernatural power? Wo all ad-
mit that a pure sexual lovo, "/a grande passion"
is simply natural. And if- so, what evidence
have wo to suppose that the phenomena of re-
ligious regeneration are not also produced simply
by natural causes? The Christian may answer
that sexual love is something which spontane-
oQsly springs up in all minds, without any effort
to elicit it, and that it more frequently neetis to
be restrained than encouraged: while religious
sontimcHt is repugnant to the natural mind, and
is tlie result only of a subjection of the carnal
naluro, and a vieldin:i to the Will of God ; all
CHANGE OF fiEAIlT. 81)
■which is accomplished only through the aaais;-
ance of Divine Grace, and is therefore a super-
natural process. Of course, this sounds very
plausible. And with such ideas of the mental
constitution, it is doubtless quite natural for one
■who believes his "heart" has been "renewed,"
to insist that he "knows" hi,5 religion is no
■"cunningly devised fable." He tells us that he
feels in his soul the comforting voice of the
Holy Spirit bearing witness with his spirit that
liie sins are forgiven, and that he "is now an
heir to salvation. Moreover, his "heart" as-
sures him that he "can not be mistaken.''''
But let us look for a moment below the sur-
■feee here. Briefly stated, the difference between
sexual love" and the effects produced by the so-
'called "spiritual" faculties, consists simply in
this, that Amativenesa is a purely selfish faculty
possessed by man in common with the lower an-
imals, and is likoly to be strongly developed be-
,cause of the exceedingly numerous causes which
lead to its excitation ; while the faculties which
THE HRAJN AND THE BIBLE.
produce religious sentiment are found in their
greatest strength only in the human mind ; are
nmong the highest faculties possessed by man;
are purely unselfish, and hence are not so likely
to be predominant. It seems to be a htw of
mental development that the higher the organ-
ism, the more susceptible it is to variation. The
violin is tho most sensitive of all musical instru-
ments, and for this reason it is capable of a
greater variety of expression than any other.
Thus the human 'brain is the most sensitive and
complex of all mental instruments, especially as
regards the coronal or sincipital centers, and
hence is the most susceptible to' modifying in-
fluences. As the lower animals occupy a lower
and much simpler plane of development, they
are exposed to a much more limited number of
modifying influences, and consequently the indi-
vidual members of each species present a much
greater uniformity in appearance and in .intelli-
g^ence than is found in the human race. It is,
liorefore, evident that all (lie Inferior propensi-
CHA .v'v/; or ifeatit.
tics, ooinmon to man and the lower animals,
such as Amativeness, AHmentiveness, Acquisi-
tireness, Secretiveneas, Combatit'cnoss, Destruct-
iveness, etc., are more frequently well developed
than Conscientiousness, Benevolence, Veneration,
Ideality, etc., simply because the climate, the
food, the education, in short, all the influences
which tend to produce and strengthen the basilar
nature, are more abundant than the refined at-
mosphere of poetry, philosophy, justice, humil-
ity, ■■mil philanthropy.
It is, however, a great mistake to suppose
that sexual love, or any other one of the lower
propensities, is spontaneously active in every in-
dividual, and that it may always be aroused to
activity by trivial circumstances. There are
thousands of persons naturally so deficient in
Amativeness, that the very thought of marriage
is repugnant to them. Others never have any
desire to accumulate wealth, and never learn to
economize. The same is true of all the faculties,
arc developed in all imaginable eombina^
TUE SJUTX .lyit THE BIBLE.
tions. Ono individual " makes a hobby " of mu-
sic, but greatly dislikes merchandising. Another
is completely absorbed in literature, though de-
testing mathematics, while a third holds in utter
disregard every thing that does not promote the
interests of his religion. It is simply a question
of eerobral development. Allow me to rcm;xrk
that whenever I speak of the effect of the brain
upon character, I always mean to include the
influence of quality, temperament, education, etc.,
as well as the condition of size. The size of the
cerebral centers, however, is the primary point
to bo considered. Edueation may modify pre-
dominant tendencies, but it never wholly eradi-
cates thorn. It is true that "just as the twig
is bont the tree's inclined"; but still we can
never convert an oak twig into a pine tree. For
the convenience of the expression, at least, I
shall continue to speak of size as the source of
power in the brain. Thus, if a man inherits, or
otliorwise acquires an excessively large cerebel-
lum, lie is very susceptible to sexual love, per-
haps testowa his affection ujion somo playmate
when a mere child, and continues to love some
one all his life. He can not recall a time when
' he did not feel that some one of the opposite
sex was necessary to his happiness ; that is, he
can not recollect when he underwent any change.
Another man can not recollect a time when he
was not passionately fond of music. There never
was any particular moment when the love for
music became suddenly aroused in his mind.
In short, he was born a "convert" to music,
simply because of a peculiar cerebral organiza-
tion. In like manner, a groat many persons in-
herit a largo endowment of Conscientiousness,
Yoneration, Wonder, Hope, and Benevolence, with
deficient animal propensities, which prompts them
even in early childhood to do what they believe to
he right ; to venerate superiors ; readily to give ear
and credence to all accounts of marvelous events ;
' to cling to the ideas taught them concerning im-
mortal life ; and to practice charity, and all the
other so-called Christian virtues. Such persons
THE BJUIX AHD TSE BIBLE.
are frequently l>aptjze«l in infency, taught moral-
ity and trained to habits of religious devotion;
literally nursed in the bosom of the Church, and
while yet children, become members of a relig-
ious organization. In later years, when they are
more matured, they anxiously ask themselves,
"Am I converted?" " Have I really been 'bom
again'?" They apply to themselves the tests
upon which they have been taught to rely in
this matter, and tliey find that they have the
evidence of the "new birth," although they can
not recollect when the "change" took place.
They love to do right, to worship, pray, etc., and
as thuy have been taught that such feelings are
not natural, and can come only from Divine
Grace, they conclude that they have indeed been
"regenerated," and that this "change" has been
effected by a supernatural agency.
Now, (o any one acquainted with the con-
HtitiitiiMi of the mind, it is, of course, very plain
Ihiil iiii miraculous "change" or spiritual birth
ever occurs in such cases, but simply that cer-
GUAXQE OF HEART.
tain physical conditions determine every phase
of religious feeling. Sincere piety is never known
to be manifested except "by those persons who are
endowed with a peculiar cerebral organization,
■ and it is certain that no person not thus consti-
tuted can be truly pious. If "regeneration" is
a supernatural process, why does it never take
place in individuals who do not possess a pecu-
liar development of the superior parts of the
brain?
It is a popular belief that men of the vilest
and most depraved character are often instantly
converted, and become models of goodness and
piety ; but there could not be a greater delusion.
It is nut true that such individuals belong to
the "most depraved" class. * In every instance,
tliey will be found to possess the cerebral centers
of the moral sentiments just in proportion to the
amount of morality or piety they feel after con-
version. To this there never is, and never can
lio, an e.\(!eption. In oases where men have led
Tery wicked lives, and have suddenly embraced
Christianity, and become very pious, they will
always bo found to possess a large developmeut
of the centers in the base of the brain, combined
with a largo, or at least a fair, development of
the " moral centers " also. Such combinations
occur very frequently, and may he found in every
cliurch. Such are the individuals who generally
"backslide" during the aunuuer, and return
agiiiii to the church at tho annual winter "re-
vivals." They also, when first converted, often
need to pray with great assiduity and patience
before they receive the "blessing," as it is called.
It is quite an interesting psychological study to
observe their efforts at the " mourners' bench,"
keeping in mind the peculiar conditions with.
which they bolievo*it ia necessary to comply in
order to "obtain religion." The method ia
somewhat as follows: First, the seeker must be-
come "convicted," which means that ho must
hecome profoundly impressed with a sense of hia
unworthiness and ,guilt. Second, he must have
"faith"; that is, liia intellect must bo brought
CrtANGE OF HEART.
[ to believe that by renouncing all sympatliy wUli
[ sin, and by a total surrender to Christ, he will
receive pardon, and his "heart" will be radi-
cally changed. Third, he must then resolve to
give up every thing displeasing to God, and
I throw himself wholly and unreservedly upon
I Jesus as bis Savior. The instant he makes this
[ surrender, "in faith," he is to receive the "bles-
I sing," which is the token of his acceptance, and
which will then constitute him a " child of
God."
Let us now examine this process. First, it
I is necessary to be convicted of sin. The first
step in this operation is through the intellect,
1 which simply decides upon the fact of sin hav-
ing been committed. This 'being presented to
[ the whole faculties, a reversed action of Consci-
\ entiousness follows, producing the feeling called
I remorse. Here we perceive the natural cause
[ of the supposed influence of the Holy Ghost in
I awakening "Godly sorrow for sin," And let
; remind the reader that the intensity of re-
TEE BRAIN AUD THE BIBLE.
morse 13 always in proportion to the develop-
ment of the cerebral center of Conacientiousness.
Second, the penitent must have " faith " that
Jesus is ready ami willing to forgive and "bleas"
liim. Now, as I have exi^lained 'in the first
chapter, "faith" is belief accompanied by the
emotion of Wonder. In this case, there must
be an intellectual conviction or assurance that
there is a Divine Spirit hovering near, looking
into the souls of men, and waiting for their per-
mission to enter and take possession. Then this
belief excites the faculty of Wonder, producing
an emotion which is recognized as "taith."
This explanation will account for the fact that
" faith " is often used as a synonym for confi-
dence or belief, and perhaps quite as often in
the. sense of an emotion. It should not be for-
gotten that the intensity of "faith" as an
emotion, is always in exact proportion to the
cerebral development of Wonder. Third, the act
of "entire surrender," which is often very diffi-
cult, is simply the consent of all the faculties, a
CHANGE OP- HEART.
"will, to yield compleLcly to the wishes of Christ;
and the powerful inhibitory emotion accompany-
ing this action is produced by the great excita-
tion of Veneration. Tlie result of this complex
mental operation, tliis "now birth," is thus sim-
ply an awakening to unusual activity of these
higher faculties, with, at the same time, a sub-
jection or suppressed activity of the lower pro-
pensities. The effect upon the mind, called by
Methodists the "blessing," truly a very exalted
and happy condition, is produced, ^rst, by the
relief afforded the faculty of Conscientiousness
"by the knowledge of having faithfully performed
every known duty ; second, by the tender, hum-
"ble, submissive feeling caused by the excitation
of Veneration ; and third, by a kind of ecstasy
I produced by the faculty of Wonder.
Those who are acquainted with mesmerism
■will be struck by the gi'eat siniilaritv of those
two classes of phenomena. Religious trance and
the mesmeric sleep are unquestionably identical
rards the fact of their mutual dependence
100 TBS BJiAIN AND THE BIBLE.
upon a peculiar influence of certain activities in
the brain, although of course the first links in
the chain of causes producing this cerebral ac-
tion may not be the same in both cases. It is
a physico-paychological law that each propensity,
when excited, has the power through the me*
dium of the sympathetic nervous system to effect
such changes in the action of the vital organs
as will facilitate its gratification. For example,
when Combativeneas is aroused, and the feeling
of anger is produced, the action of the vital or-
gans is immediately accelerated. The hfiart
beats faster, and the blood circulates more
rapidly, thus preparing the body for a violent
conflict, although it may be that no thought of
a physical encounter has so much as entered the
mind. The observation has been made thou-
sands of times that men become almost super-
humanly strong when very angry, although few
understand the philosophy of it. When Alimen-
tivenesa is greatly cxcite<l, the appetite pre-
sumes, so til speak, tliat something is about to
ClIANUE OF HEART.
|be eaten, and forthwith the necessary fluids are
secreted for the first steps in the digestive pro-
Nearly every one has noticed the sensa-
Ition of saliva flowing into the mouth at tlie
■mere sight of acid fruit. Vitativeness, or fove of
flUe, exerts a wonderful influence upon the vital
action, and when strongly developed, often en-
lables its possessor to conquer diseases to which
Ipersons difi'erently constituted in this respect
fTVOuld very readily succumb. Of the vivifying
l.and exhilarating effects of Amativeness I have
talready spoken. It would also be unnecessary
Ito describe the well-known power of Hope to
"lighten the heart." The faculties I have just
I named, together with a few others of the same
Icharacter, are all invigorating, or exhilarating,
. their normal effects, and may be denominated
I the exalting propensities. But there is another
I class which, from their inhibitory influence, may
( be called the depressing propensities. These
fare, chiefly, Veneration, Wonder, Imitation,
I Cautiousness, and Secretiveness. The former
109 THE BRAIN AND THE BIHLE.
class, for the most part, belong peculiarly to the
male sex, and constitute the executive, aggress-
ive, or positive elements of character; while the
inhibitory faculties are negative, and jieculiarly
feminine. The reader will, therefore, readily
perceive that it is the especial province of the
latter class to offset all undue manifestations of
the positive faculties, in order to secure har-
mony in the operations of the whole mind.
Thus, Veneration counteracts Self-Esteem ; Imi'
tation modiflos Firmness ; Cautiousness restrains
Combativenesa ; Benevolence softens Destructive-
ness, etc. And as the exalting propensities im-
pel the vital organs to act with great energy,
the depressing faculties i^roportiouately diminish
the vital action. For example, when Cautiousness
is greatly affected, the feeling we call fear is
produced, and a great depression of the vital
action immediately takes place. Digestion ceases,
and tho whole body is almost paralyzed. In
fact, this depression has often been known to
occur so suddenly, and with such a shock as to
CHANGE OF HEART. 103
cause instant death. Again, many persons are
affected by a chronic excitement of this faculty,
often in utter ignorance of the cause, and finally
die from its subtle effects. That is, they are
frightened to death, although by imperceptible
degrees. All are familiar with the shriveled
face which artists give to the ideal miser. It
always has a warped, mean look, and is never
represented as bright and cheerful. Here we
see the effects of Acquisitiveness and Secretive-
ness, with deficient Hoj)e, Mirthfulncss, etc.
Bearing these familiar facts in mind, the
reader will be prepared to understand how Ven-
eration and Wonder also exert a peculiar influ-
ence upon the vital functions. When excited in
an ordinary degree, the emotions produced by
these faculties are highly agreeable and health-
ful; but when aroused to a state of abnormal
excitement, particularly in the case of individ-
uals who are temperamentally very susceptible
to such influences, they are capable of producing
a variety of injurious effects, which, while pre-
Tim iilCAIN AND THE BIBLE.
senting many features in common, are greatly
modified according to circumstances. Among
these phenomena may be enumerated religious
trance, the "new birth," or "change of heart,"
mesmeric sleep, hypnotism, hysteria, hallucina-
I tioii, catalepsy, ecstasy, witchcraft, etc., etc.
One noticeaUe circumstance attending all these
manifestations, is the diminished circulation of
the blood,' evinced by coldness of the extremi-
ties, paleness of the face, etc. As the ancients
frequently observed such symptoms accompanying
mental excitement, of course it was but natural
for them to conclude that the heart was the
seat of the affections. And while modern sci-
ence shows that the heart is the source of
neither good nor evil, we see that good or evil
emotions do affect the heart. However, in the-
ology it seems to be the rule to reverse the
order of facts.
The investigator of psychological phenomena
who has ever attended a " religious revival,"
can not have failed to observe that the minis-
ters, and others who assist tlio penitents at tlic
"altar of prayer," urge upon tlietn especially
tlie necessity of two conditions ; viz., " fiiitli," and
"entire surrender." Noiv, it is Ibo intense ef-
fort of the seeker to make this (.■oniiilete " sur-
render," which directly and powerfully excites
Veneration ; while the belief or expectation that
a supernatural change is about to take place in
the mind, is peculiarly adapted to stimulate
Wonder. Trom the circumstance that Venera-
tion restrains the energy of the vital functions,
giving to the whole mind a subdued, mellow
tone, we can easily understand why persons
habitually in this beatific condition should im-
agine themselves assisted by Divine Grace.
The faculty of "Wonder, although primarily ex-
cited by intellectual cognitions or beliefs, in its
turn, together with Veneration, stimulates the
intellect to a contemplation of the highest con-
ceivable ideals, and in this manner does much
to elevate the mind above the sphere of the
THE lliiAlX AND rtlE JIIBLE.
lower propeiiaities. But is tliere any thing
supernatural in this?
I have already refoi-red to the powerful in-
fluence of Cautiousness. It is well known that
in ordinary dreams this faculty often incites the
intellect to conjure up scenes of terror which
are indescribably vivid and real to' the imagin-
ation. Upon this principle then, why may not
;ill the other depressing faculties exert a similar
influence upon the intellect? And if in ordin-
ary dreams at night, why not in a species of
extraordinary dreams by day? That the cere-
bral center of Wonder, when unusually developed,
together with certain temperamental corabinar
tions, is frequently the immediate source uf
visions, apparitions, and a great variety of
strange impressions, can not admit of the
slightest doubt, in view of the numerous obaer-
vatii>n3 niado by Phrenologists. The curious
reader can finil descriptions of a gi'cat many
such cases in the works of Gall, Spurzheim, and
Combe. Indeed, all liistorv abounds in instances
CHANGE OP HEART. 107
^mmm^m^mt^^mm ■■■■■ _ ■ _■_■■■ ^m- ■ ■ »i»^ ■■ ■ i ■ ■ ■ ■ ^— ^— ■ ■■ ■ i ■ ■■■ ■ ■ _^ ■■■■-■ i ,■■ m ■■ ■■ ■^» ■^^ — ■ ■ iM M^^^— a
of these phenomena. Shakespeare, who prob-
ably possessed a deeper intuitive perception of
human nature than any other man who has
ever lived, recognized not only the influence of
cerebral action in creating illusions, but also the
change in the circulation of the blood, which
accompanies the trance state. As an example,
note the following words between Hamlet and
his i^other:
" Queen, — This is the very coinage of your brain:
This bodiless creation ecstasy
Is very cunning in.
Hamlet, — Ecstasy I my pulse,
As yours, doth temperately keep time,
And makes as healthful music."
Hamlet denies having any symptoms of
trance, but we have too much evidence bear-
ing on such cases to believe him. Besides,
there are almost infinite phases of ecstasy, m
many of which the changes in the heart's p:il.
sat ions are barely perceptible.
Christians of nearly all sects point to fre-
fe:t/
. .y
1U8 TtJE BRA W AND T/IL' BIHI.E.
quent examples of what they are pleased to de-
nominate miraculous cures In answer to prayer,
etc. But if the faculty of Cautiousness can
depress the life currents so as to cause death,
wliy may not the exalting propensities produce
equally marked results of an opposite character?
Ill view of the numerous cures effected through
mesmeric influence, why should Ave attribute
any similar phenomena to forces outside of na-
ture ? There are numberless well authenticated
cases of cutaneous excrescences being removed,
and various other like effects, by simple faith
in some foolish charm. The imagination wills
the result, and forthwith the circulation of the
blood to the affected part is either suspended,
or increased, as the circumstances may req^uire.
The famous so-called miracle of the " Stigmata,"
said actually to occur in Roman Catholic coun-
tries, may easily be accounted for on this prin-
ciple. It also appears probable that many of
the alleged miracles of Christ may have had
some real foundation in certain mesmeric pbe-
CIIANGK OF HEART. 109 _
nomena, which, of course, eighteen hmulrcd
years ago, would have been greatly exaggerated, ,
and explained only on the hypothesis of super-
natural power.
But thus much is certain : no man can " en-
joy religion," as the Methodists express it, un-
less he has well developed Veneration and
Wonder. And for all believers in supernatural-
ism, whose brains are developed chiefly in the
sincipital region, it is very easy to practice re-
ligious exercises ; while those whose lower pro-
pensities are very greatly predominant never
become sincerely devotional. Of course this fact
is usually denied by supernaturalists, but it is
nevertheless demonstrably true.
Some, however, are willing to concede that
the Holy Spirit operates on tho mind only
through the medium of the brain, and only in
harmony with certain fixed and unalterable eere-
bro-organic laws ; but tho moment this is admit-
ted, it must be conceded also that there is no
fvitU'nce of a supernatural agency in these phc-
no THE BR.ilN AND THE HIBLE.
noraena. The majority of theologians teach that
man is by nature entirely destitute of holiness,
liLit science demonstrates that all persons inherit
it in some degree, while very many are natu-
r.illy endowed with a great deal.
A t til is poi n t, it may he well to mention
that the word natural may beeonstnied to have
two meanings which ought to be clearly defined.
First, we often say a thing is natural if it is
produced independently of any human effort.
Second, we may use the word simply in the
sense of that which is opposed to the super-
natural, thus including every thing which is ac-
complished without the aid of the supernatural,
whether it he through voluntary human effort,
or through the spontaneous action of impersonal
natural forces, It is in this latter sense that I
use the word. Thus I say that the goodness in
humanity is natural, because it is independent
of the supernatural ; and yet it often requires
much personal effort to develop it.
The position of the Church, as is well
I known, is, that any one can " experience relig-
[ ion," independently of any particular cerebral
I development. In fac-t, the whole idea of the
culpability of those who reject Christianity, ia
r based upon that error. But how inconsistent
[this ia, when, at the same timo, it is universally
■ admitted that idiots can not bo" converted, and
lare not responsible for any of their acts ! And
Inow, how will Christiana dispose of all the
Imoral idiots in the world? In the face of mil-
I lions of facts, they simply deny that such per-
fsons exist. But, I wish to ask, if all persons
[■can become moral and religious, why is it that
I some never do? It will not suffice to answer
I that it is because they do not "choose" to do
It is very obvious that they do not "choose"
I to do so. But why is their choice thus? If il
lis not because of their organizations, what otiii-r
I explanation can be given ?
It is unnecessary to dwell longer upon this
I subject. The fact is incontrovertible that the
makes the man, and there is not only no
evidence to show that gods or deiuona liave any
part in the formation of character, but' we havo
excellent proof that such is not the case. Christ-
ians ought to bear in mind that if we do not
happen to know the cause of a phenomenon, it
does not necessarily follow that a supernatural
agency has produced it. And now that mental
physiology has demonstrated the dependence of
all moral sentiment upon the brain, they ought
to be more modest in their use of the verb " to-
know." The great mass of mankind are both
by nature and education (or the lack of it) illogi-
cal, and comparatively few persons appreciate
the distinction between knowledge and belie£
Various kinds of evidence may induce us to be-
lieve, but we can not know any thing except that
which is demonstrable by fact. Phrenological
facts prove that certain cerebral developments
are necessary to the sincere expression of all
the higher as well as all the lower qualities of
mind, and hence, so far as we can know any
thing in this world, we know that all mental
manifestations are only natural.
THE PLAN OF SALVATION.
CHAPTER IV.
THE PLAN OF SALVATION.
"^HE story of the curse pronounced upon
the human race, and all the circumstances
1 of the vicarious atonement, are so familiar that
Vit will be unnecessary to repeat them here.
I "We will, therefore, proceed at once to discuss
^the merits of the scheme for man's redemption.
Firsts then, of what benefit is this "Plan"?
The Church must concede one of two things:
It is either necessary to believe in Christ in
order to escape an eternity of pain, or it is not
pecessary. If it ia not absolutely necessary,
ffhat is the meaning of the declaration, "He
, believeth not shall be damned"? If it is
not always necessary, and if the heathen and
honest unbelievers may be saved, why
preach the dogma of faith, or insist upon its
DQportance? It ia idle to say that it should be
preached aimply because the Almighty has or-
dered it. The question ia, is there any thing
reasonable in the command? Is not the very
absurdity of it sufficient ovidonco that no God
ever gave it? The Church replies; "It is nec-
essary for all to believe who have heard the
Word.'' The senselessness and injustice of this
doctrine may be shown in the fact that belief
does not depend upon volition. Circumstances, ed-
ucation, inherited or acquired prejudices, in
short, the evidence presented to the intellect, ia
the sole cause of belief. No matter in what
form the evidence is presented, belief can spring
from nothing else. And as it is utterly impos-
sible to believe a thing simply by willing to do
so, to require a man to believe that which is
opposed to his reason would violate every prin-
ciple of equity.
Is it logical to suppose that a God of in-
finite love ever devised a scheme for the salva-
tion of the human race, and then permitted
circumstances to defeat the operation of the
THE PLAN OF SALVATION. 1!5
I scheme in the case of the millions who have
[ never even heard of it? Admitting that those
I will be saved who have never heard the Gospel,
what is the difference, morally, between them
and the honest skeptics who have heard and
[yet are wholly unable to believe? The Bud-
rdhist, for example, of course can not believe in
[■Christianity if he has never heard of it. And,
f if simply hearing of a thing is enough to in-
spire confidence in it, why does not the Christ-
ian believe in Mohammedanism, or the Jew in
Buddhism ? To the sincere Roman Catholic,
the weight of evidence which has come to his
mind seems to him to favor the Roman
Church, and ho can not resist this belief. Just
the opposite is true of the Protestant. To the
Humanitarian, who has examined all creeds, and
found all forms of supernatural religion based
upon ignorance of nature, the weight of evi-
dence is, as a mountain to a pebble, in favor of
the Cause of Humanity. He can not resist the
force of the evidence presented to his mind
US THE BE A IN AND THE BIBLE.
against supernatiiralism, and so he is driven to
believe simply in nature. Now, could a being
possessed of any justice or mercy punish one of
his own children for an honest conviction? It
must be conceded that circumstances control the
belief of all individuals, and while Christians
admit that their Qod is the autJtor of all circum-
stances, they deny that he is the author of any
man's belief or unbelief. This inconsistency
grows out of the erroneous doctrine of free-
agency. Every will, every belief, is a result of
organization and environment, and if any God
has created the mechanism of the human mind, ■
he must be responsible for the working of th^t
mechanism, in the same sense that a man is
responsible for the striking of a clock, although
he may not have touched it since he made it
and set it in operation. Qui facit per alium,
facit iper se. Would the maker of the clock
have a right to deny his responsibility for its
striking, on the ground that the striking was
produced solely by forces within the clock?
THE PLAN OF fiALVATION.
Surely not ; for if he made the clock, he com-
bined the forces which compelled it to strike,
and he is therefore responsible for the action of
those forces.
Many theologians of the present day admit
that faith, in the sense of an intellectual con-
viction, does not depend upon volition, and that
it is always determined by the evidence pre-
sented to the understanding ; hut they say the
kind of faith necessary to salvation is a consent
of the whole faculties to a life of purity, etc.
However, this is only disguising the difficulty,
and presenting it in another form. It is wholly
unimportant how we define the word faith. No
matter what that condition of mind may be, if
it is a condition of the mind at all, or an act
of the mind, it must result from organization
and circumstances. Hence, if there is any Gk)d
who ia the author of the human mind and the
circumstances of its development, he alone ia
responsible for every operation of that mind,
whether it be faith and submission, or doubt
and disobedience.
To the objection so frequently ofiered, tbsit
this doctrine involves an utter denial of all
moral responsibility, and discourages wicked men
from all efforts to reform, I would say, TWti
sequitur. Science does not affirm that all men
are destitute of moral restraining faculties, or
that individuals can not improve themselves by
exercising such controlling forces as they may
possess ; but simply that individual responsi-
bility is to be estimated by individual restrain-
ing power. As to the responsibility of criminals
under a civil code; of course society must pro-
tect itself whether men can control their pas-
sions or not. But the wants of society can not
be compared with the conditions of an omnipo-
tent Creator, because the latter would need no
^protection.
It is often said that "God made us and Iiaa
a right to do with us as he pleases." To this
we reply that might does not make right. If
Tnt-: PLAN OF SALVATION.
Itliere is a God of infinite power, and ho creates
Kan immortal soul, knowing that it will suffer an
■ eternity of pain, he can be nothing else than an
I infinite fieud. It can only shock the sympathies
c and confuse the intellect of an unwarped mind,
■ to be told that such a being is infinitely kind,
lloving, and merciful. As to the doctrine that
"the natural heart is averse to Grod," we freely
[admit that no unpolluted heart can love a God
^ who would establish an institution for the end-
I less perpetuation of suffering. "But," says the
[christian apologist, "if those things are terrible,
I and incomprehensible to our finite minds, the
kjBible teaches them, and therefore they must be
[true nevertheless." To this we repeat, that for
I very reason the Bible does teach these in-
femies, it must be simply a human invention.
However, admitting that any particular be-
lief, or the acceptance of any particular creed,
■ the attainment of any particular mental con-
dition whatsoever, is necessary to salvation, how
1 the mind to be guided to it ? This is an im-
THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
portant question to the honest unbeliever. If
the condition is reached at all, it must neces-
sarily be acquired in one of three ways. It
must come either as a "gift of God," or by rea-
son, or by accidental circumstances. Now let ua
briefly examine each of these methods :
First, if this "saving faith" is a "gift of
God," and he purposely withholds it from cer-
tain men, could any thing more unjust be con-
ceived than that he should then damn those
men ? If it is God's plan to inspire faith in
the minds of all who are to be saved, is he noi
then responsible for the skepticism and conae-
quent punishment of all disbelievers ? Some
Christians hold that faith may be obtained by
prayer. But how is the sincere Infidel to pray
when he has not even the slightest degree of
confidence in prayer ? To ask a confirmed Atheist
to pray for faith is about as rational as to advis)
a drowning man to swim to the shore for i
boat. There are thousands of noble men and
women who have not faith enough even to begin
TTIB PLAN OF SALVATION. 121
tto pray, and if orthodoxy is true, they must suf-
' eternally, or else it is not orthodox doctrine
hat belief in Christianity is essential to sal-
tation.
There is no possibility here of evading a
ilenima. If belief is an absolute requisite to
lalvation, then the millions of sincere disbc-
5 must suffer the most heinous injustice
(onceivable. Or, if no such condition is abso-
lutely necessary, then the story of the atonement
becomes a fable, and the plan of salvation a
farce. What was the need that Christ should
die to save the believing sinners if the disbe-
lievers can be entitled to the same salvation?
And if honest Infidels can not be saved the
same as believers, then God is measurelessly un-
just and cruel.
It is sometimes admitted that if a man
should live a pure life, that is, exhibit the sin-
lessnesa of a Christian, without faith, there
might be some hope of his salvation. But if it
is conceded that simple morality, or honest de--
122 THE UllAlN AND THE BIBLE.
votion to tlie Religion of Humanity, can entitle
a man to salvation, is not this a positive con-
tradiction of every fundamental teaching of the
Christian religion as distinguished from Athe-
istic or Humanitarian philosophy? If the skep-
tic can fare as well as the believer, of what
value are Christ's words to Jficodemus : " Ex-
cept a man be born again, he can not see the
kingdom of God"? Why should a man bo coD'
verted, or "born again," if he can be endowed
with the elements of holiness at his natural
birth ? And that this is possible can no longer
be denied. It is vain to say that lofty-minded
Infidels are indebted to careful training in child-
hood, or Christian parentage, for their moral ex-
cellence. It is now conceded by the most
eminent theologians, that all the moral prin-
ciples of Christianity were taught and practiced
by heathen philosophers who never heard of
Christ or the Christian Bible. Hence, ther
can be no reason why men to-day can not attaii
the same development independently of Christ
7ifA' J■LA^' OF SALVATION. 123
ian dogmas. But, granting, for the sake of ar-
gument, that the M'ord belief, used in the Bible,
does not necessarily moan belief at all, and that
to avoid any reflection upon the justice of God,
it may be interpreted to mean "good works,"
or purity of character; the question still re-
nains, would there be any justice in God's con-
ligning even a wicked man to everlasting pain,
when the very cause of his dejiravity was an
organization and an environment which em-
anated solely from God himself?" If a man ia
inherently vile, and disposed only to evil, is he
not an object of pity, rather than revenge?
There are idiota in morality as well as idiots in
intellect ; and although society is justified in
forcibly restraining such unfortunate persons, in
self-defense, why should an omnipotent God,
'horn they can not harm, after creating them,
inflict upon them a kind of punishment, which,
cutting off the possibility of reformation,
could serve only to gratify the malignity of a
demon ?
»
124 IHE BHA2N AND THE BIBLE.
Second, if faltk ia not an especial gift of
God, and if it is proper that we should be guided
hj reason in the selection of a creed, ought we
then to be cast into a "lake of eternal fire" for
choosing a belief or disbelief which is in strict
accordance with our reason ? If the Roman
Catholic Church should indeed be the "Allein-
sdigmachende" and our reason tells us it is but
a corruption of the true fold of Christ, and that
Protestantism expresses the true will of God,
ought we to be punished for being Protestants?
But suppose our reason assures us that neither
Romanism uor Protestantism, nor any other
form of supernaturalism is worthy of credence,
ought we then to be held guilty because we
Btill remain true to our convictions? Surely
but one logical answer can be given to this
question.
Third, if we do not receive our "saving
faith" as an especial divine gift, and dare not
trust to the voice of reason, there can be but
one other way left; viz., by accident. That any
THE PLAN OF .^Af.VATlOK.
Boul could merit endless torment for not being
aware of certain conditions which only accident
or chance could make known, ia an idea which
of course needs no discussion. We are thus
compelled to admit that no Deity could justly
require human beings to observe any conditions
whatsoever aa necessary to salvation, since the
possibility of our observing the conditions would
rest with him al.ine, and he would therefore
himself be responsible tor every case of non-ac-
ceptance.
"With regard to these obvious defects in the
Scheme of Redemption, orthodoxy has given and
can give but one reply; viz., " There is no sin-
cere Infidelity^ And it is worthy of note that
in the New Testament no special provision is
ever mentioned for honest unbelief on the part
of any who have heard the Gospel. However,
nothing is easier demonstrated than the ex-
istence of millions who conscientiously reject the
snpernaturaUsm of the Bible in the face of
every argument that can be presented in its de-
126
THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
fense. And linked with this fact the conviction
must come to every candid and reflective mind,
that the Plan of Salvation is consistent with
neither the constitution of human nature, nor
any logical conception of a just or merciful Grod.
. ■ . ..^.-n'.
IS NATUBE SELF-EXI8TENT1 127
CHAPTER V.
IS NATURE SELF-EXISTENT?
LA PLACE was once asked by Napoleon why
-' he made no mention of God in his " Celes-
tial Mechanism." The astronomer replied : ^^Sire,
je Vb avais pas hesoin de cette hypotJiese.^^ [Sire, I
had no need of this hypothesis.]
The idea of a God was first conceived in
the efforts of primitive man to account for the
existence and operations of the universe, and to
this day it is only a hypothesis. If there is a
personal Deity, he has never revealed himself as
such. However, science does not assert that
there is absolutely no God, but simply that there
is none to us. There is no logical evidence of
his existence, and until such evidence is pro-
duced, we have no reason to doubt that Nature
Includes the All.
But if there is a power superior to nature,
kJir..
THE BRAIN AND THE BTBLK
■ he must be an embodiment of matter and force,
■bocjvuse force is inconceivable apart from matter.
Ind he must either have ci'eated himself or
Jiavo existed from eternity. Now, if wo can be-
pieve ill an eternally aelf-existent or snlf-created
3-(k1, who is more wonLlerful than the universe,
why can we not believe in an eternally aelf-
jexistent universe? It is certainly just as reason-
■ablo to suppose that nature has the power to
Rirotluce what we see, as to say that a personal
>eing is the author of nature; and more rcason-
lable, because we are confronted by the fact that
lUie operations of nature do not spring from ca-
ttirico or chance, but are in every case preceded by
auses which do not vary from certain inexorable
Haws. Now, if there is a personality able to control
pature, why does he never manifest himself ex-
leept in accordance with these inflexible condi-
ttiona? It is thought by many that the laws of
iialuro cau not properly be said to be invariable,
KJcause one law often interrupts tTie effects of
lanothor; as in the case of a storm, when th©
IS NATURE 8ELF-EXISTENT1
lightning destroys a growing tree. The tree
grows according to one law, and the lightning
checks its growth in accordance with another
law. This is no contradiction, however, because
it is clearly a general law of nature that the
effects of one law may thus clash with those of
another. What is meant by " in variableness of
natural law," is this : Like causes always pro-
duce like effects. That is, in all cases where
the causative conditions are the same, the ef-
fects will be the same, without exception. This
is nature, and it is what is meant by the
natural as opposed to the supernatural. Now,
for example, it is a law of cerebral physiology
that a man with a brain like that of Calig-
ula, Vitellius, or Pope Alexander VI, is more
prone to vice than to virtue. And if one instance
can be shown where this rule is reversed, then
we will admit that theology is not without a
basis in fact. But until it can be demonstrated
that like causes do not always produce like effects,
we shall be forced to accept Nature herself as
Intimate mystery.
ISO
TBtl SRAIlf ANS TSE ^TBtE.
To say that God is a spirit, is simply giv-
ing a definition of which we can form, no con-
ception, and using a word which is valueless ex-
cept as a symbol for our ignorance ; and to say
tliat God created the world from nothing, is the
acme of absurdity. E.v ni?iilo nihil Jit is an
axiom which needs no proof. We are therefore
driven to the conclusion that the universe, as an
entirety, has existed from eternity, or, at least,
that if there is a God, his hand is nowhere dis-
cernible in sublunary affairs, If we are to be
happy and useful, it must be by our own exer-
tions, and by the assistance of circumstances.
The result is just the same to us whether we
are produced by a Deity or by the inherent ac-
tivities of impersonal matter, since we are sub-
ject to an inexorable government. Besides, if
there is a Supreme Being, he does not need our
homage. Suifering humanity deserves all our
attention.
To a logical and unprejudiced mind, nothing
can he clearer than that man has progressed
IS NATVRU SELP-EXlSTENTJ
just in the proportion that he has leanieil to
rely upon his own efforts. Those of the nations
and individuals who succeed in accomplishing
much that is great and good, and who profess
to trust in Providence, will always, be found to
act out in their real lives the policy of the In-
fidel. They follow the advice of Cromwell to
his soldiers: "Trust in God, but keep your pow-
der dry."
Belief in "special providences" is, from its
very nature, necessarily antagonistic to reliance
upon natural forces, and the world never will
appreciate the importance of obeying the laws
of nature until the popular ideas of divine su-
perintendence over human effort arc wholly dis-
carded. Admitting that there is a Creator, if
he never interposes to save us from the conse-
quences of our mistakes, of what advantage is
it for us to believe in him ? It will not satisfy
the thinkers of to-day to talk of "blessings," or
wonderful cures in answer to prayer, etc. None
of these things afford the slightest proof that
132 THE BSAIN AND THE BIBLE.
theology ia not a chimera. There are many
things within the infinite domain of the natural
which we do not understand, hence, . occasional
phenomena which we can not explain by any
known process, furnish no evidence for the ex-
istence of forces outside of nature. The only
method by which it would ever he possible to
demonstrate the existence of a Deity, would be
to bring forward a greater array of facts against
the principle that " like causes always produce
like effects," than we now possess in favor of
that principle. It would be necessary to pro-
duce more instances of reversed natural laws
than we now possess evidences of their invari-
ablenesa. In other words, it would be necessary
to observe a greater number of phenomena un»
accompanied by discernible causes than we have
already observed in connection with their causes.
So lung as the preponderance of evidence ia in-
dicative of a fixed natural order, all inexplicable
phenomena which might appear to contradict
this principle, should be regarded as within the
\'A 7 UMb: SELF-EXl.STENTr
domain of nature, although not explainable by
any process with which we have as yet become
acquainted. But, if the time should ever come
when the exceptions to the rule are more
numerous than the examples of it, then it will
be proper for us to renounce the rule, and not
until then.
It seoma remarkably easy for the defenders
of any one creed to detect the absurdities in
every other, and hence there is scarcely a par-
ticle of evidence to be found to-day favoring the
existence of a Supreme Being, which has not
been condemned as worthless by theologians
fliemselves, if we take their own admissions
made from time to time. Thus the whole Bible
is thrown away between the Jews and the Lib-
eral Christians. The former reject the New
Testament entirely, while the latter discard the
' Old, or at least hold such views of it that they
might consistently reject it altogether. For e.x-
ample, Dr. Robert Collyer says the Old Testa-
ment is a " rotting tree." David Swing thinks
134 TUi: BEA/N AND THE BIBLE.
it 13 a "poem." Another eminent divine looks
upon it as a "picture," while still another saya
that the question of truth " as applied to any
ancient book is simply nonsense."
In the same manner, the champions of theol-
ogy differ respecting the evidences of a Deity
to he drawn from the automatic or unconscious
activities of the material world. The most pro-
found class, of which we may take the cele-
brated anti-phrenologist, Sir William Hamilton,
as a representative, freely concede that the phe-
nomena of inorganic matter indicate nothing
more than the blind mechanical march of cause
and consequence ; the necessary expression of an
inexorable and impersonal absolute, which, so far
from giving any support to the hypothesis of a
Creator, would, on the contrary, ground even an
argument against it. But orthodox philosophers
usually, as is well known, assert that this very
inflexibility, order, and precision, in the opera-
tions of the physical world, show the "handi-
work " of a great personal architect.
IS NATURE SELF-EXlSTENTi
So rauch fur " spiritual disfiern merit " ! And
Show strange it is that Christians do not more
■ readily detect the unsoundness of the methods
fby which tlieir leaders arrive at such antago-
ITiistic conclusions 1
However, while the moat learned theists find
no evidence of a God in the manifestations of in-
lorganic matter, all are united in basing their
I faith especially upon the phenomena of mind.
iThe psychical activities they suppose are but in-
idirectly, or partially, and at most only tempor-
larily, subject to material restrictions, and in no
Isense governed by such immutable laws as con-
l the material world. In short, all orthodox
Christians hold that the human mind may act
[independently of organism, and that it may be
pnfluenced to good through the operation of the
' Holy Spirit," or poisoned by the machinations
»f "Satan," irrespective of any particular cere-
bral structure.
We can easily understand how such a view of
[the mental constitution was suggested to our
rilE BHAIN AXD THE BIBLE.
primitive ancestors who knew nothing of the re-
lations between mind and brain ; but it is de-
plorable, to say the least, that such a miaeon-
ception should still be popular throughout the
world.
,, To-day, we know with as much certainty as we
I need to know any thing, that force is not inde-
I pendent of matter, and that the activities or
manifestations of brain substance, which we call
mind, are not only inseparable from the brain,
but modified by every varying shade of develop-
. ment or susceptibility in the cerebral organiza-
tion, All this is more than proved by Phre-
nology ; hence it follows that the l-aws of organic
matter are as invariable as those of inorganic mat-
ter, and that mental phenomena are but links in
the eternal chain of cause and effect, which are
as mechanically necessary as the expressions of
the grossest substance. In view of this fact, then,
can we wonder that the Church should still be
hostile to the philosophy of Gall ? Truly this
conflict is one in which there can be no eompro-
IS If A TVRE SELF-EXISTENT >
I mise. Either matter is sclf-exiatent and auto-
Imatic or it is not. If it is aelf-existeut, and if
Iforce is impossible apart from mattei-, then it
I must be conceded that the phenomena of mind
[ are, after all, only the phenomena of matter,
since mind is but an expression of organic mat^
ter, and subject to the same mechanical necessity
the inorganic world. And since the most
I scholarly theists admit that the phenomena of
inorganic matter, from their purely automatic or
■ mechanical nahire, tend to refute the idea of a
I Deity, we have virtual authority from the Church
I herself, that all phenomena, by w/iatsoever name,
I not only afford no evidence in favor of a God,
lljut, on the contrary, clearly point to his nega-
f tion.
We may summarize the argument in the fol-
lowing propositions :
1. The most profound Cliristian metajihysicians
I concede that the phenomena of inorganic m^'tsr
I refute the hypothesis of a Creator.
las THE BItAIN AND THE BIBLE.
2. Phrenology demonstrates that all phenomena
have a purely material basis, and that the ac-
tivities of organic matter, called mind, are, in
point of mechanical necessity, virtually identical
with those of the inorganic world.
3. Therefore, the greatest minds in the Church
logically admit that all phenomena contradict the
notion of a God.
But what of miracles ? Very little indeed.
A genuine miracle, that is, a violation of the
order of nature, would, unqucstiimably, point to
the existence of a Deity ; but where did a miracle
ever occur? From the preponderance of evi-
dence we now possess demonstrative of Nature's
sovereignty, we are compelled to account for
every reputed miracle in one of two ways:
First, nothing occurred at all. Or, second, if
any thing really took place, it was a phenome-
non depending upon some purely natural forces
probably unknown to those who saw it. A sua-
jiended law of nature would be excellent evi-
dence if such a thing could be substantiated ;
IS NA TUME SELF-EXISTEH^T^ 130
but any thing so extraordinary as a miracle
could not be proved by any thing short of
another miracle; and, if we really saw one, we
could never be certain that we recognized it. A
miracle, to have any value, must be an inter-
ruption of an established order of nature; but
the very evidence which would establish an or-
der of nature would be fatal to th^ miracle.
Only a Grod superior to nature could make a
miracle possible, and nothing short of a genuine
miracle could prove the existence of a Grod.
Hence, to establish either, it is necessary first
to prove the other, which leaves both absolutely
destitute of any support.
CHAPTER
THE DESIGN ARGFMEXT.
npHE next line of reasoning to which the
-^ theologian appeals, is the one based upon
the apparent design exhibited throughout the
world, and especially in the wonderful mechan-
ism of man. This famous argument is oseeed-
ingly interesting to the logician, being, as it is,
one of the most remarkable sophisms ever
evolved from the human mind. Many of the
leading Doctors of Divinity now see the weak-
ness of it, and admit that the labored efforts of
Paley and others in this direction can afford no
satisfaction to any logical thinker, from the fact
' that the solution they give is more inexplicable
than the problem. But while all genuine schol-
ars readily perceive the shallowness of "Paley-
ism," the great mass of theists of all classes
still sujjpose that it is unanswerable. To per-
THE DESIGN ARGUMENT.
s of superficial reflection, the wonderful
adaptation of means to ends in the various ob-
jects of nature seems necessarily to point to a
, great designer outside of nature. For example,
we are told that these adaptations could not
' have been produced by chance; that they could
I not have made themselves ; in short, that they
I could have been produced only by an adequate
cause, and that this cause must have been a
I personal intelligence. Now, no Materialist will
I assert that the fitness and order in nature have
I come by chance, or that they have not been pro-
duced by adequate causes. But wo do say that
there is no logical evidence to show that the
causes of these adaptations are independent of
I certain unvarying laws, or that they have per-
sonality. The question is, is it true that adap-
tation, order, and harmony are always and
necessarily evidence of design ? Can it be stated
I a first promise, that adaptation in an object
I always implies that It must have been designed
F Mi.t/y AND TBE BTSLB.
I 4ffwtrf* "^^^ teleological syllogism is sub-
1 All objects exhibiting adaptation musl
» )M«ii tlesigtied.
> ^ Thi' objects in Nature exhibit adap
^ Therefore, Nature must have been de-
!5Cow, a logical argument is a method of
ttft*A'*iug a certain statement by showing that
4)( ^ contained or implied in some other state-
^^K^n^ the truth of which is already admitted.
%lii we may say:
1. All men are mortal,
3. Thomas is a man.
3. Therefore Thomas is mortal.
Here the conclusion, "Thomas is mortal,"
logical, because it will be granted that all
ifiti are mortal, and that Thomas is a man.
BO p reraises in a syllogism must always be
nittod at the outset, or else they must be
iDorteU liy a careful induction of facts. That
THE BESJGN ARGUMENT.
ia to say, they must be proved ; otherwise the
conclusions deduced from them would be worth-
less. But let us examine this first proposition,
"All objects exhibiting adaptation must have
loeen designed." Is this statement universally
admitted? Is it sustained by any induction?
Does it rest upon a universal observation and
experience? Or is it merely an assumption?
If we look at the mechanism of a watch, we
readily and correctly infer that it was planned
and constructed by a personal intelligence; in
feet we know that it was,, because we are ac-
guainted with its history. But suppose we con-
template the sublime evolutions of the planetary
systems, or the intricate aud subtile machinery
of the human body. Can we say that these
were contrived by a person? Do we know that
they were? Have we any logical evidence that
they were? None whatever; simply from the
feet that under any conceivable hypothesis re-
garding the origin of the universe, we must
admit the existence of order and adaptation in
THE sn.i r.v A y/) mn nrntE.
some form, which never were created or designed,
and which are equally as wonderful as any
thing in nature, if not infinitely more so. For
if we refuse to accept the universe with its ac-
tivities as eternally self-existent, and imagine
some great personal being as its author, we
must admit that he would necessarily possess
quite as much order and fitness as the universe,
else he could not create it. Therefore, since it
is thus clearly demonstrable that some form of
adaptation can and does exist which is mo evi-
dence of design, it is obviously absurd to assume
that all complex and harmonious objects of
whose history we are ignorant must be the
work of a designer. And yet this assumption
is the essential foundation of the whole teleolog-
ieal argument. '
Dr. Paley asserts that the Deity possesses
the peculiar quality of self-sustenance, or self-
aufficiency, wherein his nature differs from that
of all other beings, and which renders it unnec-
essary that he should have had an antecedent.
THE DESJOy ARGUMENT.
But why might wc not as easily say all tliis of
matter ?
The chief ilifBculty in this subject is duo to
the fact that people will not stop to reflect that
if there were a God, hia organism (whether ma-
terial or spiritual), if it could be examined,
would necessarily display even more fitness,
order, harmony, and adaptation, than are now to
be found in nature. However, if it be objected
to this that the fitness and order in God are
eternal, and therefore unlike the transitory phe-
nomena of nature, we reply, that while many of
the adaptations in nature have indeed had a be-
ginning and will soon cease to be, before the
teleologist can show that the order and harmony
in a God would bo essentially different from tho
adaptation in the universe, he must prove thnt
matter itself can not be self-existent, and eter-
nally possessed of a fitness or adaptation to evolve
the particular manifestations which we behold.
Since matter is indestructible, it must be eternal ;
and if it is eternal, its properties or forces must
THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
also be eternal or self-existent. Hence, so far as
we can logically determine, the universe, as an
entirety, is impersonal, and contains within itself
the causes of all phenomena. At all events, it
is no solution whatever of the mystery of exist-
ence to say that nature has been created. Per
if nature is the work of a creator because it is
complex and wonderful, then that creator must
himself have been created, because he is wonder-
ful. If twice two apples make four apples, twice
two oranges must make four oranges. If it is logi-
cal to say of one organism whose history we do
not know, that because it is wonderful in ita
construction, it must have been produced by a
personality outside of it, then it must be equally
logical to say the same of any and every other
wonderful organism whose history wo do not
know. Now, it is certain that we do not know
the complete history of the human species, and
if we believe that there is a God, we must also
confess onr utter ignorance of his origin, so that
whatever we assert a posteriori of one such un-
TEE DESIGN ARGUMENT. 147
known history, must be equally applicable to
every other. Therefore, if man must have been
produced by a personal Deity because the hu-
man mechanism exhibits a wonderful adaptation
of means to ends, then that Deity must also have
been produced by a creative personality external
to him, for the reason that the organism of a
Gfod must be even more wonderful in its adap-
tation and harmony than that of man. And if
God must have been created because he is won-
derful, his author must also have had an ante-
cedent still more wonderful, and so on, ad infin-
itum. Thus, wherever we dare to stop in this
interminable series of creators, we find ourselves
at the very point from which we started; viz.,
face to face with an eternally self-existent Abso-
lute. And in the form of an anthropomorphic
Deity, it presents a problem even more diflBcult
and unsatisfactory than an uncreated impersonal
universe. Since this is true, we perceive that
before we can establish the major premise in
the design argument, we must demonstrate the
us THE JiRAW AND THE BIBLE.
very idea which the whole syllogism itself is in-
tended to prove ; viz., that the universe is the
work of a personal intelligence.
George Combe, although himself a theist,
in speaking of Paley, Durham, and other de-
fenders of the argument from design, makes the
following unanswerable and sweeping criticism
upon their method: "So when it is asserted by
these writers that whatever shows marks of de-
sign must have had an intelligent author; and
that the world shows marks of design, they
virtually assert that the world had an intel-
ligent author. But this is assuming that to be
true, which the atheists deny, and which, in
fact, is the very proposition that they them-
selves pretend to be establishing. In short, the
attempt to ascertain in this way the being of
God, is merely a tautological play of words; in-
asmuch aa his being must be proved, before the
premises can be laid down."
What more need be added? We have
seen that order and adaptation either in the
TNE I>ESJON ARGUMENT. 149
form of a universe or in the form of a God,
must have existed from eternity, and that that
which has existed from eternity could not have
been designed. If there is a personal creator,
he must be an organism possessing an adapta-
tion to create; and if he has existed from
eternity we must admit that the adaptation in
his organism never was designed. And if there
is no God, of course we must admit that the
order, adaptation, and harmony in nature never
were designed. These facts prove that the
adaptation in nature is in reality no evidence
whatever of an intelligent cause, and that the
whole design argument is without any logical
support.
The unfair methods by which theologians
usually try to evade this difficulty, may be well
illustrated by the reply once made by Dr. Ly-
man Beecher when asked by his students how
they should answer Infidels who told them the
argument from design proved too much. " They
assert," said the students, "that if every ap-
parent design must have bad a designer, there
may be twenty Gods." The Doctor replied:
"Well, you tell them that if there is one God
it will go hard with them, and if there are
twenty it will go harder yet." Is it strange
that Christian ministers are illogical after re-
ceiving such training? However, Joseph Cook,
who relates this story, protends to give a "sci-
entific answer," a discussion of which the reader
will find in the succeeding chapter.
Many persons who in some degree perceive
the feebleness of the design argument, admit that
the idea of an uncreated God is as difficult of
comprehension as an uncreated universe, and
then they ask, "if one of these problems is as
great as the other, which we concede, what ob-
jection do you have to our uncreated God ? "
We reply that we object simply because there
is no evidence that such a being exists. The
ladder of design by which the theologian reaches
God, extends through all infinity. If we take
one step upon it, we must climb on and on for-
TtJE DESIGN- ARGUMENT.
ever. As it can bring us to no resting place,
why should wc begin such a fruitless journey?
Supernaturalists ought not to insist that there
is a God until they bring forward some evi-
dence of his existence, and so long as there is
no such" evidence, they ought not to ask why
we wish to dethrone the Deity. "But," they
ask again, " if the adaptations in nature do not
prove a designing cause, how were they pro-
duced ? "We answer, that although we can not
trace the ultimate processoa by which these results
were effected, when we say that Nature produces
them by a power within herself, we at least give
quite as much of a real solution as those who
ascribe all phenomena to an inconceivable per-
sonality outside of nature. The word God, the
so-called "first cause" taught by theology, is
only a sort of algebraic x in the problem of the
universe. The scientist accepts the difficulty at
the outset, instead of simply removing it beyond
his immediate sight. The explanation offered by
theologians has been aptly comparetl to the folly
THE SUA IX A.\D THE BIBLE.
■ of the ostrich with its head concealed in the
I sand. It is only a hoodwink. A "first cause"
I of nature outside of nature is a logical impoasi-
Ibtlity. The universe is simply an animated in-
Ifinitudo of matter; a self-contained circle of
I causes and effects. The theologians ought to re-
I member that it devolves upon them to prove
I that there is something mightier than matter;
I not upon us to prove there is not. But while the
Irulos of logic do not require us to prove 6ur
lupgative, we can, nevertheless, explain very
luiuch of the apparent design in nature. We can
luow account for a great deal which only a few
lyvara ago was regarded as utterly inexplicable.
■ Tho great scientists are every day discovering
linoi'o and more. Scarcely any eminent scholars
I liuw dispute the leading principles of Evolution
I mid Natural Selection. With the slightest clue
|lo Ihoao great laws, what shall we, with our
Hlmitdd knowledge of nature's history, presume
inny not have been effected by their in-
t during the eternity of the past? In im-
J
TJIH J>miaN AJIGUMENT. 153
agination we anthropomorphize the absolute, and
then suppose we have mastered the problem of
the universe. We deify the subjective ego of
man "projected into objectivity," and regard it
as the source of all wisdom and the solution of
all mystery, while we contemptuously look upon
nature as a materialization of impotence. But
do we really understand Nature ? Have we un-
locked so many of her secrets that we can say
she must be under the dominion of a God ? Our
ignorance should teach us modesty as well as
logic. Why should we presume to fix a limit to
the properties of matter, when we have scarcely
learned the alphabet of science? And here let
me say of scientists, that they have as much
right as any class of men, to theorize and specu-
late in regard to the unknown and the unknow-
able. But it is very unfair to make no distinc-
tion between their conflicting hypotheses and
their numerous positive demonstrations, as our
opponents are often disposed to do. No scientist
holds that anj' speculation is strictly a part of
15-i TUE BHAIN AND THE BIBLE.
science. We ask simply that what we offer
may be accepted at its real value, whether it is
^:ict or hypothesis.
It is also objected to our idea of the
eternity of the universe, that we have " no per-
sonal observation of it." True, we have not;
but has the theologian any personal observation
of the eternal existence of a God ? In the first
chapter I have already shown that there is a
radical difference between the two positions.
Theology, with its anthropomorphic Deity, its
book-revelation, its pretended miracles, etc., is
not only unsupported by our experience, but is
diametrically opposed to it. On the other hand,
while we can not by personal experience prove
the eternity of the universe, such an idea is
quite in harmony with our experience. In the
same manner, theologians object that Infidels re-
ject Christ and yet admit the existence of
Homer, Demosthenes, and other equally ancient
1 characters. It is true we admit the existence
of all ancient personages uf whose lives we have
THE DESniN JJtGUMlSNT.
credible history; but when histury assftrts events
connected with their lives which are plainly op-
posed to reason and universal experience, we
reject such statements just to the extent of
their unreasonableness. Thus we do not deny
that Christ may have existed as a man ; but
that he was a supernatural person history fails
to prove.
Every principle of anthropomorphic theism
involves contradictions. If God is a person, he
must be restricted to the limits of an organism.
Hence, to say that ho is infinite in extent, is
highly absurd. As well talk of an endless
"yard-stick." If the Deity possesses organism
and personality, these qualities can exist only as
the result of environment, which of course iin.--
eludes the idea of infinity. Again, if God
possesses benevolence, justice, anger, designing
intelligence, etc., such as are ascribed to him in
the Bible, he can not bo infinitely wise or
powerful, because those attributes imply finite-
ness and imperfection. An omniscient being
150 THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
would not need to employ reason in acquiring
knowledge. If he made any additions to his
knowledge at all, he could not be omniscient.
All the intellectual powers of which we can con-
ceive imply limited knowledge, and the very
words " infinite intelligence " involve an ab-
1 surdity. "For," as Prof. Fiake has well said,
*'to represent the deity as a person who thinks,
contrives, and legislates, is simply to represent
■him as a product of evolution. The definition
of intelligence being 'the continuous adjustment
of specialized inner relations to specialized outer
relations,' it follows that to represent deity as
intelligent is to surround deity with an environ-
ment, and thus to destroy its infinity and its
self-existence."
As to the other human faculties, it would be
clearly impossible to exercise any of the passions
or sentiments apart from finite relations to an
external world. How could an infinite Gfod
have compassion, or sympathy, unless he suf-
fered? And if he suffered how could he be
rilE DESIGN AKGUMENT. 167
perfect? It is true the Church replies that
God as Christ took upon himself the finite hu-
man nature also. This is equiyalent to saying
that a circle can be both round and triangular
at the same time. Furthermore, if God were
omnipotent, how could he become angry?
Anger proceeds only from Combativenesa and
Destructiveness. These faculties were born of
the peculiar difficulties, dangers, and noxious im-
pedimenta which abound in this world, and their
exercise is inconceivable apart from environment
and limited power. How absurd, then, to speak
of "Divine Wrath," as though Omnipotence
would ever need to manifest the chief charac-
teristics of the lion and tiger!
But if the theist admits the absurdity
involved in the idea of an "infinite person,"
and accepts God as a being who acts only in
harmony with fixed laws, and whose qualities
are necessarily undefinable, incomprehensible, and
unknowable, he then virtually becomes an Atheist
in all the proper senses of that word. The
THE BRAIN- AND THE BIBLE.
Agnostic, or Materialist, has no particular ob-
jection to the syllable Grod, if it is used merely
as a symbol to represent the unanalyzable ac-
tivities of the universe ; but in such a sense the
term is unnecessary. Hence we prefer to em-
ploy simply the words Universe and Nature.
The former to include the All as an infinite
entirety, and the latter, which, from its etymol-
ogy, means that which is born, to represent the
more Immediate activities and expressions of
the universe.
Thus, while rejecting an infinite personality,
we do not deny the existence of an "All-uphold-
ing," "All-enfolding" Absolute, of which we
can know only as we are related to it through
the peculiarities of our organisms. We do not
wish to destroy any thing that is true and
useful. We desire merely that the world may
bo taught to recognize Nature as the only
source of goodness and happiness; that the
realities of life may be seen as they are, and
that mankind may attain the highest and best
development possible.
JOSEPH COOK'S •■SCIENTIFIC THEISM."
CHAPTER VII.
JOSEPH cook's "scientific THEISM."
OF all tlie fallacies in theological reasoning,
. some form of the " vicious circle," or cir-
Icular sj'llogism, is without doubt the most com-
[ mon, as well as the most specious and subtle.
rDefined in general terms, it consists in proving
I the premises by the conclusion, and then the
I conclusion by the premises. In other words, as-
I suming or stating within one of the premises,
I something, the truth of which could never be
established, or which would never be admitted,
I until after the demonstration of the conclusion,
[ We have just seen a remarkable example of this
I kind in the preceding chapter. The whole argu-
I ment from design begs the question ; but the
I most singular feature about it is, that the lead-
ing theologians, pui-ceiving their error, now come
forward with a new set of circular argTiments,
which are, if possible, even more sophistical than
the old. Of the champions of " Scientific Th
ism," doubtless the most popular representative
in the United States is Joseph Cook, of Boston.
In his lecture entitled "Matthew Arnold's Views
on Conscience," Mr. Copk presents what he calls
the "scientific answer" to the obvious defect in
Paley's reasoning. I quote verbatim:
" But the answer is this : That we can not
have a dependent existence without an independ-
ent or a self-existent being to depend upon. All
existence, to put the argument in syllogistic form,
ia either dependent or independent. You are
sure of that ? Yes. Well, if thero ia a dependent
existence, there must be an independent; for
there can not be dependence without something
to depend upon, and an infinite series of links
receding forever is an efFeet without a cause.
Your axiom that every change must have an
adequate cause is denied by the theory of nn
infinite series. You carry up your chain link
JOSEPH COOK'S -SCIENTIFIC THEISM."
[after link, and there is nothing to hang the last
link upon.
1. All possible existence is either dependent
tor independent.
2. If there is dependent existence, there
nust be independent existence, for there can not
! dependence without dependence on something.
BAn endless chain without a point of support is
Ian effect without a cause ; dependence without
Rndependence is a contradiction in terms,
3. I am a dependent existence.
4. Therefore there is independent existence.
But independent existence is self-existence.
1. All possible being is either self-existent
Jor not self-existent.
2. If there is being which is not aelf-exist-
fent, the principle that every change must have
in adequate cause, requires that there should
lexist being that is self-existent.
3. I am a being that is not self-exiatent.
4. Therefore, there is being that is self-ex-
^
5
1G2 THE BRAIN AND THE BTBLE.
istent. 80, too, with exact loyalty to self-evident
truth, we may say :
1. All possible persons arc either self-exist-
ent or not self-existent.
2. If there exist a person that is not self-
existent, there must be a person that is self-
existent.
3. I am a person not self-existent.
4. Therefore, there is a person who is self-
esistent. It is He."
The introductory remarks, and the first four
of these propositions, are, without doubt, substan-
tially correct; provided, however, that we con-
strue the third proposition to mean that man is
"dependent" upon the universe in -a relative and
not in an absolute sense. In the second argu-
ment, the first and second propositions are also
logical; but the third, "I am a being that is
not self-existent," like the third proposition in
the first argument, is true only in the sense tliat
man did not attain personality by an act of his.
own volition; or independently of certain reactions
JOSEPH COOTCS 'SCTESTIFIC TREISM."
between his organism, and its environments which
were necessary to his development. The fourth
proposition is admissible, provided Mr. Cook
I does not here attach to the word "being" the
. idea of organism or personality. Man is, of
I course, a "dependent" or contingent being, so
far as regards the fact of his having become an
[ organism without any exercise of his own will ;
I or in the sense that he is an objectiye expres-
sion or manifestation of a certain force or ten-
dency inherent in matter, which may be said to
\ underlie his personality. Thus, relativelif, his in-
I dividual organism is "dependent" upon this
subjective force, or combination of forces and
, environments- in nature ; but, regarded ahuolutdy,
he forms a part of the eternally self-existent en-
tirety of the universe. As an effect, he bears
the same relation to the universe that the leaf
' does to the tree. A leaf is, relatively, an expres-
sion of a process or function of the tree, and is
' dependent upon this function only for its form
and individuality. But as an absolute existence,
164 THE BRAIN AND TBE SIBLE.
it is a part of the tree, and ia as independent
of any forces outside of the tree aa the tree
itself is. Or, if it be objected to this illustration
that the tree is not self-sustaining, we may com-
pare man at once to the tree. Relatively, that
is, as a definite structure, the tree is dependent
upon its environments, such as earth, air, water,
and light ; but absolutely, its particles are com-
posed of material elements found in earth, air,
etc., thus forming a part of the universe as a self-
existent whole.
Let us now especially notice the second
proposition in the third and last argument, viz,:
" If there exist a person that is not self-existent,
there mtist be a person that is self-existent" Aa
this is the pivot upon which the syllogism rests,
if it can not be established as true, the whole
argument must fall. Have we, then, any evi-
dence that it is true? Does Mr. Cook offer
any? Not the slightest. He simply assumes
that nothing short of a divine Person could be
an adequate cause of human personality. And
JOSEPH COOK S "SCIENTIFIC THEISM."
this he docs without any induction whatever to
warrant such a notion. This proposition is only
a subtle method of asserting that there is a
Creator, because it is on all sides conceded that,
in a relative sense, man is not self-existent; that
is, not self-sustaining, or independent of his en-
vironments. But what is the whole syllogism
intended to prove ? Why, simply that there is
a Creator. Could there be any greater sophistry
than this?
To make the " vicious circle " still more ap-
parent, let us re-construct Mr. Cook's argument,
and express it in words which will perhaps ad-
mit of less ambiguity:
1. All non-self-sustaining persons are caused
by a Self-Sustaining Person.
2. I am a non-self'Sustaining person.
3. Therefore, I am caused by a Self-Sus-
taining Persoji ; i. e., by a God.
Now, it will be clear to the reader that the
first proposition here virtually contains an asser-
tion that there is a personal God ; because, as
166 THE BRAIN AND THE lilDLE.
I havo already explained, all concede that man
does not exist or sustain himself independently
of certain conditions and environments external
to his organism. It will be equally clear that
the third proposition, or conclusion, contains the
same assumption. Thus the whole argument is
a circle.
I have stated that man is relatively, non- .
aelf-existent, though when regarded absolutely, as
a part of the indestructible entirety of the
material world, he is self-existent. As this dis-
tinction might afford some ground for cavil, I
will say that in this case it is entirely unneces-
sary for us to attempt to indicate man's exact
relation to the universe. For the sake of the
argument, we will concede that man is in nq
sense self-existent, and that he is contingent or
dependent upon a "some-what" external to him-
self. Now, can, or does, Mr. Cook prove that
this "some-what" is a "Some-One"? Admit-
ting the third proposition, ^'I am a person not
aelf-existent,'^ upon what authority does Mr.
JOSEPH COOK'S •■ SCIENTIFIC THEISM."
Cook lay clown the second proposition, ^' If there
exist a person that is not self-existent, tJtere must
he a person that is self-existent"'? How is it
possible to establish this premise, without first
establishing the fourth proposition, or conclusion,
which is, substantially, the assertion that there
I is a God? Is there not here <i positive viola-
tion of the rules of the syllogism, which require
that the evidence supporting the premises must
be gathered from external sources? Induction
must precede deduction. We have no right to
draw a particular conclusion from a general
proposition unless the latter is already admitted
or has been demonstrated. Mr. Cook's argument
is about as logical as the following:
1. All possible leaves either grow by them-
selves, or upon trees, or something resembling
trees.
2. If there exist a leaf that did not grow
by itself, there must be a leaf that did
by itself.
grow \
168 THE BIIAIN AND THE BIBLE.
3. The oak leaf is one that did not grow
by itself.
4. Therefore there is a leaf that did grow-
by itself.
The gratuitous assumption here in the sec-
ond proposition, and the absurdity of the eon-
chision, are of course apparent to every one.
Rut is not this a counterpart of Mr, Cook's
reasoning? Now, we see that there are no
leaves growing by themselves. Moreover, we
can not conceive of a leaf that did not grow on
a tree, or something like a tree, and we are
certain that the tree is mother to the leaf,
though not itself a leaf. Why then may not
matter be the parent of all human personality
without being a person itself? "We see the
organisms of nature, and we know that they
exist; but as we have not seen any Person
behind them, where does Mr. Cook obtain his
facts to show that there must be self-existent
supernatural Personality to account for man?
All reasoning must begin by observation. Has
JOSEPH COOK'S "SCIENTIFIC THEISM-"
Mr. Cook ever observed any Person superior
to Nature? Possibly in his dreams; surely
nowhere else. But still he boldly asserts that
the only adequate cause of human personality
is Divine Personality. And this is his "sci-
entific answer" to the acknowledged difficulty
in the design argument.
We find similar assumptions repeated in
nearly all of his arguments for the existence of
a Deity. Take, for example, the following propo-
sition : " Since we are woven by a power not
ourselves, there la thought in the universe not
' our own." Now, how does Mr. Cook know that
this power proceeds from a Thinker? Has he
observed all the potencies in the universe which
have combined to weave us ? And if not, how
can he describe them ? It is a contradiction in
terms to speak of Infinite Thought, because the
word thought means only the working of a brain,
and thus implies environment. Tliere may be
something pervading all matter which resembles
thought or mind; but the idea that exactly that
no . TUK lilUlN AND THE BJULK
which we mean by these words can exist as a
personality without a brain, conflicts with all our
experience, and hence is wholly untenable.
May I quote still another argument ?
"1. Every change must have an adequate
cause.
2. My coming into existence as a mind, free-
will, and conscience, was a change.
3. That change requires a cause adequate to
account for the existence of mind, free-will, and
conscience.
4. Involution must equal evolution.
5. Only mind, free-will, and conscience in
the cause, therefore, are sufficient to account for
mind, free-will, and conscience in the change.
6. The cause, therefore, possessed mind, free-
will, and conscience.
7. The union of mind, free-will, and con-
science in any being constitutes personality in
that being.
8. The cause, therefore, which brought me
JOSEl-S COOK'S ••SCIBjVtIFIC THEISM"
171
into existence as a mind, free-will, and conscience,
was a person."
Here the first three propoaitiona are correct,
also the fourth, in the senae that the sum of all
the influences which combine to produce a re-
sult shall be adequate to produce it. But it
does not follow that a cause shall necessarily
always possess exactly the same individuality as
the effect. The tree, as we have seen, ia ade-
quate, to produce the leaf, but it does not follow
that the tree itself must be a leaf. Books are
written by men ; but it does not follow that a
man is a book. A great many effects are pro-
duced by combinations of circumstances which
are indeed adequate to produce them, and yet,
as individualities, the effects are totally different
from their causes. Mr. Cook's apparent idea of
involution and evolution would make it necos-
siiry that every individual effect should have
only an individual cause exactly similar in char-
acter, thus denying th« potency of combined in-
fluences. It is this fallacious view of the princi-
TffS anAIJT AND THE SISLE.
pies of cause and effect which enables Mr. Cook
to declare in the fifth proposition, that only
inind, free-will, and conscience in a God, could
produce mind, free-will, and conscience in man.
Now, I ask again, what observation has Mr,
Cook made of the force or forces which produced
man, that he should make this assertion ? If
he does not know exactly who or what is the
cause of the human mind, why should he assume
that it could have been produced only by an an-
tecedent mind external to the universe ? Does
he know the history of man ? Or does he know
the extent of the forces in nature ? And yet
Mr. Cook says: "If you will look at that list
of propositions, you will find nothing taken for
granted in them except that every change must
have an adequate cause."
I appeal to the reader. Do not those propo-
sitions contain the assumption that only mind,
free-will, and conscience in the cause of man, are
sufficient to account for these qualities in man ?
And is not this something more than simply
JOSEPH COOK'S ''SCIENTIFIC TBEISM:' 173
M I i I
that "every change should have an adequate
cause"? No one denies that man originated
from an adequate cause ; but this is not the only
proposition "taken for granted" here by Mr.
Cook. With his usual egotism, he simply as-
sumes that which he professes to demonstrate.
It matters not what form of argument is
employed, it must forever be impossible to prove
that nature is contingent, until it is first demon-
strated that there exists a power superior to
nature.
I .*.
a HE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE CORRELATION ARGUMENT.
npHE earlier theologians, especially those
-■- who held the doctrine of total depravity,
were inclined to disbelieve that man possessed
any instinctive reverence, or willingness to sub-
mit to a divine law, and they usually accounted
for all religious manifestations by what they
supposed to be the influence of the "Holy
Spirit." But in our day the professed "scien-
tific" defenders of orthodoxy come forward with
tiie confident assertion that a tendency to wor-
ship is one of the inherent elements in the con-
stitution of the mind, implanted there by the
" Creator." And they argue that as there can
_ not be a wing without air to match it, a fin with-
H out water, or an eye without light, so there must
^L be a Deity as a necessary correlative to the
^H mental faculty of Veneration. Some form of
THE CORRELATIfjS AHOVMBST-
this argument is probably almost as old as hu-
man thought ; but since the time of Dr. Gal!
it has been brought into greater prominence
than ever before ; and, in this country, within
the past few years, Joseph Cook has been pre-
senting it upon such a gorgeous background of
rhetoric that among the orthodox it has popu-
larly come to be regarded as transcendcntly in-
vulnerable. However, Mr. Cook and his school
do not usually refer to any special system of
mental science as a basis for their reasoning,
and, unlike certain rellgio-phrenological authors,
they seldom directly speak of the faculty of
Veneration as such. Yet they frequently men-
tion facts for which they are indebted to Gall
when it suits their convenience to do so. At
other times they are careful not to indorse, as
Mr. Cook says, "a pseudo phrenology" ; but,
unfortunately for the •'scientific theists," their
strongest tower for the defense of their hy-
pothesis can be clearly shown to be built upon
it^^^^tSKSS^S^SSwSS^^^^^^^
the most pseudo Phrenology imaginable. The
argument may be formulated as follows:
1. Every natural faculty or instinct has a
correlate.
2. The existence of a faculty or instinct
proves the conjoint existence of all the objects to
which it is adapted,
3. There is in the mind a faculty of Ven-
eration ivhich is adapted to a God.
4. Therefore, as a correlate to this faculty
there must be a God,
The first proposition here is entirely correct.
There is indeed an object of some kind, ex-
isting cither outside of the mind, or simply as
an intellectual conception, to match every inher-
ent faculty or instinct. But in the second
proposition, we have the usual "petltio principii"
begging the question, or assumption of that
which would be admitted only after establishing
the conclusion of the syllogism. This argument
is intended to prove the existence of a D.eity,
but it would be necessary first to demonstrate
his existence by some other means, before it
could be laid down as a premise that the exist-
ence of Veneration proves the conjoint existence
of all the objects to which it is adapted.
Hence, as an argument it proves nothing.
The normal function of Veneration, as has
already been explained, is simply to inspire the
feeling of reverence, humility, and submissive-
nesa in general. It makes a child respectful
and polite to parents and all aged persons, or
recognized superiors of any age or sex, and is
thus a very necessary element in a harmonious
organization. Where it is very deficient the
individual will manifest only a feeble disposition
to respect authority, and, if otherwise unfavor-
ably endowed, will be likely to evince an unduly
rebellious spirit. But, I repeat, this instinct haa
no necessary connection with any single object,
and the idea that it bears a special relation to
any particular god may be conclusively dis-
proved by the fact that in many nations we see
it exercised in the worship of imaginary deities
THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
the conceptions of which are regarded by the
rest of the world with utter indifference, if not
ridicule and contempt. Again, we observe that
as fast as nations derelop and become civilized,
their gods are also subjected to various changes
both as to character and number. But all
deities, of whatsoever rank or quality, are re-
vered by the same mental faculty, the activity
of the same superior cerebral convolutions, from
the rudost fetich, up to the "meek and lowly
Jesus." And then there are savage tribes en-
tirely destitute of any supernatural religion, or
even fetichism, who, in common with the brutes,
simply recognize the existence of natural be-
ings or forces niore powerful than themselves,
and who know no higher god than their Chief.
To him they submit with a devotion like that
of a dog for his master, and yet the feeling of
reverence they have for their Chief is a process
oi the same part of the brain through which is
manifested the awe of the Jew for Jehovah, or
the veneration of the Chi-istian for Christ. In
L
THE CORRELATION ARGUMENT.
the case of these savages, as with the brutes,
the manifestation of Veneration is induced by a
very limited and feeble reflection, or act of
reason, and the objects to which it is directed
are only such as are perceived by the senses.
The supernatural religionist, however, takes a
step beyond the brute and the lowest savage, in-
asmuch as he extends the objects of his Vener-
ation into the domain of the metaphysical,
where, in educing the conception of an anthro-
pomorphic God as an object, he clearly makes
a mistake. The Materialist, or Humanitarian
(who also possesses Veneration, and often in a
great degree), advances a step still farther, and
by a complete process of logical reasoning, dis-
covers that all conceptional Deities are only re-
flections of human attributes, and thus demon-
strates that the true objects of our highest love
and devotion are not imaginary Gods, but the
living and unborn of our fellow men.
The oft repeated insinuation that Infidels
are shallow reasonera, and always devoid of rev-
180 i HE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE. ^^H
erence, is too obviously false to warrant any
special discussion here. It is true tliat Voltaire
had largo Veneration, and believed in a God;
but his theism was not the necessary result of
this faculty. It was owing more to the limited
opportunities presented in his day for studying
the principles of nature. In Voltaire's time, the
"design argument" was scarcely ever questioned,
and it was almost as much as one could do to
shake off <the grosser forms of superstition.
However, it is not to be denied that the ac-
tivity of Veneration ofteh predisposes the indi-
vidual to believe in a Deity, but this is easily
explained by the circumstance that the faculty
is intensely gratified by the worship of an im-
aginary person able to create and control the
universe. Belief in such an extraordinary being
necessarily tends to excite the faculty to an un-
natural degree, and in the case of religious fa-
natics, it often produces serious injuries to the
health of both mind and body. But because a
certain object is capable of affording the mind
THE CORRELATION AJlGtlMENT.
intense pleasure, it does not logically follow that
that object is legitimate or healthful. And the
idea that any of the sentiments or propensities
should be able to distinguish or appreciate par-
ticular objects independently of the intellect, is
as irrational as to suppose we could perceive the
rings of Saturn or the stars in the nebula of
Orion without a telescope. There is no mental
faculty that is not capable of being exercised
with reference to a great number of objects.
Thus Individuality observes an infinite variety
of individual things; Eventuality remembers
numberless peculiar and disconnected events.
Benevolence is not satisfied with a single good
deed ; the mother's Philoprogenitiveness, inde-
pendently of her intellect, knows no distinction
between her own children and those of another;
Cautiousness sees no danger, although it may
prompt the intellect to seek it out; Hope
brightens every uncertainty of the future; Won-
der is gratified by every mystery, while Vener-
TME SSALtf AND TJIS SJSLE.
ation bows to the aged, to the noble, and to
kings and emperors, as well as to gods.
To illustrate the weakness of the correlation
argument, let us imagine the following syllogism :
1. Every mental faculty has an object to
match it.
2. The existence of a faculty proves the con-
Joint exist&ice of all the objects to which it is
adapted.
3. The faculty of Acquisitiveness is adapted
to triangular, rectangular, and octagonal, as well
as round silver dollars.
4. Therefore, there are angular as well as
round silver dollars.
Thus, if the method of these modern Theists
is as "scientific" as they represent it to be, we
may demonstrate the existence of all imaginable
sorts of coins concealed in the National Treasury.
Now, of course, if our Government should issue
coins of various shapes, the popular Acquisitive-
ness would be gratified by the ijossession of
them, and would be adapted or related to them;
T/IE CORRELATION AROUME^iT.
but aa we have no other evidence that any coins
of an angular shape are made, we do not infer
their present existence from the simple fact that
we possess a mental faculty which would be
adapted to them if they were made. For the
same reason, we can not logically infer the pres-
ent existence of a God merely from the fact that
we possess a faculty of Veneration which would
be adapted to the worship of such' a being if he
did exist.
Veneration has sufficient legitimate objects
within the realm of the natural; but let us ad-
mit, for the sake of argument, that its in-
stinctive tendency is exclusively to worship a
God. If this could by any possibility be shown
to be true, what would it signify? Or suppose
there were a subjective cognition in any form,
relating to a God, would it logically follow that
such an instinct must have been implanted in
the mind by a personal Creator? Before this
could be established would it not first be neces-
aary to prove that man is really the work of a
!tHE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
Deity? If it can be shown tliat the universe
has been created, then the conclusion is indeed
irresistible that all the inherent activities of the
human mind proceed from a God, But as the
evidences are overwhelming that man is a pro-
duct of nature, whose brain is simply a register
of experiences reaching back through unimagin-
able aeons, the possession of an instinctive de-
sire to worship presupposes only the various
natural influences (whatever they may have been,)
which have combined to produce it.
The impulse to worship a Grod, so far as
any really existing faculty of the mind may be
thus designated, as well as the belief in a God,
has undoubtedly been acquired, and is a legacy
from our probable ancestors of a million years
ago. And although it is instinctive to-day, and
antecedent to individual experience, it must
nevertheless be the result of the experiences of
our early progenitors, the effects of which, op-
erating through inconceivable periods of time,
have become stamped upon the cerebral cortex
THE COERKLATION ARGUMENT.
as intuitions. "In the course of ages," says B.
r. Underwood, "states of mind produced by the
outward world have become organized in the
race in the form of tendencies. A father who
has acquired the habit of drunkenness may
transmit to hia offspring the result of his ex-
perience in the form of an appetite for stimu-
lants. There are islands having species of
animals and birds possessing an instinctive fear
of man, hut which exhibited no fear of him
when he first visited those islands. Man by his
destructive agency has produced in these ani-
mals sensations which by repetition, and by the
transmission of the results on the brain and
nervous system through successive generations,
have become condensed and fixed in the species
as an instinct which, whenever man — who first
produced the impression — appears, manifests it-
self in a very positive manner. So the shep-
herd dog and sporting dogs have characteristics
which, although originally acquired, are now in-
nate or instinctive, Thus that which is. learned,
whether from a personal teacher or by contact
with nature, and is repeated through centuries,
may produce states of mind which by heredity
appear in the descendants in the form of apti-
tudes or predispositions."
Considered from any point of view, an in-
herent element of the mind presupposes only the
causes which have combined to produce man.
As it exists to-day, the faculty of Veneration,
when acting within a normal sphere, is one of
the noblest attributes of human nature, but it
was doubtless born of ages of oppression and
pain, during which the emotions of gratitude
and admiration were almost constantly mingled
with fear and dread of the unseen beings who
were supposed to control human destiny. More-
over, human governments, as far back as we can
trace them, have nearly always been monarchical,
and in many instances the rulers were cruel
despots, and the subjects slaves. If we could
look back to the period when men first became
gregarious, the history of human slavery alone
THE CORRELATION ARGUMENT.
187
I would almost be sufficient to account for a fac-
ulty of Veneration. How few nations there have
been even within modern times, who have not
bowed with admiration and reverence before the
?ndora of an imperial throne, or crouched and
^ eriuged in fear at the feet of a haughty king !
That the psychological basis of man's relig-
' ioua nature is an evolution from a condition like
that of the lower animals, can no longer be rea-
sonably doubted ; nor is it less easy of demon-
stration that wild men exist to-day who have
scarcely passed the boundary line between brute
and man. And yet it is a popular belief, and
one taught in nearly all orthodox pulpits, that
there are no nations or tribes of men so low
that they have not some idea of a Deity. But
we have abundant testimony from such unim-
peachable authorities as Darwin, Biichner, Lub-
bock, the Missionary Moffat, and a host of others,
that there have been and still exist many such
tribes. Por example, the Bechuanas, the Ara-
furas, the Kafirs, etc. [See pp. 264-268, Buch-
188 TEE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
ner'a ^^ Kraft und Staff,'' Leipsic, 1876. Also the
article Bechuanae, in the Ency. Brit.] There can
not be any ground for doubt on this point.
These savages have evidently never even tried
to discover any explanation of nature's mysteries.
It is said that some of them are so incapable of
appreciating novelty, that the sight of a strange
ship produces in their minds no other visible ef-
fect than to elicit a momentary glance, after
which they trudge along as indifferently as
though they had seen merely a passing cloud.
Is it strange that such beings should never have
made an effort to account for their origin ?
Would it not be remarkable if they had ? Like
the uncertain steps of a little child learning to
walk, the first attempts of primitive man to ex-
plain the phenomena by which he was sur*
rounded, were feeble and crude, and it was but
natural that his first thought should have been
to invest the forces of nature with his own quali-
ties, and give them personality. Thus, the first
idea of a God was originated by a superficial
operation of an embryonic Causality, and not
from any instinctive scntimont. Then, after tho
dawn of this intellectual conception, we can
easily understand how it affected the emotional
nature. As the objects of our faculties are per-
ceived only by the intellect, a simple belief in
an object would have the same effect in develop-
ing a sentiment whether the object really existed
or not. If there were really a God, his attri-
butes would be apprehended only by the intellect,
and hence if the attributes now supposed to be-
long to a God are only the qualities of human
nature thrown out upon the objective world and
contemplated as an illusion, the effect is the
same upon the feelings as though these attri-
butes really had an objective existence in a per-
sonal divinity; just as we may be moved to
tears at a play when we know that the sorrows
of the actors are only feigned.
With these facts before us it is certainly
impossible to infer the existence of a Deity from
the operation of any mental faculty. " But,"
THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
objects the supematuraliat, "it is surely unrea-
sonable to believe that we have been brought into
existence endowed with instincts which mock
us, and with hopes which can lead only to the
moat cruel disappointments." To this it may
be replied that our lives here are ftiU of disap-
pointments, Nature - is far from perfect. Pain
and destruction are interwoven with the very
constitution of terrestrial life, and it is im-
possible to reconcile any instance of human
misery with infinite goodness and benevolence.
" Eternal justice is a mockery, and compensa-
tion is a myth." Our utmost ingenuity can
suggest no optimistic hypothesis which will con-
ceal the fact of immorality in the government
of this world. And if it is admitted that evil
does exist at all, what logical reason have we to
infer that on this very account some supreme
being will compensate us after death? So far
from there being any likelihood that a merciful
God has instituted evil with a design of ulti-
mate benevolence, the fact that so much sin and
THE CORRELATION ARGUMENT
sorrow do exist rendera it extremely unlikely
that there is a benevolent God. But in any
event, we may say with Prof. Fiske: "If there
exist a personal creator of the universe who is
infinitely intelligent and powerful, he can not be
infinitely good ; and if, on the other hand, he
be infinite in goodness, then he must be lament-
ably finite in power or in intelligence."
Thus, to assert that God is infinitely be-
nevolent, is equivalent to saying either that evil
does not exist at all, or that God is not infinite
in power. But as evil does exist, we must ad-
mit that there is no God, or else that he is
finite either in goodness or power. We can
choose here from three views. First,' if we ad-
mit that there is no God, of course we need not
hope for exemption from suffering. Second, if
we accept the belief that there is a God who is
finite in goodness, we can not with confidence
rely upon him to compensate us for our mis-
fortunes. Or, lastly, if we believe in an in-
finitely good altliougli linitely powerful God, we
THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
can not consistently expect hiin to save us from
disappointments. Now, "whatever may be the
real moral government of the world, it is evi-
dent that we are subject to some pain and dis-
appointment. And if we are permitted to suffer
any disappointment, how shall we logically say
that we may not be disappointed as to the ex-
istence of a Deity ?
It is objected that many Phrenologists ad-
vocate the "correlation argument," and that the
teachings of "True Phrenology" are certainly
favorable to it. I think that in the frequent
definitions I have given of- the faculties of Hope,
Wonder, and Veneration, in this work, I have
clearly shown that the teachings of Scientific
Phrenology not only do not support any theistr
ical vagaries, but, on the contrary^ illustrate their
groundlessness. As to the Phrenologists, it is
true that some of them have not only inferred
the existence of a God from the existence of the
faculty of Veneration, but have also constructed
some very plausible arguments in defense of this
THE CORRELATION ARGUMENT.
belief. But it sliould be remembered that the
phrenological fathers, especially Gall, Spurzheira,
and Combe, formed their ideas while modern
Scientific Materialism was still in its infancy;
besides, as I have already said of Voltaire, with
limited opportunities and encouragements, they
could not well be expected to divest their minds
of every vestige of superstition. However, they
never advanced those inferences with the assur-
ance manifested by more modern writers. In
concluding some remarks on this subject, in his
"System of Phrenology," Combe was logical
enough to make the following statement: "As,
however, Veneration has likewise objects on
earth, this argument can not be regarded as con-
clusive." Again, in hia " Lectures," he says :
"This argumeat has, of course, only the force
of an analogy."
However, in this discussion it matters but
little whether any phrenological authors accept
the con-elation argument or not. The only ques-
tion for us to decide is, is it true? If it can
THE BRAin A?rD TBE BIBLE.
be proven to be untenable, the mere assertion of
any one to the contrary will not in the least
change the fact. It should not be expected that
all Phrenologists will exactly agree in their
methods of interpreting details when we consider
that this science is, as yet, comparatively new.
It is only after any science is completed, and
becomes firmly established, that we can reason-
ably expect its teachers to display perfect unanim-
ity in their views. Moreover, there is scarcely
any philosophical system which does not afford
some opportunities for men to gratify their preju-
dices and selfish interests, either in a peculiar
interpretation of its principles or in the appli-
cation of them to the' affairs of life. But here
allow me to say, that as to the facts of Phre-
nology, its teachers have always substantially
agreed, and it has been only in regard to cer-
tain inferences from those facts that they have
differed. Thus, all Phrenologists admit that the
faculty of Veneration in the minds of Christians
is gratified by the worship of a supposed God.
T}J£! CORliELATlON ARGUMENT.
But any inference from this fact as to the exist-
ence of a God, is, on the part of a Phrenologist,
purely ao act of his own mind, and entirely in-
dependent of Phrenology per se.. Hence, Phre-
nology can not justly be held responsible for any
such inferences until it is first proven that they
are logical and inevitable deductions from its
true principles.
It has been objected also, that if Phrenolo-
gists do not agree among themselves, they
should not demand unanimity of belief among
theologians. To this we answer that the cases
are by no means analogous. Science is sys-
tematized knowledge, and it should not be ex-
pected that men shall agree upon a science any
farther than the extent of their knowledge.
Besides, it is not a principle with scientists that
an erroneous opinion, if sincere, involves moral
obliquity or guilt. But the religion of the
Bible, so far as it differs from the beautiful
Humanitarian ism taught by the Infidel philoso-
phers of every age, is chiefly a matter of belief,
TBE SJIAIN AND THE BIBLE.
or faith, and since theologians declare that un-
belief is a crime, and that " Infidela have no
rights which the Church is bound to. respect,"
we hold that they should at least decide which
is the true Bible, and which is the true Church.
They surely ought to be able to agree among
themselves as to whether the Catholic Church
is the "Spouse of Christ," or the "Harlot of
Rome."
Christiana pretend that the duties of their
religion are so plain that "a way-faring man,
though a fool, need not err therein." If this is
to be believed, the inquiry suggests itself, in
what condition is the mental organization of
Roman Catholic and Protestant theologians ?
Now, scientists, we repeat, do not teach that
any honest opinion or belief can involve crim-
inality, since belief does not depend upon voli-
tion. Right beliefs and opinions are truly
desirable, because they promote happiness ; while
false opininns are proportionately undesirable, be-
cause they are harmful. But, since both true
THE COTiRELATION ARGUMENT, 197
and false ideas may be entertained conscien-
tiously, it can not justly be asserted that they
I involre, when sincere, either morality or im-
' morality. This being true, it follows that there
ia no imperative reason why scientists should
exactly agree in the amount of their knowledge.
But it is certainly unreasonable for theologians
dogmatically to insist upon the performance of
certain acts of faith, under penalty of endless
torment, when they can not decide among thera-
selres as to what constitutes these necessary
duties. They ought to demonstrate the credi-
bility of their doctrines, or at least the possi-
bility of discovering the essentials of their
creeds by agreeing among themselves^ before
they demand that we shall agree with them.
In order to disguise this palpable inconsistency,
Protestants are accustomed to refer to the
harmony of belief among the "Evangelical
Churches," while the Papists eiultingly point to
the unity in the " Church of Rome." But
where is the harmony between Romanism and
198
THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE,
Protestantism? It can not be denied that they
are as incompatible as light and darkness.
In view of all these conflicts of opinion,
there is obviously but one proper course to pur-
sue; namely, let every individual freely express
his sincere convictions, and then by comparing
the thought of the world, it may be possible to
educe the trutL
THE LO'JIG OF JESUITISM.
CHAPTER IX.
THE LOGIC OF JESUITISM.
THIS chapter will be devoted to a brief ex-
amination of the peculiar evidences upon
which we are expected to embrace the dogmas
of Roman Catholicism. I quote from a recent
I work which is uaed as a text-book in Catholic
institutions, published under the imprimatur of
Cardinal McCloskey, entitled " Evidences of Re-
ligion," by Louis Jouin, Priest of the Society of
Jesus. On page 205 is the following:
"But it should be observed that, although
in the present controversy we use the writings
of the New Testament, we are not, as yet, con-
sidering them as divinely inspired, but only aa
the faithful records of the teachings and actions
of the apostles. The inspiration of the writings
of the Xcw Testament can not be proved by his-
torical criticism; it rests solely on the authority
200 THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
of the true Church. This remark suffices to set
aside one of the chief argumenta employed by
Protestants against lis, viz,, that we fall into the
sophism called by logicians the vicious circle.
For, say they, you prove the Church from Scrip-
ture, and then Scripture from the Church. By
no means. We prove the existence of the
Cliurch and her attributes from the New Testa-
ment, considered as a faithful historical record
of what Christ and His apostles taught; then,
having thus established the authority of the
Church as a divinely appointed teacher, we learn
from her that the Scriptures are inspired.
Surely no flaw can he found in this line of ar-
gument."
To the careful reader, a very serious flaw
can be found here. So far from giving a satis-
factory explanation of the difficulty in question,
Mr. Jouin simply disguises it by expanding the
circle in which he reasons, thus rendering his
claims more plausible, though none the less fal-
lacious. To make the real significance of his
THE LOGIC OP JESUTTLS-M. 201
propositions appear more tlistinctlj, let us slightly
abbreviate them. Instead of " We prove the ex-
istence of the Church and her attributes from
the New Testiment considered as a faithful his-
torical record, etc.," let us substitute the foUow-
The iVeM? Testament, considered simpli/ as an
authentic history, proves that the Church is a di-
vinehj appointed teacher. Then the teaching of the
Church proves that this history is also divine.
I do not think any one can say that this
construction expresses any thing not contained
in the quotation above, and I believe every
reader will see at a glance that Mr. Jouin means
to say the divine attribute of tlie Church as an
appointed teacher, may be proved from the New
■Testament without considering the latter in-
spired. That is, he assumes merely from a his-
torical point of view, that the writings of the
New Testament are authentic and sufficiently au-
thoritative to establish the divir.o attribute of the
Church. This is one side of the circle.
And now the question arises, Iluw is it
possible to establish a divine or inspired Church
by any evidence contained in an uninspired
book? Is it true that the infallible authority
of God could be conferred upon the Church sim-
ply by ordinary historians ? In other words,
could the voluntary statements of ordinary men
regarding so important a matter be accepted as
infallible or authoritative? Surely there could
not be a more untenable position. Moreover, It
would be absurd to say that any Catholic theo-
logian ever does attempt to prove the divinity
of the Church from the New Testament writings
unless he first believes that they are inspired.
But supposing that a sincere Romanist could by
any possibility divest his mind of the belief in
biblical inspiration, could he prove from the
New Testament, considered simply as a profane
history, that Jesus Christ possessed any author-
ity from God to establish a Church? Unless it
is first conceded that the Gospel narratives are
divinely inspired, how would it be possible to
THE LOGIC OF JESUITISM. 203
demonstrate the truth of the alleged super-
natural character of Christ? If he was not
God, of course it would be only an assumption
t-o say that he had any authority to found a
Church ; hence, the very first and most impor-
tant point to he decided is that of his divinity.
If the " Immaculate Conception " ever occurred,
we must believe the most wonderful miracle
ever recorded. But as this story is so prepos-
terous, does it not need to be supported by the
most uuimpeachable testimony ; nay, the most
positive demonstration ? Would the sworn testi-
mony of a thousand persons he taken as proof
of such a thing in the present day ? Could any
testimony short of an assertion by a divinely
inspired writer, be accepted aa unmistakable
evidence of any thing so at variance with all
experience and observation? Assuredly not.
Even Mr. Jouin, on page 315 of the book in
question, makes the following significant admis-
sion in regard to the Bible: "There are con-
tained ill it many mysteries surpassing
THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
limits of the human intellect, which can be
credible only when it is known that God really
inspired the sacred penman who stated them."
Now, if any thing in the Bible surpasses the
human intellect, and can be credible only when
known to be stated by an inspired writer, is
not this very story of Christ's miraculous birth
a case in point?
With reference to the means of distinguish-
ing the true Church, on page 204, Mr. Jouin
says, "we have to consult the records left us by
the apostles and disciples of our Lord, if we
want to establish its identity; forasmuch as its
foundation is an historical fact, it can be proved
by historical monuments alone."
Now, is not this a virtual admission that the
New Testament contains the only " historical
monuments" which really establish the authority
of the Church ? There is surely no so-called pro-
fane history sufficiently reliable to verify the
Christian traditions. It can not be shown that
any contemporaneous profane writer ever testified
THE LOGIC OF JESUITISM. 205
to the supernatural character of Christ. The oft
quoted passage in some copies of Josephus, is, by
the most eminent theologians, decided to be a
forgery. The moat ancient manuscripts do not
contain it, and it was evidently interpolated by
some of the early Fathers, who, by their own
confession, were so thoroughly imbued with the
spirit of Jesuitism that they regarded it as no
sin to practice any deception which would aid in
spreading their faith. However, suppose Jo-
sephus had made any mention of Christ's mira-
cles, would it prove that they really occurred?
The question before us is in regard to demon-
stration and authority; not mere tradition. And,
admitting, for the sake of argument, that Jo-
sephus, Tacitus, Pliny, or any other non-apostolic
writers, did refer to Christ, their accounts fur-
nish no demonstration of his divinity.
And now, is there any other kind of collat-
eral evidence sufficient to prove the authority of
i\\G Churcli ? To prove any miracle whatsoever,
wituld require a kind of demonstration as remark-
20(1 TBE hllAlN AND tBS hIBLE.
able as the miracle itself. But it is unnecessary
to dwell upon thia point. The Romanists do
not pretend to rely upon evidence outside of the
Biblo. On the contrary, they distinctly assert
that they "prove the existence of the Church
and., her attributes from the New Testament,
considered as a faithful historical record." And
yet they declare that this record can not be es-
tablished either as genuine or authentic, except by
the dogmatic voico of the Church. Mr. Jouin,
page 311, says that "the authenticity of a book
must be shown by the uniform testimony of all
the generations up to the very time when this
book was written. Now, this testimony is given
by the Church alone, as regards the New Testa-
ment; for, though some pagan authors mention
some of the Grospels, and allude to some parts
of the other sacred writings, they never testify
to the genuineness and authenticity of the same
in the form in which we have them now. Even
early Catholic writers do not agree in these
statements : more than one of the books actually
THE LOGIC Of JESVTTISit. 2o7
contained both in Catholic and Prohestant Bibles
were by some considered doubtful. It was the
Catholic Church alone that determined the canon
of Holy Writ ; on her authority were the apocry-
phal Gospels, and other writings attributed to
ithe apostles, separated from those which are
genuine."
We have now reached the other side of
the circle. It will be remembered that Mr.
!Jouin first assumed the " faithfulness " (another
Tvord for authenticity,) of the New Testament
icords, in order to prove the authority of the
SChurch, and here is his admission that the
"faithfulness," or genuineness and authenticity,
that is, historical value (to say nothing of the
inspiration,) of the New Testament, depends
^ely upon the decision of the Church. It is ji
notorious fact that the canonical books w ere
selected from numerous conflicting writings
which were current within the first three cen-
turies, and since it ia admitted that the testi-
mony necessary to prove their authenticity
given by the Church alone," and that " It was
the Catholic Church alone that determined the
canon of Holy Writ, etc.," how can those writ-
ings bo "considered" as a "faithful historical
record," except on the sole authority of the
Church? No theologian denies that the books
of the New Testament were attested, if not
selected, by an ecclesiastical vote. Thus the
Romanists establish the inspiration or "divine"
authority of this "record" by the voice of the
Church, and then prove the inspiration or "di-
vine" authority of the Church from this "rec-
ord."
However, to explain this obvious ineonais-
tency, they assert that reliable evidence may be
adduced froui non-ecclesiastical sources for the
truth of certain portions of the New Testament
canon which establish the divinity of the Church.
But this is only a feeble makeshift, for there ia
in reality no such external evidence whatever
that can be regarded as conclusive. Indeed all
of the testimony given not only by the Pagan
THE LOGIC OF JESUITISM. 209
writers, but also by the early Fathers, is of
such questionable character that many of the
most learned Protestant theologians reject it,
taking the ground that the Gospels must rest
entirely upon their intrinsic merits. Besides, as
I have already shown, according to the adraia-
Bion of the Romish Church, no historical criti-
cism could be applied to any of the Gospel
statements without regarding them as uninspired,
which would reduce them to the character of
profane history, and thus strip them of the
only quality which could ever constitute them
unimpeachable and authoritative title-deeds of
the Church.
It will not suffice to say that because the
canonical writings were generally regarded as
authentic in the second century, and publicly
read in the churches, they must be true; for it
is admitted on all sides that as late as the be-
ginning of the third century a great number of
spurious gospels also were in circulation, and
held by many to share equal authority with the
1
210 TBE BRATN AND THE BIBLE.
books of the canon. And, although it can not
be proved by historical critieiam that the canoni-
cal hooka were written by the men whose names
they bear, or that their accuracy waa not dis-
puted in the first and second centuries, we may
grant, for the sake of argument, that the genu-
ineness and authenticity of those writings were
never called into question. But would such a
fact alone render them authoritative ? If a mere
belief in a marvelous story is sufficient to give
it authority, how can we logically reject any of
the superstitions of the world ? But what was
the character of the times when the canonical
Gospels were first accepted ? Let me answer by
quoting from the well-known Christian historian
Mosheim :
"Not long after the Savior's ascension, va-
rious histories of his life and doctrine, full of im-
positions and fables, were composed, by persons of
no bad intcntionB perhaps, but who were super-
stitious, simple, and piously fraudulent; and af-
terward, many other spurlout* writings were palmed
THE LOGIC VF JliSUITISM. 211
Upon the world, falsely inscribed with the names
of the holy apostlus."
And instead of growing better with the fur-
ther spread of Christianity, the leprosy of fanati-
cism and fraud only penetrated deeper, infecting
-he greatest teachers and most eminent saints.
Of the fourth century, Mosheim says: "To these
.efects in the moral system of the age, must be
,ded two principal errors now well-nigh publicly
adopted, and from which afterwards immense evils
iulted. The first was, that to deceive and lie is
t virtue^ when religion can be promoted by it.
'he other was, that errors in religion, when main-
lained and adhered to after proper admonition,
lught to be visited with penalties and punishments.
The first of these principles had been approved
the preceding centuries ; and it is almost in-
credible, what a mass of the most insipid fables, .
ind what a host of pious falsehoods have, through
ill the centuries, grown out of it, to the great
ietriment of true religion."
Scores of Christian authorities might be cited
to show that in the early history of this religion
it was common to forgo whole books and palm
them off as authentic. In the article " Bible," in
the ninth edition of the Ency. Brit, the Rev. W.
Robertson Smith says :
"All the earliest external evidence points to
the concl^^sion that the synoptical gospels are
non-apostolic digests of spoken and written apos-
tolic tradition, and that the earlier material in
orderly form took place only gradually in many
ways. . . . All our knowledge of the period
that lies between the apostles and the great
teachers of the old Catholic Church towards the
close of the second century, is fragmentary.
The analysis of the New Testament is tho resur-
rection of early parties in the Church, each pur-
suing its own tendency by the aid of literary
fiction."
Wliat more need bo added to this damag-
ing testimony from honest men who believe in
the divinity of the Bible themselves ? However,
THE LOGIC OF JESUITISM. 213
WO wish to do no injustice to the Romish
Church, and while we do not accuse its de-
fenders of professing to prove the Bible wholly
by the Church, and vice versa, we hold that, ac-
cording to their admissions, all the real authority
possessed by either is derived from the other.
Their exact teaching is that certain portions of
the canonical writings are supported by sufficient
historical evidence, aside from their inspiration,
to establish the divinity and infallibility of the
Church, and just here is the real fallacy. To
evolve a " divinely appointed " Church from a
non-divine book, would be producing an effect
without an adequate cause. It would be a dis-
play in the effect, of an absolute quality which
it is admitted was not in any sense contained in
the cause. If there were no divine stamp or
seal upon the canonical gospels they could not
bestow a divine stamp or seal upon the Church.
For example, if we ask for the authority nf
Christ's alleged promise t^^e^frecorded in
Matt, xvi., 16-19, t!
214 THE SJiATN AND TlIS HISLS.
the record is divinely inspired, and therefore in-
fallibly true, but aimply that it was believed to
be true by many of the early Christians, each
party of which was "pursuing its own tendency
by the aid of literary fiction."
Again, the Church boldly assumes that as
she is in possession of her seat at Rome, and haa
maintained her claim to the custody of the Bi-
ble for eighteen centuries, it devolves upon In-
fidels to prove that she was not founded by
divine authority. But, I repeat (and it can
scarcely be repeated too often), that in this mat-
ter it is the duty of the Church to establish her
affirmative. If the mere fact that the Papacy
has existed so many centuries is to be taken as
evidence of her authority, what other false and
pernicious institution of long standing might not
be defended on the same ground ? If the
"Cause of Christ" is to be supported by such
shameless sophistry aa this, it must indeed be
pitiably weak.
As is well known, Catholics assert that
THE LOGIC OF JESUITISM. 21S
Protestants have no means of jiroving the truth
of the Bible. Mr. Jouin says: "M'e reqxiiro
the infallible teaching of the Church to know
that the Bible is the word of God. Had we
not her infallible testimony we could not know
that there is a Bible, etc." Again, " If, there-
fore, the authority of the Church is not trust-
worthy, there is no means of proving that we
have at present the genuine word of God. . ,
Were this authority wanting, there would bo no
means of knowing what Christ has revealed,
and thus his mission on earth would be frus-
trated."
The theologians in the Romish Church are,
without question, as scholarly as those of any
other denomination, and if there were any ar-
guments available to Protestants to prove the
divinity of the Bible, the Romanists would cer-
tainly be acquainted with them. But, on this
point, they say that Protestants have no better
arguments to prove the Bible than the Turks
have to prove the Koran; — an idea with which
THE BRAIN AND TffB BIBLS.
Infidels perfectly agree, for it is certainly true.
The only essential difference between the Koran
and the Bible is, that the latter contains more
good literature than the former. But the fact
that the Bible is the best book of its kind does
not by any means establish its divinity.
In a former chapter, I endeavored to show
that between the Liberal Christians and the
Jewish theologians the authority of the entire
Bible is rejected. And in these remarks upon
Roman Catholicism, I wish to submit the fact
that according to the testimony of Christian
theologians there is no^evidence to prove either
a divine Bible or a divine Church. Romanists
ridicule the efforts of Protestants to prove the
authority of the Bible, and the Protestants hold
in contempt the pretentions to authority maile
by the Church of Rome. Hence, as each refutes
the other, we may be sure that the claims of
both are worthless.
POPULAR OBJECTIONS TO INFIDELITY.
CHAPTER X.
POPULAR OBJECTIONS TO INFIDELITY.
IT is frequently asserted that Freethinkers
manifest quite as much illiberality and ag-
gressiveness as the Christians in whom they so
strongly condemn these qualities. Nothing, how-
ever, could be farther from the truth. Is it " il-
liberal" to struggle for liberty? Is it "aggres-
sive" to strike in self-defense? It will be said,
perhaps, that the Church no longer persecutes.
True, her faggots have gone to ashes ; her thumb-
screws have rusted ; her racks are worm-eaten,
and her blood-besmirched hands are now too fee-
rble to wield the sword. But from pulpit and i
press, by tongue and pen, the venom of her en- '
mity has never ceased to flow. In the past.
Christians always persecuted in exact proportion
to their power, and they do the same to-day.
"With the mass of the orthodox people, Infidelity
218 THE BRAIN AND THE SrBLE.
is still a synonym for immorality and crime, A
disbeliever in God and the inspiration of the
Bible, is reg.irdod a priori, as one who knows no
law but his own evil heart; one who is devoid
of both honor and reason; a wretch who would
pollute the innocence of youth ; a creature to be
shunned as a "moral leper." Christians are
taught that the fear of God is not only the "be-
ginning of wisdom," but also the basis of all
moral principle ; and with such a distorted view
of human nature, how can they logically regard
the Atheist in any other light than that of an
enemy to all that is good ? But should we be
called "illiberal " because we cry out against this
injustice? Are we "aggressive" because we de-
sire to be recognized for the manhood and
womanhood we possess irrespective of creed ?
" The liberty of one man ends only where that
of another begins." But does the Infidel enjoy
such a liberty ? Do Christians admit that he
has a right to his unbelief? How can they ad-
mit it when they teach that he thereby not only
r
POFVLAB OBJEClIOyS TO INFIDELITY.
loses his own soul, but by his influence drags
others with him to perdition? What says the
Romish Church as to the rights of Infldels?
In her Papal Encyclical, and in all her offi-
cial utterances, she breathes the moat deadly ha-
tred to the principles of religious tolerance, and
denounces every form of heresy as punishable
crime. Therefore, we deny that we should be \.
called " aggressive," so long as our rights are I
thus trampled under the heel of ignorance and
superstition.
Moreover, if we do enjoy a comparative free-
dom to-day, we think also of the coming gener-
ations to whom we owe a sacred duty. The splen-
did liberties of the American nation are still
threatened by oath-bound zealots of foreign birth
and bias, who, in the name of Jesus, would but
too gladly betray our all-protecting flag, and
above the stars and stripes erect the bloody
symbol of the cross. Until this danger is avert-
ed; until Infidels are allowed to testify in all
courts of justice ; until they are no longer re-
MO THE BltAlN A^D THE BIBLE.
gardod na disqualified for holding poaitiona in
the Govornment; until the money they pay into
the public treiwury is no longer plundered for
the maintonanco of superstition; until they are
ttllowed to spend seven-sevenths of their time as
thoy choose; uuti! they are no longer looked
upon IIS criminals before God and the Church;
in a woni, until they are recognized for their
I merits simply as men and women, the cry of
' "IlUbcnU Liberalism" should be repeated no
mora.
And hero let me say tlutt by the term
ChuK^, we moan only her {Use and peniijoiis
^k$(ua$^ iK>t Ui« gcMrovs, trastii^ pcofi^ *1>b
Mkv« thftm. It is Mt i^UBst »BB aad wonea
IJbejy kave beeai tiM^^A, and vftoi^ mAoes tihen
dBl^ to ^ fenios And errors «f )&e wnlA
•cUUftKwi^ T«dMg- thaii 1^ ^oncais o o niM i fiw
<eiff«tt«d ly diC sricTifie *«" to^y. As <
^fjflne Infidelity. tb«y «Te cbomstsh^s i3ie
void tltrfidcih, for tlieir ereeds Imd tiiem i
r
POPULAR OBJECTIONS TO INFIDELITY.
from the great truths of Nature, away from a
knowledge of the only means by which we can
attain our highest and truest development.
This is their misfortune more than their fault,
and it is only their mistakes that we oppose.
It is also charged against us, that if we had
the power once possessed by the Church, we
would persecute Christians, and endeavor to ex-
tirpate them with fire and sword, exactly as
they used to deal with our predecessors. This
may be answered in a single sentence. We do
not hold that any honest belief, however absurd
or harmful, can involve guilt ; hence we could
have no motive for oppressing those who simply
differed from ua in opinion. The Church, on
the contrary, teaches that unbelief is a sin, and
thus renders intolerance and persecution inev-
itable, just to the extent that her dogmas are
sincerely believed, and logically carried into ef-
fect. It is therefore clear that the two cases
are in no sense parallel.
There should be no difficulty in understand-
222 THE BE A IN AND THE BIBLE.
ing our position in tliia matter. We do not
quarrel with the Church, The Church quarrels
with us. If a peaceful citizen is awakened in
the night by the hand of a burglar at his
throat, ia it "persecution" for him to resiat
such an attack and to expel the intruder?
MoreoTer, if, on the following day, he takes
measures to prevent the recurrence of such an
outrage, should he be called "intolerant"? To
what depths of puerile quibbling Superstition
descends !
No ; we are not aggressive. Let the
Church guarantee us our liberties and aiir rights,
and we will no longer oppose her. When she
is able to do this she will have abandoned her
unjust dogmas and all the features which make
her hateful in the eyes of every lover of tnie
liberty.
As to the comparison some seek to dralir
between the Freethinkers of to-day and the P'
gan Romans who persecuted the early Chrii
ians, it simply illustrates the paucity of maj
nanimity and good sense which characterizes
many of these would-be shepherds of human
' kind. What have modern Infidels to do with
the superstitions of ancient Rome? Should we
be expected to advocate all the vices of an-
tiquity simply because we are not Christians?
While Pagan Rome was in her highest glory
the Hottentots were not Christians either. Does
it therefore follow that Tyndall and Darwin,
Huxley and Haeekel, and Bradlaugh and Inger-
soll, are Hottentots? We have no more sym-
pathy with the unjust persecutions of Christ-
ians by the Pagans of old, than we have with
the cruelties and crimes of medieval or modern
Christianity. Let those who would know where
we stand read our books, and study our lives,
not superficially, but fairly and carefully, and
I they will see that it is we who have been the
persecuted, and that we only ask for justice.
Another objection is, that we are so preju-
I diced against the Bible, that we do not examine
f it with sincere motives, and hence remain in ig-
THE BBAIN AND THE BIBLE.
norance of it. In other words, that we investi-
gate only one aide. Exactly the reverse of this
ia true. In renouncing supernatural ism, we part
with much that is dear to us, as well as much
that we instinctively abhor. While we rejoice
at the emancipation of the human race from the
infamous horror of eternal punishment, we are
deeply pained by the conviction that there ia
much wrong in this world which no God can ever
make right. Our religion of Nature demands
much greater self-denial than that of the Super-
natural, and representative Infidels who were
once in the Church, in the majority of cases, re-
linquish their belief in God and the inspiration
of the Bible, with much sadness and reluctance.
They are driven to Infidelity in the very face of
their prejudices. On the other hand. Christians
believe exactly that with which they most strongly
sympathize, and which they have not the cour-
age to disbelieve. How unjust, then, under these
circumstances, to impeach the Freethinker's judg-
ment! It is the Christian who studies only one
PUPVLAS OBJECTION-^ TO INFIDELITT.
225
side. No Infidel was ever known to burn a
book of "Christian Evidences"; but wbcre are
the Christian families who admit Infidel litera-
ture into their homes ?
As regards the ignorance and narrowness of
Freethinkers, we have no fears as to the result
of a comparison between our leading minds and
any of the defenders of the Bible. But, ad-
mitting that the best scholars in our ranks are
usually deficient in Veneration, and are coldly
intellectual ; this is only an argument in favor of
' their views regarding supernaturalism. The di-
, varsity of creeds shows that mere sentiment is
incapable of discovering truth, and as it is
clearly the office of reason to guide the feelings,
we must certainly conclude that those individu-
als who possess more intellect than sentiment
are best fitted to perceive the truth without
prejudice. To obtain the highest results in any
particular department of mind, we must take a
' specialist in that department. This is a princi-
ple universally recognized and followed in every-
L
226 THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
day life, as regards commerce, mechanics, art,
literaturGj music, etc., etc. Thus, within the
province of mere reverence, and trusting faith,
for extravagance we give the palm to theolo-
gians. But as regards that •which is, and that
which may be known — in this vast field scientists
are the specialists, and the greatest of these
specialists are Infidels.
To the charge of blasphemy, profanity, etc.,
I would say, that as we do not believe in the
reality of any God, our strictures upon orthodoxy
can not be said necessarily to spring from any
inherent vulgarity, or lack of true reveitence.
And as to our accepting remuneration for ottT
books and lectures, why should men not be
for sound philosophy as well as for sound w]
or corn ? To be sure, we sometimes make i'
takes, but then we have never professed to
infallible or divinely inspired.
American Liberals have even been accusj
of wishing to encourage the dissemination iflpj
obscene literature. The sea has bounds, but t
POPVLAH OliJECTlONS TO INFWELlTT. 227
jslougli from whicli Superstition draws its mis-
siles, seems to have none. This most unkind
thrust has been dealt in conseque'nee simply of
certain perhaps overzealous, though honest, ef-
forts to avert the evils and abuses growing out
of a legislative system which is believed by
many to be unconstitutional, and likely to pave
the way for a restriction of the purest literature
pf Infidelity. Our leaders, foreseeing the diffi-
Hilties in the way of adjusting any thing so in-
tricate, have, it is true, advocated somewhat
lifferent and conflicting schemes with regard to
this matter, but they have disagreed only as to
She most legal policy to be pursued for the
protection of the legitimate literature of Free-
bought. And the idea that any class of repre-
entative Liberals are in favor of promoting
tcentiousness, is simply absurd. Indeed, one i
reason why we oppose the Bible is because it |
Kmtains numerous passages totally unfit to be |
pBad by any man or woman, much less a child; ',
apressions and narratives extremely coarse
TSS BBAIN AND TBE BIBLE.
without the merit of teaching any profitable les-
son. And yet this vulgarity is said to he the
Holy Word tff an omnipresent, omniscient, and
omnipotent God !
This leada me to mention the objection that
Infidels are, as a rule, morally angular, and
fragmentary, both in their heads and in their
philosophies. I freely admit that they are to-
day in some cases fragmentary as to their moral
endowments, especially, however, as regards the
illiterate ones; but I deny that this angularity
is the result of their Infidelity. Their Infi-
delity is due rather to their angularity. For
what is any infidelity, or heresy? Simply un^
faithfulness, disloyalty, rebellion. All those who
rebel against any form of government which in
childhood they were taught to revere, must of
necessity do so in opposition to the faculty of
Veneration. Thus it is obvious that the less
one possesses of tho conservative, restraining
faculties, the more easily he becomes a rebel or
an infidel to that which his reason condemns.
On the other hand, the profoundly conscientious
find reverential man, who sincerely regards un-
belief as a sin, of course instinctively antago-
nizes every skeptical thought, and is thus likely
to remain a slave to the religion learned at his
mother's knee.
But let us trace the history of an immoral
Infidel. For example, here is a young man who
has been thoroughly instructed in the dogmas
of Christianity, and in his youthful ignorance he
believes they are true. But he has very strong
animal propensities, with very deficient Vener-
ation, Wonder, Conscientiousness, and Approba-
iivenesa. He soon develops an immoral charac-
ter, and, while believing it to be a sin, he reck-
lessly reads an Infidel book, discovers that there
is no logical ground for belief in supernatural-
ism, and avows himself a Freethinker. Havingj
neve r learned from his orthodox teachers his ub-
ligations to humanity, or the punishments Nature I
inflicts for the violation of her laws, with the I
one thought in his mind that there is no God, i
230 HIE liliAIN AXD TUB BIBLE.
no hereafter, no retribution, he foolishly phmges
deeper into vice than before. Christians then
cry, " Behold the fruits of Infidelity ! " But, in
truth, the chief causes of this individual's wicked-
ness were determined before he was born, and
it was his indifference to what he erroneously
believed to bo his duty which enabled him to
throw off the restraints of orthodoxy. As his
only incentives to morality were interwoven with
his ideas of allegiance to a capricious Deity, in
giving up the belief in the Beity, he naturally
loosened his moral restraints also. This is in-
deed the experience of many professed Free-
thinkers, but the fault lies neither with them
nor with Freethought. It lies with the Bible,
whose false and impracticable doctrines lead par-
ents to disregard the laws of heredity, and to
look with contempt upon all facts regarding the
dependence of the moral faculties upon cerebral
organization. If Infidels are immoral, it is be-
cause they have immoral brains, and not because
POPULAR OBJECTIONS TO INFIDKLIxr.
I Infidel philosophy gives them any sanction to
However, it is unfair to judge Liberalism by
Ithose individuals whose only traininj^ has been
lander the influence of theology, and who are i
Tery ignorant of the principles of Nature which I
profess to believe. Humanitarianism im-
iposes greater restraints, holds up loftier ideals,
land leads to a higher development than any
. of the Bible. No mere negationist can be
ailed a representative Liberal, but it is true
Ithat the pioneers in any great heresy or reform
tare generally more destructive than constructive,
■ more aggressive and iconoclastic than reverent
l&nd conservative. If they were not, they could
Inever withstand the opposition which is always
lencountered by those who labor to uproot error
I dethrone tyranny. Look at the great rebels
»f history. Were they not all angular? There
lis always more or less temporary looseness in
■ morals during the transition from one religious
item to another, and it is inevitable, from the
fact that every creed makes itself the basis of
right conduct. When Christianity was in its
infancy, Pagan writers complained that its influ-
ence was evil, because it destroyed the old in-
centives to virtue; "but after it became estab-
lished, and the forces in human nature found
opportunity to assert themselves, tlie new system
gathered to itself the majority of the best people
in the world.
It can not be said that the leaders of the
Protestant Reformation taught> a morality less.
pure than that of the Romish Church, and yet
it is a matter of history, especially as regards
France, that that great heresy led to ranch tem-
porary immorality and vice. And whenever thia
was observed by the Romish clergy, they invari-
ably cited it as a proof of the essential wicked-
ness of the Protestant religion. To-d.-ay, the
doctrines of Liberalism are producing ^effects
somewhat similar to those of early Protestant-
ism, and no one should imagine that the moral
defects of any professed Freethinkers are either
POPULAR OBJECTIONS TO INFWELJTr.
warranted by the principles of Freothouglit, or
necessarily produced by their application. To
tgsJL-the pure fruit of Liberalism, it is, I repeat,
I ver y unf air to pluck from trees grown in ortho-
! dox^ clay. Our Infidel philosophy has thus far'
been denied opportunity. Let those who oppose I
it at least examine its principles before denounc- i
ing it. '
The foregoing paragraph calls to mind the
seeming fondness of the average pulpit orator
for dwelling upon the French Revolution as an
. instance of the terrible effects of unrestricted
Infidelity. To persons at all acquainted with
history, or with the principles of human nature,
it would seem almost a waste of time to reply
.to such caviling; but as the orthodo.\ armory
' contains no other kind of weapons, wc may, per-
haps, be justified in briefly noticing this spurt
of spleen. Our answer is simply this: The
I French masses, prior to the period in question,
had been nursed at the bosom of Romish Super-
stition, and were no more prepared to embrace
234 THE ^JtALV AND THE BIBLE.
the principles and privileges of Freethought
than the eyes of a new born babe would be to
meet the noon-day sun. But show us an in-
stance where the teachings of Infidel leaders'
have been permitted to take root in virgin soil,
and have afterwards budded and blossomed in
the light of scientific Humanitarianism, and we
will agree to be judged by the results. These
remarks will also apply to the cases of those In-
fidels who have recanted upon their death-beds.
There have, doubtless, been some Freethinkers,
who, dying in their dotage, wci'e unable to resist
the impressions formed during their first child-
hood ; but as to the Sunday School stories re-
garding the last hours of Paine, Voltaire, and
other really representative Infidels, they have
been repeatedly shown to be slanders bo m of
the envy and i_mpotence of the decaying creeds.
Another charge is, that Infidelity has never
contributed any thing for the advancement of
human happiness. Exactly the opposite of thia
is the fact. Some degree or kind of infidelity
POPULAR OSJECrrOXS TO INFIDELITY. 23.5
has contributod all that tlie world enjoys to-day.
It is only by a species of heresy or disloyalty
that any old error can be superseded by that
which is newer and better. And as to super-
natural religion, the only true symbol of ortho-
doxy is the starving and freezing monk in hia
cell. Whenever a man goes out into the world
and works for hxuuanity he is on the road to
heresy. The truth is, the so-called Christian
civilization of the nineteenth century is simply
the offspring of heterodox influences which the
dogmas of Christianity have been powerless to
withstand. " Extinguished theologians," says
Huxley, "lie about the cradle of every science
as the strangled snakes beside that of Hercules."
The spirit of orthodoxy has always been op-
posed to freedom and progress, and yet when-
ever a great reform is effected, Christians
immediately assert that it is due to the Bible.
For example, look back to the persecutions for
witchcraft in Europe and our own New Eng-
land, when hundreds of thousands of innocent
236 THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
people were put to death in the most cruel
manner on the authority of the Bible. Such
pillars of orthodoxy as John Wesley and
Richard Baxter were among the foremost to en-
courage this monstrous wrong, but the first to
raise their voices against it were Infidels like
Voltaire and Hobbes, who trusted to reason
rather than the vagaries of a deluded priest^
hood.
Christianity now claims the credit of hav-
ing also abolished American slavery; and thie
in the face of the fact that the Bible sanc-
tions slavery and polygamy in the most un-
equivocal language. In the Southern States, the
clergy defended slavery on the authority of the
Bible, and thirty years ago there was scarcely a
pulpit in the North in which a man could pro-
test against it. It was only upon the broad
field of Rationalism that men could consistently
oppose the plain teachings of the Bible in this
matter, and hence Infidels were among the first
and most zealous Abolitionists.
POI'VLAR OBJECTIONS TO INFIBELITY.
Civilization and morality have their found-
[ation in experience and science. The fact that
r the Christian religion is popular in all of the
I most civilized countries, is no proof that it is the
I cause of their civilization. Alcohol and tobacco
are also used in greatest abundance by the so-
[ called Christian nations, but no one thinks of
[ ascribing the enlightenment of the world to those
[ articles. Again, what shall be said of the fact that
[these "Christian nations" are the most skepti-
l cal ? All of the greatest leaders in scientific
I thought, the intellectual giants of the world, to-
day, are Infidels. The only proper way to de-
cide this question is to tjike the nations who
[ have been influenced by Christianity without sci-
[ ence, and compare them with the nations who
L have had both Christianity and science. For ex-
t ample, contrast Italy, Spain, Mexico, and Abys-
I ainia, with Germany, Franco, England, and
f America. It is absurd to say that the degra-
I dation in Catholic countries has resulted from a
[ perversion of true Christianity. The Romanists
2S;< TltK HhAlS ASU THE BIBLE,
of all hifuh hfiVis bad every doctrine instilled
UtUf iUfrut whu^t (\iHiingtx\»he» the Christian re-
\iu,UfU from Infidd philr>»ophy; and the only
\tit\uln in which thoy have essentially differed
from i\m ttumi advanced nations, have been in
irifiltnrM of Hcic»n(?o and morality which Infidel?
liavn alwnyH ]uH*n the firHt to defend. Nor will
11 Htifll(Mi to attribute the superior enlightenment
of Prot.(«ht7Uit (!oinitrioa to the fact that in them
ihn iiiMHHOH nvul tho Bible for themselves. Was
iho n^lijjciou of .loini (Calvin or John Knox less
htmlih* to iViuHhun of thought than that of Ro-
uuinlrtm? l)oo» history afford a more horrid
pioturo of fanatioisuK bijrotry, and persecution,
\\u\\\ that of HiMo-ivndinu Soothuul in the seven-
toot^th ooutury? Whonw came the printing
piNv*sS I ho >Ho\\iuji: iunohuu\ tho Kxnn, the steam-
ship, in\\l <ho tolojir;^>h? Fi\>m tluvlogy? Has
I ho Uil^lo dSMUnlMU^nl ^ ^in^rlo idoa of value to
tho soio^\NV,\H H^f tistrvsnomw jsxvK^gy. mathematics,
oho^^^iiMn. p\v>^ixHU>4i;\\ m<\iiohH\ oto.* which, in a
^hs^'.;?^«>l xxAv^ p^^«\o^o \\\<' h^i^ppiness of man* ^
PorVLAH onjEcrioNfi to infidelity.
[tiiid? The whole marrow of supernatural relig-
rion is contempt for this world and all the achieve.
|njents of man, while science is the friend of all
■that is good, beautiful, and true.
Lastly, it is said that Materialism destroys
I the immortality of the soul, robs man of his
■ highest glory, and lowers him to an equality
I with the brutes. To this we can reply that if
I death does terminate our individual existence,
[ neither Materialism nor Materialists should be
I blamed for it. If there is a hereafter, it is a
|..fact in nature which no form of belief or unbe-
Kief can set aside. And if there is none, a mere
■belief in it would not make it true. " But,"
■Says the Christian, "you take away our hope in
Ba future life, a hope which lightens our sorrows,
land lifts us aboye all the grief and gloom of
ithis unhappy world." Granting that this is
[true, ought wo to suppress an important fact
dimply because some will temporarily suffer in
Iponsequence ? The knife of the surgeon makes
, shudder, and yet are we not often indebted
TItE an A IS ANt> THE BTBLE.
to it for oar lires? If there is no evidence to
warrant us in expecting a life beyond the grave,
will it not be host for the millions of our pos-
terity to know the truth and learn to face it
bravely ?
As for me, I want no hoodwink upon my
head or my heart, and I hold that in order to
bo truly noblo men and women in this world,
wo must learn to accept the inevitable with
courage and philosophic dignit}'. To do this it
is not necessary to have less of true manhood
or womanhood. And here I will say that, in
my judgment, as broad intellectual culture, as
much cheerfulness, tender sympathy, and unself-
ish devotion to moral principle as I have ever
found, I havo found among Materialists.
However, if any logical evidence for con-
tinued oxistenee under favorable conditions can
be produced, all true and sensible men and wo-
men in the mnks of Infidelity will welcome it.'
As to the Spiritualists, although I am not of
them, I am with them in sympathy for their
POPULAR OBJECTIONS TO INFIDELITY.
I Liberalism. I wish to thank them for the great
work they have clone in the cause of liberty and
progress, and I cheerfully testify to the sincerity
I of their leaders, and to the unmistakable genu-
[ inenesa of many of the singular phenomena which
form the basis of their philosophy. These phe-
I nomeua are now attracting the attention of many
[ learned scientists, and justly too, for they can
[ no longer be concealed or ignored. Any thing
■ which affects the cherished beliefs of millions of
I people should receive an impartial and thorough
I examination. The same scientists, both Christian
1. and Materialistic, who have denounced all Spiritu*
I' aliatic phenomena as frauds, and disdained to
I examine them, have, in many cases, I am sorry
[to say, also ignored tho facts of Phrenology.
I Now, whether our Spiritualistic friends succeed
■in proving immortality or not, I hope that none
lof us will ever forget to be true Liberals. Let
Ins never scorn the most trivial fact in nature if
lit can throw any light upon the great problems
' human happiness. Let us learn all we can.
242 THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
If a future existence is ever demonstrated to be
true, the credit will be due to science, not un-
reasoning faith. And if at death we should end
our only life, I say with Ingersoll: "Next to
eternal joy, next to being forever with those we
love and those who have loved us, next to that,
is to be wrapt in the dreamless drapery of
otornal peace. Next to eternal life is eternal
. sleep. Upon the shadowy shore of death the
soa of trouble casts no wave. Eyes that have
been curtained by the everlasting dark, will
never know again the burning touch of tears.
Lips touched by eternal silence will never speak
again the broken words of grief. Hearts of dust
do not break. The dead do not weep. Within
the tomb no veiled and weeping sorrow sits, and
in the rayless gloom is crouched no shuddering
fear;^
OVR SUB.STITVTE FOR CIIUISTIANITY.
CHAPTER XI.
OUR SUBSTITUTE FOB CHEISTIANITY.
IT is customary for Christians to point with
pride to the beautiful moral precepts of the
Bible, and then to turn indignantly upon In-
tedels with the question, " What can you give
in the place of this book ? " In reply, I
srould ask, when have we ever proposed to de-
fatroyit? Have we ever declared that the Bible
Ishould be burned, or that the human mind
^should be thrown into chaos as to the duties
*nd responsibilities of life? On the contrary,
we accept all pretended Revelations for all they
ire worth, as monuments of the world's early
[thought, and especially do we wish to preserve
»nd cherish all the good they contain. But
Itheologians have no right to define the Bible or
IChristianity as the origin and source of all the
■principles of virtue, and then to charge us with
the desire to sweep it all away. The moral
beauties of the Christian religion were not born
of any creed, and belong to no one nation.
They were all taught by people who lived be-
fore the Christian era, and were largely inter-
woven with nearly all of the ancient supersti-
tions. On a priori grounds alone we should be
justified in regarding this as highly probabk,
for we have overwhelming phrenological evidence'
to-day that the impulses to morality were de-
veloped by the experiences of the primitive
races, and hence that they must have been reg^
istered in the brain thousands of years before
even the earliest agglutination of Judaism.
The skulls of antiquity which have been ex-
humed afford proofs of this, which, like the rec-
ords of the rocks, can no longer admit of the
slightest doubt. For example, many of the oI4
Egyptian, Greek, and Roman crania, indicate a
very high order of moral development, and if
those nations had had the benefits of modern
science, they would doubtless liave evolved ft
OVn SUBSTITUTE FOR CHRISTIANITY. 245
civilization which would put to the blush any
that has been known since the advent of Christ-
ianity. And even as it was, with their limited
advantages, look at the magnificent culture of
pagan Greece and Rome. True, they had their
vices, but so have we to-day ; and if the ab-
sence of flagrant vices and crimes should be
necessary to entitle a nation to be called civil-
ized, what would future historians say of us?
However, the immorality of the ancient pagans,
as compared with their virtues, has been greatly
exaggerated, and the fact can not be disputed
away that every moral principle asserted by the
Church to have been original with Christ, was
not only proclaimed centuries before he was
born, but by people who lived independently of,
and even prior to, the Jews. This matter is set
at rest by facts of established history as well as
by the most recent archaeological researches.
In opposing Christianity, therefore, as a
religious system, we denounce simply its per-
nicious doctrines and absurd dogmas which are
24« THE BRAIN AND THE SISLE.
contradicted by science and plainly inimical to
the highest happiness of mankind. Among
these are chiefly the existence of a personal
God and a personal Devil, the fall of man, the
scheme of salvation by faith, and endless tor-
ment to those who reject Christ as a divine
savior. It is these superstitions, together with
the institutions founded upon them, which con-
stitute Christianity a distinct system of religion,
and, I repeat, it is these alone which Infidelity
discredits and desires to supersede.
As a substitute for the hypothesis of a per-
sonal creator, we submit the proposition that the
universe in 'its entirety is eternal and self-exist-
ent Instead of ascribing the wonderful phe-
nomena of nature to a cause even more inex-
plicable than the phenomena themselves, we
regard the universe as the self-contained cause
of its activities, in the same general sense that
theologians imagine God as the self-contained
cause of his operations. We hold that this is
the only reasonable view, from the fact that
OUR SVn.sriTVTR A'OR CHRISTIANITY-
1
every form of argument indicating the necessity
ftrf an antecedent or creative cause of nature,
[would also iniply the necessity of an antecedent
Icauae of that creator. We are, therefore, logi-
Ically driven to the conclusion that matter con-
Itains within itself the potency to produce all the
I eflfects which we behold.
It ia idle for Christians to complain that
l-ldaterialism degrades man to the level of bricks
Fand mortar. Properly defined, our principles not
I only detract nothing from man, but, on the con-
trary, give him a greater dignity than he has
I ever enjoyed hitherto. On this point, Mr. TJn-
[ 4erwood well says :
"JTo wonder theologians bestow upon matter
Lao many bad names when they have divested it
I of its noblest powers and capacities in order to
lenhance the greatness of a being who is supposed
fto act through it. In their estimation, it ia
I inert, powerless, contemptible, unless stirred like
I the pool of Bethesda by the potent toucli of Je-
f hovah. Let them restore to it the powers of
which it has been robbed in order to enrich a
being whose glory has ever been at the cost of
the world and humanity, and possibly they will
see less reason for maligning it. They may then
be able to see in it those elements which in
their ever-varying forms become not only the
air they breathe, the water they drink, and the
food which hunger craves; not only the amethyst
and diamond, the violet, lily, and rosebud, but
the ruby lip, the love-lit eye, the wonderful
brain, and, in brief, the bodies and souls of
the noblest beings that the earth has yet pro-
duced."
Our doctrine is simply this : Every force is
a quality, condition, or activity of matter, honce
neither is conceivable apart from some form of
the other. All who admit this to be true are
Materialists in every proper sense of the term.
Theology, on the other hand, teaches the exist-
ence of forces as entities wholly independent of
matter, and the original creation of matter from
nothing ; ideas which are not only incomprohen-
OUR SUBSTITUTE FOR CHRISTIANITY.
eiblej but directly opposed to every principle of
ason. Thus, we recognize no such thing as
Absolutely dead matter. Every atom is endowed
from eternity with some force, some phase or
degree of intelligence, and the more refined, com-
plex, and subtile the combination of matter, the
higher will be the manifestation of life and men-
tality. If any thing whatever could be eternally
feelf-existent, surely living matter could be. Wo
have thus no nood of a creator.
However, no one will admit more freely
[jhan the Infidel, that the fear of God often has
[the effect of a moral restraint, or that through
, loving desire to please this imaginary being,
nany are encouraged to lead noble lives. But
Rnerely because this belief sometimes produces
Salutary effects, it does not necessarily follow that
pi is natural or healthful. The man who does
iTight simply from fear of incurring the ill-will
i>f the Deity, is at heart .essentially dishonest,
p.nd, in the scale of mora! development, no higher
[than a savage. The only truly ooble aim in
350 THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
right conduct ia to increase the happiness of
mankind ; and he who does right from this mo-
tive thereby directly strengthens his Benevolence,
and tends to bring all his lower propensities un-
der the control of his moral sentiments. Where-
as, Tirtuous actions flowing simply from a desire
to secure the favor of a being whom it would be
impossible to harm, could only intensify our self-
ish faculties, or, at the best, excite a blind and
purposeless sense of justice. It is thus obvious
that the incentives furnished by Humanitarianism
to goodness and purity, are higher than those of
theology.
However, it will probably be objected that
we have nothing to take the place of Christ as
an ideal or model for our imitation. To this
we would say that Phrenology reveals every
principle regarding the supremacy of moral sen-
timent and intellect that is to be found exem-
plified in the character of Christ, with this
advantiige, that the teachings of Phrenology are
much higher, inasmuch a.s they condemn and
OUR SUBSTITUTE FOB CITRTSTIAS'ITY. 251
refute the infamous system of revenge involved
in Christ's doctrine of eternal retribution, and
inculcate a principle of government which does
not outrage the moral sense. It is true the ex-
cuse is often made by liberal Christiana that
the doctrine of Hell is not warranted by a cor-
rect interpretation of the Scriptures, and some
assert that the passages supporting it can be
shown to have been interpolated. If this can
lae established at all, it will only establish too
much for the life of orthodoxy. For if the Bi-
ble was written by divine inspiration, and God
permitted those interpolations to paralyze man-
kind with fear, and for eighteen centuries to
redden the earth with blood, how can it bo said
that he is less responsible for the misunder-
standing of his will than if he had written the
interpolated words with his own hand ? The
orthodox masses still cherish this souvenir of
our quadrupedal ancestry, and, for the most
part, undoubtedly believe it. This is a suflScient
reason for our opposing it,
Those who would be interested in a farther
explanation of the phrenological theory of moral
government, will find much of value pertaining
to the subject in George Combe's " Constitution
of Man," the best book, in my opinion, ever
written by a theist. If the words Deity and
Creative Wisdom, employed by Mr. Combe,
were replaced by the terms Nature and Evolu-
tion, this remarkable work would be almnst a
complete exposition of the highest Materialistic
philosophy. Mr. Combe was a Unitarian, and
an Infidel to the orthodoxy of his time, and
while we do not indorse his theism to-day, wo
must acknowledge our great indebtedness to him
for his splendid contributions to the cause of
humanity. For myself, I gladly take this op-
portunity to say that I regard him as one of
the noblest men the world has yet produced.
To secure an object of worship, there is no
need to anthropomorphize the absolute, and bow
down to the unknown. And since the qualities
Christians admire in their conceptions of Deity
OUR SUBSTITUTE FOR CHRISTIANITY- 25:J
are simply the best elements of human nature,
we hold that the chief object of our reverence
and respect, should be the ideal man, as revealed
to U3 bif mental science, while humanity should
receive all our labor and affection. In order to
love a conceptional God, the individual must
first possess a moral nature ; but how much
more deeply and intensely his sympathies will
respond when, instead of catering to the imag-
inary caprices of an infinite Omnipotence, he
turns to the suffering millions of his fellow men.
It is often asserted that we may love both God
and humanity. True; but ho theist can fully
appreciate his duty to those around him until
he realizes the dependence of man upon him-
self.
God is but a shadow. Man is the sub-
stance. For the imaginary wo would substitute
the real. For the invisible we would give the
visible. In the place of theology, anthropology.
Rejecting the notion that a Devil, or fallen
angel, is the originator of the disorder and
f
THE BRAIN AND THE SIST.S.
misery in this world, we hold that what is called
evil is simply the result of non-adjustment to
our environments. Th&re is no such thing as
evil in the abstract. It is always relative, and
quite frequently the very circumstances and con-
ditions which operate adversely to one person
result in great good to another.
In place of the belief that sin first entered
the human "heart" through Satan, and that
malignant spirits now influence men to do
\vrong, we submit the entire facta of phrenolog-
ical science, which prove that the depravity in
human nature is due entirely to conditions of
cerebral development and susceptibility. In a
word, that organization determines character.
Instead of the doctrine that man is now in
a "fallen state," arid incapable of attaining the
highest moral development without the aid of
supernatural forces, we are prepared to show by
indisputable facts of history, as well as by the
demonstrations of science, that the human race
has risen, not fallen, and that instead of super-
OUR SUBSTITUTE FOR CITRLSTIANITY. 2S5
natural aids to development, all that is necessary
is obedience to the laws or methods of nature.
To this end, we would encourage a popular
study of anthropology in general, but especially
Phrenology. We would have young persons
made as familiar with the laws of marriage
adaptation, hereditary transmission, sexual physi-
ology, mental development, hygiene, etc., etc., as
they now are with the details of their super-
natural creeds.
It is a vain excuse to say that only a small
proportion of the people would ever be interested
in these subjects. The difficulty now is that the
minds of the people are too greatly warped and
■ misled by the chimerical doctrines of the Bible
to be able to appreciate anthropology. But let
the masses be once entirely freed from theologi-
cal views of life, and taught the true sources of
happiness, and we shall see a revolution in soci-
ology. When the people once discover what ad-
Tantages are to be gained by a knowledge of
these things, they can not fail to be interested
i
268 THE BRAIN AND THE BIBLE.
in them. If governed by selfish motives alone,
they could not do otherwise. And then, when
the conditions of bodily and mental health are
understood, it will be but a short step to the
observance of them, The day will come when
men and women will be ashamed to.be the par-
ents of such mental and physical ilwarfe as the
majority of children are to-day. Public opinion
will be brought to bear on the subject of senseless
marriages, and it will have greater effect than
any of the ghostly terrors of theology. We shall
then have fewer children and fuller orbed, for
they will be the offspring of a purer love, and
will be governed by reason and kindness, instead'
of a whip in this world and threats of endlesa
torment after death.
And here allow me to remark that Material-
ism gives no encouragement to vice, and no sanc-
tion to laxity in punishing criminals. In sug-
gesting reform in the present system of criminal
legislation and management of children, we refer
ily to the question of method. Capital pun-
OUR SUJiSTIJUTE FOR CHRISTIANITY.
ishment, the doctrine of Hell, and violence to
children, all belong together. They were all
bom of that part of the brain which man has in
common with hyenas and snakes. To adopt an
illustration from Combe, if one dog steals a bone
from another, Combativeness and Destructiveness
are immediately excited in the owner of the
bone, and (provided he has the requisite physical
endowments,) he proceeds to inflict a severe
chastisement upon the thief, after which, he sets
him loose without any inquiry into the causes
which led to the offense, and without any
thought as to the ultimate consequences to the
offender. Men act on the same principle. If a
burglary or murder is committed and the culprit
arrested, a trial is immediately instituted with
the sole view of ascertaining his guilt. And if
the evidence is found sufficient, the offender is
' simply ordered to bo flogged, fined, imprisoned,
"banished, or hanged, as the case may be, and,
except in the event of the death penalty, after
infliction of the punishment, the culprit is
868 THE URAIN AND THE BIBLE.
turned adrift upon society, perhaps soon to repeat
his crime with more malice in his heart and
with less respect for the law than he ever felt
before.
What we would substitute for this animal
retaliation, is a kind of imprisonment and com-
pulsory subjection to useful labor and elevating
influences, which should be modified according
to the causes of the crime and with a purpose
of improving the criminal. Only those who are
unacquainted with the principles of mental sci-
ence will object that such a method would not
be as efficient as the one commonly practiced
now. To be sure, the reform we are advocating
relates especially to capital punishment and the
whipping of children. Wliatever penalties are
inflicted, however, should undoubtedly be exe-
cuted with great thoroughness and care. But
we may be certain that the animal method
arouses only the basest instincts of the mind,
while the moral system appeals to the highest
faculties.
Ol'Ii SUBSTITUTE FOti fin:iSTIASlTT.
Perhaps the most plausible objection to our
1 theory of punishment is, that many individuals
are too brutal to be susceptible to any moral in-
L fluence. This we admit ; but can the Bible do
I any more for such cases than we? Does the
Church convert or restrain idiots or madmen ?
For all iucorrigible subjects we suggest i>ernia-
nent coiiiinemeut, and there can be no excuse
for willful violence to such unfortunate beings.
j Ckmversation with criminals will reveal the fact
that to the average wrongdoer the prospect of
imprisonment for life is quite as much of a re-
straint as the gallows, and the real secret of the
popular desire for capital punishment is a thirst
; for revenge, which is fostered and encouraged by
the spirit of orthodoxy.
However, I do not wish to appear dogmatic
in these remarks, and I ireely admit that very
many persons uphold capital punishment from a
I sincere conviction that it is necessary for the
protfiction of society. But whether it is necea-
■" or not in our present stage of development,
there can surely be no harm in discussing the
subject from a philosophical point of view, and
acquainting ourselves with a principle which it
will be our duty to observe whenever and
wherever our civilization shall render it prac-
ticable.
I can also anticipate a denial from many
readers, that the " spirit of orthodoxy " promotes
cruelty and violence. In debating the subject
of Christianity its advocates are accustomed to
define it as the doctrine of a pure life ; the
principle of universal love and forgiveness, etc.
But when they teach it from the pulpit or in
their ecclesiastical tribunals, it becomes trans-
formed into a system of dogmas, many of which
have not only no connection with any principle
of morality, but are simply infamous and deadly.
When Christians expound their religion let them
spurn every disguise and appear under their
dual flag. We do not deny that there is a
noble and lofty side tu Christianity, but when
pure w;itcr flows into a polluted stream, tho
OXTR SUBSTITUTE FOI: ruiilSlTIAyiTT. 201
whole becomes defiled. Thus, while the Bible
teaches forgiveness, the doctrine that unbelievers
are deserving of eternal pain i.« adapted only
. to distort and undermine evers" idea of triH^
justice. How can a man have ariv clear con-
ception of equity who is etiurated to sympathize
with such a dogma? Inde^rd, how can Christ-
ians be expected to improve ori trie example .sot.
them bv their Master? Can thov foriMvo and
love their enemies when thev beli^-ve trjat Christ
is going to damn his forever? Belief in .sucii
notions reorardinir man's re.SDons:b:Iitv to a .-up-
posed Creator, is sure to fo.s:er sympathy with
them. And what men love thev will he likeiv
to practice, so that tho.se who favor an infamous
punishment in another and endless existence,
will be almost certain to have perverted an'i
unjust views regarding metho^Ls of government
in the affairs of this world.
Thus, instead of salvation from if ell in ari
imairinarv hereafter, bv faith in the dogmas of
the Church, we offer salvation from the evils In
2B2 THE BRAIN AND THE BSRLE.
this world by patient and industrious attention to
the conditions of development, hesilth, and happi'
neas, as revealed by science. Instead of vainly
trying to restrain men from vice and crime by
the fear of punishment after death, we would
teach them the certainty with which they will
be punished in this world for every essentially
immoral act they commit. We would teach
them that whether their sins are found out or
not, they can not do wrong without robbing
themselves and stepping backward toward the
old four-footed life. And if we fail to produce
any evidence of a heaven of perpetual joy, we
can at least offer the happy assurance that uot
one poor human soul will ever suffer an eternity
of pain.
Properly defined, religion means simply the
bond between man and the highest object which
he can love, and toward which he can feel a
sense of duty sufficiently strong to discipline all
his faculties, and prescribe to him a rule of life.
Hence, it is right that in this sense wo should
L
OUR SUBSTITUTE FOR CHRISTIANITY. 263
have a religion. But instead of the God of the
Bible as the chief object of our consideration,
we would devote our efforts to our fellow men,
and make the sense of our obligation to them,
if not to ourselves, curb every tendency to evil.
Those who could be insensible to such a religion
as this, would be callous to every thing good in
the religion of Christ. There can be no really
lofty motive in worshiping a conditionless, infin-
ite being of whom we can form no clear concep-
tion, or at least whom we could neither benefit
nor injure. But we can add to the happiness
of mankind, and in so doing we exercise all our
highest and noblest powers. This, then, is our
substitute. Instead of God, we would live and
labor for mankind. Instead of Christianity, the
Religion of Humanity.
FINIS.
THE SAFEST CRBEl
Twelve Other Kecent Discourses of Reason^
By O. B. FIIOTHINGH/UL
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n.Tesua and bis tnielife were taken from Christianity, it is doubtful if
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^^^^^^^^M^^^^^^^^^M
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Contents The
TereaboQ witb a
While Bnl!,A8Blir
Ohineiie Plato'i
loal BamBnce Za-
"V Dream A PlBaanre
dJE, or Fate, Aji
^ in HaYiDe no Pleae-
OnenUl History
\ nre An Adventure
The 8aee u>d the
( in India.
AtbeUt The PriD
mmu ^ ' '
oeai of Bab J Ion
Jpi I ubooae thai a
The Mao of Porty
^»^T^ **"" Bhonld be
Oromw The Hn.
'*"? \ founded on proba-
tOD, or, Popil of
^ \ bility, aad not al>
Nature Mitrome
Ba«, ABatireoQthB
*Sg dream I desire to
PhOOBOphy. IgDO
£ ^ dud nothine in it
ru]oe,aDd Self Con .
■A* triTial or eilrava-
oeit of Maiikind i
sant, and I dedre
TheWortdaBitsoek 1
above aU, that under
The Vmlon of B.. ^
the appaaranoe of
bone Tha Black
fable, there mar ap-
nod tbe White
pear some latent
Memnon tbe Phil
truth, obvioiiB to tbe
□BOpber Aodre dee
diaoerninK eye.
Tooehea at Biaiu.
Ihonghiteeoapethe
Bibttbeo. TheBtodr
Voltaire
of Nature. A Oon-
to! gar. -[Voltaire.
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CONTENTS ■
asTves Th 80 rces
Sloded, ahonldlheTrnthbeToWT
: poeed Tb CataMn heeotProi, . ._
of H Fire Tru Sources oC HonliQ
EX R CT
HureiD.
_ T b I
^B UsiDkW
■ brew P »
taslng. ihe twd I
le Lovo, wh J 1
n IIIHt tha f<
sylwcncons _
judEment-dm^
> k ed M
ested God, in b
°1 . ,
B LEODd. B
f Lh
m a tte idd: ;aa
| brainandbibleor00bealgoog | OL20551628M | OL13159569W | 314 | 1,881 |
zh | N/A | N/A | **中国职教学会将召开全国职业院校“十二五”发展规划编制工作交流研讨会**
**中国职业技术教育学会将于2010年8月20-25日在宁夏银川召开全国职业院校“十二五”发展规划编制工作交流研讨会。**
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**5月24口，出浙江省高等教育学会主办的浙台高等职业教育研讨会召开，来自台湾科技大学、杭州职业技术学院等浙台两地24所高职院校的30余位院校领导和专家学者，围绕“高职院校校企合作、工学结合模式探究”的会议主题，共商推动浙台高职教育事业协同发展。**
**高职教育与区域发展论坛举行**
**H前，高职教育与区域发展论坛暨浙江省高职教育专业委员会市(地)属院校分会年会在浙江湖州举行。来自教育部教育发展研究中心、中国教育报》和国内多家教育研究机构的专家及多所高职院校代表，围绕“高职教育与区域发展"这一主题，就如何推动高职教育快速发展，促进地方高职院校与区域经济发展的良性互动、合作共赢，提升学校内涵建设等问题进行探讨。** | null | null | null | null | null |
en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | Siberian pictures
author: Niemojowski, Ludwik, b. 1823; Szulczewski, Charles, 1814-1884
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
RIVERSIDE
Ex Libris
C. K. OGDEN
n
SIBERIAN PICTURES.
VOL. I.
SIBERIAN PICTURES
BY
LUDWIK NIEMOJOWSKI
t
EDITED, FROM THE POLISH,
BY
MAJOR SZULCZEWSKI
IN TAVO VOLUMES.
VOL. 1.
LONDON:
HURST AND BLACKETT, PUBLISHERS,
13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET.
1883.
All rights reserved.
CONTENTS
OF
THE FIEST VOLUME.
CHAPIEK PAGE
Introductory 1
PART I.— ETHNOGRAPHICAL STUDIES.
I. TheTunguz 7
II. The Gilliacks 39
HI. TheBuriati 53
IV. The Satans, Mongols, and Yakuts . . 86
V. The Chukchas and Kamtschatkans . . 114
VI. The Ostiaks 123
I VII. The Tartars 136
.; Vni. Ethnographical Affinities . . . 173
^ PART n.— SIBERIAN FAUNA.
^ I. Fur-supplying Anisials .... 223
11. Food-supplying Animals .... 247
PART III— ECONOMIC STUDIES.
Railways and Agriculture 261
> PART IV.— HABITS AND CUSTOMS.
' I. The Fortress of Snow .... 283
SIBERIAN PICTURES.
INTRODUCTORY.
SIBERIA only a short time ago possessed
neither towns, nor villages, nor even habit-
able houses. Her steppes were not traversed by
any practicable roads, or varied by arable fields
bearing witness to agi'icultural labour. No trace
of a thinking being existed. Wherever the eye
ranged there spread an immense desert, hiding
in its valleys and innumerable steppes Polar
inhabitants completely isolated from the rest of
the world. In the west Hved the Tartars, in the
north the Ostiaks, in the south the Sayans and
the Buriati. The centre was occupied by the
Tunguz and Yakuts. Their occupation consisted
of hunting, fishing, and rearing animals. They
migrated from place to place, were governed by
VOL. I. B
2 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
self-made savage laws in which, might was right,
and nnbridled passions ruled their daily life.
To escape the severity of the climate, they
either hid in holes or built sheds out of the bark
of trees. Their dress was composed of skins of
animals. They offered up bloody sacrifices,
worshipped strength in animals, light and
warmth in the sun, and the moon's power over
the sea. Their histories, internal relations, as
well as their wars, are a mystery ; for, with these
children of the desert, traditions carrying facts
from generation to generation were completely
unknown. As the old man's life waned, with it
ended also his past history ; and his descendants
vegetated in the same monotonous way, not
caring to improve their own state, or to take
heed of what had happened before their time.
These unknown and solitary countries were
conquered by Russia towards the end of the last
century, during the reign of Catharine II. With
the advancing army, civilization advanced also.
Foremost came a great number of people seek-
ing their fortune in colonising these primitive
lauds ; then followed quite as many criminals,
whose lot it was to make their home in these
polar regions. These new-comers being cog-
nisant of the benefits of culture, sought to adapt
INTRODUCTORY. 3
to their new conditions all the latest improve-
ments which they remembered that they had
enjoyed in then* former state of hfe. They
began to till the land, and to build houses after
the European fashion.
These first colonies generally rose on the
banks of rivers, or more convenient sites, and
gradually increased to the size of villages and
towns. With the increase of population, trade
began to flourish ; handicrafts showed them-
selves ; roads and paths were opened ; and the
astonished and frightened primitive tribes retired
to inaccessible valleys and hitherto untrodden
steppes. Such was the state of things a hun-
dred years ago. With the advance of time,
however, these tribesbegan gradually to approach
an encompassing ci^alisation. Many of them
became Christians, many entered into trade with
the Europeans, a few even, overcome by the
new element, adopted European customs. These,
however, were more or less exceptions ; the
greater part remained what they had been for
centuries, and the means taken by the govern-
ment to better their condition proved unavailing.
Being accustomed to a migratory life, the}^
refused to build wooden houses, and to settle in
the places assigned to them. Passionately fond
b2
4 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
of fishing and shooting, they look upon agri-
culture as irksome ; attached to paganism, its
superstitions and fierce practices, they are un-
willing to accept Chi'istianity, and even when
they outwardly call themselves Christians they
remain at heart faithful to their old behef. The
authorities, unwilling to scare these children of
Nature, tolerate many of their habits and super-
stitions, punishing only some of then- wilder and
more revolting ceremonies, such as the human
sacrifices ordered by their patriarchs, suicides,
wilful deaths, and painful tattooing of the flesh.
To the present day, the aborigines have, besides
the recogTiized authorities, then- own chiefs,
who judge then* afiau'S, order coi-poral punish-
ments, and govern their encampments. The
taxes levied upon them are paid in kind, viz.,
skins of animals. The government somewhat
tolerates their paganism, well aware that time
and gradual civihzation will do more towards
eradicating these remains of barbarism than
might and persecution.
PART I.
ETHNOGRAPHICAL STUDIES.
CHAPTER I.
THE TUNGUZ.
THE chief place among the numerous Siberian
tribes, both on account of their number and
their superior intelhgence, belongs to theTunguz.
Then' encampments occupy the whole centre
of the Yeniseisk province, between Turukhansk
and the southern border, as well as on the
north-western side of the Baikal and the Irkoutsk
province.
In my relations with the aboriginal tribes, I
became best acquainted with the Tunguz. I
inhabited their 'czums' (portable huts), I partici-
pated in their occupations and hunts, and,
having a slight knowledge of their language,
I had better opportunities of understanding
their daily life.
The Siberian population, living in proximity to
the mines, has joined the Greek persuasion, but,
owing to the rare occasions on which they visit
8 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
the church (about once a year or so) they are
quite ignorant of its doctrines. The Tunguz
make the sign of the Cross mechanically, not
knowing its meaning. They believe in a good
and an evil deity; but in their own encamp-
ments they follow the observances of shammism.
The only difference, in fact, between these so-
called Christians and those who have not re-
ceived holy baptism is in the names they then
receive, which they carefully adhere to in after-
life. The inhabitants of more remote regions,
not cognisant of even these marks of Christi-
anity, profess solely paganism. When a child
is born, they name it after the first object its
father happens to see on leaving his hut, such
as a tree, river, animal, or mountain. Usually,
all primitive nations which adopted this mode of
naming their children, and were possessors of
an inkling of culture, chose spiritual appella-
tions ; but the inhabitants of the Siberian deserts
are quite content with the names of objects
which present themselves to their senses. The
earlier Israelites had names such as Israel
(Talking to God), Benjamin (Son of Pain).
Among the pagan Tunguz we notice such
names as Zug-li (a dog), Zugand (a cat), War-
to-a (a mountain), &c. In a word, not a single
THE TUXGUZ. 9
appellation indicating a higher mode of viewing
the moral part of life is met with.
Of all Siberian dialects, the Tnngnz is most
like Chinese. In the latter we find a great
number of words of one syllable uniting recij)-
rocally with each other, and thus fonning vari-
ous combinations; in Tunguz, likewise, substan-
tives have neither cases nor genders, and verbs
have no tenses. In describing virtues, crimes,
and things not actually seen, one is often
forced to borrow from what is visible ; thus
' sham ' (black) also indicates crime, baseness ;
* si ' (white) also means virtue, nobleness, good-
ness. Other vices or virtues are simply called
by the names of the animals possessing these
qualities, thus : zug-ten (fox) stands for slyness,
duplicity ; zug-li (dog) for fiiithfulness, affection.
The sound of the Tunguz dialect so closely
resembles that of the inhabitants of the Celestial
Empire, that a person unacquainted with these
widely different languages cannot distinguish
the one from the other.
The similarity of language as well as of
features loads us to suppose that this race as
well as the Gilliacks are of Mantchur descent.
The other tribes, on the contrary, reproduce the
Mongol type.
10 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
The Tunguz are of medium height, round-
faced, with high cheek-bones, their forehead is
broad, their eyes narrow and raised at the cor-
ners, the nose flat, the hps thick. They neither
brush nor cut their hair, and carefully pluck out
the beard from youth upwards. The Tunguz
women tie their hair up with a strap. Tattoo-
ing* has been almost completely abandoned,
owing to the strict orders of the authorities, who
forbid this painful and barbarous operation ;
and, if by chance one sees a tattooed face, it is
invariably the face of some very old person,
who, in days of yore, was able to ornament his
or herself in this truly Asiatic fashion.
The Tunguz summer clothing consists of a
curiously-shaped shirt, cut out of deer skins, and
embellished with coloured beads, and little
squares and triangles of metal, and sewn round
with wild goat's hair. Then- winter dress is
composed of a short jacket, trousers, and boots,
all made of deer skins. Men and women dress
absolutely ahke in winter. This dress is getting
* Tattooing amongst the Northern Asiatic tribes differ
■widely from tliat of the North Americans. The Carribs
and other races of Indian origin make incisions in the skin
and fill the wounds with different colours. The Tunguz sew
into their flesh the veins of deer, forming in this way various
patterns and arabesques.
TEE TUNGUZ. 11
more and more rare with Siberians living near
mines or \allages inhabited by Europeans. Here
and there one sees them dressed in frock coats,
peasant dresses, or an ' aziam ' (jacket made
from camel's hair), which they get from the
miners.
The Tunguz generally remain longest in
places abounding in forest moss, affording suit-
able nourishment for their reindeer. When
the moss becomes scarce round his hut, the
Tunguz starts to find a new place. Having
found it, he returns to his previous abode, col-
lects his reindeer, arms himself with a rifle, a
hatchet, and a ' palm,'* and, surrounded by his
faithful dogs, travels to his new habitation. His
wife remains in the old haunt, and, helped by
the children, dismantles the hut, loads the rein-
deer with it as well as with all her household
goods and chattels, and follows her husband,
who has made his path known by incisions cut
in the trees, and has also cut away the thick
wood to allow his wife and her belongings to
pass through freely. If this journey takes place
in winter, the husband lights a bon-fire here and
there, which he takes care to leave burning,
* A ' palm ' is a knife fixed on the end of a long j^ole — a
most dangerous weapon -when -wielded by an expert.
12 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
preparing in this way a warm resting-place for
his family as well as a sign of the road they
have to follow.
All housekeeping matters rest solely with the
women. The men occnpy themselves in fishing
and hunting, and occasionally, should urgent
necessity arise, with some trade required in the
household, for instance, blacksmith's work.
Their ' chums ' (huts) are constructed of a
number of thin poles, stuck slanting in the
earth, and tied together at the top with strips
of bark or witli a strap, so that the ends do
not join, but leave an aperture for the escape
of the smoke from the fire, which burns inces-
santly in that steppe dwelling. The poles
forming the framcAvork of the ' chum ' are
covered with birch-bark or the skins of rein-
deer. The hut, when finished, presents the
shape of a cone.
As I have observed before, even those who
have become Christians still retain pagan ideas,
and in all good luck they see the intervention
of the good spirit ; whilst they ascribe misfor-
tune, illness, and death to the agency of the
black or evil spirit. These ideas are fostered
by their pagan priests, whom they highly re-
spect and revere. No Christian Tunguz will
THE TUNGUZ. 13-
undertake anything of consequence without
jBrst consulting the priest, Avho performs all
sorts of incantations to propitiate the good
spirit — for a suitable remuneration, of course.
The Shamans, or pagan priests, can be either
men or women. The children consecrated for
that office are taught its tricks from their
earhest infancy. They are made acquainted
not only with its outward forms and cere-
monies, the cabalistic signs which form, as it
were, the foundation of their faith, but also
with the medical properties of various plants
and herbs, "vvith the different ways of forecast-
ing the changes of the atmosphere by the
passage of wild beasts across the steppes.
This knowledge, gained originally by intense
observation of the changes and secrets of
Nature, passing from old men to children,
exercises a great power over whole tribes ; and
the blessed light of Christ's teaching, although
it has somewhat pierced their darkness, cannot
yet warm by its benign light those souls steeped
in the errors of paganism.
The dress of the Shamans during their rehgi-
ous practices consists of a zamauick (jacket,
trimmed with bugles and spangles), and a high
cap sm-rounded ^vith bells. An oblong drum,
14 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
covered with hieroglyphics, is an indispensable
adjunct to their incantations. The ceremony
begins by lighting a fire, over which stands
the priest, holding in one hand a piece of raw
meat, in the other a long stick. He mutters
cabalistic invocations to the good and bad gods,
hitting the drum gently with the stick all the
while. After a time, the beating becomes louder,
the mutterings assume the form of distinct
words ; the expression of the priest's face
changes every moment. He now bends his
head reverently down, and lifts his hands im-
ploringly to the sky, begging the good god
to lend his help to the cause for which he is
invoked. Then he clenches his fist angrily,
curses the bad god, scorns his power, and
predicts that the intentions of this bad god Avill
remain powerless. The gestures of the pagan
priests during these invocations are so impres-
sive, they so clearly paint the feelings by
which he is agitated, be they either of anger,
humility, or rapture, that a person perfectly
unacquainted with the language cannot fail to
detect which words are addressed to the black
god and which to the white.*
* In speaking to the white god, the priests use, as far
as their very poor language allows, all the names of
THE TUNGUZ. 15
The beating of the drum now becomes fiercer
and quicker, the priest's voice is raised louder
either in prayer or anger, and gradually merges
into shi'ieks, while, with a flaming face covered
with sweat, he jumps repeatedly over the flames,
froth on his lips, his body convulsed Avith ner-
vous twitchings. Finally the stick drops out
of his hand, his face becomes pale, he falls
helplessly on the ground, and, insensible to all
outward things, drops into a heavy slumber.
This sleep, evoked by nervous excitement,*
forms the principal part of the Tunguz incanta-
tions, the only mystery of their faith. It is
during this sleep that the priest sees the white
animals or articles indicating virtues and good qualities
to flatter him. They call him dog (faithful), reindeer
(enduring), sun (light), goatskin (soft), &c. On the
other hand, they curse the bad god in the foulest language ;
in fact, they use words which even softened cannot bear
translation, so much so that, in the neighbouring villages,
the peasants have a saying, ' He abused him as a j)agau
priest does the black god.'
* Having often witnessed these ceremonies, and atten-
tively observed all the motions of the Shaman, I feel con-
vinced that this sleep is no conjuring trick, but that it is
due to the high pitch to M'hich the nerves are strung, and
the complete exhaustion which follows these violent shrieks
and jumps. I ought to add that the Shaman abstains en-
tirely from food for a whole day before the invocation ;
thus the weakened body lends itself all the more readily to
produce this unnatural state.
16 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
god, receives his commands, and on awaking
gives the congregation advice and reproofs
which are always Hstened to most reverently.
The foregoing invocations are not the only
remains of the past of these nations. All
Tunguz, even those who call themselves Chris-
tians, very strictly adhere to their pagan observ-
ances, and order their lives according to them.
Every woman, for example, from the very first
pains of child-birth, is considered unclean ; the
most distant connection with her, conversing
with her, assisting her in any way whatever,
and even looking upon her, are not only sinful,
but are hable to bring most disastrous conse-
quences.
On that account, every Tunguz woman, from
the very beginning of labour, is carried to a hut
which has been vacated for that purpose, and is
there left till her child is born. No one ap-
proaches that cursed spot, no one helps the
suffering fellow-creature, and, even if the pains
extend over several days, the wretched woman
does not receive even so much as a morsel of
food or a drop of deer's milk to moisten her
parched lips. It often happens that these vic-
tims of superstition die without seeing ouce
more the faces they love, and all the affection
THE TUNGUZ. 17
of the parents, husband, or relations shows itself
in shrieks and lamentations after her death.
This tardy grief always appeared to me as a
sort of irony towards the dead, and 1 have
never been able to look without anger on the
grief of those whose stupidity thus caused the
death of a loved being. The Tunguz, hoAvever,
were unable to understand my indignation, and,
on my speaking to them about it, invariably
answered, ' A clean man can never have any
communication with an unclean one ; white and
black cannot be mixed ; when night comes on,
the sun flees. We ought, therefore, to imitate
the sun.'
In this case, superstition is the cause of the
barbarous treatment we have described ; but the
like barbarity is repeated in illness, especially of
an epidemic natui'e, and then its source is the
fear which all unknown sicknesses create in
these wild nations. Whenever their camps are
assailed by typhus, small-pox, fever of any kind,
&c., all are a prey to extreme fear. The ill
with which some are visited being both un-
knoAvn and not understood by them, appears
both unnatm-al and ' uncanny.' They trace it
to the agency of the black god, and the work
of evil powers, and, scared by signs of illness
VOL. I. C
18 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
which neither their medicines nor the invocations
of their priests can stay, they leave the sick and
dying in the steppes, and take their camp else-
where, fleeing from an evil wliich they are too
ignorant to combat.
The nnfortnnate creatures thns forsaken
generally die — often from the sickness, but
oftener from the starvation ; while the healthy
ones, panic-stricken, go further and deeper into
the heart of the country till the epidemic is
quite extinct.
No ties of family or love are able to overcome
this barbarous custom. The love of life and the
fear of death are stronger here than all noble
sentiments ; for these sentiments are the work
of Christ's teaching, and of the full knowledge
of our duties, and they are ignorant' of both.
The present government is untiring in its efforts
to eradicate this savage custom, pursuing and
punishing all those who have thus forsaken
their friends and relations, and left them to
become the prey of wild beasts or to die of
hunger. But authorities can only have power
where inhabitants are more or less stationary,
and they are powerless in the midst of steppes
and deserts scarcely trodden by human feet.
It is vain to expect that civilized laws and
THE TUXGUZ. 19
regulations slioiild penetrate these bleak and
dark abysses, when even the vivifying rays of
the sun cannot always reach them.
With the exception of epidemics, which the
priests cannot heal, and scrofnlons diseases,
which cannot be relieved on account of the
severity of the climate, all diseases are treated
with great success by these very priests, with
the help of various herbs. The medicinal pro-
perties of herbs are found invaluable, not only
in ague, fevers, chills, &c., but also in skin
eruptions, scurvy, and inflammation of the eyes,
Avhich is very common. In many internal in-
flammations also these herbs are used by them
with success. Besides this, these desert doctors
can bleed, set broken bones, create perspiration,
and sometimes even perform small operations.
As a rule, they use chiefly vegetable medicines,
in which the Siberian flora abounds. At the
same time, the properties of mineral springs are
not unknown to them, and the baths they order
for some complaints generally prove beneficial.
We ought, however, to add that they never fail
to combine juggling tricks with their medical
treatment, jugglery being one of their chief
characteristics ; were they to strip this fantas-
tic garb from many very prosaic employments,
c2
20 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
their reputation as wizards would be gone, and
they would no longer possess the blind confi-
dence of their fellow-countrymen which they
now enjoy. All these mutterings, whispered
sentences, and conve?'sations with the white god
act on the imaginations of the Siberians, and
strengthen their faith iu the means used for
their recovery, and it is a universally recognised
fact that a sick man's belief in his doctor often
assists his cure. It so happened several times
that well-known doctors, in then travels through
the steppes, attempted to treat the aborigines
in some easily-cured complaint, and failed com-
pletely; whereas the priests, in spite of their
want of knowledge, effected a cure almost im-
mediately, because the faith of the patient in
the efficacy of their supernatural means assisted
their efforts.
The Tunguz Christians bury their dead in full
hunting dress. This is composed of a leather
jerkin and deerskin trousers, with a quiver full
of arrows slung across the shoulder. They also
lay beside the body the club and palm which
he used most frequently in life. They sew up
the body in an untanned reindeer skin, and let
it down, without any previous ceremony, into a
pit dug for it. Having filled the grave up with
THE TUNGUZ. 21
sand, tliey place a stone upon it and return to
their huts with faces expressive of deep sorrow.
Loud demonstrations of grief take place only
when the friend or relative has died a sudden
death. They generally choose sandy or stony
places in which to bury their dead — places in
which no vegetation grows, persuaded that
growing herbage would contain portions of the
deceased, and animals feeding upon it would
thus desecrate the remains.
The method described above has reference
to those Christian Tunguz who are, in some
measure, accustomed to the European mode
of bm-ial. Those of them who have not nomi-
nally joined Christ's Church proceed in a very
different manner. They place the corpse in a
hoUowed-out piece of wood, and having placed
this primitive coffin on four poles firmly fixed in
the earth, so as to keep the body from being
devoured by wild animals, they leave it in the
open air. This barbarous custom is the cause
of all sorts of diseases. In the summer, especi-
ally during the dog days, the smell of these
decomposing bodies, rotting uncovered, poisons
the air of the steppes in which the bodies
have thus been left exposed. Sometimes, to
leeward, the smell can be perceived a mile ofi".
22 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
All the measures liitlierto tried, with a \'iew to
put down tliis disgusting custom, have proved
unavailing. Relying on the friendship shown
to me by these Avild beings, I have tried to
reason with them about the absurdity of fol-
lowing this ancient custom. I endeavoured to
show them by all means in my power that
they were injuring their own health. They
used to listen to me attentively, and even went
so far as to agree with the justice of my obser-
vations; but, at the same time, they affirmed
that man ought not to live for himself alone;
that it was one's duty to sacrifice oneself for
others, and especially for the beloved dead,
whose 'tengr' (inward soul), if pressed down
by earth, would be unable to leave the body
freely during its decomposition, and to unite
itself with the white god awaiting it.
The food of the Tunguz consists chiefly of
reindeer milk, fish, and game. Beef they never
tast'e, although all wild animals, not even ex-
cepting the squirrel, the fox, and the wolf,
serve for their nourishment. Bear's heart is
considered not only a delicacy, but also a sort
of charm, imparting strength and courage to
those who eat it. Bread is seldom seen in their
huts, agriculture being quite unknown to them.
THE TUNGUZ. 23
Flour they receive in small quantities from tlio
government stores in the villages situated on
the confines of the steppes, where they go once
a year to dispose of the skins of the animals
they have hunted. One habit only liave they
adopted from the inflowing civilization which
they so steadily repulse, and that is tea drink-
ing. The love of this beverage has, with them,
become a passion. For a small square of pressed
tea they are ready at any time to give up the
most precious thing they possess — a well-tried
bow, their best sable, and even their Sunday
clothes. Their second passion (but this one
took its root centuries ago) is the smoking of
tobacco. To this habit both men and women
alike are subject, youths and little girls. One
may even sometimes see a little child, scarcely
able to toddle, with a correspondingly small
pipe in its mouth. One of the essential parts
of a Tunguz dress, male or female, is an iron
pipe, called ' czugh,' slung across the shoulders
by a strap, and accompanied by a leather pouch
covered with beads of all colom-s. When
tobacco fails them, which frequently happens
in distant encampments, they smoke the pow-
dered bark of different trees.
When a Tunguz neither hunts nor fishes, ho
24 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
generally spends all his time in his hut, oc-
cnpied in mending his hunting gear or his
fishing nets. He always works in silence, sur-
rounded by dense clouds of smoke from his
inseparable pipe. The chief amusements on
holidays and feast-days are dancing and sing-
ing, and sometimes shooting at a target. Their
dancing is extremely monotonous. It con-
sists in ten or twelve men taking hold of
each other's hands and forming a circle, which
slowly revolves, first one way and then the
other, to the never-ending repetition of ' e-hor-e,
e-hor-e,' which means absolutely nothing, but
forms a sort of refrain. Real songs, in the
proper acceptance of the word, the Tunguz,
in common with all other Siberians, do not
possess. When singing, they look at surround-
ing objects, and name them as they fall under
their observation. In these impromptu effu-
sions the imagination plays no part ; it is im-
possible to discover any poetical associations,
any comparisons, or even any rhyme. If, for
example, they happen to see a river, they sing
thus : ' Oh ! river, how grand thou art, how
broad, how many fish are in thy waters ; we
ought to let doAvn our nets to sweep the bottom,
and divide the fish we catch between the huts
THE TUNGUZ. 25
of our encampment. Then, having dried our
spoil or ripened it in holes, we shall eat it with
relish,' &c. Some of them employ rhyme in
singing, and these are considered to be very
witty ; but the termination they make use of is
taken hap-hazard, and the result is devoid of
sense.
A rhymed song is something like this : —
' War-ten, war-to-a,
Li-zug-tu e goa,
Ku-man, est-be-ren,
Zor-ma, us-be-ren.'
which translated means —
' A valley and mountain,
Good wolf's skin,
AValbs such an one,
Fish are not birds.'
There are some songs, but these are very
seldom heard, in which, instead of simply men-
tioning the names of mountains, rivers, birds
flying, reptiles crawling, and such objects as
present themselves to the senses whilst the
Asiatic bard is singing, the achievements in
war or the chase of some ancient hero, a man of
great stature, wonderful strength, and terrible
aspect, are described. Whether such images
are the chance remnants of old tradition or
20 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
simply the creation of the singer, it is difficult to
determine.
Singing only takes place on religious festivals
or holidays. On all other days, the male popula-
tion 'v\dthout exception goes hunting or fishing,
the households being left in charge of the wo-
men. In hunting they make use of bows,
snares, and sometimes of fire-arms. In fishing
they use nets, lines, and spears. The spoils of
the chase in the Yenisei government consist
principally of the skins of yellow foxes, wolves,
and Siberian squirrels, seldom of sables or bears ;
the latter having migrated further north since
the opening of the numerous gold mines. Some
animals, such as black foxes, scared by the
sight of man, have for ever abandoned places
which some years ago were their favourite
resorts.
As for fishing, the gigantic Yenisei, with its
large and small tributary streams, affords the
migratory Tunguz in central parts an inexhausti-
ble source of booty. The quantities of fish they
manage to catch at any season of the year is
truly wonderful. All the mining estabhshments,
of which there are not a few, are kept supplied
by the Tunguz with sturgeon, perch, tench,
carp, pike, &c. Travellers from the south pur-
THE TUXGUZ. 27
cliase liimdrecls and thousands of stones ■weight
of these in a frozen state, giving in exchange
small pieces of pressed tea, tobacco, or common
ironware. Having thns disposed of the greater
part of their spoil, the Tnnguz either dry the
remaiDder or bury it in holes, and, prepared
thus, it is their favourite food. Freshly caught
fish they never eat.
This tribe, like almost all people living in a
state of nature, possesses the virtue of hospitality
in a very high degree. The principal faults in
their character are, suspicion of everyone belong-
ing to a different nationality, and a leaning to
swindling. As regards the attributes of the
mind, they stand higher than all the other
Siberian tribes. Western culture is more read-
ily accepted by them ; they approach more often
European settlements ; and hopes are entertained
that after the lapse of years, when the benefits
of civilization begin to attract these savage
tribes dispersed in almost inaccessible steppes,
the Tunguz will be amongst the first to forsako
old habits and superstitions.
Timguz women are very industrious and
much attached to their husbands, although the
latter consider their wives more as slaves than
as companions. No Tunguz ever carries on a
28 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
conversation with his wife, and only addresses
lier when it is absolutely indispensable.
Every unnecessary word, friendly observation,
or confidence made to a wife is considered
derogatory to that marital authority which is
the highest rung in the ladder of domestic
power. The high and unquestioned authority
of the head of the house is never disputed,
however unjust or cruel may be the behaviour
of the husband. The women honour and respect
their lords and masters ; they obey them in
everything, but they have no fear. The hus-
bands, for their part, keep their wives in perfect
obedience, at a certain moral distance ; but they
do not abuse their power. During the long
period I spent amongst them, 1 have never wit-
nessed quarrels or bickerings, still less acts of
violence committed by men on their womankind.
In the rare cases of disobedience, opposition, or
unfaithfulness, a jury composed of the elders of
the camp judges and punishes. The judgments
of this Areopagus are respected by both sides.
In cases, however, of the plaintiff withdrawing
his charge, the judgments of the family jury,
' lik-hu,' are considered as non-existing, every-
thing returns to its usual routine, and the hus-
band who has once forgiven his wife never
THE TUNGUZ. 29-
reminds her of lier offence, or in any way makes
her feel the fanlt he has forgiven for ever.
Such are generally their conjugal relations.
As regards the children, they love them so
passionately, so blindly, that the warmest affec-
tion of European parents for their offspring
cannot even approach it. It is a passionate
frenzy carried to its finthest limits, ungoverned
by the voice of reason, unmoved by any out-
ward circumstances, and unquenched by the
blackest ingratitude. The following occun-ence
will show what kind of love is the paternal love
of these natives of the desert.
During my sojourn in one of the villages
which lay on the very confines of the steppes,
and near the ever-changing camps of the
aborigines, I noticed an old Tuuguz li^dng in
the cottage of a poor peasant, who gave him
charity in the shape of a piece of bread and a
bundle of straw. The Tunguz was very old,
being over three score and ten, deaf, and almost
childish. His only occupation was to sit in a
corner of the general room and to count and
re-count his fortune, consisting of a few score
of ' bielki ' (flying squirrels). This poor spoil,
secured by the old man in the autumnal season,
was his only joy. He often made mistakes in
30 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
bis counting, and then lie wonld begin again
from the beginning, as if he thought in this
way to add to his store. The oft-repeated
word, ' tul-tul ' (Httle, httle) made one imagine
that. From time to time he woukl fall into
deep thought, appear to make combinations,
and at last he would murmur, ' Too little ; were
there thirty more, then perhaps she would
accept the present, and not turn me out of
doors.'
Knowing how attached the Tunguz are to
their desert-life, their huts, their reindeer, to all,
in fact, that pertains to primitive habits, I was
much astonished to see this old man living in
a Siberian village amidst a strange population
that could not even understand his language,
and in a cottage the owner of Avhich gave him
his daily bread, but treated him with more
contempt than even the household dogs. Had
he no one in the world who would take care of
him? Had the elders of his encampment de-
parted from their precepts which made it a
duty to offer shelter, food, and raiment to
childless patriarchs ? All this appeared to me
inexplicable. I asked the peasant Avho gave
the old man shelter to explain it to me, and he
related the follo^viug story : —
THE TUNGUZ. 31
The old beggar, who iioav only afforded
amusement to the peasant's children, enjoyed at
one time a high reputation among his brethren.
Elected by the Tunguz as director of their
encampment, he judged their suits, punished
the guilty, rewarded the virtuous, and en-
joyed general respect and honom*. Left a
widower, his family consisted of a daughter
whom he loved blindly, madly, passionately as
only these people know how to love. His love
Avas not even lessened by the fact that the girl,
having fair hair and blue eyes, gave indication
of a trace of European blood. As years went
on, these signs became more and more marked,
and the power of blood, which is never at fault,
drew her more and more frequently to the vil-
lao-es skirtino- the Tuno-uz settlements. The
O O O
young Tmiguz girl preferred the European
music to the monotonous sound of the drum, the
merriment of the Russians to the apathetic
gravity of the aborigines, the noise of the villages
to the enforced silence of the settlements. The
father saw it all, and used to sigh and soitow,
but dared not oppose the whims and fancies of
the beloved daughter, who in the meanwhile
slowly acquired all the Russian habits and cus-
toms. She learned the language, adopted the
32 SIBERIAN riCTURES.
dress, and imbibed European ideas ; and when
at last, ha\ang fallen in love with a young farm-
labourer, sbe married liim, after having em-
braced the Greek faith, the old man, a strong
upholder of paganism, cried bitterly, but never
by a single word showed his discontent, in the
hope that this great yielding on his part would
perhaps make an impression on the heart which
had hitherto remained dead to all his affection,
and would call forth a spark of gratitude and
s}'-mpathy.
After marriage, the new-made Chi-istian set-
tled in a large house belonging to her husband's
parents, and, having identified herself wdth the
members of her husband's family, at once adopt-
ed the style of life led by well-to-do Russian
peasantry. Neighbourly gossip, Sunday evening
parties, all came as easily to her as if she had
never heard the rustling of the desert trees, or
known the solemn silence of the steppes.
In the first part of her married hfe she used
to see her father sometimes when he came to
visit her, but as time wore on she became more
indifferent. The new kind of life, new ideas,
and the semi-civiHzation which she, comparing
it mth the life of her native settlement, con-
sidered the sunmiit of excellence, made her feel
THE TUx\GUZ. 33
ashamed of ber origin, and the father who
brought it palpably before her became an object
of disgust and hate. When she found that
he, thinking more of his journeys to his village
than of the welfare of his settlement, was de-
posed from his power, she forbade him her
house. The unhappy old man forsook his hut,
and, leaving his countrymen, bade good-bye to
his past life, and settled in the village where his
daughter hved. Her house being forbidden to
him, he Mred himself out as farm-servant to a
peasant, so that he might see her now and then
from afar. Accustomed to the immense distances
of the steppes, to the freedom of the settlements,
the manual labour of the field was irksome to
him, and almost unbearable the petty details of
the everyday hfe of a Russian peasant. This
was the more so, as, knowing the language im-
perfectly, he was continually exposed to the
anger of his master and the shghts and jokes of
his fellow-servants. But he bore all with pati-
ence and humility. All his suiFerings were as
nothing compared with the joy he felt w^hen he
caught a giunpse of her for whom he had given
up so much. Sometimes of an evening, when
his work was done, he used to creep stealthily
under the windows of the house which contained
VOL. I, D
34 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
his treasure, and, unseen by anyone, he would
take long looks at his daughter. At other
times, having previously ascertained the road
she would take in going to church, he would
crawl in the grass and slink behind hedges
like a thief only to get a glimpse at her.
These moments of happiness sufficed to make
up for sorrow, privation, and loss of liberty,
and in living only for her he forgot himself.
Years went by in this way, and, as one year
followed another, sickness began to weigh
heavily on the old man. Unfit for hard work,
and sent away by every peasant in succession,
he found himself at last all alone among
strangers, without work and without help. He
knew too well the reception he would get from
his daughter to dare to approach her house ;
he could not return to his old settlement, for
the love he bore his child attached him to the
spot where she dwelt. What was he to do ?
The instinct of blind love suggested a solu-
tion, which very likely the craftiest cunning
could not have arrived at. Unable to count on
his daughter's heart, he determined to rely upon
another motive — cupidity. He remembered his
old life on the steppes, his celebrated dexterity
in hunting wild animals. The hand, unable to
THE TUNGUZ. 35
wield an axe, knew well how to stretch a bow ;
the enfeebled mind, which often failed to under-
stand simple agricultural matters, recovered
some of the inbred Tunguz acuteness indis-
pensable in hunting expeditions. And then it
was all for his daughter! What could he not
accomplish to see her, to hear her voice, to be
received in her house ? Full of that thought,
the poor father dragged out his old bow, found
his long-forgotten quiver and arrows, and, hav-
ing begged a few mouldy biscuits, he started
into the desert..
His hope did not mislead him. His confi-
dence in his skill was fully justified ; he returned
heavily laden with spoil. This time he knocked
boldly at the inhospitable door ; his daughter,
seeing the rich present, allowed him to come
in, gave him some tea, and made him welcome.
That, which the despair and tears of the forlorn
father had been unable to accomplish, was
efiected by a few skins of fox and sable.
Delighted with the success of his plan, the
old Tmiguz devoted all his time to hunting,
trying his best to get the most precious furs ;
for, the richer the booty he brought, the more
cordial was the welcome of her for whom alone
he cared to exist. She, in the meantime, had
d2
36 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
grown so accustomed to these constant presents
that she came to consider them as her due, and,
if storm or rain or any other cause made the
old man's spoil less than usual, she received
him with scoldings and anger, and would tell
him not to dare to approach her with such a
paltry present. The unhappy father, blinded
by his feelings, returned to the desert, and,
drawing on the last remnants of his strength,
tried to satisfy the wishes of his ungrateful
child. But the task became more and more
difficult Avith growing years. The hand, once
so steady, now began to shake ; the keen eye
grew dim, and increasing deafness often pre-
vented him from hearing the animal leaving his
lair. The man who had hitherto overcome all
obstacles was unable to conquer the one which
inexorable time placed before him in the
shape of old age and impotency. At last a
terrible moment came. After a month's inces-
sant hunting, he returned with about thirty
American squirrels, having been unable to kill
a single sable or even a fox. He knocked
timidly at the door of his daughter's house,
and handed her the fm-s.
' Only that !' cried she, reddening with anger.
* Only that !' and her eye shone with cupidity
THE TUNGUZ. 37
im gratified. ' And yon dare to come here with
snch an oifering ! Away, old, good-for-nothing
pagan. If yon come here again, I will set the
dogs at yon.'
So saying, she threw back at him the skins
he had brought, and shut the door in his face.
The old man brushed away a tear, and went
slowly away, murmuring,
' Kul, kul,' (httle, little). ' Had I a few score
more, perhaps she might have received me ; but
I could not, I could not.'
Not knowing what to do, he went begging
from door to door, but he was nowhere received.
At last a Murzyk, the one in whose house I found
him, allowed him to remain in his cottage. This
man was neither better nor more charitable than
others, but by this show of pity he wished to
humihate his neighbours, with whom he was
constantly quarrelling. The object of his
charity, having crossed his threshold, became
an object of scorn and derision to the elders,
and of amusement to the children. From time
to time they would throw him scraps on which
he lived, and, when forgotten, he would crawl
to the tub in which the slops and dirty water
were thrown, and so satisfy his hunger. He did
not feel his nnsfortune and humiliation ; his
38 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
advanced age, and still more perhaps the thral-
dom of one constant idea, produced an indiffer-
ence to all outward things, and a species of
monomania. For whole days, sitting on a
bundle of straw, he would count and re-count
the few skins he had, his last spoil, and repeat
to himself, ' Too little ; had there been more,
she might not have turned me out.'
So slowly faded a hving sacrifice of paternal
love. With this perhaps too vivid picture of a
parent's love among the Tunguz will end the
sketch of the habits and character of this tribe,
and I shall now pass on to describe other
neighbouring clans.
Mention should first be made of the Gilliacks,
who, although they inhabit the most remote
parts of Siberia, and difier entirely in their
habits and customs from the Tunguz, yet, from
their common descent from the Mantchm^ are
ethnographically most allied to them.
89
CHAPTER II.
THE GILLIACKS.
OF all the primitive Siberians, the Gilliacks
are the least disposed to submit to settled
authority, the most stubborn and refractory in
refusing to obey the mandates of the law, and
the most obdurate in rejecting the polish of
social order. Their exceptional situation is the
sole cause of this. The other North Asiatic
nations have been under Russian rule for more
than a century, whilst these, living on the banks
of the Amoor, a neutral territory belonging to
no one, have become accustomed to perfect
freedom. Not for long has that part of the
world been accessible to anyone, not indeed
for more than twenty years. Not only did there
exist no frontiers, but the two neighbouring
empires did not know accurately what distance
40 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
separated them, and what was in the interior.
From the Siberian side, as well as from that of
the Celestial Empire, stretched out uninhabited
deserts, with their steppes, their gigantic cedar-
forests, their endless prairies. Beyond these, as
in a fortress made by the hand of Nature, hved
a tribe recognising no authority, shut up in
itself, untouched by neighbouring influences.
Sometimes a few of them reached the nearest
Chinese province, to exchange for other wares
the furs they had taken, and here ended all
their relations with the south. The north they
did not know at all. If at any time a Russian
merchant, led by the hope of gain, set out for
their inhospitable country, he never returned
again, and his fate was an unsolved enigma to
his family and a warning to those who might
Avish to imitate him. In the seventeenth cen-
tury, before Siberia was annexed to the Russian
Empire, the Russian colonists living on the bor-
ders of the Sea of Ockhotsk wished to enlarge
then- connection in the exchange of articles for
raw products ; but they paid dearly for their
temerity. Attacked by numerous hordes of
enraged savages, they were almost extermi-
nated, and died in frightful tortures. The few
who were able to escape were so terrified by
THE GILLIACKS. 41
this catastrophe that the remembrance of it
remains to this clay among their descendants.
Since that time the Gilhacks have been left
in peace ; they hved in their desert, unknown to
any, unbound by any outside tie, till 1856, at
which time they came under the power of
Kussia. This year is an era in the history of the
colonisation of Northern Asia. The fairest land,
hitherto unknown and neglected, became in-
corporated with the empire without a shot having
been fired, "udthout the use of force or harsh
measures. All that happened then was the
natural result of that strength which moral
superiority has over political unfitness.
The Chinese, it is true, wished to oppose it,
and collected troops, but their plans struck on
a diplomatic rock. Instead of bayonets they
saw a pen, instead of a battle-field a parchment.
Their craftiness was anticipated, their cunning
over-reached ; and the sight of a regular army
waiting in silence the result of the negotiation
settled the question.
The Gilhacks, hidden in their inaccessible
dwellings, knew not that their destinies were
being fixed. They only comprehended the
situation Avhen they found themselves sub-
ject to an authority which di'cw them under
42 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
its general social laws unknown to them.
All would have gone well, and that rich land
would have at once become the pearl of Eastern
Siberia, had it not been for the fault of the first
administration, which set back for a number of
years its industrial developments.
The Cossacks sent there, by demoralising the
population, have become the chief stumbling-
block to the progress of agriculture and com-
merce. The present state of things is radically
different. The energetic but careful measures
taken by the authorities are already bearing
good fruit. The bringing in of Western popula-
tions has made agriculture to be considered in
some places as a customary labour ; and the gold
mines are raising long dormant commerce and
rousing the people to real life. Having on one
side populous China, on the other the Ocldiotsk
Sea and the vicinity of Japan, the conditions
are promising for this part of Siberia becoming
one day an important position for commerce in
Northern Asia. Abeady in Saghalien Island
and in the valley of Tyna, fairs held every
year are much more animated than formerly.
Besides the Gilliacks Avho dwell there, the
Mongolians and Chinese congregate, and rich
Japanese merchants come in their ships laden
THE GILLIACKS. 43
Tvdtli goods, Russian traders from Ockliotsk,
Kamtschatka, and even Irkoutsk are to be seen,
and the exchange of goods brought by these
different nationahties is carried on now on a
much larger scale.
But these budding signs evoked by an im-
proved administration, and giving hope for the
futm'e of the Amoor countries, work but slowly
at present. Immense labour and a long time
are required to awaken those souls shut in
from all outward influences, to the wants of
social life, without which it is well known
that all efforts to promote the happiness of a
nation are of none effect. Amongst the Gil-
liacks sociabiHty does not exist. In the huts of
the Tartars and Yakuts, and in the migratory
dwellings of the Tunguz, in addition to the
family ties, one can perceive the thread uniting
these dwellings into one whole settlement.
Among the Tartars a great many settlements
belong to one elective kniaz (prince). The
Gilliacks have nothing of the sort, they
live in separate families, having no connection
with each other. Every cottage, built after
the Chinese fashion, is surrounded by a pah-
sade, and situated far apart from any other.
In these houses the patriarch or head of the
44 SIBERIAN PICTURES,
house constitutes the highest- and only power;
everything which is done there is dependent
on him, and in obedience to his decrees. He
has even the power of punishing with death
members of his family without any control from
without. There are, however, besides the
patriarchs, the Drankius, or heads of univers-
ally respected families ; but this dignity, al-
though heirarchically greater than that of the
usual patriarchs, is in reality a merely honorary
title, carrying little or no real authority. The
Gilliacks have recourse to the Drankins on the
rare occasions of quarrels arising during the
religious festivals, or to ask advice in intricate
questions of household disagreements. They
are not, however, bound to follow the advice
thus received.
This absence of sociability makes them still
more shut up within themselves. Nothing
pierces the palisade sm-rounding their dwell-
ings; neither the wail of pain, nor the groan
of the dying, nor the despairing cry for help.
A mystery covers their family life, impenetrable
not only to the stranger, but even to their own
countrymen, unless they be near relations.
Their character greatly impedes the forma-
tion of a whole out of these scattered units ;
THE GILLIACKS. 45
descended from the Mantchurs, connected with
the old Kamtschatka and Kalka tribes, they
liave imbibed from these nations all their bad
qualities. The Chinese gave them their crafti-
ness, the Kamtschatkians their icy insensibility
to all outward influences ; and from these primi-
tive elements has developed a strange type,
unlike all the other primitive nations of Siberia.
He who should try to fathom then- character,
would undertake a useless task. Under the
present government, one can get into the very
heart of their country, and pass through the
length and breadth of the Amoor provinces ;
but this will not bring him the knowledge of
its inhabitants. Even after having penetrated
the palisade, separated each Gilliack dwelhng
from its neighbour, one finds out nothing. All
the dramas of family life are carefully hidden
from the eye of the visitor, and no one can
read joy or sorrow, nor any other feeling that
governs theu' hfe, on their lean, bony faces.
Last year, one of the higher pohce officials,
making excursions into the interior, with the
object of looking after general order and
regularity, and exercising supervision over ex-
cesses proceeding from ignorance, found him-
self by accident in a Gilhack cottage a few
46 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
mimites after the father, according to theu-
barbarous law, had sentenced and put to death
his own son. The patriarch, hearing a knock-
ing at the gate, threw his ' dacha ' (overcoat
made of reindeer sldns) over the still quivering
Hmbs of his victim, and ordered the gate to
be opened. The police officer, on entering the
hut, saw him occupied in cai-penteiing, his
wife quietly performing her household duties,
and the children playing merrily among them-
selves. From the old man down to the infant,
they were all acting a comedy, simulating in
a masterly fashion domestic peace. Not a
muscle of their faces trembled, or evinced
hoiTor, sorrow, or anxiety, even a little boy,
five years old, sitting on the bench beside the
freshly-murdered brother, smiled so sweetly, so
childishly, as only these little innocent beings
can. The new comer looked round, and read
nothing in their faces, but his keen sight, ac-
customed to take in all secondary circum-
stances, discovered blood stains on the floor.
' What is the meaning of this blood V
The Gilliack's wife picked up from the ground
a freshly-killed puppy, which her wary husband
had killed by one stroke of the chisel while
the gate was being opened.
THE GILLIACKS. 47
' It is for roasting,' she said.
The officer tm^ned away in disgust from such
a gastronomic dehcacy, but he knew well that
dogs, and especially young puppies, were the
favourite food of the Gilliacks. Not ha^dng
found anything suspicious, he was on the point
of leaving the cottage, when he perceived the
reindeer coat shaken by the last convulsions
of the murdered son.
' Forgive a sinful man,' said the father, guess-
ing from the direction of the officer's eyes the
question that was rising to his lips. 'My son
is too fond of opium, and his state is fearful.
Judge for yourself.' * And he stepped forward,
pretending to be about to uncover his son's
body, but the officer, disgusted at the idea of
seeing a form covered "svith foam and having
the bestial expression common to all lovers of
that narcotic, made a sign to stop him. ' No,
it is enough ;' and he left the cottage, little
suspecting that only a few minutes before his
arrival, in this seemingly quiet home, before
these playing children, a fearful drama had
been enacted — the murder of a son by his own
father.
* The Gilliacks, from their close proximity to China,
have acquired the habit of getting clnmk on opium.
48 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
It was montlis afterwards, and through a
chain of quite unexpected circumstances, that
the authorities became acquainted with all the
details of the crime.
The outward aspect of the Gilliacks perfectly
corresponds with the mysteriousness of their
character. Tall and thin, there is something
diabolical in the aspect of their slanting eyes,
shaded by bushy eyebrows. No smile of mirth
ever breaks over then Hps, and on their features
appears only a sneer. Seeing them walk, one
fancies they are ghosts ; their smothered voice
has a hollow, unearthly sound ; in the most
ordinary relations with them one does not know
how to act or what to do. The shrewdest man,
seeing these cold, stiff, bony, almost inhuman
forms, is lost in speculations, and unable to
solve this h\dng sphinx riddle.
They have imitated the Chinese in the build-
ing of their habitations ; and while the Tunguz,
Yakuts, the Tartars, Ostiaks, &c., all live in
huts or holes dug in the ground, the Gilliacks
have for many years built cottages of carefully-
worked wood. These cottages are very large
and tolerably high, with a sort of Chinese
turned-up roof. Each has but one room, mea-
suring from thirty to fifty feet square. All
THE GILLIACKS. 49
round the walls are broad benches, and in the
veiy centre is a hut ser\^ng as a house for the
dogs, which they keep in great numbers. On
the beams supporting the roof are hung nets,
traps, and various hunting implements. Besides
fishing and hunting, which form the chief occu-
pation of all savage nations, they devote them-
selves to carpentering, which they have learned
from then- neighbours, the Chinese. They are
very expert at this, and make all their house-
hold utensils not only strongly and well, but
also -with a certain artistic beauty. Some
occupy themselves mth car\ang wood and even
stone, and produce statues of gods and figures
of animals which serve for their religious festivi-
ties and for decorating their houses. In each
house lives only one family, consisting some-
times of forty persons, of all ages and of both
sexes, and subject to its head or patriarch.
Then' religion is pagan, but, besides the rites
and ceremonies I have already described, they
have various others which do not exist amongst
any of the other Siberian tribes. In addition to
the white and black gods, they worship several
animals, and more especially the bear, seeing in
it the embodiment of power, strength, and fear-
lessness.
VOL. I. E
50 ' SIBERIAN PICTURES.
The strangest article of this faith, and, I
imagine, nnique of its kind, is that the sacred
bear is kept in a place apart, and for a whole
year they bow down to it, bringing to it the
choicest morsels and the freshest combs of
honey. In the autumn they kill it. The day
on which this takes place is their gi'eatest and
most solenm feast, and is called the Bear Feast.
On this day all the Gilliack families, living
generally so apart, with their patriarchs at their
head, leave their houses and perfonn a pilgrim-
age to the place where this very solemn rite
takes place. The Drankins, from their hierar-
chical precedence, take the first place ; the
priests perform the sacrifice, and all the families
present, standing in silence, witness the cere-
mony. Even then the lines of distinction sepa-
rating the various families are not broken;
they regard each other with suspicion, cast-
ing cold, sarcastic looks which are their stereo-
typed form of expression. After the sacri-
fice is ended, and after having partaken of a
portion of the sacred bear, which is handed to
them by the priests, they disperse and retm-n to
theii' cottages, and piu-sue for a whole year a
sort of enchanted, fairy-tale life under the
unlimited sway of the patriarchs.
THE GILLIACKS. 51
The country situated ou the banks of the
Amoor, the chief dwelling-place of the Gilli-
acks, is the fairest and richest province of
Siberia. This primitive land, which has never
known plough or sickle, produces fruits of all
lands, and hides in its womb the most precious
stones, the richest minerals. The cHmate is
warm, the vegetation luxuriant ; the pure and
healthy air acts beneficially on the Russian
colonists settled there ; the scenery, wondrously
beautiful, does not possess the weu-d, wild look
seen in the Sayan Shan ]\Iountains on the Mon-
golian frontier, or in the Altai beyond the
Baikal provinces. The broad Amoor flows
through green meadows and deep, gigantic
cedar forests, now breaking into waves over
rocks rising in its course, now rolling peacefully
and majestically over banks of glistening gold-
bearing sand. Besides the Amoor territory and
Saghalien Island, a small number of the Gilliacks
occupy the lands beyond the Baikal and the
northern parts of Japan.
Near the source of the Amoor, and towards the
mouth of the Angun, an offshoot of the Gilliack
tribe may be met with in a people called Samager.
This small branch is ethnographically very httle
known, for centuries they have been paying tri
E 2
52 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
bute to the Chinese, and are heavily oppressed by
them. A long course of ill-treatment, humiHa-
tions of every description, and the severity of the
mandarins in exacting the ' haratz ' has made the
people humble, timid, and stupid ; the wish to
free themselves from such slavery pushes them
insensibly into the arms of Russia.
A few years ago, when efforts were made to
estabhsh a point of communication between
Nicolaievsk, Amoor, and Irkoutsk, Mr. Berezin,
the agent of the Eusso-American Company,
entered into relations with the Samagers, and
first discovered this tendency. He was received
everywhere with open arms by the whole popu-
lation, headed by their patriach, Elgiu-ha ; he
saw signs of friendship for his government, and
ill-feeHng towards the Mantchur. It is to be
hoped that this feeling will be utilised, and that
this long-oppressed people Avill be annexed to a
country which will give them the security and
protection of established laws.
53
CHAPTER III.
THE BURIATI.
HAYING now discussed the Gilliacks and
their offshoot, the Samagers, let us leave
the banks of the Amoor, and, going west-
ward beyond the Baikal, observe the races
living there.
The Buriati, who occupy this part, descending
from the Ural- Altai race, form a totally different
type in the many-coloured kaleidescope of
savage nations inhabiting the vast expanse of
Siberia.
The Tunguz are hospitable and friendly, the
Gilliacks mysterious and reserved, the Buriati
are chstinguished by their hatred to everything
novel ; they are shameless and unblushing in
their vices.
Their wild nature and unbridled passions
54 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
make these people open and fierce banditti.
They like to kill for gain, but, even when they
know that the crime will bring them in nothing,
they will kill for the gratification of their bar-
barous lust for blood, for the pleasure of seeing
the torture of their victims, and to enjoy the
sight of his last agonies. Nothing is sacred to
them, neither Idndness nor services rendered to
them have any effect. Gratitude they under-
stand not ; hospitality is unknown to them. In
every new-comer they see an enemy whom they
dare not look straight in the face ; and if by
chance their wild, Avavering look meets the eye
of a stranger, it immediately lights up with
such fearful fire, as if it had discovered a place
in the breast where to strike -with effect. Un-
luckily for them the local laws do not tolerate
these bloody pastimes, and all are punished who
are caught in such acts. Some years ago the
prisons of Irkoutsk were constantly full of
Buriati brigands, who, when sent before the
judge, could not understand why the police
and officials, not being related to the victims,
should persecute and imprison them.
' You are neither brother nor relative of the
dead man,' a Bmiati said one day to the judge,
'what business have you to interfere in the
THE BURIATI. 55
matter ? I don't know yon, and you don't know
me. Why don't you leave me alone?'
Now tliey understand that in the interest of
general secmity men are appointed as guardians
of public safety to protect the oppressed, even
though they be not relations nor friends. This
institution still appears to them savage and un-
just, but still it exists, and to avoid the punish-
ment of prison or work in the mines they no
longer kill the first man they meet, but hunt the
Bradiagas or escaped criminals.
Criminals escaping from the mines, liable,
according to the law, to be captured, and, in
case of resistance, even to be killed, have be-
come the lawful prey of these wild huntsmen.
Where in the steppes will a witness be found
to swear that the death of an escaped criminal
was a deliberate murder, and not done in self-
defence '? The convicts, who are objects of
terror in the inhabited parts, can with difficulty
cross the Baikal countries, as at almost every
step the Buriati are hidden behind trees, or
crawl in the grass, bent on taking their
lives. Man-hunting has an irresistible charm
for them, though they never own to it, and
always try to make one believe that commercial
speculation is the sole object of then- ex-
56 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
peclitions. ' The skin of a squiiTel,' tliey say,
* brings ns only five copecks ' (twopence),
* whereas the poorest rags of a slain man
come to at least twice as much.' This plea,
which, in their way of thinldng, makes a mur-
derer only a man who seizes every opportunity
of earning a penny, is merely a cloak under
which they try to hide their irresistible thirst
for blood. Whenever news spreads that a con-
vict has escaped, they abandon their chase
of the sable, fox, or deer, whose skins would
bring them large profits, and, mad with savage
passion, they hide behind trees, where they
remain for whole days, suffering cold and
hunger, insensible to everything, and wait for
the passage of the miserable being, that they
may enjoy the sight of his d}dng convulsions.
Sometimes they get severely punished for their
bloody deeds, and the criminal records of
Irkoutsk contain many examples of this.
Some years ago, there lived a Buriati called
Satz. He inhabited a hut by himself, had no
connection with anyone, and was universally
considered a great hunter. But hunting, in
the ordinary sense, was to him only a secondary
occupation. All his time was spent in man-
hunting. Three score and ten years of age,
THE BURIATI. 57
he was strongly built, and gifted with piercing
sight. With his gun and a carefully-trained
dog, he would lie in wait for the escaped con-
victs; and never did one of these unfortunate
men escape Avith life. When his gun failed,
his gigantic dog, savage and admirably trained,
w^as brought into requisition. Once this Bm-iati,
whilst lying in wait in the bushes, saw two
poor wretches coming towards him. When
they got within shot, he fired, and one fell
dead, shot through the heart. His companion,
seeing what awaited him, threw liimself into
the bush, and ran as fast as his legs would
carry him. Seeing this, the barbarous old man,
sure of his triumph, smiled a fiendish smile,
and, untying his dog, pointed in silence the
dhection that he was to follow. The dog
snifi'ed the ground, gave a bark of joy, and
followed the trail. Several minutes passed in
mute expectation. Satz hstened attentively
to the retreating voice of his helpmate ; at
last every sound ceased, and silence reigned
around. Hours passed, and the dog did not
return as usual to lead his master to the spot
where lay the corpse of the man he had mangled
and mutilated.
The Buriati thought that perhaps the rapidity
58 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
of the flight had somewhat retarded the mo-
ment of the man's death, and, sm-e of success,
he was waiting patiently for the return of the
savage animal.
Meantime the convict, hearing the barking,
and guessing that he was pursued, ran with
almost superhuman rapidity, straining every
nerve to preserve his life. But all availed him
little ; every moment lessened the distance be-
tween him and his pursuer, till at last, tired
and worn out, he felt a sharp pain in his leg,
caused by a bite from the dog. Pain and
despair gave him new strength ; he stopped
suddenly, and, wheehng round, caught the
monster round the throat. The fight for life
or death was fearful, but short ; dog and man
fell together to the ground, the latter crushing
the dog's throat with all his might, until at
last the mouth opened, its foaming tongue hung
out, and, after a fearful convulsion, it lay sense-
less on the ground.
Most men in a similar situation would think
of nothing but the further preservation of a life
almost miraculously saved, but the Bradiaga
had another object. As long as there was
danger, he defended himself manfully, but, the
terrible moment over, his thoughts tm-ned to
THE BURIATI. 59
the feeling which is dearest to these outlawed
creatiu'es, ^az., to vengeance — fierce, unmiti-
gated vengeance. Impelled by this passion,
he stretched his aching hmbs, wiped the stream-
ing blood from his wounds, and, gathering up
his remaining strength, he moved, or rather
crawled, towards the place where the murder
was committed.
Satz sat under a tree waiting for liis dog,
and, with his hand to his ear, listened atten-
tively for the fii-st faint barkings of his favourite.
Seeing the savage old man, the convict shook
with rage, his eye shone with a sinister hght.
Concealed by the long grass, he crawled in
silence, holding his breath, till he reached the
mm-derer; then he seized the gun propped
against the tree, and threw it far away, and,
catching hold of the Biuiati off his guard, hm-led
him to the ground and bound him scarcely
resisting.
What passed between the man-hunter and
the fugitive, who from victim had become
executioner, it is impossible to describe. These
are things from which the mind revolts, at
which the heart turns faint, and the blood runs
cold. One thing is certain, however, the con-
vict did not come there to kill at one blow the
•60 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
murderer of SO many of his companions. He want-
ed to ' play a little ;' and it is well known that
convicts know how to vary such pastimes. The
joy he experienced at seeing the agonies of the
enemy of his kind was so great, so inexpressible,
that, beside it, all his life of imprisonment, his
flight and fear, seemed colourless, and not worth
the trouble. Having fulfilled his vengeance he
went to Chita, the capital of these lands, and
gave himself up, saying, ' I have escaped from
the mines. On passing the forests beyond the
Baikal I killed a Bm-iati ; judge me and shoot
me. I wish nothing, 1 expect nothing, I am
happier than any man in existence.'
Following his directions, the police found the
spot where the above described drama had been
enacted, and the body of the murdered man,
with the tongue and eyes cut out, spikes driven
in behind the nails of the hands and feet, the
skin flayed from the back, and the limbs half
charred from having been roasted aKve at a
slow fire. The agonies endured by the old
Biu-iati before his death must have been long
and fearful. Further search brought to light
the old man's hut, and in it was found an extra-
ordinary collection of one hundred and eighty-
six tin pipes, which are generally used by the
THE BURIATI. 61
convicts. This collection clearly proved that
the fiendish old man had caused the death of as
many convicts who smoked — the number of his
victims who did not smoke it is impossible to
guess.
I ought to add that the convict who revenged
his fellow-sufferers in such a cruel manner did
not meet with the death that he seemed to
court. He was sent back to hard labour,
where, working incessantly under the knout of
the poHceman, he consoles himself by seeing
the efiect his bloody action has over his
associates.*
The outward aspect of the Buriati tallies
perfectly with then brutish nature ; tall, broad-
shouldered, muscular, covered with black hair,
having flat faces, in which the nose and eyes are
hardly to be seen, they represent the type indi-
cated by Darwin, and lead one to suspect the
existence of a creature which is no longer an
animal and yet is not a man.
Their habits, mode of living, and character
place them much lower than any other primitive
Siberian races. They have no stamp of human-
ity, no sign indicative of the smallest intellectual
* This story is taken from the criminal records of the
Irkoutsk police-courts.
62 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
tendency ; idle and lazy in the highest degree,
they do not tronble themselves about their
comforts or requirements, and take no heed for
the morrow. They seek food Avhen hungry,
change their clothing when that in use is
becoming devoured by insects, and take refuge
in their huts when driven there by rain or
snow. Diit-loving, neglect, and bestiality are
shown in all their actions. Then* dwellings are
entirely unlike those of the Tunguz or the
Tartars, and, of course, in a still greater degree
unlike the large Gilliack cottages. They are
formed of a few branches carelessly stuck into
the earth, twined together, and covered with a
sort of wooden roof. A square opening in the
branches serves as a window and as an outlet
for the accumulated smoke. In these disgust-
ing hovels, amidst stench and filth, they live
with then' domestic animals, sharing with them
both food and bedding. . The only occupation
which unites them to the habits of other people
is the breeding of sheep.
The very extensive and fertile meadows
stretching beyond the Baikal, and the ease
Avith which large flocks of sheep can be kept
without care or trouble of any kind, has made
shepherds of the Buriati. Their days are spent
THE BURIATI. to
lying in idleness, whilst their possessions arc
left in charge of their faithful clogs, who per-
form the duties assigned to them very much
better and more honestly than their masters,
owing to their indolence, ever could. Their
dress consists of three leather jerkins, put on
one over the other, and covered with a large
cloak, also made of leather. The women cover
theh heads with small round caps, made of
blankets ; these caps and their long, plaited
hair constitute the sole difference in their dress
from that of the men.
In analysing these "s\dld, dirty races, more
animal than human, the question naturally arises
whether this brutish state proceeds from its
very nature and the poverty of its moral powers,
or whether it is the result of a baneful influ-
ence produced by the surrounding atmosphere
of crime, and all kinds of filth, moral and physi-
cal. Opinions are divided on this head. Some
maintain that man's nature, no matter to what
race he may belong, is the same, and that his
surroundings only — the mode of life, ideas, and
precepts instilled from youth up — make him a
hero or a criminal, a madman or an ornament
to society.
It is impossible to disagree entirely with this
64 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
theory. We all know how early impressions
influence us in after life. But, on the other
hand, we see natures so stubborn in rejecting
what is good, or so firm in resisting the evil
which surrounds their childhood, that, whilst
admitting the power of outward influences act-
ing on character, we find it diflScult to believe
in attributes derived solely from the blood of
ancestors. This is true, not only of individuals,
but of nations. As an individual gets his first
impressions by education, so does a nation
receive its character from its political state ;
but, at the same time, both the nation and the
individual possess something in their blood, in
their very essence something which belongs to
them alone, and which cannot be either altered
or obliterated.
As an example of this last theory, I will relate
the following circumstance :
Some twenty years ago, one of the higher
administrative officials in Eastern Siberia was
travelling on duty beyond the Baikal. ^^Hier-
ever he went sad and painful feelings were
awakened in him ; the idleness, the dirt, and,
above all, the cruel instincts he saw the evidence
of, shocked liis Christian and philanthropic mind,
and he could not witness without horror such
THE BURIATI. 65
unqualified degradation. He tried here and
there to influence the natives by kindness and
gentle persuasion, but the Buriati, with their
vile natures, repulsed all his advances. He
was everywhere treated as an enemy, and, had
it not been for the protection of a numerous
guard, he might have paid for his generous
intentions with his life. Disheartened by ill-
success, and embittered by opposition, he was
returning to Irkoutsk, turning over in his mind
what means might be taken to eradicate the
evil that devastated a fair and rich land, Avhen,
on passing near an abandoned hut, he saw a
little boy about seven years of age crying
bitterly. To jump out of the carriage, and,
with the aid of an interpreter, to ascertain the
cause of his grief was the work of a moment.
'How am I to help crying,' said the little
one, 'when I am left alone in the world '?' So
saying, he pointed to the dead body of a man.
' That is my father,' he added, sobbing. ' He
is dead ; and some time ago my mother died
too, and I don't know what to do.'
The oflicer, touched by so great a misfortune,
kissed the sobbing child, and said,
' Then you loved your father very dearly f
' I did not love him ; he used to beat me. I
YOL. I. F
QQ SIBERIAN PICTURES.
love no one. I cry because I don't knoAV what
is to become of me.'
These words somewhat cooled the philan-
thropic ardour of the officer, but on reflection
his thoughts took another direction.
' Who knoAvs,' he said to himself, ' what effect
good example and careful training might have
on this wild child of the desert. Let us try.
AVould you come with me V
' To the devil himself, were he to feed me,'
said the boy.
This was the beginning of the young Buriati's
career, kno^vn a few years ago as a dandy
and a favourite in the best society of Irkoutsk.
What his end was we shall soon see.
Mr. fulfilled his intentions towards the
orphan honestly. Being a childless -widower,
he adopted the boy, and, when the young man
had finished his education at Irkoutsk, he was
sent to the Ecole Centrale in Paris.
The Buriati, endowed with wonderful abilities,
made great progress, and his protector used to
say to his friends, ' You will see what I shall
make of him ; all the silly theoiies about the
instincts of blood and the inbred moral differ-
ence in races will at once be laiocked on the
head. This living example, which I shall pro-
THE BURIATI. 67
duce before the world, may become the instru-
ment in the regeneration of the Baikal tribes ;
let us civihze the savages, and they will soon
become useful members of society.' And our
philanthropist, giving the rein to his imagina-
tion, like La Fontaine's milk-woman, already
saw in the future the wild steppes stretching
beyond the Baikal transformed into a flourish-
ing province, their savage, bloodthu-sty inhabi-
tants peacefully occupied A\'ith commerce and
art, and their frail huts transformed into houses,
villages, and towns. In imagination, he even
endowed the inhos23itable land with schools and
higher institutions, and transformed its brigand-
like people into philosophers and law-givers.
He had even a project ready to put into the
JMoscow papers, ' Popular schools in the land
beyond the Baikal.'
AVhilst he was thus lost in dreams, his adopted
son, having passed through the Ecole Centrale
Avith credit, returned loaded with prizes to
Irkoutsk. Preceded by his fame, he was at
once welcomed by the aristocracy of the place,
and received on the same footing as if he be-
longed to them by birth and parentage. His
good education and the interest of his patron
procured him good employment and commanded
f2
68 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
general consideration, while his easily-influenced
nature inclined him to adopt the hfe usually led
by Siberian magnates. In the Paris university,
surrounded by studious young men anxious to
make a future career by their own efforts, he
was imbued A'sath their ardour ; in Irkoutsk,
where everyone who can afford it, spends his
substance in riotous living, he hkewise acquired
these habits. The government situation he held
was merely a sinecure giving him social stand-
ing, whilst all the drudgery was done by his
poorer friends for a hberal remuneration ; for
his adopted father never stinted him, and he
took advantage of the liberality with which he
was treated to run into the most unscrupulous
extravagance.
A month had not elapsed before the first
student of the Parisian school had been trans-
formed into the foremost dandy of these Polar
regions. He drank and gambled, and his flat
Buriati face and slanting eyes stood not in his
way in winning laurels in the boudoirs of the
Siberian beauties. His very ugliness indeed
seemed to be his chief attraction in that hne,
for nothing tempts the daughters of Eve so
much as novelty. All the vices of the golden
youth of Irkoutsk were magnified tenfold in
THE BURIATI. 69
this civilized savage. When ho gambled it
Avas with frenzy, and he carried dissipation to
its furthest limits. He was blustering in the
society of men, and almost improper in that of
ladies ; conceited among his equals, he was a
toady to his superiors and a brute to those
beneath him. In a word, he was the type on
which all the rising stars of fashion modelled
themselves in that distant corner of the globe.
Mr. , the author of this wonderful pro-
duction, was delighted, and resembled the
author of a successful piece, who, hidden be-
hind the scenes, mtnesses the success of his
work, and, hearing the applause, thinks, ' This
is the reward of my labour, the recompense for
my toil.'
' Wei],' he used to say to his friends who
came to congratulate hun upon the career of
his adopted son, ' he has acquired both know-
ledge and the polish of good society.'
A year passed — the young Phoenix of the
steppes reached the highest pinnacle of his
glory. Adored by the ladies, worshipped by
the youths of the place, tolerated by the authori-
ties, the terror of the police and night watchers,
the ornament of the draAving-rooms, he travelled
on a path strewn with laurels, and would most
70 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
likely in time have drunk himself to death or
been killed in a quarrel with one of his intimate
friends, had it not been for an apparently trifling
accident which poAverfully influenced his future.
An old Buriati appeared in Irkoutsk bringing
with him some skins to exchange for European
goods. The Buriati are often seen there, but
their journeys thither are mostly undertaken
under escort, and the termination of these ex-
cursions is invariably the gaol. How the old
man had the courage to abandon of his o'u^i
accord his hut and usual habits, and conquer
his natural indolence to come and sell sable, fox,
and bear skins, can only be accounted for by
mysterious fatality creating a thousand small
causes, out of which arise later gi'ave and un-
foreseen results.
It was through some such fatality that our
young dandy, dri\ang in his' "svell-appointed
sleigh, caught sight of his countryman spread-
ing out his skins in the market-place. The
exterior of the patriarch had nothing very
attractive. Covered with dirt and dust, smell-
ing of fish oil, and such like, he displayed in
his countenance the type already described of
mental debasement and wild bestiality. And
yet that man became an object of the most
THE BUKIATI. 71
intense interest to the favourite of Irkoiitsk. He
fancied he saw a reflection of himself in the flat,
expressionless features, or at least a kindred
being. He stopped, and, jumping out of his
sleigh, spoke a few words to the Buriati, who,
not understanding Russian, looked at his inter-
rogator suspiciously, and, showing two rows of
long, shai-p, white teeth, muttered a few words
in his native dialect. The somid of his mother
tongue awakened in him old time-Avorn associa-
tions, and the youth trembled, turned pale, and
— who can comprehend human nature ? — a tear,
a real tear, the first he had shed for years, rolled
slowly down his face, that face which up to this
time had never expressed an emotion indicating
an inward struggle of the soul or the secret
feelings of the heart.
Angry with himself, ashamed of his weakness,
he turned aAvay, remounted his sleigh, and
drove home. But from that moment an in-
describable anxiety took possession of him. He
was gloomy and silent during the orgies of
which he was Avont to be the soul ; he yaAvned
in the company of the fine ladies who flattered
him. Champagne lost its flavour ; cards bored
him, and, what vs^as still more extraordinary, for
a whole month after his meeting Avith the old
72 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
Buriati lie had not a single fight nor did he
cane a single policeman. Instead, he seemed to
be always hearing the long forgotten sound of his
native tongue, seeing the broad and hairy
frames of his brethren, smelling in the air the
odour of skins, hearing the breath of the desert
wind rustling in the branches of a Buriati hut.
All this was tending to remove from the savage
that thin coating which civilization had given
to a nature which it was unable radically to
change.
His patron was the first to remark this
change. Blindly attached to his adopted son,
he redoubled his efforts to make his life attract-
ive. He purchased new horses and carriages,
invented new amusements, and doubled his
gifts of money. But all to no puipose. The
young man, reserved and mysterious, loving no
one, trusting no one, hid in the depths of his
soul the mental malady which was slowly over-
shadowing his existence.
The doctors called it hypochondria, spleen, but
it was nothing but home-sickness, a longing for
the land which had cradled the first ideas and
impressions of that desert child.
This state lasted some months. At last one
morning the young Buriati suddenly disappear-
THE BURIATl. 16
ed, 'and neither the efforts of his patron nor the
researches of the pohco had any result. It was
generally supposed that in a fit of temporary
insanity he had throAvn himself into the river
flowing by Irkoutsk ; and this idea would have
remained till this day had it not been that
several years after lie was accidentally discover-
ed amongst the Bnriati tribes. A few words
spoken by him in French led to the discovery,
otherwise no one would have recognised in the
dirt-begi-imed, foul-smelling man the late dandy
and student of a Paris gjannasium.
This meeting did not lead to his forsaking
the life he had chosen. All the efforts made
in that direction proved unavailing. His patron
journeyed through the steppes to endeavour to
awake his heart, his sentiments, but all in vain I
The late Don Juan of Irkoutsk answered in his
dialect that he did not know what they wanted,
that he had never left his country, had never
known, and did not Avish to knoAV, a different
life from the one he was leading ; and the sur-
rounding Buriati, Avith their usual craftiness,
confirmed his words, one of them even declaring
that he was his father !
Nothing remained to be done. The laAv for-
bids a son to be taken aAvay by force from his
74 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
father, aud written documents, registers of
birth_, &c., do not exist in the desert. Thus,
in spite of the moral conviction, it was impos-
sible to bring anytliing home to the runaAvay
Buriati, especially as the few words spoken by
him in French, and which he most energetically
denied afterwards, were the only signs of for-
getfulness he was ever guilty of during his life
in the steppes. All the proofs to which he was
put were without result, and, to every question
put to him in another tongue, he invariably
replied in Buriati, ' horn ' (I don't understand).
Thus he was left to the life he had chosen.
His friend returned to Irkoutsk with somewhat
altered opinions as to the influence of civiliza-
tion in remoulding the type of races and the
regeneration of primitive tribes. The young
Parisian laureate, lover of cards, champagne, and
truffles, lives in a Buriati hut, anoints himself
Avith grease, hunts bears, and now and then lies in
Avait for a convict to satisfy the instincts of
his natm-e by. the sight of the exphing agonies
of his victim, instincts to which his old orgies,
his boxing matches, and the caning of police-
men ministered but feebly.*
* This narrative is strictly true in all its details, aud
Avas related to me by a most trustworthy witness.
THE BURIATI. 75
Besides the pagau Buriati, wliosc blood-
thirsty nature and wild, brutal stubbornness
in resisting the efforts of civilization we have
endeavoured to describe, there lives in the
north, beyond the Baikal, and in the south of
the government of Irkoutsk, the Buddist Buriati,
Of the same origin and blood, they yet differ
from their brethren who profess the Shaman
pagan faith, not only in character, but in all
their outward characteristics. The beneficial
influence of the teaching of Prince Sidert, a
hermit from Salda, who, having become a Bud-
dist, made known the mystery of Nirvana,
founded on the old metempsychosis of Indian
Brahminism, has caused their distinct position.
The tenets of the Buddist rehgion, which aims
at sparing every living creature as much pain
and sorrow as possible, are distinctly opposed
to everything cruel or unjust, enjoining respect
for the life of even the crawling "svorm ; and
it has had the effect of softening gradually their
savage nature.
The Buddist Buriati are ashamed of their
Shaman brethren, looking on them as men
steeped in materialism ; and they pity the
Christians, whose faith forces them to see in
eternity everlasting sufi'ering, whilst they, con-
76 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
sidering existence as a misfortune and death
a sweet tranquillity, see in ' nirvana ' (nothing-
ness) the summit of all good and the highest
pinnacle of happiness. I ought to add that
this moral state of the Buddists of the southern
part of Irkoutsk is true only of then ' Lamas '
(priests), ^vho have some notions of the teach-
ing proclaimed twelve centuries ago by the
son of the Indian king, Suddadam. The com-
mon people, following blindly the time-hon-
oured road, fulfil all the observances prescribed
by the Indo-Buddist faith without knowing
the significance of a searching into the doc-
trines which underlie the outAvard forms. The
allegorical figures they interpret by the senses
materially, and, when asked for the explanation
of these signs, they are unable to answer.
In every important Budchst Bmiati settlement
stands a pagoda. This building of wood has
all the appearance of a European church or
Mohammedan mosque, except that on the top
of the high tower, instead of the Saviour's cross
or the crescent of Islam, there rises a long,
sharp-pointed needle. This symbol pourtrays
the human thought and the prayers of those
assembled inside shooting up to heaven. In
the interior of the pagoda stands the table of
THE BURIATL 77
sacrifice, or altar, beside wbicli the Lama per-
forms the rehgious rites. The daily offerings
placed thereon consists of salt, grain, and a
piece of cooked mutton, and fills three small
copper dishes. This bloodless ofi"ering is like
the 'Jiige Sacrificium' of the ancient Israelites.*
Not far from the altar, a little to the right, is
seen the wheel of prayers.f This engine is like
an enormous mill, such as is used in European
granaries. The Buddists who wish to pray
have to keep turning the handle of it. On
both the side walls of the pagoda, as well as
in the recess round the altar hang pictures
painted on tin, or stand statues carved in wood
or stone. All these represent the protecting-
deity, or Budda, his prophet. These symbols
shock by their deformity those whose eyes
are accustomed to gaze on artistic contours,
and even the idealization of human shapes.
This is the reason why almost all the travellers
who visit the pagodas, and who do not investi-
gate the nature of things, are loud in their
condemnation of the hideousness of these statues
* Numbers, xxviii, v. 3. Exodus, xxix, v. 38.
t This machine is full of small pieces of paper, each
signifying a short prayer. The rise and fall of these slips,
caused by the turning of the handle, constitutes the prayer.
78 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
and pictures. The monstrous ugliness, how-
ever, of these emblems is nothing but an alle-
gorical form, whose object it is to represent
through the senses the mental attributes of
the deity. For example, omnipotence is re-
presented by a man with an almost unlimited
number of hands ; the power of seeing every-
thing by a like figure, covered, like the ancient
Argus, by a multitude of eyes. In the Bud-
dist religion, humps on the forehead mean
wisdom, a hump on the back the Aveight of
saciifices which he carried ; claws on the
fingers, horns on the head, and tusks pro-
jecting from the mouth signify the different
transformations he Avent through before he was
able by his endurance and his penance to
annihilate his existence and steep himself for
ever in the shades of Nirvana.
During the religious ceremonies, the Lamas
invariably sit on the ground motionless, with
their eyes fixed on the im^iersonation of the
sage, amid the strains of a music which is soft
at first and scarcely audible, but soon becom-
ing a deafening noise. Tliis music, composed
of kettledrums, cymbals, very long trumpets, and
large sea-shells, furnished with whistles, is wild
and loud, and docs not possess the slightest
THE BURIATI. 79
harmony. All the instruments composing this
hideous orchestra are imported by the Buriati
from Pekin, and no important festival or religi-
ons observance can take place without this in-
fernal concert. Often even on ordinary days,
the rich worshippers of Budda, summon to their
houses the noisy artists of the pagoda, and,
turning the wheel of prayer, appear to find
enjoyment in this chaos of sounds. Their fasts
— of which they keep several during the year —
consist of a complete abstinence from sunrise
to sunset. During these fasts they also observe
absolute silence ; the instant, however, the sun
sinks beneath the horizon, large basins filled
Avith meat, prepared beforehand, vanish with
prodigious rapidity, and the greediness of the
fasting Buriati knows no limits. This, together
Avith the abuse of strong drinks, Avhich char-
acterises the conclusion of every fast, creates
numerous illnesses arising from oA'er-eating and
over-drinking.
The Buddist Lama should be a model of
gentleness, patience, and humility; he ought
to distinguish himself by abstemiousness, and
be a living example of the way in Avhich people
should overcome all their CAal passions and
habits, tending to draAV their minds aAvay from
80 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
tlie peaceful contemplation of Nirvana. All the
more so, as in the countries belonging to
Russia Avhere Buddism is scarcely tolerated,
there are no gigantic pagodas, serving to har-
bour a host of beggars whose rags remind one
forcibly of the miserable uncertainty of earthly
things. This task should be the chief incentive
in the lives of the Buddist priesthood ; but, as
is usually the case in this world, the Lamas,
whilst conforming outwardly to the principles of
their law-giver, know how to eschew these
laws, and give full rein to their desires and
passions. These representatives of all the
cardinal virtues assume dming their religious
ceremonies a solemn immobility, intended to
remind the faithful of the dogma of the com-
plete annihilation of existence; and, in making
themselves motionless for a few moments, they
imagine they have fulfilled their mission.
The Buddist religion, with the intention of
preserving the servants of the altar from the
love of earthly pleasures, has forbidden mar-
riage ; but, following the letter of the law, they
do not get married in the pagodas, but private-
ly, and thus, having several unlawful wives,
persuade themselves that they have in no way
transgressed.
THE BURFATI. 81
The respect for life in every animal is one
of the chief tenets of their faith. Following
np this idea, the Lamas always carry about with
them a utensil for filtering water, which, ac-
cording to them, saves from destruction myiiads
of small insects that are found in every liquid,
and yet, w^hilst seeming to perform so thorough-
ly the precepts of the sage, they do not hesitate
during the festivals to partake of roast mutton
or other meat. Finally, much as they feel it
incumbent upon them to assume an attitude of
perfect immobility in the temple, as much do
they outside it, by their liveliness, the freedom
of their movements, and the gaiety of their
conversation, in all respects imitate the habits
and ways of common mortals. More than this,
they trv to go beyond the laity, and to show,
more especially to foreigners, their social
quahties. They are entirely different from
other pagan priests, possessing a certain erudi-
tion, and are able, if not to explain completely,
at least to give a very good idea of the signi-
fication of the symbols of the Book of Vedas.
Having a taste for theological discussions, they
never avoid them, and take a pleasme in ex-
pounding the mysteries of Nii'vana.
A year ago, when a rich Buddist merchant
VOL. I. G
82 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
died in Irkoutsk, the Lama who arrived for the
funeral accepted the hospitahty of the Russian
inhabitants, and, in frequenting assembhes
arranged after the European fashion, these
desert priests did not shock their hosts by
much difference in their habits and customs.
A few of the Siberian pagan priests speak
Eussian very fairly, but the Mongol tongue,
which should be familiar to them for the per-
formance of the duties of their faith, they often
do not understand. The Buriati address their
priests in their native dialect ; all the religious
ceremonies, however, are performed in the
Sanscrit by the priests, who read mechanic-
ally the doctrines, written in the ancient Indian
tongue, unintelligible alike to themselves and
their congregation.
The usual mode of praying to the Supreme
Being consists, as I have already said, in turn-
ing the prayer-wheel, inside which the slips
of paper, with the letters ' Om ' (a sigh to God),
moved by catches placed within the box, keep
rising and falling alternately. These machines
may often be seen standing by the road-side,
for the use and convenience of the faithful ;
and no votary of Budda will ever pass one
of these mills without stopping. Seeing the
THE BURIATI. 83
prayer-wheel, he dismounts, and, after having
given a few tiu'ns to the handle, continues his
journey, happy in the conviction that he has
thus fulfilled liis religious duties. Some, par-
ticularly anxious to distinguish themselves by
their piety, keep such wheels, but of course
much smaller, in their houses. This article,
reminding one somewhat of a musical box, is
placed beside its owner, who, whenever the
wish prompts him, turns the handle. He does
not do this with the reverence which would
seem indispensable whilst performing the most
solemn act of faith, but quite mechanically,
thinlring of something else, whilst smoking his
pipe, taking his food, or even talking to his
friends on the most trivial subjects.
The houses of the Buddist Bmiati, built of
wood in the European style, are clean and neat.
In addition to the prayer-wheel and the statue
of Budda, there are a great many chests in
the room, and a number of household utensils,
such as copper basins, plates, saucepans, tea-
caddies, &c., neatly arranged on shelves. These
chests, the gigantic dimensions of which attract
the attention of strangers, contain nothing at
all, though they are provided with good locks.
This arises from the character of the Irkoutsk
g2
84 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
Buriati, whose failing it is to make themselves
appear richer than they are, and to simulate a
wealth they clo not possess. They like to ex-
hibit to visitors their smallest possessions, and
are delighted if they have been able to excite the
envy of their neighbours thereby. Even when
they have bought in Irkoiitsk a piece of stuff
for a gown for their wife, or a handkerchief
for their daughter, it must not be put away
in one of these large boxes, but laid in a con-
spicuous place, so that every visitor may see
it, and conceive a high idea of then- financial
position. In reality, their stores are never very
considerable. This nation, inexpert in com-
merce, has never been able, with the best in-
tentions on their part, to take the prominent
station which belongs to wealth and trade.
Though devoid of acuteness, they are, never-
theless, open to receiving outward impressions,
and are always most anxious to inquire into
anything novel. The possession of an innate
curiosity, a spirit of inquiry, and a desire to
leave the sphere in which they live might sug-
gest a hope tliat this branch of the Buriati
would soon become civilized, were it not for
a blind attachment to Buddism, which forms
an insurmountable barrier. The only difficulty
THE BURIATI. 85
ill the way of bringing the Shaman savages
morally closer to the Em'opean population lies
in the immense expanse of the steppes, in the
midst of Avhich their settlements are scattered.
Could this geographical difficulty be obviated,
all the Shaman tribes, joining by degrees the
Chiistian church, would in time assimilate Avith
the in-coming population. But Avith the Bud-
dists the matter assumes another aspect. There
the foundations are purely mental, the ideal of
undisturbed peace, so dear to their sluggish
natiu'e, and especially the predominance of
then- priests, who, in spite of their failings,
occupy a much higher standing than the Sha-
mans, a rock against which all efforts A\dll be
broken.
86
CHAPTER IV.
THE SAYANS, MONGOLS, AND YAKUTS.
HAVING described the Baikal and the Irkou-
tsk Bmiati, let us now turn to the west,
and, following the Chinese frontier, anive at
the southern boundary of the Yenisei govern-
ment. Here dwell the Sayans and the Mon-
gols, the dwarfed descendants of a once mighty
and warlike nation.
Several centuries ago, when the Kirghiz and
Tartars were spreading terror through the
neighbouring Asiatic countries, Mongolia alone
not only opposed their encroachments, but even
in her might equalled the Chinese empire, which
was as strong as herself in warlike matters, and
far superior to her in civilization. In the course
of time it happened, as it generally does when
the science and political enlightenment of a
THE SAYAXS, MONGOLS, AND YxVKUTS. 87
nation are put iii the scale against its savage
neighbonrs, whose only reliance is in their
swords, Mongolia was conquered by the Mant-
churs, and became a Chinese province. The
scope of this work does not permit us to enter
into details concerning the history of these
countries, and, if I mention the above facts,
it is because during the annexation of MongoUa
to the Chinese empire a small part of the mi-
gi'atory races inhabiting the almost inaccessible
regions of the colossal Sayan mountains escaped
the notice of the mandarins who were re-
organizing the newly-conquered province, and,
after living for a long time independent, they
were joined to Russia in the last century. This
section of the Mongol race is but small, and
from the fact of the frontier not being perfectly
surveyed, as well as from the fact of their
constantly moving from place to place, none
of the families composing it know with certainty
to Avhich of the two nations they belong.
The Sayans and the Mongols, though possess-
ing all the outward characteristics of their
nation, in addition to the signs impressed upon
them by their connection with the Mantchurs,
are very different from their ancestors. The
specially warlike character of that nation has
88 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
been weakened under the inflnence of centimes
of stagnation and isolation. Their encroaching
tendencies have vanished. Not a trace remains
of their former endurance and energy, and,
what is stranger still, personal courage — that
distinctive attribute of man hving in a state
of nature — ^has ceased to be their portion.
All the Siberian tribes, in spite of their many
vices and failings, rival each other in their
indomitable bravery and a courage which scorns
danger ; whereas, the Sayans, descendants of
one of the most courageous nations, are now
timid, and ever ready to seek safety in an
ignominious flight. Their Asiatic cunning makes
them dangerous enemies in commercial trans-
, actions, but, let their courage be put to the
test, they instantly become humble and ready
to acquiesce in everything. No one ^vill ever
gain anything from them by kindness or gentle-
ness, but the sight of a revolver or a well-
sharpened knife, or even a commanding tone
of s^oice has a wonderful eifect upon them.
A few years ago, Avhile travelling along the
Chinese frontier, and often visiting the Sayans'
encampments, I was able to become acquainted
with their character. In spite of their entire
indiff'erence to the rites of hospitality, of their
THE SAYAXS, MONGOLS, AND YAKUTS. 89
vague ideas about other people'.s property, and
even of their criminal tendencies, their coward-
ice is so great that the well-armed European
travellers who will keep watch in tm^l, can
easily traverse these countries without risking
their Hves.
The land they inhabit is incomparably beauti-
ful, but that beauty has nowhere the bcAvitching
charm of the Amoor province ; neither the
snowy peaks of the Alps nor the bold summits
of the Pyrenees can give the sHghtest idea
of these masses of granite, of the fantastic con-
tours of these huge walls of rock, of this wild
region which seems to have neither beginning
nor end. So fearful, so terrible is it in its vast-
ness, that one's ideas s'eem oppressed and the
imagination overwhelmed. It is a chaos of
towering rocks, primeval forests, foaming tor-
rents, and unfathomable abysses, in whose pres-
ence man, the lord of creation, seems to be
dwarfed.
The Sayan habitations, covered with Avhite
bark or the skins of animals, may be seen,
now at the foot of a precipice, anon, like the
nest of a wild bird, perched against the
rocky wall, a white speck scarcely visible
amidst the colossal mountain forms. The
90 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
inhabitants are so much accustomed to this
wild grandeur that when first they come into
the plains they cannot understand it. Aston-
ished and frightened, they seem to be seeking
the granite walls which separate their birth-
place from the rest of the world. Their life,
occupied entirely in liunting, fishing, and feed-
ing sheep, would be peaceful and secluded were
it not for their passion for barter, or rather
theh irrepressible desire to cheat anyone they
may come across. They do not understand
simple exchange of goods with merely a fair
profit, and never feel quite happy unless they
have been able to take-in the stranger by
then- frequently-transparent trickery. When
craft and cunning are of no avail, they have
recourse to theft, and when successful they
delight in congTatulating themselves on their
adroitness in appropriating the property of
others.
The dress of the fSayans and the Mongolians
living on the frontier very much resembles the
dress of the Chinese of the lower class. It
consists of a long, chcular cloak with a low
Avaist, turned-up shoes with thick soles, and
a leather hat adorned with turned-up flaps.
All the men shave their heads, and only a
THE SAYANS, MONGOLS, AND YAKUTS. 91
very few leave a long plait of hair, growing
from the top of the head and flowing down
the back. These latter are Buddists — with this
exception, all belong to the Shaman faith.
The Buddist Lama living in the fortified town
of Uliassoutai in MongoHa never comes into
these parts, thinking no donbt that he need
not give himself so much trouble for the sake
of the few worshippers of Budda; it is the
latter who, once a year, make a journey to
the pagoda at Uliassoutai to perform the duties
prescribed by their religion. In their houses
may be found small, clumsily carved statuettes
of a sage descended from the Sakei, to which
they present offerings and burn incense several
times in the month.
The religious ceremonies of the Sayans differ
only slightly from those of the Tunguz ; the
principal distinction consists in having a Gonia,
an old woman who often assists the priest when
attending the sick, and a Zig (a clown on the
rehgious staff), whose duty it is to amuse the
public during the festivals of the white god, or
at a mamage feast.
The Gonia is a very old woman, thin, yellow,
generally deformed, and reminding one strongly
of the witches in ' Macbeth.' She knows less
92 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
about the properties of plants than the priests,
but enjoys a large income from the terror she
creates by ascribing to herself the power of
casting charms.
Zig always appears in a dress covered with
bells, his face smeared with coal, and talking
nonsense. It is difficult to understand the exist-
ence of this individual, as, although belonging
to the religious staff, he is yet held in universal
contempt. With this clerical mountebank no
one entertains relations of friendship or social
intercourse, no one addresses him or takes his
hand, knowing that the slightest approach to
friendship with him is looked upon as ignomini-
ous and as a serious breach of self-respect.
Such are the habits and customs of the
Sayans inhabiting the border lands, who, al-
though no longer under the rule of China,
cannot be said to belong thoroughly to Siberia.
This small tribe, complete in itself, is, never-
theless, connected with all the other offshoots
of the Mongolians until it reaches the Ourga,
Avhere it gradually merges into the Mantchur
race.
Beginning with the Urzankhai, whose settle-
ments extend beyond the Dzungariac, and
around Uliassoutai to the Uran huts belonging
THE SAYANS, MOXGOLS, AND YAKUTS. 93
to the Ourga principality, there arc many
different races in the interior of Mongolia re-
sembling each other, and only differing gradu-
ally as they diverge more and more. The
Sayan tribe, standing in advance like a vedette,
first shows the sharp outlines of the type, which
further on gradually disappears in the broad
expanse of the Chinese Empire. The destiny
of two distinct nations joined by conquest is
always influenced by their separate nationalities.
China, by the force of her civilization, obliter-
ates the Mongolian nationality, whilst MongoKa
by the force of her past glory influences the
government of the whole comitry, having at
the summit of power one of her descendants.*
A long time must yet elapse before this ques-
tion is finally settled, and in the meantime the
influence of the higher civilization of the Mant-
clim'S upon the wild Mongohan customs is so
great, the moral force so strong and incessant,
that the races tend to merge into each other,
and even now it is with difficulty one can
trace an ethnographical frontier between China
proper and its annexed province.
* The present Emperor of China, Ki-tsiang-, is of 3Iou-
golian origin.
94 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
In describing the Sayans — Avho thougli they
are not numerous, and possess no standing in
the history of Eastern nations, are, notwith-
standing, very important, being a connecting
link in the chain of the different nationaHties
hving imder one crown — I have somewhat
diverged from my task. I will therefore re-
tnrn to my programme, and describe the series
of tribes inhabiting the Siberian territory.
We will noAv take a glance at the centre of
Siberia, inhabited by the Yakuts, differing
among themselves in character and even in
appearance. The province of Yakutck, their
birthplace, also belongs to a land scarcely
known to Europeans. The rare traveller who
visits Siberia on a scientifio expedition gener-
ally penetrates as far as Irkoutsk, and dare
not venture further. In a manner it may be
said to form the junction of European civiliza-
tion with Asiatic barbarity. The post-road,
however, which crosses the northern part of
the province of Irkoutsk, extends as far as
the miserable little town of Kirensk. Beyond
this, one can still get over a few score of
versts on wheels, and then all that tends to
remind one of Europe ceases suddenly. The
chief impediment to the mode of travelling
THE SAYANS, MONGOLS, AND YAKUTS. 95
one is usually accustomed to, is formed by
an arm of the great river Lena, which cuts
off all further communication, and seems to
say, ' Thus far, and no further.' But this first
impression, produced by the steep and rocky
banks of one of the finest rivers in Siberia,
vanishes in the presence of necessity. At this
point, when all visible tracks end, commence
quite chfiferent means of communication, uniting
the lands already traversed with the Yakuts
country.
In summer those whose commercial or pro-
fessional duties compel them to continue their
journey, embark on large rafts or boats, and
navigate the Lena in an easterly du'ection :
in winter the com'se of the same river, but
this time thickly coated with ice, becomes the
line along which glide small sledges drawii
by dogs, carrying the traveller over seemingly
endless distances. Both the summer and winter
journeys are often most tiring, and almost im-
possible for a man unaccustomed to such
fatigue. In summer, during the dog-days,
the sun's burning rays, the swarms of venomous
insects, thirst, and loss of strength render one
helpless. In winter, polar cold, snowdiifts, and
storms sweeping across the steppes ^ve no
96 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
breatliing time or a moment's peace. In both
seasons the entii'e absence of the commonest
necessaries of life becomes a torture wliich
can only be nndergone by those whose lot
has been cast amid the wild steppes. On the
banks of the Lena are seen here and there
the yonrts, or huts, of the Yakuts, forming,
as it were, an arteiy whose weak pulsation
marks the existence of man. This hne, traced
by the course of the river, is the only inhabited
part. Beyond it there is nothing but an end-
less expanse stretching on till it disappears
beneath the Avaters of the Arctic Ocean. The
Yakuts living close to the banks of the gigan-
tic Lena make frequent excursions into the
interior of these mysterious regions, but they
never ventm-e veiy far, fully av/are that, the
moment the provisions they have brought with
them are exhausted, starvation stares them in
the face.
Living for centuries in this desert, and hold-
ing no communication whatever mth the out-
side world, except when they come to sell
fish and game to the travellers on the Lena,
the Yakuts have preserved unimpaired then*
primitive character. No foreign element has
influenced their habits, mode of living, or cus-
THE SAYAXS, MONGOLS, AND YAKUTS. 97
toms. No trace of civilization appears among
them. Quiet, gentle, upright, and extremely
patient, thej are never the slaves of their
passions, never give way to violent feelings
of revenge or hate. Cunningness, falseness,
and hypocrisy are unknown amongst them.
Their Avord can always be relied upon ; their
promise is always fulfilled ; an assurance once
given is faithfully kept. The uprightness of
these people is so great that in the annals
of their quiet life there has never been an
instance of cheating or stratagem, still less of
crime. These noble qualities are the gift of
Nature ; but their incomparable patience is
chiefly the result of climate and atmospheric
influence.
This opinion is arrived at from general ethno-
graphical considerations. All nations inhabit-
ing the high northern latitudes are distinguished
by this same virtue. The characters of Lap-
landers, Icelanders, and the inhabitants of the
rocky confines of Norway bear the marks of
this passive, lamb-like patience. The power
which tends to level all inward demonstrations
is the polar temperature, which congeals every
violent motion of the blood, every strong feel-
ing. Under this freezing influence, the rest-
VOL. I. H
98 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
lessness inborn in man is calmed, the passions
sober down, and the man whose fate made
him a child of these northern latitudes becomes
an automaton, impervious alike to cold and
to an affront, and bearing Avith the same equa-
nimity a box on the ear or a snowstorm. Pati-
ence which we consider a virtue, because it
has its roots in moral power, overcoming the
agitation of the blood, becomes in these children
of the North a defect in character. It is im-
possible not to pity these unfortunates, bearing
Avith angehc patience the abuse and ill-treat-
ment— generally brutal and invariably unde-
served— vented upon them by the small mer-
chants or petty clerks traA^elling on the Lena.
Yet they do not deserve contempt ; they do
not act thus from any want of self-respect,
but rather from an apathy bordering on moral
incapacity. They receive ahke good or bad
Avith equal faith in the justice of whatcA^er
befalls them.
It often happens that the monotony of the
joiuney on a raft, the Avant of occupation, and
especially the knoAvledge of perfect impunity
makes low and degraded shopkeepers' assist-
ants, devoid of all feelings of humanity, do
things which are beyond practical jokes, and
THE SAYANS, IMONGOLS, AND YAKUTS. O'J
which closely resemble cmeltj, but even then
the iinequalled patience of the Yakuts never
forsakes them. The follo^\ang anecdote has
been related to me : —
Last year a few men were sent by their
masters from Irkoutsk to transact some com-
mercial business in Yakutck. After having
finished their land journey, they, as is custom-
ary, went on board a raft, and with their guides
and wares sailed on the river Lena. This
journey appeared monotonous and tu-esome to
men accustomed to the amusements and dis-
sipations of a large town, so, after having
half-emptied the brandy barrel, played cards
till they were tired, and given and received
a good many bruises in friendly quarrels, they
found themselves at the end of their resources,
and did not know how to kill the tune that
still remained to be spent on board. Luckily
the Yakuts' yourts found on the banks afforded
a pastime much in vogue then. Landing every
few hours under the pretext of buying fish or
meat, they took the opportunity to annoy in
every way the peaceful aborigines sitting quiet-
ly outside theu" huts ; but all theh nice jokes,
sometimes physically painful, produced no effect
on the patient and gentle Yakuts, accustomed
h2
100 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
to such behaviour. The Yakuts only smiled
sweetly, and wished them good-bye kindly and
in a friendly manner, as if the Russians had
been loading them with favours instead of in-
sulting them incessantly.
This painful conduct, the absence of all oppo-
sition, and apparent insensibility, failed to
satisfy the half-drunk and quarrelsome shop-
men. They got tired of persecuting people
who seemed so callous, and, angry at meeting
no opposition, they left the inhabitants of the
desert in peace. Days and weeks dragged on
their slow course, the second month since they
embarked had commenced, and the journey
down the Lena seemed as far from completion
as ever. Their heads ached from constant
drinking, ' shtos and stukulka ' (a favourite
game of cards) failed to amuse them any
longer, even the friendly fights seemed to have
palled.
What was to be done ? How kill the re-
maining time ?
' Shall we try the Yakuts once more T said
one.
' No use ; they are made of stone, nothing
will touch them.'
' Shall we try to anger them V
THE SATANS, MONGOLS, AND YAKUTS. 101
' Impossible, they don't know how to be
angry.'
' That is because you have not tried them
properly. If I only wished '
' What ! could you regale us with the sight
of an infuriated Yakut? that would be a
wonderful sight. Unfortunately no one has as
yet been able to do it.'
' Except me.'
' Will you bet V cried the others.
' Certainly, anything you like to bet.' And
so it was.
The hero who undertook this chivalrous enter-
prise was a strong, broad-shouldered man,
with a red nose, a voice hoarse from continual
drinking, and was celebrated in Irkoutsk for
his frequent quarrels. The first Yakut that
they came to was chosen as the subject on
which this innocent game was to be played.
Soon after this conversation, some Avhite yourts
of the aborigines appeared in the distance. At
the sight of them the sleepy, drunken faces of
the shopmen brightened up, the prospect of a
new amusement seemed to rouse them from the
somnolent state to which hard drinking and the
monotony of the journey had reduced them,
and they looked forward impatiently to the
102 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
moment of landing, At last tho raft toiicliecl
the bank, and they jumped ashore. In a small
valley smTounded by rocks rose a few yourts,
forming a semi-cu'cle. Before each of these
improvised houses, the Yakut families were
quietly lying in the sun ; some of them, perceiv-
ing the new-comers, rose and humbly offered
their services. The war-like shopman scanned
them all round, seeldng the fittest physiognomy
for his intended victim. Not liking half-measures,
he wished to win his bet gloriously, and select-
ed for his experiment the one who seemed to
him most worthy by his position of such notice.
This was a man of middle age, with long,
black hair and black eyes, and an aj)pearance
of calmness and dignity about his whole person
— one to whom the other aborigines seemed
to pay gi-eat respect.
' You woolley one, come here.'*
The man thus apostrophised rose immediately,
and, leaving the nets he was mending, bowed
low and approached,
' My good fellow, Avhy have you such a short
nose ? let me pull it and perhaps it Avill grow,'
* All the shopmen sent on these journeys can speak the
Yakutsh dialects.
THE SAYANS, MONGOLS, AND YAKUTS. 103
and so saying with his powerful hand he puhed
the Yakut's nose.
The poor man only smiled, trying to appear
as if he shared in the innocent merriment, and
not a muscle of his face displayed inward dis-
pleasm-e. Seeing that this was a failure, the
shopman successively tried more and more
painful jokes, He threw in the man's face
a bucketful of cold water, poured some pitch on
his head, and filled his mouth with tobacco, and
in fact tried all the -witticisms approved in such
cases, giving a bright example of the mental
culture of the class to which he belonged. The
subject of this entertainment only smiled good-
naturedly, and his surrounding fellow-country-
men enjoyed the game immensely. Enraged by
the fear of losing his bet, the shopman exchang-
ed his jokes for operations of a most painful
description ; the smile vanished from the Yakut's
face, a look of suffering appeared in its place.
He opened his lips as if to speak, but he evi-
dently did not know how to put his thoughts
into words.
' Stop,' said one of the Kussians, ' he is going
to speak ; you have at last made him impatient,
and he will now begin to swear at you ; you
have won your bet.'
lOi SIBERIAN PICTURES.
Struck by the jiistico of this observation, the
operator let go his victim, and eyeing him
severely, asked in a gruflf voice,
' Perhaps my jokes displeased you.'
The unfortunate man looked at him quietly,
and said,
' No, they pleased me very much, but '
' What, what V cried the other, hoping now to
vdn his bet.
' I have one prayer to make to you, please
allow me to scream out if you are to go on
playing with me.'
These words fell like a thunderbolt on the
shopman fully anticipating a victory.
' I have lost my bet,' he cried, angrily ; ' let's
go away, there is nothing to be done here.'
And the merry party went on board the raft
once more, the shopman complaining loudly of
the stupidity of the aborigines, through which
he was obliged to pay his friends a round sum
of money.
This pictiire shows a phase of human charac-
ter so different from our European ideas that,
to one who does not know the inhabitants of
these distant lands, it must appear unnatural and
exaggerated. There is no one general level of
character in these countries, such as civilization
THE SAYAXS, r^IOXGOLS, AND YAKUTS. 105
produces among other nations. Here each race,
being subject to a different cHmate and differ-
ent influences, forms itself and acquires special
characteristics, which, being developed to their
utmost limits, surprise us by tlie sharpness of
their outlines.
For instance, can there be any more striking
difference than exists between the fierceness of
the Buriati and the patience and gentleness of
the Yakuts, the fiendish cunning of the Gilh-
acks and the kind-heartedness and friendliness
of the Tunguz and Tartars. Such extremes are
to be met with, not only in Siberia, but in
other places wherever social development has
not effaced individuahties. The history of the
discovery of America, and of the subsequent
voyages to the New World, furnish us with
numerous examples. Columbus, Cook, and
others found totally different phases of charac-
ter in the different places in which they landed.
Now they came upon the cannibal Caribs, anon
upon the gentle and friendly Iroquois ; the
Mandans inhabiting the banks of the Missouri
welcomed the white arrivals as supernatural be-
ings, and the blood-thirsty Shawans butchered
the unwary sailors by a blow from their toma-
hawks. In a word, wherever the Europeans
106 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
landed tlioy found the wild races of America
differing from each other in their aims, character,
and disposition, and yet all these branches be-
longed to one gi-eat race of red-skinned Indians ;
whilst the nations of northern Asia, though now
in a measure connected, have sprung originally
from perfectly dissimilar races. The Ural-Altai,
Kalkas, Old Kamtsckatka, Mongolian, and Mant-
chur tribes constituted centuries ago separate na-
tions, and if at present the thread of social rela-
tions and the civilizing efforts of the government
connect these different elements, yet, considering
their primitive derivation, we can hardly be sur-
prised to see in their descendants such multi-
form habits and characters.
The Yakuts are of small stature, thick-set, and
awkward in their movements. Naturally of a
social disposition, they agree wonderfully
amongst themselves. Their occupations, like those
of all the Asiatic tribes, are fishing and hunting,
fishing generally merely to satisfy their wants,
and hunting for the same reason, or to protect
themselves from wild animals. They do not ex-
perience so much pleasure in these occupations
as the other races. They fish and hunt from
necessity, not from love of sport. Their greatest
pleasure, especially during the long winter
THE SAYANS, MONGOLS, AND YAKUTS. 107
nights, consists in large gatherings in thoir
yonrts to Hsten to long stories related by those
among them who are distinguished by their
talent in that line.
If a traveller, acquainted with the Yakut lan-
guage or having a good interpreter, finds him-
self within a yourt at such a time, and flatters
himself he has at last come upon a mine of tra-
ditions or popular legends, he is soon undeceived,
the narratives of the Yakuts being neither his-
tory nor legend, nor even imaginative, but mere-
ly a conglomeration of the same oft-repeated
phrases, illogically put together, and having nei-
ther aim nor sequence, neither beginning nor
end. The usual theme of these stories is a con-
versation between a man and various animals, an
entirely meaningless conversation in which it is
impossible to discover a guiding idea. For in-
stance : —
A man goes, goes, goes (this signifies a long
journey, and is repeated several scores of times)
and meets a wolf.
' Wolf, where art thou going T
' In search of food for I am hungry, and my
she-wolf is hungry, and my young ones are hun-
gry-'
On hearing this reply, the man again goeSy
108 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
goes, goes (here follows an almost endless repe-
tition of tlie verb to go) and meets an eagle
flying.
' Eagle, where art thou flying V
' To seek food for I am hungry, and my mate
is hungry, and my young ones are hungry.'
And in this way the man meets all the known
animals inhabiting these regions, to each of them
he puts the same question, and from each re-
ceives the same answer. There is a great
variety of animals in the forests, and the naiTa-
tor feels bound not to omit a single one, from
the reindeer down to the scarcely perceptible
midge. For this reason the talk lasts for several
hours, and yet the audience never appear tired
of hearing the incessant repetition of the same
phrases, and seem to hang on the words pro-
ceeding from the lips of the narrator.
A stranger listening to one of these stories is
constantly expecting that the end of a Yakut's
tale will show some meaning or carry some
slight suspicion of a moral lesson, in fact, have
some meaning ; he rejoices in the hope that the
man who is always going, and receives from all
the animals he meets the same answer, will at
last bethink himself that he too ought to imitate
the four-footed or winged informants and seek
THE SAYANS, MONGOLS, AND YAKUTS. 109
to support bis wife. But no ! the end of the
stoiy is as meaningless as the beginning, or, to
speak more accurately, it has no end. The
man who has been going so long at last stops,
and — there is the end.
One of the Irkoutsk merchants who related
this to me, finding himself once in a yourt
while some such narrative was going on, and
seeing that the story-teller abruptly cut the
thi'ead of his discourse, asked,
' Well, the man went, and went, and stopped,
and what then V
' Then,' shyly answered the confused bard,
' then nothing, he stands, and that is all.'
The Yakuts have about a score of similar
themes to fill up the winter nights, but they
are all of the same pattern, and the only difier-
ence is in another set of phrases being used.
The sociability of the Yakuts, springing from
then* kind-hearted and gentle characters, would
render them easily amenable to the benefits of
civilization were it not for their extraordin-
ary sh}Tiess and almost servile humility ; consid-
ering men of other races, and especially Euro-
peans, as beings superior in every respect to
themselves, they dare not compare themselves
"vvith them even in thought, and imagine that the
110 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
very idea of tr}dng to imitate them is unpar-
donable impudence. If they Hsten respectfully
to the insulting jokes of a wandering pedlar, or
submit meekly to painful usage from drunken
shopmen, it is not from cowardice or fear, but
from the firm conviction of their own inferiority.
Endowed by nature with indomitable courage,
they are fearless in the presence of danger. It
is a fine sight to see these short, thick-set men
when the fierce and ravenous wolves attack
their settlements ; armed with spear or axe
they valiantly defend their wives, children, and
possessions ; the expression of then- comitenance,
usually so gentle, changes marvellously ; their
gentle eyes gleam with ardour; the features,
generally characterized by a friendly smile,
assume a look of cool energy and steadfastness.
These unfortunate people, accustomed to all
sorts of humiliations, who are made the sport o±
any low European drunkard, then suddenly rise
to the level of heroes.
If the Yakuts who inhabit this part of their
immense country,* accustomed as they are to
the sight of Europeans from time to time on the
* The Yakutsh province is 74,153 German square
miles, it is therefore nearly eight times as large as France.
THE SAYANS, JIONGOLS, AND YAKUTS. Ill
banks of the Lena, are yet so sliy with strangers,
what are we to say as regards those of them who
inhabit the eastern parts beyond the town of
Yakutck towards Kamtschatka ? There the ap-
pearance of a stranger is an epoch in the
annals of the country. The traveller, whom
chance brings into these parts so distant from
all Em-opean settlements, is looked upon almost
as a supernatiu-al being to whose merest whim
everything must give way. I have known
several persons whose fate it was to travel
through these eastern parts of Siberia, and they
all agreed in giving the Yakuts the highest
praise for their behaviour. The best fish, the
most comfortable huts, and the choicest venison
were always reserved for the guests, but in spite
of this disinterested hospitality, this good-nature,
ready to gratify the slightest wish, the travellers
still considered themselves less happy than
when amongst races who had less adoration for
Europeans ; for, though having everything that
goodwill and boundless generosity could supply,
they lacked what the heart and soul require,
the social bond uniting man with man.
The kindness shown to them was always so
mingled with veneration and worship that it
failed to satisfy men accustomed to see in other
112 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
men a fellow-creature and a brother, and not
to be themselves elevated on a pedestal. They
were approached with timidity, all their wishes
were obeyed with alacrity, and the new-comer,
finding himself a distinct item in a serving,
bowing multitude, felt like the phoenix in the
old story, unhappy because he could not find
another being hke himself.
There is an exception to this rule in the abor-
igines inhabiting the capital of their country.
These have built themselves houses in the Euro-
pean style, and adopted European habits and
customs, retaining only their language ; having
got rid of all their former ways, they seem to
cling all the more strongly to this dialect, so
much so, that to this day it is almost impossible
to be understood in Yakutck unless speaking the
language of the country.
The town of Yakutck, situated in the midst
of a desert and at a point Avhich can only be
reached after a long and tedious journey, some-
times lasting for months, is a settlement separ-
ated from the rest of the world by thousands of
versts of a country possessing no villages, no
roads or other land communications, and thus
possesses some interest. There, on the very
confines of the inhabited world, lives a hand-
■THE SAYANS, MONGOLS, AND YAKUTS. 113
ful of European merchants and government
clerks.
The hfe here has a character of its own, it is
qniet and peaceful, unaffected by outward
influences. The arrival of the post, which hap-
pens only a few times in the year, is a great
event, and the arrival of a raft laden with
necessaries of life produces a lowering of one
tenth in the price of commodities.* In fact, the
annals of the place could furnish ample material
for a long description, were it not that this
would lead us away from our chief subject, viz.,
an ethnographic study of the primitive tribes.
* There are times, especially during the break up of the
ice on the Lena^ when the scarcity of some articles causes
their prices to rise to almost fabulous sums. Last autumn
a 'pood' of flour fetched 8 Rs.(one sovereign), a pound of
rice 10 Es. (about twenty-five shillings), and two packs of
cards 30 Rs. ; on the other hand, on account of a glut of furs
in the market and no means of getting rid of them, the finest
sable cost 3 Rs. (about nine shillings), a bear skin GO copecks
(two shillings), and a fox skin 20 copecks (eightpeuce).
VOL. I.
114
CHAPTER V.
THE CHUKCHAS AND KAMTSCHATKANS.
AS I have taken my readers thus far into parts
of the globe almost unknown, I hope I
maybe permitted to proceed into regions scarce-
ly guessed at by science.
So far in our peregrinations, as well as meet-
ing wilder and wilder tribes, we have also found
the communications more and more difficult.
Beyond the last town, Jigansk, in the Yakutck
province, all traces of roads vanished, and only
by means of rafts and sleighs were we able
to proceed along the course of the Lena to the
north-eastern lands.
The Yakut yourts scattered along the banks
of the gigantic river appeared as a nan-ow strip
of human life in the vast desert. On arriving at
the culminating points we still perceive a trace
THE CHUKCHAS AND KAMTSCHATKANS. 115
of civilization in the small glimmer of life pre-
sented by Yakutck, which, far removed from the
world, hke a plant far distant from the sun,
dimly shows its shadowy outline. Further be-
yond Yakutck there are still more of the same
race to be found, but having so few relations
Avith mankind that they appear to doubt their
own right to aspire to the dignity of a creature
fashioned in the image of God. At last even
these traces are met with no more, the yourts
become more and more rare, an expanse of
forests, valleys, mountains, and steppes begins,
imexplored and unknown, whose vastness alone
inspnes man with awe and wakes in him a mys-
terious dread. It would seem that having
reached the furthest point inhabited by man Ave
should have to retrace our steps, as these re-
cesses have never been traversed by human
beings, and no one has fathomed the mysteries
hidden therein; yet still beyond this a faint
glimmer of humanity exists, a tiny spark, hardly
gmessed at, almost indescribable, and yet giving
signs of life. Behring was the first Avho, in his
voyages towards the pole, discovered men
living in the neighbourhood of the straits which
bear his name, and the sailors who have followed
in his track have confirmed his statement as to
I 2
116 SIBERIAN PISTURES.
the existence of men in places so adverse to
human Hfe.
This tribe called Chukcha, separated from
the rest of the world by endless tracts of unin-
habited land, has no connection whatever with
other men, knows no authority, and obeys no
power. The isolation of the Chukchas arises
from the inaccessibility of their dwelling-place ;
for,- though that part of the globe they inhabit
belongs geographically to Russia, the govern-
ment, on account of the complete absence of
communication by land, is unable to enforce
any laws, and the visits of vessels to the Arctic
Ocean are too rare, and present too many dan-
gers and difficulties, to be of use in estabhshing
a durable connection between them and the
remainder of Siberia. It may be added that a
land situated so near the pole is inconvenient
for the collection of taxes. The fauna of
Siberia, which are the chief source of income
to the primitive tribes, and from which they
yearly pay to the government a certain amount
in choice furs, hardly exists so far north. Vege-
tation there is none ; eternal snows and icebergs
which never melt take the place of our ever-
producing soil. How these people live, by
what means they have been able to preserve
I
THE CHUKCHAS AND KAMTSCHATKANS. 117
their miserable existence for centuries, is known
only to Him whose protection is extended not
only to the favomites of fortune, but also to the
wretched beings hidden beyond the limits of
the habitable world.
The habits, customs, and mode of life of the
Chukchas are very little known, and, from what
one can gather from the few mariners who have
passed the Behring's Straits, they appear to be-
long to the wildest descendants of Finlandei*s,
The white bear, the only four-footed animal
which frequents these regions, provides them
w^ith fur ; the seal, appearing through the ice,
yields them food, and ice and snow are the only
materials wherewith to shelter them from the
storm and cold. Hunger, cold, a terrible clim-
ate, and an endless struggle for existence are
the causes of the dwarfed shoot of an ancient
race slowly disappearing from the face of the
earth.
When this tribe was first discovered, it num-
bered several thousands, whereas barely a few
hundreds now-a-days drag on their miserable
existence. Even these will probably soon have
perished, and, in place of a handful of humanity
inhabiting this polar region, only an ethno-
graphical record will remain.
118 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
The Arctic explorers who have liad an oppor-
tunity of seeing these specimens of humanity
affirm that, except in fonn, they hardly resemble
man. Their speech is more like the roar of
wild animals than the sound of human words
conveying the thoughts and sentiments of heart
and soul. On meeting European sailors, they
used to jump and caper about like wild animals,
and hide in the snow and ice ; when dragged
out of their hiding-places they trembled with
fright, imagining that they were about to be
killed. Once when a gun was fired on board a
man-of-war, their fear reached such a height
that the sailors, on landing, found a score of
them extended on the ground. On being ex-
amined by the doctor, they were pronounced to
have fainted from terror on hearing a louder
sound than had ever before struck their ears.
The Kamtschatkans settled in the peninsula
of that name are not much more favoured than
the Arctic nations. Kamtschatka is situated
much lower down than the lands skirting the
Ai-ctic Ocean, but its exposed geographical
position causes its climate to be the same as
in the Yakut province. In addition to the
frosts, which are almost as severe and last
nearly as long as the regions nearer the pole,.
THE CHUKCHAS AND KAMTSCHATKANS. 119
their greatest plague is the sno%y. In no other
portion of the globe does the snow fall in such
immense quantities as in Kamtschatka; the winds
blowing on three sides from the sea bring im-
mense clouds, wliich unite over the land and
form a thick, black cnrtain on the horizon. The
white covering over this desolate region in-
creases in a brief space of time to an unheard-of
depth, and renders the construction of houses
impossible.
The Kamtschatkans are obhged to be always
moving, and migrate from place to place with
then' fimihes on sleighs drawn by dogs. These
sleighs are very long and narrow, and resemble
a boa: on skates ; the dogs are harnessed in
pairs, with a single one in front. The immber
varies from two to five pairs. They are guided
by a long stick, which the driver holds in his
hand, and with which he lightly touches the
leading dog on his right or left side, according
to th3 direction he wishes to take. This mode
of travelling is very rapid, and from one hundred
and fifty to two hundred versts can be accom-
pHshed in this manner in twenty-four hours.
The dogs run fast and steadily, driven by hun-
ger, which is only satisfied at the stopping-place
for the night. Nothing will induce them to
120 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
stop when once in motion, and if by accident
the driver should fall out of the sleigh, they, in
the hope of getting- over their journey all the
faster, and thus the sooner arriving at their
food, run on, and leave him on the road. These
animals are savage, disobedient, and by no
means distinguished by faithfulness towards their
masters ; always in want of food, which, with
a view to make them go the faster, is only
sparingly administered, they are constantly
ravenous, and there have been instances in
which they were known to have devoured their
feeders.
When the Kamtsohatkans want to rest, they
make a hole in the snow, and keep -watch in
turns till their dogs are sufficiently rested to
be able to continue their journey. If the traA^el-
ler has no family or friend to watch witli him,
then in spite of the greatest fatigue he never
goes to sleep, but walks about to keep himself
awake, otherwise the large flakes of the almost
continuous snow would cover him so deeply
during his sleep that it would be impossible to
rise from it again. Such incidents often occur
A man completely tired out, in spite of himself,
gives way to sleep, and in an incredibly short
time he and his whole possessions disappear
THE CHUKCHAS AND KAMTSCHATKAXS. 121
"under a layer of snow many feet in depth. The
dogs, however, never snccnmb to this fate.
Warned by their instinct, they can sleep stand-
ing, mechanically scraping away the snow with
their paws.
The Kamtschatkans live solely on dried fish
and drink melted snoAv. They have not the
remotest idea of social life, or the reqmrements
it engenders. There is not much to say about
their character either ; they are wild and timid,
but they know how to respect authority, and
pay their taxes in skins pretty regularly.
The hnk which binds them to the rest of the
empire, though weak, has this effect : that,
although of a very low mental standard, they
are incomparably liigher than the Chukcha.
Their tongue has the sound of a human lan-
guage, and, though they are natm'ally timid,
the sight of a stranger does not throw them
into abject terror, as is the case with the tribe
inhabiting the shores of the Arctic Ocean. They
are tall in stature, muscular, and well-developed,
and although, from their resemblance to the
lower animals in many of their habits, Darwin
would have a \nde field for his theories, more
zoological than rehgious, still one can find
in the Kamtschatkans, though a race mentally
122 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
dwarfed or undeveloped, the spark glimmering
Avitkin which God has created in His image, and
which, in spite of the materialism by which
it is frequently hidden, will ever remain the
sign of an immortal soul.
123
CHAPTER VL
THE OSTIAKS.
WHILST on the subject of the Arctic nations,
let us turn to the north-west, and visit
the highest parts of the Yenisei and Tobolsk
provinces. The climatic and atmospheric con-
ditions are the same here, but, owing probably
to fewer floating icebergs, the climate is some-
what milder than in Kamtschatka and the
Americo-Russian territories.*
A regular though rare communication with the
south causes the ray of civilisation, though chill-
ed by the Siberian frosts, still to reach these
* It is worthy of notice that the climate of northern
lands situated in the same altitude is much more rigorous
the further east one advances. This difference is accounted
for by the greater number of icebergs accumulated in these
parts of the Arctic Ocean.
124 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
remote steppes, and to shed its beneficent light
on the primitive peoples inhabiting these re-
mote parts. In summer there is even communica-
tion on the Yenisei by a small steamer which
penetrates as far as Turukhansk,* carrying
flour, tea, sugar, drapery, ironmongery, &c., and
returning with fish. Berezov is provided with
a similar means of communication, though in-
stead of a steamer boats and rafts perform the
service between that place and Tiumen and
Tobolsk. In this way the primitive tribe of
Ostiaks, having constant relations with Euro-
peans, are neither so savage nor so little
developed as, for instance, the Chukcha.
Mrs. Felinska, in her travels through the Arc-
tic regions,! has so vividly and graphically
painted the Ostiaks that little or nothing re-
mains for me to add about them. Berezov and
its environs, so M^ell described by that celebrat-
ed authoress, are not the sole fatherland of the
Ostiaks, they inhabit the northern part of the
Yenisei province as well. The Ostiaks, in
common with most of the northern tribes, live
* Turukhansk is situated in latitude 65 deg. 55 min.,
longitude 105 deg. 15 min.
t ' Travels in Siberia,' by Mrs. Felinska. A well-known
book in Poland. — Translator.
THE OSTIAKS. 125
principally in holes or houses of snow in winter,
and in huts hastily constructed of branches in
summer. Their principal food is fish, which
they like best when half-rotten, so much so
that the holes in the ground which serve as
stores for this delicacy are a veritable plague
dming the few weeks of summer for those who
navigate the Yenisei. The disgusting smell of
the decomposed fish fills the air to such an ex-
tent that often at a distance of several versts,
especially on the leeward side, it is impossible
for the traveller who is not accustomed to it to
avoid feeling sick, or at least most uncomfort-
able.
Every species of fish which inhabits the
Yenisei and the Arctic Ocean is caught by
them in large quantities, out of which they
only choose the best, throwing back into the
water the smaller ones or inferior kinds. So
enormous is the quantity they catch that it
would be sufficient to supply one of the larger
European countries, and to give occupation to
thousands who now seek their fortunes by emi-
grating to America. Unfortunately the very
plentifulness of this article of food is the cause
of its being wastefuUy squandered. Only a
very small portion of the fish yearly caught
126 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
is made use of, the remainder rots in holes, and
serves as food for the large numbers of ravens
and crows which visit these parts in summer.
The European fishermen, who sail for this
purpose beyond the Turukhansk m the early
part of May, are much more careful. The chief
support of their trade is the omal (a kind of
hening), salted on the spot and packed in bar-
rels. They are sent all over Siberia, and even
to European Russia, where they are much valued
on account of their cheapness and excellent
flavour.
Those parts of the Yenisei province which
are inhabited by the Ostiaks are deserts covered
by a coating of snow several yards deep, which
lies for ten long months, and only disappears
for a few weeks beneath the rays of the sum-
mer sun.
Summer, the season of awakening life in Na-
ture becomes in these northern regions only one
more torture, making one all the more suscep-
tible to the severe frosts which follow so soon.
The scorching rays of the sun are unable to
draw from the benumbed crust of the earth
sufficient nourishment for man and beast.* The
* The earth in these parts is frozen to such a depth that
even during the summer heats a thin surface no deeper
THE OSTIAKS. 127
further one proceeds fi-om the Yenisei, the less
vegetation one perceives.
Round Turiikhansk one can still find dwarfed
pine-trees, more bushes than trees, which seem
to remind us that this earth of ours is a
mother and not a step-mother, that her womb
contains the germs of plants which help
to sustain our life. Here and there a small
wild-flower shyly lifts its tiny head from be-
tween the raw grass which seems to grow in a
lazy fashion, as if unaccustomed to such bare
ground. Beyond Tui'ukhansk, even these
faint signs of life-giving Nature gradually
vanish, and are replaced by tufts of moss and
Arctic Hchens, serving as food for the nmner-
ous herds of reindeer, who, without this last
gift of Nature, would be unable to render the
valuable services they do to the polar in-
habitants.
Man's habitations are extremely rare in these
polar regions, and one has generally to pass
over several hundreds of versts of snow-clad
desert before meeting a sign of human life.
The layer of snow which covers these tracts of
than a few inches thaws, and beneath this thin, damp layer
is found a soil perpetually frozen, in which seeds cannot
develope nor trees spread their roots.
128 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
frozen land reaches in some places to the thick-
ness of a good many fathoms, so that a person
unacquainted with Arctic traveUmg could very
easily pass a human settlement without being
aware that he was driving over the top of it.
Turukhansk, for instance, is composed of a
few hundreds of wooden houses, in which live
a small number of Europeans. In winter this,
the last point which possesses administrative
powers, disappears under heavy falls of snow as
completely as Herculaneum and Pompeii disap-
peared of old under the burning ashes, with
this difference : that, though having disappeared,
it in time returns again to the sm-face of the
earth, and during its entombment it continues
to live happily, waiting for the summer thaws.
The smoke issuing from the chimneys and
warmth diffused inside the houses, as well as
the wooden spades of the inhabitants, suffice to
keep the houses from being entirely snowed up ;
they are only surrounded by high, snowy ram-
parts, between which narrow paths are always
left for the servants to circulate.
In spite of the numerous inconveniences aris-
ing from such a state of things, the inhabitants
are far from complaining, as they well know
that a snowy winter is never so severe as one
THE OSTIAKS. 129
when this natural feature is wanting. When-
ever snow does not fall abundantly towards the
end of August, it is a sign that the cold weather
which ^vill come in December and January will
be such as the inhabitants of more genial climes
cannot even faintly conceive any idea of. It is
a tenible time for every living being. The poor
fellows whom fate or their occupation has
thrown into these latitudes have to hoard most
carefully all their food and fuel, as, with the
first appearance of Ai-ctic frosts, all communi-
cation ceases. When passing from house to
house, it is necessary to cover up, not only the
whole body, but even the face and eyes, as any
member exposed to the cold freezes off instantly,
and even our most subtle sense, the sight, can
be quenched for ever.
Between the houses at Turukhausk a rope
is stretched, so that those who cannot help
going out may hold on to it, and, having their
faces all muffled up, may thus find their way.
Though the description of the climate of the
Arctic circle is outside the programme I have
laid down, I have slightly enlarged upon the
conditions of life among the Europeans inhabit-
ing these dead latitudes for the purpose of
showing more clearly the endurance of the
VOL. I. K
130 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
primitive races witli regard to atmospheric
conditions. Unfathomable, truly, are the
mysteries of human nature ! Where men of
Japhet's race, though inured from infancy to
the severity of the climate, are forced to use
artificial means to battle with the frost, which
stops their very breath, freezes their eyes, and
congeals the blood in their veins, there the
primitive Semitic tribes, made in the same
fashion and similarly organized, brave the cold
"^vith impunity, and seem not to feel the tortures
of a cold which cuts stones and splits rocks.
The Ostiaks, covered, it is true, from head to
foot with fur-skins, move freely on theu- snow-
shoes over the white shroud, whilst the most
reckless European dares not take a step outside
his tightly closed cabin-door. Tall, well-built,
and muscular, they mock the low temperature,
and, as the fabulous Salamander in the fire, so
they pass their life freely in a cold which makes
one think of Saturn, Uranus, or any other distant
planet in our solar system.
During the long winter night Avhich extends
over several months and is only lighted up by
the splendour of the Aurora, they hunt the
Avhite bear, making long excursions over the
snow-clad expanse.
THE OSTIAKS. 131
Their wives, faitlifnl companions, share all
their toils, and accompany them on all their
travels, carrying their new-born babes on their
backs in httle scooped-out wooden troughs.
Their sagacity in avoiding all sorts of dangers
dming the long night is most astonishing. Their
skates, or rather snow shoes, six feet in length,
which they put on when travelling, keep them
from sinking in the snow, which, though always
frozen, is nevertheless soft in some places from
the heat radiating from the earth.
A false step in such a place is the knell of
sudden death. A man walking on the white
carpet suddenly disappears in an abyss of snow
and is seen no more ; only when the summer
comes, and the surface level is lowered some
score of feet, are his remains discovered. The
Ostiaks, however, whether through instinct, or
from being better acquainted with the laws of
Nature in their locality, seem to foresee the
treacherous places, and to be aware of their
vicinity.
During the summer the Ostiak and his family
live almost entirely on the rivers, and thousands of
small boats, hardly appearing above the surface
of the water, are seen moving in all directions on
the gigantic Yenisei. SuiTounding the steam-
k2
132 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
ers, their owners offer Em-opeau travellers fish,
venison, reindeer, and bear skins, in exchange
for wliisky, tea, or shining beads. The character
of tliis nation is a mixture of southern cunning
and northern good-nature ; very crafty in com-
merce, they make up for this fault by the mod-
esty and kindness they display in all their other
relations with strangers. The soulless apathy
which seems to be one of the distinguishing
characteristics of the inhabitants of the Arctic
regions is not shared by them. Talkative, cur-
ious, highly-interested in everything that is no-
vel or unknown, they seem to make up by their
gestures for their lack of knowledge of the Rus-
sian language, and their mimicry often paints so
graphically their sentiments and wishes that
even without an interpreter they generally make
themselves understood. Always poor, and living
from hand to mouth, seeking food only when
actually in want of it, they do not feel their
misery and poverty, and have no wish to escape
from the limited circle of daily wants. The few
weeks of summer, that melancholy smile of the
northern smi, is the season during which they
seem to revive under the warmth and light
which are so charily given to these parts.
Their activity, rapid jom-neys, and the large
THE OSTIAKS. 133
mimber of boats plying on the Yenisei are the
best proofs that they breathe more freely in the
warm ah, and try to make the most of every
day, almost of every moment of their brief sem-
blance of life. They will not believe that far
away, beyond forests and mountains, there are
lands in wliicli summer is longer than winter,
and still fm-ther to the south, lands where ice
and snow are unknown. Wheu they are told
of people living in an ever warm atmosphere,
amid green woods and beneath spreading trees,
in meadows covered with floAvers, a smile of
happiness settles on their countenance, and they
hsten to these descriptions like Mahometans to
the story of the seventh heaven, enchanted by
the picture presented to their imagination, but
unable to comprehend that such happiness can
ever be the lot of man during his pilgrimage on
earth.
Having passed Turukhansk, man is very rare-
ly seen ; only during the annual fair at Ockhotsk
a settlement some five hundred versts to the
north, where Russian merchants sometimes con-
gregate, can one see sledges drawn by reindeer
hastening to this furthest point of exchange and
mart.
The Yenisei fisherman, however, reach as far
134 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
as the Arctic Ocean, finding a temporary rest in
a small settlement, Khantaiskj, the frontier sta-
tion of the Arctic pole. Fm-ther north than^ this
there is yet a convent, the monks who inhabit
it holding no communication whatever ^vith the
outside world. The history of this retreat of
humility and abnegation of all earthly things is
shrouded in the obsciaity of distance, cold, and
vast expanse. The monks Avho live there never
leave the living grave they have voluntarily
made for themselves; their simple wants are
supplied by the Ostiaks, who alone can traverse
these dark, pathless tracks without loss of life or
injury.
The rocky eminence, surrounded by icebergs,
on which the monks have built their wooden
house, protected by a tlun layer of lichens, is
the most noi-therly spot on the earth inhabited
by Europeans ; even the Ostiaks, who seem
to laugh at the cold, and are accustomed to
combat with this murderous climate, do not
willingly venture so far north, and it is only
the indescribable achniration which they feel
for these forsaken hermits Avhich makes them
go thither sometimes to bring fish or firewood
for the wants of the monastery.
Further north there is nothing, neither man
THE OSTIAKS. 135
nor animal, nor anything endowed with organic
life — nothing but the polar ice, immoveable,
unchangeable, everlasting — a fearful picture of
death, laiowing neither end nor limit. Twice
have Ave reached a point where no life is
seen, where the motion of our earth slackens,
and where all seems to point to the eternal
stagnation of the pole. It is time to turn back,
especially as, describing all the Siberian tribes,
I have not yet mentioned the Tartars, amongst
whom I have dwelt for several years.
136
CHAPTER VIL
THE TARTARS.
THE soutliern parts of tlie province are
peopled by Asiatic Tartars. These Tar-
tars have nothing save the name in common
with the dwellers in the Kazan province. The
descendants of the nations which originally com-
posed the Kazan principahty are Mahometans,
cover then* shaven heads in Turkish fashion,
and in featiu-es resemble their cousins of the
Bactziserai and other parts of the Crimea,
whereas the nation which I shall describe are
of ]\Iougohan descent, of Shaman faith, and in
their customs and modes of life differ but
slightly from the Chemites.
Although the history of the Asiatic tribes is
obscm-e and unknown, certain chcumstances
lead one to surmise that they too must have
THE TARTARS. 137
been under the poAvcr of the Dzingistau during
the middle ages, and added their contingents
to the innumerable masses which, like a destroy-
ing wave, pom-ed from time to time over the
west, carrying everywhere death and desola-
tion. The hero of their songs, the mysterious,
gigantic being of whom all the bards of the
desert sing, must have been a chief who led
them a few centuries ago to the Sclavonic land
to murder and rapine.*
Many parts of the clothing of the Siberian
Tartars bear a close resemblance to the dress
of Russian boyars and old Polish magnates,
which these Sclavonians must have adopted
from their savage enemies. In the Tartar lan-
guage we find many words taken bodily out
of our own tongue (Polish), Avhich lead one
to believe that there were close relations be-
tween them and our ancestors. On the other
hand, with the exception of these small indica-
tions, no other proofs seem to bear out this
supposition.
An ethnographical investigator tr}dng to
fathom the history of tribes living in a state
* This hero lives in the songs of almost all Asiatic tribes.
I have mentioned him before when speaking of the Tuuguz
songs.
138 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
of nature, so as to be able to draw conclusions
therefrom, is inevitably stopped at the outset
by the complete absence of historical traditions
or legends, and is forced to use as the basis
of his investigations insignificant details, which,
like the treacherous will-o'-the-wisp, sometimes
warn, but oftener far lead astray.
The extensive steppes stretching from the
left bank of the Yenisei and occupying the
whole western side of the Minusinsk province
constituted the chief home of the Tartars.
They also inhabited a part of the Tomsk and
Tobolsk provinces. Like the Tunguz in some
things, they differ from them in greater socia-
bility.
The Tunguz seldom unite into a village or
settlement, whereas amongst the Tartars one
hardly ever meets a solitary hut, but camps
of a few score, or even some hundreds, of
huts. Authority is of two kinds with them,
as with almost all the other tribes, general
and local. The first never interferes in the
internal Tartar affairs, and is only seen when
a crime has been committed which requires
punishment ; ordinary matters, such as repair-
ing injustice, the punishment of petty thefts.
THE TARTARS. 13&
pajTuent of debts, &c., are dealt with under tlie
jm-isdictiou of the settlement.
The representatives of this steppe authority
are called Kniaziki (petty princes) chosen from
among the Tartar population for three years,
and meet occasionally to discuss the affairs of
the country. Though, according to the letter
of the law, a Kniazik has a very ch-cmnscribed
power, and though the meetings are only for
the purpose of preventing interference from the
legal authorities, whose ignorance of the local
religious observances often exercises a baneful
influence, yet in truth the power of these desert
princes is unUmited, they judge and punish on
the spot according to their personal ideas.
Thus it often happens that the same misdeed
which is severely punished by one judge, re-
ceives but a slight admonition from another, and
legal investigation only takes place when the
crime has been of a very serious character, and
the knowledge of it has spread abroad suffici-
ently to take it out of Tartar jurisdiction. Thus
the Tartars, though belonging to the natives
composing the Siberian empire, still form a
separate body, diflfering from the incomers not
only in rehgion but in all the characteristics of
140 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
a cliiFerent descent. In tlie yourt ssituated in
the vicinity of European dwellings they involun-
tarily assume the outward signs of civilized
nations, but, as the distance increases, so do
these signs gradually vanish till they finally dis-
appear altogether.
The interior of a yourt, as in the case of all
nations living in a state of nature, presents a
picture of A\Tetchedness and carelessness for
the future ; dirt, stench, and the smoke which
fills it, strike a stranger at the very threshold ;
and, when his eyes become used to the semi-
obscurity which generally prevails, the objects
that meet them would cause an unconquerable
disgust Avere they not powerfully counteracted
by the hospitality and simplicity of the inhabit-
ants. The host welcomes the often perfectly
unknown guest as his dear and honoured friend,
gives up the best seat, treats him to the best
food and drink, and bids his family anticipate
his slightest wish. In a word he tries to prac-
tise the great virtue of eastern nations which in
Europe has only been thoroughly understood
and practised by Sclavonians, and which bids
a man consider the stranger who visits his
abode as a brother sent to him by Providence,
to be sheltered in need and defended in dan-
THE TARTARS. 141
ger, and with whom the last morsel is to be
shared.
With the exception of blankets laid down
everywhere, which serve as beds for the family,
there is no fnrnitnre in a yourt ; a copper kettle,
a piece of compressed tea, a few wooden basins
and cups comprise the entire household utensils.
In the darkest corner a clumsily carved statue
of one of the gods is to be found, and a sacred
picture hangs on the walls : these are the reli-
gious demonstrations of the household. The
Tartar, according to the frame of mind he may
be in, mutters charms and invocations to his
pagan god, or crosses himself and prays to the
Christian saint depicted on the walls of his
house. And these two lines of devotion do not
seem to clash in any way ; on the contrary, he
seems to have double assurance of the fulfil-
ment of his wishes. The more benefactors one
has, he says, the more sure one ought to be of
being befriended in time of need ; what his own
god Tengri is unable to do, the foreign saint
will be sm-e to accomplish ; thus, by keeping
well with both, he fears neither and gains double
profit.
One neighbour visiting another enters the
house without a word of salutation, but sits
142 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
down in silence and lights liis pipe, and only-
after some time tlie ordinary welcome takes
place, wliicli consists of pntting the right hand
on the forehead. If a man wishes to show his
friendship to a friend or relation, he brings with
him a dead swan having a red pocket-handker-
chief tied round its throat.
This is an exceptionally high mark of respect,
esteem, and most sincere friendship and admira-
tion on the part of the guest for liis host, and is
always most cordially received by the latter, and
a valuable gift given in exchange. It should be
added, hoAvever, that a person whose reputation
is not above suspicion never gets such marks of
esteem, and that did anyone dare to appear Avith
this gift in the house of a dishonest or disreput-
able man, in the hope of receiving a present, he
would at once become an object of derision to
the community, and might even lay himself open
to penance decreed by the local Shaman.
The relations of Avomen toAvards men are very
strange among the Tartars. According to their
religious ideas women occupy a much lower
grade of society than men, and yet in the family
circle it is the Avoman who rules CA^erything, in-
cluding the husband himself, Avho, in spite of his
THE TARTARS. 143
patriarchal dignity, is in truth only the humble
performer of his wife's wishes.
The slavery of woman has become a form
which, though still ostensibly preserved, is re-
oompensed a hundredfold by the influence
which these seemingly-weak creatures exercise
over the affairs of the household. This state of
things arises not only from the greater subtlety
of the female character, but also from the habit
of maiTying very young boys to girls consider-
ably older than themselves. It often happens
that a Tartar having a son of thirteen or even
twelve, gets him a wife over twenty. After the
marriage ceremony the young husband, Avho
has hardly merged from babyhood, takes his
wife to a separate yom-t. Neither liis age, nor
his physical strength, nor his habits admit of his
performing all the duties of married life, and he
becomes more the ward than the protector of his
Avife, and of course this state of things makes it
out of the question for the boy to take the place
of head of the family.
In this way men get accustomed from youth
to look up to women, and, when of more mature
age, habit has made obedience a second nature.
In the older woman whom they have come to
144 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
consider as Mentor, and on wliose muscular
arm they lean, they see a being sent to lead
them, and in spite of traditional forms, which
order women to honour and obey man, they are
in fact absolute mistresses and rulers in all do-
mestic matters.
The form of female dependence is only ob-
served in the relations between father-in-law
and daughter-in-law. A Tartar woman upon
entering a yourt where her father-in-law is,
covers her head with a pocket-handkerchief, and
puts a sort of long night-gown over her other
clothes. On leaving his presence she has to
rethe backwards without once turning her face
away from him. She can never addi-ess him
herself, but only through the medium of a thud
person, i.e., her words must be addressed to
some one else present, who repeats them to the
patriarch of the house ; the answer is returned
in the same roundabout way.
This habit is occasionally dispensed with, es-
pecially when no stranger who is likely to let
the Shaman know happens to be present. But
except in these cases, and more especially when
people not belonging to the family are in the
%dcinity, this habit is strictly adhered to.
The Sunday dress of the Tartars consists of
THE TARTARS. 145
trousers and a tiglitly-fitting rich silk coat
without sleeves, and a very large cap trimmed
Avith sable ; this cap, which they wear on week-
days as well, strikes every Sclavonian by the
close resemblance it bears to those worn by our
own (Polish) ancestors, and makes one think of
the influence this Tvdld horde must have had on
the lands they visited. Its shape and the way
in which it is worn seem to recall to one's mind
similar head-dresses seen in youthful days in old
family portraits. The women wear wide, east-
ern-hke trousers, over which they put on a sort
of coat Avith such a long waist that the button
and button-hole meet below the knees. The
ungracefulness of this dress is redeemed by the
head-di'ess, which is both original and pretty.
The ebon hair of the gMs is plaited in a multi-
tude of little plaits, and covered by a bright,
coloured handkerchief, tAvisted very gracefully
into a kind of Turkish turban. The Tartar
women wear eanings, or rather hoops of brass
wire, which are sometimes from five to seven
inches in length.
Their neck is adorned Avith rows of silver or
even gold coins, but more especially with rows
of coral, Avhich are very highly esteemed by
them, and considered the greatest ornament.
VOL. I. L
146 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
Every father or husband tries to get, were it ever
so few, large corals for his wife or daughter,
which are worn on all festive occasions, and are
handed down as heirlooms.
The Shaman religion of this people, besides
the general characteristics of other peoples of
the same religion, possess a fcAv special rules in
addition.
Wherever in the course of this narrative I
have had to mention the religion of the different
races living in the proximity of Mongolia,
Thibet, Japan, China, Persia, or the borders of
the Gauges, and having no one point of union
which would cause the Shamans to unite in one
perfectly identical rehgion, wo have ever seen
in each of them different shades of religious
belief. This arises from the lack of union
among the many different Asiatic hordes ; one
race is often ignorant of the very existence of
another. The immense distances, the want of
land or water communication, and the differ-
ence of climate between northern, central, and
southern Siberia cause each tribe to interpret
the Shamanism somewhat differently, though
conforming strictly to its broad doctrines. These
differences arise from their various ideas and
habits, and thus the religion loses somewhat in
THE TARTARS. 147
unity. This cliiference is seen more clearly in
the votaries of the Black Faith,* who inhabit the
shores of Saghalien or the banks of the Ganges.
There the distances are greater still, and the
means of communication almost nil, and there-
fore the diiFerences in the common faith are
much more marked.
The Tartar Shamanism resembles most that
of the Tunguz sect. I do not mean the tenets
regarding the white or black god, because this
beHef is prevalent everywhere ; but I allude to
the exterior forms and ceremonies attached to
this faith. The incantations made by the fire
in a field to the good or bad god are made in
the same manner as among the Tunguz ; the
sole difference consists in the dress of the priest.
The Tartar Shaman, when invoking his god,
puts on a fur coat with the fur outside and
adorned with many rags, which, together with
an enormous cap and his covered face, gives
him the appearance of a scarecrow ; he throws
handfuls of camomile on the fire — this herb
growing wild on the steppes is beheved to
possess mysterious and magical vutues.
The days consecrated to invocations are rigid-
* The word Shamanism, literally translated, means ' black
faith.'
l2
148 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
ly fixed, but in addition to these there are other
festivals, the object of which is to prevent cattle
disease, and three times a year there is a pil-
grimage to the graves. During the former
festival a sheep is killed, its blood sprinkled
over the earth, a few pieces of its flesh are
thrown into the fire, and the rest is eaten, then
follows the ceremony of calling upon the white
or black god. In the latter festival the steppe
population assembles at the place of pei-petual
repose, both to give due honoiu- to the dead
and to beseech the Tengri (spirits of departed
ancestors) for the protection of their descend-
ants. The most curious part, however, in the
religion of the Tartars are the ceremonies gone
through in the yourts, especially during some
dangerous illness, and performed at the wish of
the family or friends of the sick person. Accord-
ing to their idea, sickness is nothing more than
the collection of unclean spirits in the yourt, who
persecute the man in their power, and are even
able to kill him ; it is therefore necessary to ban-
ish these evil spirits. To accomplish this, a
Shaman is called in, Avho, to the accompaniment
of the music of a drum, calls upon the imseen
spirits to abandon their prey and leave the
house. Spirits do not hke noise, as a rule, and
THE TARTARS. 149
that is why the drum plays such a promineut
part ; but, as they are very obstinate, it requires
a long time to oust them. It often happens
that the Shaman and his myi-midons drum away
for days and nights, till either Nature conquers
the illness, or the patient sleeps the sleep of
death. In the former case the representative of
religion triumphs, in the latter he explains that
the sph'its belonged to a disobedient sort, and
were too numerous to yield to the means
employed for their expulsion.
This ceremony is conducted in the follo^\dng
manner. The Shaman, entering the yourt,
brings with him a drum and a stick covered
with leather, Avhich is the symbol of his author-
ity ; having placed these in a corner, he proceeds
to fumigate the sick man with camomile, after
which he begins to drum, striking the instru-
ment gently at first, then gradually louder and
louder. The expulsion of unclean spirits takes
a long time, extending sometimes over two or
three days and nights. Dming the whole of
this time it is strictly forbidden to the inhabit-
ants of the yourt to do any kind of work, to
cany on conversation, or to take food. If,
through sleep or fatigue, the eyes of one of the
company should involuntarily close, the Shaman,
150 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
without inteiTiipting his occupation, empties a
bucket of cold water on the head of the sleeper,,
and, if anyone breaks the law of silence, the
priest, without a word, takes his leather-covered
stick and lays it pretty freely on the shoulders-
of the offender.
The Shamans dislike to see strangers present
at their incantations, though they never show
their dissatisfaction to the intruder, but vent
their anger on those of their flock who have
allowed an outsider to be mixed up in their
domestic affairs. One day, not knowing the
reluctance of the priests to admit strangers to
then* ceremonies, and being very anxious to
witness the expulsion of evil spirits, I begged
for permission to enter a yourt during the re-
ligious observance. Arriving early, I established
myself in the darkest corner of the room, and
covered myself with the blankets accumulated
there. The Shaman, who arrived shortly after-
wards, did not perceive me at first, and, after
fumigating the sick man, began his drumming
and fearful cries. I tried to keep as quiet as
possible, and through an opening between the
blankets I followed attentively all the perform-
ance. After an hour, however, the hawk-like
eyes of the priest discovered me in my corner.
THE TARTARS. 151
No sooner had he assured himself of my prox-
imity than he handed the drum to his assistant,
and, taking up his stick, he dragged outside
successively all the inhabitants of the house,
beginning at the eldest and ending with the
smallest child, and beat them unmercifully.
I was truly sorry for these poor people, who
had to undergo such a severe punishment on
my account, and when a few hours afterwards
the ceremony came to an end by the death of
the patient, and the Shaman had left the house,
I tried to explain my sorrow for what they had
endured on my accoimt, adding that, had I
known the consequences of my curiosity, I
would never have begged to have it satisfied.
' No matter,' answered an old man, the father
of the deceased, who had experienced even more
severely than the others the weight of the
Shaman's hand ; ' we knew he would find you
out sooner or later, but we hoped he would not
hit quite so hard. Our Shaman knows his trade
better than most priests, though his hand is
rather heavy ; but then all this will go to the
good of the tengri ' (soul) ' of my poor son.'
When the Shaman leaves the house after
having performed his ceremony, one of the
persons present walks or rides before him bear-
152 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
ing his stick, the emblem of his dignity. This
stick is pretty thick, about six feet long, covered
with leather, and furnished at the end with little
bells, i^nyone can address the pagan priest ex-
cept the man who carries this mace ; in fact, the
Shamans are only inaccessible, despotic, and
exclusive when they are performing their in-
cantations. No sooner is the ceremony ended
than they subside into the order of common
mortals, join in anything that may be going on,
and, even when taldng part in festivities in
which aryash is too freely imbibed, they often
share the lot of common mortals in finding the
stick of a quarrelsome neighbour laid soundly
on their back.
The office of Shaman does not pertain to a
special caste, and can be filled by anyone who
has been brought up to its mysteries from
childhood. Parents generally send their children
to learn the art ; the cleverest and most acute
become priests, others attendants on the priests,*
* A Shaman's attendant is called in Tartar language an
* incomplete Shaman ;' he fills a secondary place during
the ceremonies, and can never become a full Shaman,
Sometimes, however, when the Shaman is away his attend-
ant performs his duties, but such an usurpation of power
happens but seldom.
THE TARTARS. 153
and the dull aud stupid are sent back to then-
parents. Either sex can become priests, I have
seen old men, middle-aged, and youths, women
of a certain ago aud quite young girls. AVhen
a boy or girl has attained the dignity of the
priesthood, they have the power to whip old
men and even their own parents, if they do not
attend to their religious duties, and I have seen
parents receive the stripes in silence. It some-
times happens, however, if the operation has
been very painful, that after the ceremony, when
the parents have regained their moral equality,
they pay their children back in their own coin.
I have also, when the father of a Shaman was
about to administer corporal punishment to his
son, heard the latter say, ' I advise you not to
beat me, or at the first exhortation of the spirits
I will repay you for it.'
It would seem that Avith such habits the home
life of the Tartars must be a sort of anarchy,
and that all social relations are upset, but such
is not the case ; the respect due to the patriarch
as head of the family is so great that even such
anomalies as these are unable to overthrow it.
A father beaten by his son or daughter during
a religious ceremony in no wise loses his dignity,
as it is not his child but his priest who corrects
/
(
154 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
him ; as soon as the mvocation is over, everything
returns to its normal state.
The Tartars who hve near Minusinsk almost
all speak Russian fairly, but the further they are
from that place the less knowledge of Russian
is found, and a traveller wishing to visit distant
yom'ts must have an interpreter. A large num-
ber of them come every Saturday to Minusinsk to
assist at the fair ; they generally appear on
horseback, dressed in their very best Sunday
clothes, the women more especially like to show
off their earrings, corals, and pearls. They bring
with them the produce of their steppe house-
keeping, which consists principally of melted
butter; the butter they sell is much cheaper
than anyone can get from Russian peasants, but
Tartar butter is generally rancid and bitter,
owing to its being wrapped in skins, and to sour
cream being used in its production.
Tartars who come from a distance can be
easily recognised by the curiosity they display ;
the wooden tower used for signalling in case of
fire especially attracts their attention. On
meeting well-dressed people in the streets, they
doff their caps most humbly, — to their ideas
every man not dressed as a peasant must be
some very high dignitary.
THE TARTARS. 155
These people are good-uatured, phlegmatic,
and hospitable in the extreme ; they are grate-
ful for benefits and quick to forget injuries.
Their chief vices are dirt, apathy, and love of
drink. Often cheated by more cunning races,
they have become suspicious in mercantile
transactions. Extensive traffic in false notes has
made them very chary of taking paper money.
When handed a paper note, they turn it once,
spread it out in the sun, consult together, and
generally return it. For this reason when buy-
ing from them it is best to be provided with small
silver or copper money. A tendency to theft
or dishonesty is seldom seen among them, but
through their Mongolian descent they are prone
to incest and unnatm^al crimes. According to
their ideas, wrong is only Avrong when its con-
sequences are at once apparent, and incest,
though to us disgusting, does not seem so to
them, it does not belong to the class of crimes
which bring loss of life and money to others,
and therefore is no crime to them.
Inborn apathy, a want of perseverance, and
respect for other people's property keep them
from stealing, but, when they do steal, the ingen-
uity they display leaves other tribes far behind.
Russian pedlars and shopkeepers are in the
156 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
habit of selling tea previously weighed off in
pound packets, wrapped in pink paper. On
fair days large numbers of these packets lie
on counters, and buyers look at them, and buy
or not according to the price and the length
of their purses. Not very long ago a Tartar
entered the shop of a Minusinsk shopkeeper,
called Nicholas SharowofF, and, after having
inspected all the packets of tea, bought no-
thing, saying he had forgotten his money.
Soon he returned, looked at them once more,
but would not agree to the price. A third
time he returned, and agreed to pay the price
asked, but, as he was taking the money out
of his pocket, a Tartar woman, probably bis
wife, rushed into the shop, and forbade him
to give such a price. The obedient husband
put down the pound of tea, and left the shop
with his better-half. The shopman, used to
this kind of transaction, and seeing that the
number of packets was correct, did not suspect
the fraud. Later on, however, he found that
three of the packets contained sawdust. At
each visit the Tartar had substituted a packet
of sawdust, wrapped up in a similar paper,
for a packet of tea. Such things, however,
happen but seldom, not only that their easy-
THE TxVRTARS. 157
going, good-natured disposition is against it,
but they do not possess tlie cupidity and cun-
ning which are so often found among Siberians,
There have been cases when a Tartar not
only received his guest with open arms, but
on the departure of the latter presented him
with his best horse.
It follows from the character of these people
that they are extremely poor, though being-
satisfied ^vith little, and living outside the pale
of civilization, they are unconscious of their
poverty, and do not strive to better then- lot.
Their chief source of income is from the sale
of furs and the breeding of horses. Here and
there, however, especially near Minusinsk, they
occupy themselves with agriculture and in grow-
ing water melons, but these cases are rare, as
they have no taste for tilling the soil, and, when
one sees them using agricultural instruments,,
they always seem to do it in spite of them-
selves. Their great occupation is the prepara-
tion of kormiiss (mare's milk), which, according
to their behef, is a sovereign cure for all the
diseases human flesh is heir to ; and they even
fancy koumiss has the power to assist in casting
out unclean spirits. You will not find a settle-
ment in which some old woman is not busy
158 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
in preparing this drink ; and it is well known
that koumiss is really beneficial in some diseases,
such as consumption, &c. The doctors of Min-
usinsk, Atchinsk, and Krasnodiarsk often send
their patients into the steppes to take this cure.
A place of this Idnd in the neighbourhood of
Minusinsk is called Uprawa Abakanska, which
is also under Tartar government. It is neither
a village nor a camp, but a conglomeration of
all the primitive people. Amid the numerous
yourts, several wooden houses built in the Euro-
pean style are to be seen. Dm'ing the summer,
a score or so of people of different classes and
sexes come there to take the cure. Those who
have been to like places in Europe cannot form
the slightest idea of the discomforts, womes,
and trouble which the patients sent to these
wild parts have to undergo. Nothing can be
purchased there save mutton dried in the sun,
and living in Tartar yourts full of smoke and
stench, and sharing them with whole famihes
of filthy aborigines, is far from agreeable, and
can only be fully realized by one who has tried
it. It should be added that, though this place
is only fifteen versts distant from Minusinsk,
it is not easily got at, being separated from it
by three arms of the Yenisei, which must be
THE TARTARS. 159
crossed in puiits; so that, though the distance is
insignificant, the journey occupies several hours.
The Tartar women who occupy themselves
with the treatment invest it with all the dio;-
nity due to their belief in the efficacy of
the cure. Before preparing the drink and be-
ginning the usual incantations, they question
the patient closely as to all his habits, tastes,
and ways.
In settlements further removed from civiliza-
tion, a Shaman or his attendant is generally
found at the preparation of the medicine, whose
muttered invocations, without which no import-
ant action or ceremony can take place, go on
just the same as in the religious observances.
First of all, the mares whose milk is about to
be used are fumigated with camomile, the milk,
before being allowed to ferment, is charmed,
and, when finished and bottled, the liquor is
not permitted to leave the hands of the manu-
facturer without the priest's formal permission.
Knowing these customs, Europeans, as a rule,
choose settlements situated nearer the towns or
European villages, as in such places fear of the
authorities who do not encom-age Shamanism
keeps the practices in check, and the Tartars,
loth to part completely from their time-honom-ed
I
160 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
habits, content tliemselves with a few inarticu-
late mutterings.
Besides the marriages I have mentioned be-
tween very yonng boys and girls much older
than themselves, one sees sometimes marriages
of people well on in years ; but such nnions may
safely be counted as exceptions. The marriage
of children seems to bo for the purpose of put-
ting a wholesome check on immorality in its
very bud, but the remedy does not answer its
purpose. Where no vhtuous principles exist,
Avhere religion is merely a form, and the idea of
modesty has never been inculcated into woman,
there evil grows spontaneously, like weeds on
waste land, and all obstructions set up to op-
pose it serve only to make the baser side of
human nature assert itself the more. Nowhere
is female immorality so great as among these
tribes steeped in materialism. This immorality
does not arise from greed, but has its som'ce in
example and the absence of feminine modesty
from childhood, a virtue which forms a shield to
preserve Avomen from evil instincts. The Sha-
mans, whilst punishing severely outward lapses
in religious observances, do not trouble them-
selves to find fault with what ought to come
more especially under theu' authority. Public
THE TARTARS. IGl
opinion only rises up against consequences,
ignoring such crimes as leave no trace behind
them; and the patriarchs, following opinion,
wink at every fault except such as cannot be
concealed.
Such a state of things produces all kinds of
diseases, and checks the increase of population.
The Tartar girls, afraid above all of their fault
being found out, have recourse to the medical
skill of old women, who endeavoiu' to counteract
the course of Nature by administering herbs and
grasses well known to be injurious to health.
On the other hand, it should be said that, if
among girls we see very loose habits, the mar-
ried women, though not quite free from this
fault, yield to it only exceptionally. This arises
from the curious ideas of these people. A woman
considers herself perfectly free and unconstrained
till she is married ; thus the custom of early mar-
riages, though powerless to prevent immorality,
may be understood as having been instituted
with this object.
Marriages concluded in later life are always
eiFected by carrying off the bride. \Vhen a
yoimg Tartar fancies a girl, he never dreams of
asking her father for her, but collects his friends,
assails her yourt at night, and carries away his
VOL. T. M
162 SIBERIAN PICT URES.
prize. The girl's family give chase, and either
recover her, or, as is often the case, are worsted
in the encounter, and leave the field to the
enemy. In the first case, the assailant retires
"with shame, or seeks another opportunity ; in
the latter, the families make peace, and the
wedding is celebrated by the Shaman with the
usual ceremonies. Frequently before the ab-
duction there is an understanding betAveen the
lovers, and even between the families ; in such
a case the pursuit is only simulated as a form
hallowed by custom, but there are cases where
not only the relatives, but even the girl herself,
are unaware of the coming event, and in such
cases the flight frequently ends in bloodshed.
In such a case might wins the day, and although
the father, the girl herself, or even the authori-
ties of the settlement might object to the mar-
riage no one can prevent it, and the victor car-
ries ofi" his wife, the defeated party must put on
the best face they can, and the weeping bride
becomes the wife of the man who has won her.
Habit, however, requires that the bridegroom
should pay the father-in-laAv a certain sum in
iskins, cattle, or horses. The sum fixed on
depends on the age and personal charms of
the girl and the details of the assault ; the more
THE TARTARS. 163
the girl's friends have suifered in the fight, and
the more severe the wounds inflicted, the larger
the sokol* (sum paid by the bridegroom). In
cases where the fight has been only a feint, the
price has been fixed beforehand. If the abduction
has been ca-rried out in spite of the girl's family,
the price paid for her is fixed by the elders of
the settlement, and must be agreed to by both
parties.
This barbarous custom of carrying off" girls,
to which rape is always added, is common to
many Siberian tribes, and dates from great
antiquity ; it prevailed in almost all nations liv-
ing in a state of nature, and seems to have
arisen from then- religious ideas and mode of
life. Uschold and other searchers into the past
consider it to have been the general and only
form of marriage. According to others it had a
cosmological meaning, and was symbolical of the
moon, and therefore ' Hieros Gamos,' or holy
matrimony; has become a religious ceremony.
* In all ancient nations the bridegroom had to pay for
his bride ; in later times, when marriage became an institu-
tion, this took the form of a dower given by the parents to
their daughter. The sokol of the Tartars, Zarizeban of
the Mongolians, and kalim of the Turks which still exist
are remnants of this custom.
M t
/
164 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
Vico considers it as the natural consequence of
the savage ideas of these nations, who imitated
the wild animals of the steppes, -with whom
might is right and who cany off their prey to
their lairs in the desert. This last hypothesis
seems to be the most probable one. Among
barbarous nations, the rights of property were
not respected ; they fought either for booty or
slaves. From ancient times, savage nations —
following mythological examples, where the
gods, smitten by the charms of women, carried
them off — ^followed this simple mode of appro-
priation. Sometimes these expeditions were
undertaken for the pui-pose of carrying off the
whole female population of a neighbouring coun-
try; for example, the rape of the Sabines by the
Romans. At other times, they were only to carry
out individual aims. What was the cause of the
Trojan war but the abduction of Helen by Paris ?
And the ancestors of the tribe I am now de-
scribing were chiefly influenced in their raids on
Russia and Poland by the rich spofl to be ob-
tained, and more especially by the beauty of the
Pohsh and Russian women whom they carried off.
Under the influence of such ideas, handed down
from generation to generation and strengthened
into habit by tradition, the primitive nations
THE TARTARS. 165
fostered tliese barbarous customs. In the course
of centuries, whicb modified the outward forms
of life, and especially by the barriers opposed
by laws and civilization, these customs had to
give way to right and justice, and what was
once the rule became a mere form now apparent
only in the nuptial festivities of the Siberian
people.
Such are the habits and customs of Asiatic
Tartars. As to their songs, there is little to be
said about them. Song, the poetry of nations,
does not exist among them, but only a mono-
tonous nomenclature of objects which pass be-
fore their eyes, like the Tunguz. As with the
latter, a long list of objects passing before our
eyes is presented to us. Sense is sacrificed to
rhyme ; there is no order, no continuous idea
ruiming thi'ough it. Legends and stories of
olden time are not to be found among these peo-
ple steeped in materialism, the only remnant of
antiquity to be found amongst them is the idea
of a mysterious colossal being whom they can
neither name nor describe. I have several times
mentioned this legendary hero, who seems to
survive in the memory of almost all Siberian
tribes, and who probably may be identified with
Genghis Khan, the brave and unconquercd
166 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
leader under whom niTinerous liordes of these
barbarians nsed to invade the west, spreading
death and devastation in their path.
I was most anxious to trace some connecting
Knk between the present and the past of these
nations, and once dming iny excursions in the
steppes, Avhen visiting a settlement near the
Chinese frontier, I came npon a tradition which,,
though lacking details and particulars of time
and place and names, seems to bear the char-
acteristics of a national legend founded on
actual facts. In this legend, as in all those
of the primitive tribes of Siberia, the mysterious
impersonation of the heroic leader plays the
principal part. In this case it is not Genghis
Khan, but another Asiatic leader who seems
to be the principal personage. The story is as
follows : —
Once upon a time, long, long ago, when
Mongolia did not acknowledge the Mantchur
yoke, and the Tartar princes were mightier
than all the princes of the earth,* one of them,
stronger and wiser than the rest, overcame the
chiefs of other tribes, and forced them to pay
him tribute, and to help him in case of war
* Of course only in a legendary sense.
THE TARTARS. 1G7
with other nations. Not only were the Yenisei
steppes subject to him, but the Irkontslc and
Amoor pi'ovinces, and even the countries of the
Ultanghai and Uranhuts (present Mong-oha)
owned his power, and obeyed his mandates.
He was a great hero, firm and severe, but just.
Of commanding stature, he was possessed of
great strength, and coukT uproot whole trees,
which he used as defensive weapons. All trem-
bled at his power, and admired the wisdom and
prudence of his judgments. This mighty chief
had a wife of surpassing beauty. She was
good, obedient, and gentle, but the smile of
happiness never lighted up her features. Her
lovely face was like a summer night — bewitch-
ing but sad. All who beheld her were entranced
by the beauty of that northern star, but could
not long contemplate her without grieving at the
deep melancholy which brooded over the chief-
tain's wife.
Her husband, devotedly attached to her,
was unhappy on account of her sorrowful
appearance, the more so as this melancholy
arose from no cause whatever, but her natural
disposition. She, loving her husband passion-
ately, did all in her power to look cheerful,
but she could not. As well might one wish
168 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
for sunshine on a serene summer night as to
hope that the signs of grief on her lineaments
should give way to a sunny smile. No means
Avere left untried to effect this end. The merri-
est buffoons were brought from Mongolia, but
all their antics, jokes, and wit were of no
avail. The sad lady (for by that name she Avas
generally known) looked at all their perform-
ances, but the statue-like features seemed to
be chiselled in marble, and gave no sign of
satisfaction. The despairing husband issued a
proclamation throughout his extensive dominions
to the effect that whoever should succeed in
bringing cheerfulness to his wife would be
promoted to the highest dignities. Numerous
dependent chiefs arrived, and invented all sorts
of jests and tricks, but their efforts failed to
relieve the unconquerable melancholy of the
princess. The prince, driven to the last ex-
tremity, knew not what to imagine — for one
smile to light up those death-like features, he
was ready to sacrifice half his possessions, but
that smile no power had hitherto been able
to evoke. At last he took a strange, almost
unaccountable resolution — a resolution which
could only have been conceived in the brain
of an Arctic Tartar prince. There existed in
THE TARTARS. 169
Asiatic countries from time immemorial a cus-
tom tliat, in case of a sudden war or raid,
fires were lighted on all the mountain tops, in
order to assemble the subordinate chiefs, and
in this way the news spread all over the country
and reached its most distant confines. One
day the prince ordered these signal fires to
be lighted, and soon numerous bands began
to arrive ^vith their chiefs and leaders.
There were Mongohans, Sayans, Northern Tar-
tars, and Kirghiz, all these i^eople streamed in
by land or water like rivers hastening to join the
sea. The astonishment of these legions hasten-
ing to Avar and finding themselves mystified
must have been ludicrous in the extreme, as the
* sad lady ' burst out laughing at the sight, and
her laugh added a thousand new charms to her
sweet face. The prince, delighted at his discov-
ery, repeated it several times to enliven his wife,
and thus exposed his armies to unnecessary
toils and troubles. At last evil days dawned
for him, when his empire was assailed by the
Mantchurs Avho spread death and desolation
in their path, carrying away as spoil, cattle,
horses, and household goods. Seeing ruin
threatening him on every side, the Tartar
chief gave the signal for war ; at his order,
170 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
fires Avero lighted on the mountains bearing news
of peril throughout his territory, but this time the
oft-deceived vassals did not respond, and he per-
ished miserably, paying with his life for the fool-
ish jest in which he had indulged himself for the
sake of a smile from his wife.
Besides this story, which one finds among the
Mongohans as well, the Tartars possess no
other.
On several occasions sitting by the fire in a
yourt with a glass of aryash in hand, or accept-
ing from the patriarch a pipe, the mark of
friendship and mutual esteem, I have tried to
profit by this moment of friendly intercourse, and
have questioned in every way the people pres-
ent, but all my efforts in that direction failed, so
great is the ignorance of these tribes as to the
previous history of the northern steppes. They
even seem astonished that anyone should care
to investigate the by-gone times which will
never return, and do not desei-ve even a remem-
brance.
Among the Tartars inhabiting the steppes
near Minusinsk, dwells a man distinguished from
his countrymen by a much higher education.
Karki, also called Karkin, is the richest citizen
of the desert ; his wealth in horses, oxen, fm'S,
THE TARTARS. 17 L
silver, and even in money are considered fabu-
lous; probably imagination, as is usually the
case, doubles the riches of this Arctic Croesus.
The bonds of friendship unite me to this Tartar.
Many times have I visited him in his yourt in the
steppes fitted up with Asiatic splendour, and ho
for his part has never passed my modest habita-
tion without parang me a visit. I had hoped
that the Em-opean ideas of this aborigine, the
influence he exercised over his fellow-country-
men, and especially his education, which, though
only superficial, still raised him above the sphere
of ignorance around him, would help me in my
researches into the previous history of these na-
tions. Vain illusion! Karki, who possessed
such a rational judgment in almost every mat-
ter, who looked upon Shamanism as a relic of
barbarism, could not or would not enter into the
past history of his country. He looked upon all
efibrts in that direction as childish and useless,
the present was all-in-all to him, and grubbing
in the past seemed to him like stirring up cold
embers.
The past can never be undone, and the idea of
progress, which he loves to talk of though in
truth he does not follow it, is the reason that in
his opinion, searching the past, so full of dark-
172 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
ness, iinbridlecl freedom, and abominations of
every description, not only brings no advantage
for future generations, but is a positive check,
thwarting all efforts in the cause of civilization.
I mention this to explain to the reader the
reason why my essays touch so little upon the
by- gone history of the tribes I have undertaken
to describe. Ethnography, it is true, draws its
materials from the present, but the past should
serve as a foundation on which to build the
existing tj^^es ; the source from which are de-
rived the habits, customs, and modes of hfe of
the present day. The smallest details, such as
dress, the mode of architecture, and apparently
insignificant ceremonies, all assist in character-
izing nations, the origin of which must be
sought for in the dim obscurity of the past.
When these fail, the study undertaken becomes
most difficult, and the student is forced to draw
his conclusions from indications almost imper-
ceptible, and has instinctively to guess at the
•origin of what he sees.
173
CHAPTER VIII.
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES.
AFTER having placed before the reader m
turn all these obscure tribes barely men-
tioned in the history of nations, it is necessary
to discover the thread that unites them. The
protot}^es of the tribes we have described, the
Mantchurs, Mongolians, Kirghizs, Kamtschatkans,
and Finns, belonged to quite different races, and
yet there is a certain similarity in the habits,
di-ess, and rehgious observances of all Asiatic
nations. The neighbourhood of these tribes to
each other could not account for this, as the
deserts of Siberia are so vast that often these
tribes scattered amongst its snows were unaware
of the existence of others.
Trade and commerce, those uniting hnks of
distant nations, were unknown to them, and
174 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
commiinicatiou was impossible from want of
roads and the existence of immense rivers and
wide deserts. The wars they waged amongst
themselves were naturally confined to small
areas ; there were in fact no conditions tending
to draw them nearer to each other. What then
were the causes of the similarity we have noticed
in all these different tribes ?* To find an answer
to this question it is necessary to search far into
the past and to study the rite of Shamanism.
Shamanism is undoubtedly one of the oldest
religions on earth. In prehistoric times the black
faith flourished in the east and south of Asia and
more especially in India. Its chief seat was in
Attock and Peshawur, in the valleys stretching
do^vn from the western slopes of the Hindoo
Koosh in the direction of the Caspian and Ural
seas, also Iran (Persia) and Turan (Kirghis). In
Egypt even, which was relatively the most civil-
ised nation, magic seems to have been nothing
else but Shamanism clothed in an attractive
form and raised to the status of a science. In
China the ancient faith Tao-see, which existed
before Confucius, possessed all the distinguishing
* These characteristics are restricted to a few of the
customs, religious ceremonies, and sometimes dress. In
moral character the tribes differ completely.
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 175
features of Shamanism. In a word, this religion
spread throughont all southern and eastern
Asia to the confines of IMongolia and the pro-
vince of Stetun-tsin, the bases of the Koosh.
Mountains rising in India being the centre of
all Asiatic nations, those anxious to find a light
thrown on the ancient history of these tribes
should seek it there.
This locality from its very situation seems to
possess the necessary conditions. Four im-
mense rivers, rising there and flowing into dif-
ferent parts of the world divide Asia into four
parts. The Irtish flows northward into the
Arctic Ocean ; the Cabul river flowing towards
the south joins the Indus, and loses itself in the
Indian Ocean. To the east the yellow river of
China flowing into the Eastern Ocean, and the
Oxus (Amu-Darya) falling into the sea of Aral.
Thus Asia divided geographically into four
parts, with four difierent tribes, the Mantchur,
Indian, Chuck, and Mongol, possesses the goal
towards which all investigations as to previous
history must naturally tend.
For one desiring to investigate even approxi-
mately the origin of the various tribes distributed
over the north, possessing no record of the past
either in books or traditions, it is impossible to
176 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
omit this source. Sanscrit manuscripts, the
world-old Chinese paintings, and the legendary-
traditions of the Persians and Kirghis, have
ever been the foundation and starting point of
all historical inquiry into the origin of the
Semitic races. The slight vein of historic lore
which connects Siberia Avith other Asiatic coun-
tries can only be ascribed to the steady progress
of Shamanism from south to north, where new
faiths, by enlarging the circle of local ideas,
have modified the materiahsm and cabalistic
formulas of the black faith.
In these primeval times, marked by no dates,
were fought many long and bloody wars in
Southern Asia between Irans and Turans.
These latter, under the general name of Scyth-
ians,* made incui-sions into Persia and Chaldea,
and even penetrated as far as Egypt. Chinese
history is rich in facts showing the ravages
committed by" these barbarian hordes. The
Irans saw in the juniper-covered Turan a land
of darkness, the abode of all evU, the kingdom
* The celebrated Scythian empire, of which Justinian says
that ' Non minus prjBclara initia quam imperium habuit,'
■was properly situated on the Black Sea, but all nations
inhabiting the south-western parts of Asia went generally
by the name of Scythians.
ETHNOGRAPHIC^VL AFFINITIES. 177
of Ahriman (the Evil One) ; and the chief pohti-
cal business of the Persians, and, after them,
of the Perso-Greeks, has been to expel these
Kirgis aborigines beyond the river Sjrr or
Janartes, and to separate them by an impass-
able barrier from the other nations of Southern
Asia.
Having accomplished this after many battles,
their sole aim was to effect a moral change, and
to free themselves from Shamanism, to which
faith they ascribed all the combats undertaken
in the name of the black god.*
It was probably then that the ancient faith
of Brahma arose. Shamanism gave way to
Brahminism, yielding to the moral force of a
more enlightened religion.f This took place
* The wars of the Irans and Turaiis are called in the
Vedas the wars of the gods, of the white (Ormuzd) and
black (Ahriman). These Sanscrit names answer to the
Siberian names of Shama and Si, given by them to the
two contending powers.
t The Brahmin religion, though dark and barbarous
when compared with the later (504 years B.C.) Budda faith,
is still much more lofty in its tenets than Shamanism. We
do not find in it that dark power in whose name all crimes
were committed with impunity, and some spiritual ideas,
though hidden by a cloak of materialism, were beginning
to germinate. In every body there is a sort of subtle ele-
ment, a sort of vapour, which leaves it at death, and enters.
VOL. I. N
178 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
slowly ; step by step the professors of the black
faith, unable to find sympathy from the believers
in the migration of souls, insensibly receded
northwards. The stations of the ancient com-
mercial route from India to Eastern Siberia,
^nz., Chizar, Khiva, Bokhara, Khokand, and
Tashkend, inhabited by a population descended
from the Persians, still bear in their traditions
marks of that migration. The Swastics (San-
scrit talismans), hieroglyphics cut on flat stones,*
which are found on that line of route, consti-
tute a material proof of the advance of the
southerners. At the same time the Obons or
pagan cemeteries show the retrograde move-
ment of the Shamans before the advance of a
more powerful element.
When, in the course of ages, the religion of
Budda arose on the ruins of Brahminism, when
another organic body, and the burning of dead bodies was
supposed to assist this chemical process. This faint glim-
mer gives the first idea of a soul, an idea the very rudiments
of which are nowhere to be found in Shamanism.
* Swasti is the Sanscrit word for a blessing, hence the
word swastic means the consecration of any object. As
some of these stones are shaped like the sole of a child's
foot, many people of the Indian faith believe them to be
the marks of the feet of miraculous children who had passed
that way, endowed with sacred powers and expounding the
laws of their rehgion.
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 179
the Indian prince, Sakya Muni, began to ex-
pound the mysteries of Nirvana, Shamanism,
which had hitherto been partially tolerated, re-
ceived its death-blow. The new ideas, spread-
ing Avitli rapidity, crossed the Himalayas, and
flourished not only in the Aleutian Islands, but
through the length and breadth of the Celestial
Empire as well. A faith whose highest aim
was peace, whose doctrine inculcated patience
and gentleness, could not amalgamate with one
steeped in witchcraft and blood. Thus driven
back, the Shamans settled in the ice-bound
parts of Asia and Europe,* some even, reaching
the rocky shores of Scandinavia, spread around
the White Sea, and the Finn races (Laplanders,
Samoiedes, &c.) have succumbed to then influ-
ence ; others settled in Siberia, and inoculated
the wandering aborigines with their religious
ideas.
"What happened in Siberia in these prehistoric
times, what tribes peopled her snowy regions, is
not known. We can, however, surmise that
* The worshippers of the black faith found now in
Southern Asia are merely the relics of bygone ages. Si-
beria has become the only region in which one finds large
numbers of people observing the ceremonies peculiar to
that faith.
N 2
180 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
these polar races must have lived in a semi-
bestial state, unacquainted with any religious
ideas whatever. This sm-mise is founded on
the ease with which Shamanism must have
spread. The black faith, known by all the
nations of central and southern Asia to be barbar-
ous, was readily received here. That reHgion,
regarded as barbarous on the shores of the
Ganges and the Pei-ho, in the Aleutian Isles,
in Tiu'an, and Samarcand, was ^velcomed in the
north as a step towards ci-\alization, and the
beginning of a new and better life. It is proba-
ble that in ancient times Siberia was occupied
by hordes of Chukchas, Finns, and Kirghiz, and
that the two most populous races inhabiting there
at the present day, viz. : the Mongolians, from
whom sprang the Tartars and Yakuts, and the
Mantchur, the ancestors of the present GriUiacks,
Sayans, and Tunguz, have come from the west
and south during this change in the religious
ideas, and, having mingled with the previous
settlers, gave rise to the present varieties.
As there are no traditions and not a vestige of
history, all these surmises are onl}^ founded on
the different types of the tribes we have been
examining, as well as on some facts taken from
the history of Southern Asia, and a few vestiges
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 181
of Mongolian lore, viz. : the book of Bogdohan,*
in which all the names are Sanscrit, and seem to
recall the peregrinations of these tribes. Mant-
churia and Mongolia were some score of cen-
turies ago two mighty nations ; they came sel-
dom, if at all, into contact with the northern
countries, the innate pride of the former and the
strength of the latter prevented them from
amalgamating with the savage hordes dispersed
over the snows of the pole ; if we find there
many Mantchur and Mongolian races among
the aborigines of Siberia, it is probably owing
to Shamanism driven northwards by the perse-
cuting Brahminist.
Shamanism, having once become acclimatised
in Siberia, has lasted for centuries without in
the least degree changing its form or barbarous
nature. The powdery condition of the bones
found in the Obons points to its having originated
in very ancient times corresponding to the epoch
of the rise and spread of Buddism in central and
southern Asia.f All the bloodiest ceremonies of
this terrible faith, such as human sacrifices,
* The Mongol Look of Bogo-Gesser-hana is well known
to German Oriental scholars, and was published in St.
Petersburgh in 1836.
t Revue des deux Mondes, LVII, page G15.
182 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
voluntary suicide, painful and disgusting tattoo-
ing of the body, have been preserved in their
pristine ligour up to the end of the last century,
and only since then have they begun to yield
to Russian civilization. Remains of the victims
of these barbarities are still found in the Tartar
Obons, and the Gilliack customs ; the remnants
of tattooing, may still be traced on the faces of
old Tunguz. At every step we are met by
relics of a terrible past Avhich, like uncanny
ghosts, rise up before us and proclaim the by-
gone savagery of these Arctic tribes.
From the AVhite Sea to the Sayans and Altai
Mountains, and from the Ural to Kamtschatka,
Shamanism has recorded its existence in indeli-
ble characters. It is, therefore, scarcely to be
wondered at that this horrible faith, which is
perhaps the most ancient on the face of the
earth, having so long flourished in Siberia,
should in the course of time have given to the
various tribes the same general characteristics.
The same religious observances, and more espe-
cially unconditional obedience to the priests, are
the causes which unite almost imperceptibly
all the scattered Siberian tribes. Everywhere
the opposing influences of the good god and
bad god are admitted, everywhere the latter re-
ENHXOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 183
ceives from them more respect and worship from
his power of doing harm than does the former
from his pity and love. At every point of these
immense snowy wastes, the aborigines, owing
to the entire absence of any elevated ideas in
their rehgion, worship evil as a god, darkness
as a power, and regard religion as a scourge.
The heavenly bliss of Christianity, the perfect
peace of Buddism, and even the primitive idea
of setting free the soul from its bonds of flesh
in the Brahmin faith are here replaced by terror
of the evil god, which, like their long Arctic
night, seems to cover as with a pall the mental
capacity of these people, smothering any spark
of love, any tendency to better things, or any
knowledge of social laws which might exist
among them.
The signs of a departure from this time-
hallowed condition are so very few and far
between, so superficial and insignificant, that
they can only serve to show that the present
stagnation may perhaps in time give way to
more civilized ideas. Difiicult as it is in this
desert land to trace its past, the task seems
light compared with the much more difiicult
one of predicting even approximately the time
when darkness Avill give place to light, and
f
184 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
savage customs be changed into cliarity and
love. One thing, however, I can say with cer-
tainty, having for many years inhabited these
regions, studied the various nationahties, their
habits and customs ; I can see that these good
days will only daAvn when Russian civilization
shall have reached the furthest confines, and
the mighty power of steam shall have brought
new life in its train; when the last Shaman,
having disappeared from the face of the earth,
shall live only as a sad memory, and the serv-
ants of Christ, full of the sanctity of their calling,
shall spread the gospel among these barbarian
hordes, teaching them the love of God and one's
neighbour, the forgiveness of injuries, and the
nobler calling of man.
Owing to exceptional social conditions, and
the great distance from the centre of civihza-
tion, the agricultural class in Siberia is distin-
guished by peculiar characteristics.
Though possessing no past history — as the
fathers, or at any rate the grandfathers, of the
present settlers all came from distant climes,
bringing with them different habits and cus-
toms— still Siberia has a strange power which
seems thoroughly to change all foreigners in an
incredibly short time. All their \nrtues, vices,
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 185
and peculiarities are reduced to one uniform
level. Whether the cause of this rapid meta-
morphosis is in the climate, the entirely different
social conditions, or the difficulties of communi-
cation with other countries, is hard to tell ; but
one thing is certain, that not only Russians, but
Frenchmen, Germans, and Swedes, who have
lived in Siberia for any length of time, gradu-
ally lose their different characteristics and
acquire the ways of the land they inhabit.
This law, of course, acts with double force on
uneducated peasants born and bred amid Si-
berian snows and ice, and who have been accus-
tomed to call Siberia theh home. Their vices
seem to have become congealed, and do not
thaw at the teachings of morahty and kindness.
Of religion they only see the outward form,
their surroundings bring nothing but bad ex-
amples before their eyes, and any innate good
qualities they may possess are smothered by
traditions of crime handed down from father to
son.
The chief characteristics of Siberian peasants
are great cunning, first-rate abihties, unfettered
by any fine feelings, extreme laxity of morals,
and a behef in witchcraft and superstition.
Their craft and cunning, partly inherited from
186 SIBERIAN PICTURES,
tlieir motliers and partly learnt from the Chinese
and Mongolians, is so wonderful that the wari-
est and most circumspect European is invariably
cheated by them in his business dealings. When
trading, they can assume the most good-natured
persuasion, and at the same time profit by the
slightest opportunity ; they flatter, appear to
agree to every proposal, and in the end achieve
their object. The only drawbacks to their cun-
ning are the vice of drink, to which they are
prone, and their belief in every sort of super-
stition ; so that, when petty travelling-merchants
want to strike a bargain with them, they invari-
ably place a bottle of ' vodka ' (whisky) on the
table before commencing business, and, should
this fail, they have recourse to the first super-
stition they can think of, and thus get the
better of the uncivilized moujik.
It is well-known that a mind clouded by
the fumes of alcohol is easily overcome ; so in
these bargains, in which the bottle plays a con-
spicuous part, the victory is to the one who has
the strongest head, or the presence of mind to
spill his liquor under the table. It is very curi-
ous to observe the profit made out of the peas-
ants through their superstitions. Travelling col-
porteurs always pro\'ide themselves ^vith an
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 187
abundance of miraculous articles, such as amu-
lets, forks which, presented at a person, are
supposed to overcome his or her indifference,
glasses for preventing the effects of the evil
eye, chalk for dra"\ving cabalistic signs. The
sale of these and hke things brings them in
large profits. These colporteurs are usually vil-
lage-clerks who have lost their places through
drink, or adventurers sent to Siberia as a punish-
ment for their misdeeds. These people wander
from settlement to settlement charming away
mice, locusts, &c., and curing every disease
under the sun by supernatural means. The
following anecdote will give an idea how deeply
rooted is the belief of the people in supernatural
agencies.
During my stay in the country, I was in the
habit of changing every now and then a few
roubles, so as to have the change I required
for every day purchases. These coppers 1
generally kept in a large, old leather gauntlet,
bought originally at Tobolsk. Out of this
gauntlet I used to get the money I requhed,
and took care always to have the requisite
change at hand. The neighbouring peasants
and then wives came to me to sell eatables, and
when paying them I invariably had recourse to
188 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
the old gauntlet. One of the moiijiks with
whom I dealt oftener than the others asked one
day,
' Tell me hoAv it is that, thongh you neither
plough nor reap, yet you never seem to be
short of money V
' 1 have but little money,' I answered. ' All
my treasure is in this gauntlet.'
' And when it is empty, what then V
' It never gets empty. Just think how long
you have been coming to me, selling all sorts
of provisions, and you always have seen me
take money out of it, and not once have you
seen it fail.'
' True,' answered the moujik. 'It is a
miraculous glove.'
' A wise man gave it to me,' I added. ' As
fast as money is taken out of it, it fills itself
again, and so on for ever !'
' Wonderful,' said the man, crossing himself
several times.
I said this purposely, so as to divert their
attention from the larger sum which I kept in
a pocket-book, in case I should be robbed — a
very frequent event in these parts. I knew
that, after what I had said, the theft would be
confined to the glove, in whose Avonderful pro-
ETHXOGRAPHtCAL AFFINITIES. 189
perties they believed, and so save me from a
more serious loss.
The peasant pondered deeply over what I
had told him, and went away ; but that very
same day he returned with an invitation that
I should go and see him. On my refusing, he
took a bottle from his coat, and begged that
I would drink with him. KnoTvang their love
of money, I knew he would not be thus treat-
ing me for nothing ; there must therefore be a
cause for his liberality. This was not long in
coming to light. When, after a long conversa-
tion, he found that he could not prevail on me
to drink with him, he pulled out a dirty rag,
and, having unfolded it, handed me a few paper
roubles.
' Here are fifteen roubles. They are yours ;
take them.'
' Mine V
'Yes. I wish to buy your leather glove-
Why should you soil your hands with copper?
Roubles are cleaner, and fifteen roubles is a
large sum for a man to possess.'
I was speechless with astonishment. How
easy it is, thought I, to deceive these cunning
Siberians as soon as one works on theh' belief
in the supernatural.
190 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
I told the peasant I would not part with my
miraculous gauntlet for any money, and sent him
home. A few days afterwards the gauntlet dis-
appeared suddenly : luckily the loss was small,
and amounted only to a few score of coppers.
I filled another similar glove with money, con-
doling loudl}^ with ihe unlucky finder of the
former one. ' That glove was useful only to me,
it will inevitably bring disease and fearful mis-
fortunes to whoever has it,' I used to say. A
day had scarcely passed before I found my won-
derful glove thrown down on my doorstep with
all the money it had contained.
Siberians are most cunning and crafty in all
cases where they do not imagine any super-
natural agency to be at work. They can
fathom at once all human weaknesses and vices,
and turn them to account. They can change
their face, and modify their voice, and even
squeeze a few tears Avhen necessary, certain that
they will be aided in this comedy by all their
fellow-countrymen. Even the children are so
accustomed to this atmosphere of deceit as to
assist, and lie without a stammer.
In such a state of things, where an eye to the
main chance is the sole object, the highest at-
tributes of the mind and heart cannot flomish.
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 11)1
Family relations are based solely du mutual
necessity. Parents mourn only the loss of
grown-up childi-en who were a help to them in
their housekeeping, and children anticipate im-
patiently the death of old and decrepit parents.
They do not in any way hide these feelings,
and one may often hear a son or daughter coolly
making preparations for the funeral, or relating
their plans with regard to the inheritance, be-
side the bed of a sick parent.
It is lucky when want of feeling shows itself
merely in apathy. Government chronicles are
full of the records of crimes committed among
relatives.
Another fact worthy of notice is that, among
all the crimes committed, none are perpetrated
through passion ; revenge against an enemy or
the jealousy of a betrayed husband are feehngs
entirely unknown, thirst of gain or drunkenness
are the sole causes of crime. A cold, almost
thoughtless cruelty takes the place of passion.
The entire absence of sympathy Avitli the suf-
ferings of any animal, and especially of man, is
imbibed into a child's first ideas ; it is the efiect
of habit, and the coldness of heart fostered by
habit. The father, as a rule, takes his young-
sons to help to break-in horses, and thus a boy
192 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
learns early to witness most fearful tortures
wliich the poor wild horses have to undergo in
this truly barbarous custom.* From the baby
in arms to the old man no one understands the
meaning of sympathy or pity, and, should ever
such an institution as a society for the protection
of animals be started in Siberia, its members
would soon be obliged to abandon their noble
efforts from the sheer impossibility of carrying
them out. Here is an example : —
One fine summer morning I slung my gun
over my shoulder and went out for a walk. Be-
yond the village I observed a light smoke ris-
ing from the bushes. Upon approaching the
spot a disgusting sight met my ejes, A boy of
about twelve had hung a dog by the legs to a
pole planted in the ground ; underneath he had
lighted a fire and was slowly roasting the
wretched creatm-e to death. The unfortunate
* Breaking- in horses is done in the following fashion : —
A peasant requiring a horse chooses one out of a stud
of wild animals and at once harnesses him to a heavy
sledge. The horse, accustomed to the freedom of the
steppes, fights and kicks, whereupon the moujik beats
him with a stick or goads him with a sharp iron until the
poor beast, overcome by the torture, gives-in and be-
comes docile. It sometimes happens, however, that the
steed prefers to die rather than be mastered.
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 193
animal was Avrithiiig in tortnre and howling-
piteously ; a feAv other children were admiiing
the sight and clapping their liands for joj.
' Boy, what are yon doing?' I cried, indig-
nantly.
' I am torturing a dog,' said the boy, calmly,
at the same time heaping more fuel on the fire,
as if he were giving the simplest piece of
information.
' And why '?' asked I, trembhng with rage.
' Because I have nothing else to do ; father is
chopping wood, and mother is washing linen in
the river, so, to while away the time, I am.
roasting this dog.'
' How dare you do so T
' It is my dog ; I can do with him what I like
— no one can prevent me.'
Seeing that I could not awaken any feeling-
in the child, and unable to bear such a sight, I
took aim "\^dth my gun, and the victim of this
innocent pastime hung dead over the rising-
flames.
The child began to cry and scream.
' He spoiled my fun, he killed my dog. I
will complain to father; and he will teach you
sense.'
At the sound of the child's shrieks, the father
VOL. I. 0
194 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
came out, hatcliet in hand, and with him a
couple of elder boys. Having found out how
the matter stood, he said to me,
' This cannot be ; you will not escape scot-
free. I will soon teach you what it is to meddle
■\vith other people's property.'
My situation was becoming very critical.
Luckily, just then the village clerk passed by,
and, on hearing all about it, smoothed the
peasant down by the promise of a large sum
from me.
The village clerk is a great personage in these
parts ; so the peasant, after a few preliminary
grumblings, agreed to the payment.
' Why have you done this V said the clerk.
* Without the shghtest cause, you have got
yourself into trouble and expense. Om' peas-
ants are vindictive, and do not like to be
interfered mth.'
' Without cause ? Why, that boy was tor-
turing a poor dog !'
' He had a perfect right to do so ; it was his
own dog. Why interrupt a child in his play,
"when he was doing no harm to you or anyone
elsef
Seeing that all discussion was useless, I
thanked my protector for his ready aid and
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFIXITIES. 195
turned homewards. I overheard him, however,
saying to his wife,
' Cmious ideas ! a perfect absence of respect
for another man's property. Why not let a
poor child have a little amusement with his
own dog T
Even hospitality, that true Sclavonic virtue,
has not become acclimatized in this inhospitable
region. The peasants like to visit and treat
eacli other, especially on high-days and holi-
days ; but this hospitahty is the result of calcu-
lation. When a man is going to visit his
neighbour, he never goes straight to the house,
but walks along the road, and stops as if by
chance at the ^vindow and begins a conversa-
tion ; then, if the master or mistress wishes to
see him, they invite him in. The conversation
begins by inqmries after every member of the
family by name, the samovar is prepared, and,
whilst it is heating, the guests discuss the crops,
the petty scandal of the place, &c. When the
samovar is ready, they drink tea out of saucers,
now and then taking a bite of a piece of sugar.
In this way they consume about three cups, and
then turn the cup upside down, placing on the
bottom the remains of the sugar they have been
nibbling at. The host and hostess now press
o2
196 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
tlic ^-isitor to have more tea ; but that is merely
a matter of form, as custom forbids any more
being taken.
As soon as tea is over, the guest rises to go,
and then the folloAving dialogue invariably
takes place :
' Why are you in such a hmiy V says the
hostess.
' Time to go home,' answers the guest.
' Stay a httle longer.'
' Thank you ; you have given us plenty to eat
and drink.'
' There was but little.'
' No, there was quite enough ; we had plenty.'
This conversation, which always takes place,
and is almost mechanically repeated, being
ended, the guest approaches the host, and,,
taking his hands, says,
' I thank you for the vodka, the tea, the cakes,
the sugar, &c.'
It is indispensable, when thanking the host
to enumerate everything the guest has con-
sumed during his visit. At the end of this
catalogue the visitor humbly begs his host to
come and see him, which, after a time, he does,
and things go on in exactly the same way.
Care must be taken that the viands pro\ided
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 197
are of equal quantity and quality ; if at any
time a man eats or drinks more than the host,
when his guest, on a former occasion did, quar-
rels, upbraidings, or sarcastic remarks are the
result.
' I gave them tea and sugar, and they gave
me nothmg but tea ;' or, ' I gave them cake,
and had nothing but bread in return.'
It often happens that an extra glass of
Avhisky diTink by a guest is the source of long-
quarrels ; the indelicate guest is publicly called
a swindler, a worthless fellow ; he is pointed at
with scorn, and sometimes even beaten. The
cause of this behaviour is to be found in their
gi-eed. The richest peasants, who spend money
on useless trifles, often fight desperately about
a glass of whisky which their neighbour has
failed to return. It is the outcome of Siberian
ideas, according to which there is nothing so
humiliating as being ' done,' and nothing so
satisfactory as to get the better of another ; no
wonder, then, that since every cheat is account-
ed clever, and every cheated one a good-for-
nothing idiot, their fear of being exposed to
pubhc derision carries them to such lengths.
This strange idea gives rise to many curious
customs. If, for instance, one receives a pre-
198 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
sent, he ought without loss of time to return
one of equal value. There is a special word
for this — 'oddarit.' A present is frequently
given with the intention that the person who
receives it may, in the hurry of retiu'ning an-
other, give one a trifle greater in value, and
thus be an object of ridicule for having allowed
himself to be outwitted. If the present sent be
of somewhat inferior value, the giver is liable
to many disagi-eeables. The same thing hap-
pens if the present be refused.
Stinginess in the true acceptation of the Avord
is unknown among the Siberian peasants. In all
that tends to satisfjdng their wants, and even
in gratifying their self-love, they spend freely.
The interior and exterior of their houses are
proofs of this.
The houses are built in Eastern fashion, sur-
rounded by palisades of wood, and the principal
entrance is never from the street, but at the
back in the yard. In building they endeavour
to obtain as much light in the rooms as possi-
ble, and for this reason have many windows,
which are profusely adorned on the outside by
arabesques deeply carved in Avood.
Every house is divided into two parts, the
living rooms of the family and the reception
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 199
rooms ; the kitchen, which is iu the former por-
tion, contains a sort of broad sloping Avooden
sheh", called a ' palata.' Here the Siberian
spends the whole day ; here he and his family
eat, drink, and work. The ' palata ' serves as a
bed for all those members of the family for
whom there is no room on the top of the stove.
Regular beds are only used by wealthy people.
The ' palata ' furnishes them with the acme of
enjojnnent; whenever in the course of the day
man, woman, or child has a few minutes to
spare, they scramble up the ' palata,' and it is
difficult to get them down again. Children up
to seven years of age, who do not go to Avork,
lie day and night in these upper regions, peep-
ing doAvn every now and then to see what is
going on below.
This habit is so universal that, when 1 in-
quired one day of the mother of a girl about
nine years old what age the child was, slie
replied, ' For the last two years I have begmi
dragging her down from the palata.' It is
an era in the life of a Siberian.
In this part of the house the heat is intoler-
able both night and day, and liable to cause
headache. The Siberian peasant likes to regu-
larly bake himself; they heat the stove con-
200 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
tinually, and close it before the coal is quite
burnt out, causing an unhealthy escape of gas.
Habit makes them little susceptible of the ill
effects of this, but sudden deaths frequently
result from it. On the other hand, the drawing-
room is cleanly whitewashed.
With the wealthier peasants, who possess
houses with two stories, the reception-rooms are
on the ground floor, the upper floor, which
sometimes has as many as three or four rooms,
contain the living rooms of the family. The
cleanliness is exemplary. The floors, benches,
chairs, and tables are scrubbed every Saturday,
and there is always a thick layer of straw on the
kitchen floor to preserve it from being soiled by
untidy feet.
The picture of Our Saviour, or perhaps a
saint, is placed in a corner ; the picture is cover-
ed with plated metal in such a fashion that
only the face and hands, adorned with small
branches of ivy, are visible ; in front of it is
hung a lamp, or small candles are stuck round,
Avhich are lighted on high-days and holidays.
On entering the room a peasant bows to the
picture ; this is repeated before meals and on
retiring to rest.
Prosperity and wealth are almost universal,
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 201
as serfdom was never kuowu in these parts ; the
virgin soil yields plentifully without toil or
labour. The ease mth which cattle are kept,
where everyone can have as much hay as he
chooses to cut, admits of many agriculturists
possessing immense herds of horses, cows, and
sheep, and were it not for the deeply-rooted love
of drink their wealth would be much greater. A
Siberian rustic has ahvays a well-stocked larder ;
before winter sets in they lay up stores of frozen
meat, fish, and all kinds of game, which cost
nothing ; but the mode of preparing these viands
is such that European palates find them difficult
to swallow. Not only do they never touch
fresh meat, but even fish is not considered fit to
eat till it begins to go bad ; and such a dish,
which would be both unwholesome and disgust-
ing to an inhabitant of civilized countries, is to
them not only acceptable but perfectly innocu-
ous. In summer they eat raAv vegetables in
lieu of fruit, which does not grow in Siberia.
In addition to wild berries, always gathered un-
ripe, and cucumbers, which rank amongst the
choicest delicacies, they consume large quanti-
ties of gTcen peas in their pods, as well as the
young shoots and buds of many field-plants. At
that time of year people walk about with their
202 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
pockets full of these delicacies, and, on meeting
a friend or neighbour, treat them to some of the
stores they have about them. One may frequent-
ly see friends standing in the road and filling
their mouths with this green stuff, which would
inevitably make a European feel very ill ; the
dead silence which then reigns is only inter-
rupted by the crunching of the pea-pods or
cucumbers.
In addition to this perverted taste arising
from the rarity of communication A\ath cities
in which the inhabitants, travelling Russian
merchants, acquire a mode of living approaching
somewhat more nearly to the European fashion,
there is an entire absence of aesthetic ideas of
beauty. Examples of the fact are not wanting.
Siberian women are eminently handsome, but
from the materialism that prevails only those
features which most appeal to the senses are
appreciated.
Large, fat women of herculean frame are here
considered as types of female lovehness. I
once saw a lovely girl of sixteen, her skin white
as marble, long tresses of soft, silken curls fall-
ing over alabaster shoulders, small, willowy
form, sad, violet blue eyes, and bewitching
smile ; she Avould have been a treasure to an
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 203
artist iu search of an ideal. Here she was con-
sidered ugly !
'Poor little worm,' her father used to say,
' it is lucky my pm'se is not quite empty, or she
would find it difficult to find a husband, such a
small, pale, wee thing as she is. How much
better off is my neighbour ; when his daughter
Nilila walks across the room the boards vibrate^
but mine, even if she runs, makes no more noise
than a fly. Such a poor, shadowy thing ; it
really is a pity, as she has plenty of sense, and
is a good, industrious, obedient girl.'
So saying, he sadly hung his head, thinking
of the injustice of fortune, which had so richly
endowed his neighbour's daughter with the
weight of five poods, and granted barely three
to his.
Peasant girls do not as a rule work in the
fields, except the daughters of poor parents who
cannot afford to keep as many labourers as are
necessary to till the fields ; their hands are
white, they assist their mother in the cares of
housekeeping, and occupy their spare time in
sewing or Berlin wool-work. They di-ess in-
ordinately on Sundays and fete days.
In no country have I seen the country people
so richly dressed as in Siberia. On these occa-
204 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
sions they generally wear silks, or even satins,
patent-leather boots, fine cloth cloaks or pelisses
lined with ermine. They are so partial to
bright colours that, seeing them come out of
church on a Sunday, one cannot help com-
paring them to humming birds or paroquets.
Almost every village possesses a milliner, who
is a kind of oracle on the subject of fashions,
which arrive late in Siberian towns, and, by
the time they have penetrated to the villages,
have long been forgotten in Europe ; for ex-
ample, the crinoline, long since banished from
civilized countries, flourishes there ; every girl
tries to possess one, and, Avhen unable to pur-
chase it, has recourse to all sorts of ingenious
devices to make it. Some sew ropes of straw
inside their dresses, which, continually bending
a,nd falling to pieces, produce rather a startling
effect; others have recourse to wooden hoops,
which often break with a loud crack or bodily
fall off.
This inordinate fondness for dress is the cause
of the fearful demoralization which prevails
among the women of these parts, a demorahza-
tion all the more deplorable as it arises neither
from the heat of the climate nor the vicinity
of large cities ; it is simply the result of cold
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 205
calculation, and does not even assume the garb
of passion or the mask of virtue. A pure
woman soils herself dehberately, without a
struggle or a qualm of conscience ; before her
fall she received no credit, after it no blame.
All this is a common, every-day occurrence,
which no one ever takes the trouble to think
about, and, should any notice ever be taken
of it, it is only when some pecuniary benefit
can be obtained. The chief cause of this
demorahzation is money.
The men are, as a rule, strong, healthy, and
well-built. They dress in long coats trimmed
with black-cotton velvet, embroidered •with
flowers and various patterns. The local digni-
taries, when in the discharge of their duties,
Avear leather gauntlets both summer and mnter.
On meeting a person older than himself, a Si-
berian peasant considers himself bound to salute
him by doffing his cap ; when slightly in liquor,
he begs to be forgiven for it as well, and when
quite drunk he is uproarious and quarrelsome.
This seeming-respect is merely an outward
form, as they do not honour their parents ; but,
though only habit, it has taken such strong
root that when they Tvant to show attention
to a stranger, were he no more than thirty
206 SIBERIAN PICTURES. '
years of age, tliey call him an old man, and,
on learning liis real age, express Avonder that
he looks so old. This last observation is con-
sidered as the greatest compliment.
Their amusements are of various lands, but
it is the custom to have certain special ones
at stated times, and when they are over no
one so much as alludes to what has gone by.
From New Year's Day to the 'three kings'
(Epiphany) everyone masquerades ; crowds of
young men and girls cover their faces with
handkerchiefs, put on strange garbs, and go
from house to house trying to mystify the in-
habitants. After the ' three kings,' though the
carnival is still in full force, no one ever thinks
of dressing up any more. During this time
the whole population drives about the villages
in sleighs, slides down ice mountains, or storms
snow^built fortresses. At Easter they put up
swings in the public squares and private yards,
which are invariably pulled dov^rn a week after.
From this period till St. Peter's and St. Paul's
day the young people amuse themselves on
Sundays in various games and part-singing,
which take place in the village streets. This
terminates all out-door amusements, which
reappear the next year in their proper sequence.
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 207
Childreu have tlieir own games. Boys play
the whole spring and summer till late in the
autumn a game called ' babka,' a species of
ninepins, but still more primitive, played with
nine bones and a stone. Sometimes, however,
children invent games for themselves, and these
are generally interesting, as they then imitate
with great accuracy local manners and customs.
Though wholly deficient in heart and that
warmth of feeling so indispensable in home ties,
the Siberian peasant is patriarchal in his family
life ; this, and his entire want of heart, are the
outcome of local habits. Craftiness and chic-
anery being considered virtues, a complete
absence of feeling is the result, and the close
vicinity of migrating hordes living in an abso-
lute state of nature has also an influence on
him.
The master of the house is here truly the
head of the family ; everything depends on him,
he is obeyed implicitly, and he on his part is
just and considerate in his dealings ; the farm
labourers in his employ are not looked upon as
hired servants but as members of the family,
and no distinction is made between them and
the children. The work is carried out in regu-
lar order, each one taking his turn of the hghter
208 SIBERIAN PICTURES, f
and heavier labour, and tlie meals are taken in
common, tlie family and servants eating at the
same table.
There is a small school in every village, but
the peasants do not willingly send their children
there ; this is not the result of any objection to
enlightenment and civilization, nor owing to
the loss of their services in the household work,
but because they have an idea that the children
learn nothing useful there. The bad method of
teaching employed, and especially the very
severe treatment practised by the schoolmasters,
are great obstacles in the path of education,
Siberian children are generally unusually well
endowed by nature, and if they should chance
to be taught at home by a gentle teacher they
make rapid progress ; but at school they are
so systematically scolded and frightened that
frequently after attending it for years they are
hardly able to spell.
I visited one of these schools one day; a large,
well-built house. I entered through the yard ;
on one side were large piles of cut wood, on the
other farming utensils neatly arranged. In the
enclosure fat cows were grazing with their little
calves playing round them ; through the open
stable door I caught a glimpse of three fine
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 209
young horses, a newly-painted sledge was close
by under a shed, as well as a spring cart. In
fact, an air of peace and plenty was plainly dis-
cernible. The village schoolmaster is Avell
paid and well kept, all his wants are supplied
by the community.
I entered the house ; all the ground-floor Avas
occupied by the schoolmaster's family, the
school proper being on the first-floor, On as-
cending the stairs I found myself in a large
room filled with forms ; at the further end was a
large slate, in front of which stood a thin, sallow
looking man ; his aspect was forbidding ; in one
hand he held a piece of chalk, and in the other
a cat-o'-nine-tails ; on the benches sat five boys
and one girl. Perceiving this very limited
attendance, I imagined that the pupils had not
all yet arrived. I afterwards found that for
a long time past the number of scholars had
been no greater. Occasionally indeed only
two or three attended. Appearances are kept
up ; the school is there and children attend it ;
but, though supported by a population of perhaps
six thousand inhabitants, the results are very
meagre.
I will not enter into any details of the
mode in which children are taught ; the same
VOL. I. P
210 SIBERIAN PICTURES. '
means are always employed, threats and ill-
treatment. The schoolmaster, evidently dis-
pleased at my presence, tried to govern his
temper ; in spite of his efforts, however, the
despot was so strong in him that it appeared in
every Avord and action, so much that even the
uninitiated might easily guess the usual course
of the Siberian pedagogue. A certain incident
confirmed me in my opinion. Each one of the
childi'en was called out in turn, and appeared
before the black slate, pale and trembling with
fear ; they looked almost paralyzed and mumbled
their lessons without taking their eyes off the
instrument of torture in the master's hand ; they
resembled the clever dogs or monkeys who
never lose sight of what is in store for them
while performing their tricks.
Just then the door opened and admitted the
village clergyman.
' Good health to you, Ivan. God be with
you, children. I see all is going on well ; the
brats are learning, and you do not spare either
time or trouble.'
< I certainly do not spare trouble,' answered
the pedagogue, gloomily, with a side glance at
the whip ; ' but it reqmi'es patience more than
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 211
Imman to knock any thing into the heads of
these dunces.'
' With time and your well-known assiduity-
all "will go Avell.'
' No, I spare no trouble, but sometimes I
really begin to despair. This youngster, for in-
stance,' he added, pointing to a boy standing in
front of the slate, 'is so stupid that nothing can
possibly be drummed into him. I have repeat-
ed his lesson to him five times and he does not
know it yet. Have I not said it over five
times'?' he called out angrily, turning to the
children. ' Answer, brats.'
' Five times,' mechanically mumbled the fright-
ened little things.
' You see ! Come, repeat it at once,' he shout-
ed, giving a shove to the trembhng boy.
' I— I '
' Repeat it this moment,' he thundered.
The boy turned white with terror ; he opened
his mouth, but his lips refused to articulate a
sound.
' He will repeat it,' I said, seeing the master
raise his whip, and, without waiting for an an-
swer, I made the little one sit beside me, stroked
his head, and explained his task to him slowly
p2
212 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
and clearly. The child, having recovered from
his fright, listened with great attention, and, on
being assured by me that no punishment a'^aited
him, repeated his lesson perfectly.
The schoolmaster gave me a withering scowl,
but dared not interfere and show his anger in
the presence of the priest.
' That is all very well for once,' he muttered,
* but I would like to see some one else in my
place.'
' It would be always well if kindness wore
used,' I answered.
This incident confirmed my previously formed
idea that Siberians would "willingly learn if
knowledge were presented to them in a more
attractive form, and the new generation fre-
quenting such schools Avould then turn out
really useful citizens. Their natural abilities are
so good that even rudimentary knowledge would
soon enlarge their thoughts, change the current
of their ideas, and exercise a salutary influence
on that greatest drawback to progress — the vice
of drunkenness.
]\Iarriages in Siberia are attended by all sorts
of time-honoured ceremonies ; we will pass over
the prehminary forms of the betrothal, &c.,
which do not possess such peculiar character-
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 2L'd
istics, and describe a few details attending- the
wedding itself. On the eve of the Avedding-day
there is generally a maiden party at the honse of
the bride ; it is a farewell party given by the
young gu'l entering conjugal life to her maiden
friends. To this ceremony the people invited
are all the marriage officials, viz., the tysion-
trzny, the boyar, the swat, all the bridesmaids,
the parents of the bride and bridegroom, the
unmamed girls of the village, and thu high
local authorities ; the rest of the public, and
more especially the young men, are impatiently
waiting till the ceremony of putting on the Cap
is over, and the time for dancing begins.
In an upper room a long table is spread, and
at the top of it beloAv the holy picture there is
a large, raised seat, covered with carpets and
destined for the young couple. As soon as all
the guests are assembled, the ceremony begins
by the putting on of the Cap ; a large number
of girls surround the bride, and, having rele-
gated the bridegroom to the farthest part of the
room, they proceed slowly to implait her hair,
singing the while a mournful ditty to which the
bride answers in the same strain. The burden
of these songs is the sorrow of the bridesmaids
at the loss of their companion, and on the part
214 SIBERIAN PICTURES. '
of the bride soitow at abandoning a state she
may never more regain.
The bridesmaids sing: 'Yon will never dance
with ns, nor play the gorylka,* nor throw gar-
lands into the river, nor sit at the maidens
table.'
The bride repeats the refrain.
Then the bridesmaids sing again : ' They
will tear the wreath from your head and wrap
yonr hair in a kerchief, and when once the
wreath falls no one can restore it again.'
The bride again repeats.
These songs last a long time, as the hair is
unplaited very slowly, and in addition to the
principal plait there are numerous smaller ones
whose number answer to the number of brides-
maids ; a lot of ribbons, strings of coral, &c., are
entwined into these small plaits which the bride
presents to her friends in memory of the day as
the ceremony advances.
These proceedings would appear very poetical
did not the real facts often belie them. It occa-
sionally happens that, whilst the bride is bewail-
ing the loss of her maiden Avreath, a baby voice
* A game much played by girls in Siberia ; it consists in
two girls trying to hold each other's hands whilst running,
while a third tries to prevent them from doing so.
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 215
makes itself heard, shomug that all this is ouly
an empty form coveiing the loss of vu-tuc aucl
morality.
At the couclusion of the ceremony of putting
on the ' oczepiny ' (cap), the young couple seat
themselves in the place assigned to them, and
the banquet commences; the part of host is
filled by the chief wedding functionary, sup-
ported by the boyards. After their first hunger
has been satisfied, the girls recommence singing,
led by the principal bridesmaid, but this time
their song is in praise of the chief guests.
Greatness is never cheap in this world, so
everyone thus honoured has to deposit a cer-
tain smn of money into the hand of one of the
singers. The greater the gift the louder the
praise of these Siberian maidens ; they com-
mence with the most important guests, and pass
on till each one in succession has been duly
honoured. Then the young men appear, fol-
lowed by musicians, and general dancing ends
the day's festivities.
The next day the wedding takes place, pre-
ceded by a solemn blessing. Previous to going
to church, the bride and bridegroom throw
themselves on the ground, sacred pictures and
lighted candles are placed on their backs, and
216 SIBERIAN PICTURES. '
they remain in that position until the persons
whose duty it is pronounce certain time-honoured
■^'■ords over them. The curious part of this is-
that the blessing is not bestowed by the real
parents, but by the ' wedding-mother ' or father,
who do not belong to the family, but have been
chosen from among friends or neighbours to
perform this ceremony. After the conclusion of
the marriage-service, the remainder of the day
is spent in singing, dancing, and drinking.
On the third and last day, only a few guests
are assembled, consisting of the more important
personages, the near relatives, and elders. The
bride gives presents, generally linen pocket-
handkerchiefs, and everyone is bound to give in
return a present of at least twice or thrice the
value, or an adequate sum of money.
To wind up the whole, they drink to excess
and drive about the village making a great
noise, singing, shouting, and ringing bells ;
there is no dancing, and the Siberian ' bull,'
which occupied the young people for two days,
no longer makes its appearance. I must explain
what is meant by the Siberian ' bull.'
It is a well-known fact that the character of
nations is reflected in their dances. The ten-
der but systematic Germans have their valse ;
ETHNOGRAPHIC.VL AFFIXITIES. 2J7
iu the monotonous motions of that dance one
may perceive the pulsation of the Germanic
race flowing on for ever hke the current of an
ancient river. The couples glide solemnly
round the ball-room in even movement ; each
couple is all-in-all to each other, the woman
leans on her partner, who upholds her tenderly,
but without passion ; it is Werther's love, deep,
but not fiery, tender, but undemonstrative.
It is different Avith southern nations living-
under the rays of the almost tropical suu ; the
Italian tarantella and the Spanish bolero indi-
cate, by their passionate gestures and the variety
of their movements, feelings full of vitahty. The
talkative Frenchman has his quadiille, in the
course of which there are so many opportunities
for conversation and the exchange of wit. A
native from the steppes of Ula-aine stretches
his sinewy limbs in the contortions of a cos-
sack, as if he were practising mounting a wild
steed. Lastly, we (Poles), with whom equality
was the chief support of the Republic, have
preserved this type in our dance, where, on
changing partners iu a polonaise, the last, if he
so wills it, may become the first.
If, then, the dance paints so truly the national
character, what must a Siberian dance be where
218 SIBERIAN PICTURES. '
the sun sheds such feeble rays and the pent-up
imagination has so httle scope for freedom?
The Siberian ' bull,' then, is nothing but the
faithful representation of a Siberian's daily
occupation, and a picture of his ordinary sur-
roundings. Two people stand opposite to each
other without regard to sex, as in these high
latitudes there are no tender-hearted Werthers
who would find a pleasm-e in sharing their enjoy-
ments with a Charlotte ; they stand and stamp
their feet, as if to keep them warm, and then
move about indiscriminately in all directions.
Having described the wedding festivities, I
will now allude to the ceremonies attending
funerals.
The habit of making a public display of grief
which one does not feel, at the loss of a friend
or relation, is also one of the conventional forms
adopted to hide the natural want of feeling,
AVhen a man really suffers, he tries to hide his
anguish in the inmost recesses of his heart, and
if now and then a burst of grief finds utterance
for a moment, it is invariably followed by a
silent, aching pain. Here the father, mother,
husband, wife, children, brothers or sisters, fol-
low the coffin, and loudly proclaim their grief in
improvised stanzas describing the virtues of the
ETHNOGRAPHICAL AFFINITIES. 2 1 9
deceased, and all the loss his death has occa-
sioned them. Let ns suppose, for instance, that
the dead man was a yoimg and healthy farm-
labourer, his family following him to the grave
would sing in monotonous tones something like
the following :
' You are dead, Igorko ; you have left me a
soulless mother, and the farm Avithout a la-
bourer.'
' Who "\Adll till the land, cut the grass, and
draw wood for the winter? No one can take
your place, Igorko ; you Avere always willing to
work.'
' You are dead, Igorko ; all the village girls
are mourning for you, for you could sing the
merriest song, and in dancing there was no one
equal to you.'
' It will be lonely without you, Igorko. Who
Avill help me to work noAv ? — Avho will give me
bread in my old age ? — who Avill bury me when
I am dead V
' Nothing but poverty and Avant are left to
me noAv.'
Sometimes, Avhen the mother is rich, she hires
Avomen to sing the necessary songs, and can
then devote herself in peace to funeral im-
bibings.
/
220 SIBERIAN pictures/
In this way wives mourn hnsbands and chil-
dren fathers.
In examining Siberian customs, two features
strike one — on the one hand unusual clear-
sightedness and sound wisdom, on the other a
complete absence of moral principles and of
heart, and free scope given to every evil pas-
sion ; the former are invaluable gifts of Nature,
treasures which will in time bear rich fruit ; the
latter are inherited from their forefathers. Si-
beria has, nevertheless, a great and brilliant
future in store ; this country, now lying fallow,
possesses undeveloped, unheard-of wealth of
trade and commerce, giving promise of immense
prosperity and advancement in the future. This
promise will bear fruit when civilization shall
have extended her iron arms and united these
solitary polar regions with the rest of the world.
PART II.
SIBERIAN FAUNA.
223
CHAPTER I.
FUR-SUPPLYING ANIMALS.
THE impenetrable Siberian forests contain
innumerable varieties of wild animals, who
grow up, multiply, and die without having ever
encountered their deadhest enemy. A very
small portion, however, of these denizens of the
Avoods, whether prompted by curiosity or hunger,
now and then leave their lairs, and make theh
appearance on the confines of the steppes, and
there become the prey of the fur-hunters. Their
greatest enemies are the natives, as the Euro-
pean settlers are either too busy farming or too
lazy, and only occasionally, and at stated times
of the year, go out himting. In fact, to make
hunting in Siberia a regular pastime, one must
possess not only a nature akin to the wild ani-
mals, but also the astuteness and woodcraft of
224 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
the American Moliican, and these qualities the
primitive MongoHan tribes generally possess.
The settlers, though much altered by their
residence, have yet retained some European
characteristics. A Siberian peasant who goes
out hunting in the intervals of his farming occu-
pations does not do it out of love of spori, but
from the hope of gain ; starting without that
zest which conquers all trouble and fatigue, he
is easily discouraged by the increasing difficul-
ties Avhich beset him more and more the further
he goes from the haunts of men. He allows
his mind to dwell too often on the warm ' pa-
lata ' and the mess of pottage which he has left
behind, and so, having killed a chance bear, he
returns home Avell pleased with his excursion.
He is ignorant of real forest life, cannot crawl
like a serpent through the grass till he arrives
at the lair, is unable to watch for hours or days
every motion of the approaching beast. He
does not possess that instinct of a true child of
Nature, which recognises at a glance unseen
hiding-places in the earth or caves in the rock.
True hunting flourishes only among the de-
scendants of the primeval Siberian races.
These hunts are such that the boldest Em-o-
pean feats cannot compare with them, for if
FUR-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 225
now and then among- races enervated by ease
and luxury we meet with such a man as Gerard,
who forsook home and friends and waged war
with Kons and tigers amid the burning sands of
Africa, in these snoAvy regions one may see
legions of warriors going out to do battle with
the denizens of the forest. In the south, hunt-
ing is a pastime, an amusement, one of the
thousand ways of pleasantly killing time ; in the
north, it becomes a passion, a frenzy, the one
aim and occupation in life from the cradle to
the grave. There, a fortunate hunter is often
actuated by desire for fame which is spread by
the press from one end of Europe to the other ;
here, in Asia, multitudes encounter Avild beasts
solely from the love of fighting, knowing full
well that, whether victorious or vanquished and
slain, their fate will be as Kttle known as is the
whole life of these children of the desert.
In attempting to describe these contests, as
weU as the habits and means of existence of the
animals which inhabit these almost unknown
forests, the bear must first be noticed. Not
only from his size, but also from his wonderful
instinct and cunning, he occupies the most
prominent place in Siberian fauna. The shaggy
Lithuanian bear is known to us all, but the one
VOL. I. Q
226 SIBERIAN PICTURES.!
native to Siberia diifers greatly from those
wliicli inhabit more temperate regions. They
are of two kinds, the dark brown and the white,
and this difference is dne to the chmate. The
brown is found in the forests lying southward,
while the white is only to be seen on the snow-
clad expanse surrounding the pole. The former
approaches more nearly the European species,
though his coat is longer and darker, the head
broader, and the whole body larger ; the latter,
excepting the characteristics common to the
whole species, differs in size, colour-, and habits
from all other lands. The brown bear abounds
in all the forests of the Tobolsk, Tomsk, Yenisei,
and Irkoutsk provinces, from the Ural to the
confines of Kamtschatka. These animals are
generally found in pairs, but occasionally they
form packs, and are then most dangerous. They
feed chiefly on wild honey, and lay up stores of
this delicacy for the winter (a portion of which
they spend in a dormant state), arranging it in
synnnetrical layers in their dens, inside the
trunk of a fallen tree, or in a cleft of the rock.
These stores are made use of till the beginning
of December. During the greatest cold the
bears become perfectly apathetic, and then
FUR- SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 227
it is that the hunters can most easily capture
them.
The Timgiiz and Yakuts are the two primi-
tive tribes which hunt the brown bear most
constantly. Having lived a long time among
the Tunguz, I have had the good fortune to
witness some of these hunts. In mnter they
are not so full of interest, as they are then
generally undertaken singly and do not present
great danger. Their success depends chiefly
on the cunning and sagacity of the hunter, who,
having discovered the den, approaches cautious-
ly, and with a well-aimed shot lays low his un-
suspecting and unprepared foe. In summer
these hunts become a kind of war, possessing all
the excitement and danger of a real battle. All
the males of a Tunguz settlement generally take
part in such an expedition, excepting the old
men and children, who remain to tend the cattle.
On the eve of a hunting expedition, all the
members of it assemble at the Shaman's and
witness all kinds of incantations, which are
expected to bring good luck to the sport. The
chief ceremony consists in blessing the lances.
These weapons, used almost invariably by the
Timguz in bear-hunting, are made of a piece of
q2
228 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
iron fixed on a stick four feet long.* Their
.skill in throwing this weapon, and the muscular
strength of the arm, are so great that almost
every throw is mortal. Previous to the blessing
of the lances, all the members of the expedition
stick their weapons point downwards into the
earth so as to form a circle, inside which the
Shaman walks muttering indistinctly.
When all is ready, the hunters proceed to-
wards the forest, on the confines of which they
encamp, and, having sent a few of the most
experienced into the wood, await the result of
their investigations for a day or two, sometimes
even for a whole week. During this time they
live on fish, or any game they may be fortunate
enough to Idll, while the exploring party rely
for their subsistence solely on dry biscuits,
which they prox-ide themselves with before
starting.
It sometimes happens that these pioneers
meet an unusually large pack of wild animals,
or forget for the moment to take the usual
precautions, and are never seen again, having
been strangled by bears, or torn to pieces by
* The Tunguz lance is similar to a very old ■weapon used
in the 9th century by the Germanic tribes, and called
Framen.
FUR-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 229
wolves. In such a case, after a certain time,
new scouts are sent out in theii* place.
AVhen positive information as to the where-
abouts of the bears has been received in the
camp, the hunters form a semi-circle, and, pre-
ceded by their guides, march into the forest.
Firearms are very little used, but each man is
provided \vdth a lance, and a long, sharp knife.
On approaching the bears' den a fierce fight
commences. The Siberian bear seldom runs
away, but, rising on his hind legs, advances
towards his enemy. The females defend their
young desperately. Lances whistle through
the air, knives despatch the fallen; but woe
to him whose throw has missed its mark, or
only slightly grazed, and thus mitated the
already infuriated animal. If a friend be not
at hand to lend ready aid, nothing can save
the hunter from immediate death ; he expires
in the embrace of the hideous monster, who
presses him to his breast, and crushes all his
bones. This embrace is fatal ; presence of
mind, strength, and a steady aim alone ensure
safety ; in case of non-success, flight is im-
possible.
In encounters with the African lion, the dis-
anned hunter takes refuge behind prickly
230 SIBERIAN PICTUREsl
bushes, whose thorns protect him for a time
from the Idng of animals.* Meeting a pack of
famished wolves, he has the chance of climb-
ing a high tree, and thus saving his life ; but
no such device avails against the fmy of this
denizen of the Siberian forest. He penetrates
the thorniest bush, climbs the loftiest trees, and
can, wherever he may be, reach the foolhardy
individual who has been imprudent enough to
rouse him.
The Gilliacks, a tribe inhabiting the banks of
the Amoor, worship these animals on account
of their great strength.
The white bear inhabits the most northern
parts of the Tobolsk, Yenisei, and Irkoutsk
pro^dnces. It is of colossal size, and is al-
ways seen singly or in pairs, never in packs.
The inhabitants of the north consider this
variety to be somewhat rare. This idea origi-
nates from the fact that they form their lairs
in icebound deserts, inaccessible even to the Gil-
liacks, and make their appearance in inhabited
regions only when in pursuit of prey.
* The lion is very susceptible to small injuries. The
pricking of thorns is most painful to him, and there is no
known example of his having broken through a hedge of
thorns.
FUR-SUPPLYING ANDIALS. 231
Only in the fnrtliest point of the Yenisei
province, beyond snow-covered fields, where
no villages or human habitations exist, in the
vicinity of the so-called town of Turukhansk,*
are the first white bears occasionally seen.
Still higher, nearer the pole, on the line of
the Ockhotsk settlement, famous for its trade
in fish and skins, and inhabited by the Ostiaks
and the Samoiedes — the final point Avhere man
can still be found — these bears appear more
frequently.
The sparse inhabitants of Turukhansk are
mostly Russians, and are solely occupied in
fishing. They do not hunt the white bear,
and the apparition of one of these brutes is
a signal for all precautions being taken, such
as lighting fires, firing shots in the air, &c.
Hunting this animal is only undertaken by the
* Turukhansk comprises four hundred inhabitants and
forty-eight wooden houses, and is situated in latitude 65^
65' and longitude 150° 15'. This place was chosen some
years ago as the abode of the Skopt sect. These, however,
have lately been transferred southward, especially in the
Minusinsk province ; and since that time one-third of the
houses are empty. In spite, however, of such a small
population, Turukhansk is of much value to the southern
portion of its province, as it furnishes fish of all kinds,
caught at the mouth of the Yenisei and in the Arctic
Ocean.
232 SIBERIAN PICTURES.'
Ostiaks and Samoiedes scattered along tlie
shores of the Arctic Ocean. The sport gener-
ally takes place at night. Everyone knows
that in these high latitudes the night lasts for
long winter months at a time. Then it is
that the Ostiaks, armed Avith powerful bows
or strong clubs studded with nails, set out on
these expeditions. Two or three, covered with
furs from head to foot, proceed 'slowly along
the snowy waste ; the bright blue, yellow, and
pink rays, appearing on the dark horizon like
a gigantic firework, illuminate the scene. It
is the Aurora Borealis, a light the splendour
of which defies description. Every object then
undergoes infinite changes of colour. The
white expanse, the steep mountain peaks, even
the bear sitting motionless on a huge block
of ice, appear to be floating in blue ether, or
gilded with a metallic sheen, or consumed by
the purple flames of Erebus.
The appearance of the hunters, whose very
faces are hidden beneath a mask of fur, re-
sembles so closely that of the animal they are
in pursuit of, that their prey is often deceived,
and allows the Ostiaks to approach unmolested.
The white bear usually sits on the top of an
iceberg and watches his adversaries, uttering
FUR-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 233
from time to time a low growl. If by sight or
smell he recognizes the presence of imm beneath
his disguise of fur, in a moment he glides down
the smooth ice slope on his hind legs, and be-
comes the aggressor. The hunter's sole chance
now lies in his club. He has no time to di'aw
his bow, and knives are never used, as the
blade is apt to freeze to the fur-coat. In the
event of the man being able to get within shot
of the bear, a well-aimed arrow lays the beast
dead on the spot, and the huge white carcase
slips down lifeless or writhing in its last con-
vulsions.
Merchants connected with the hsh trade, who
have visited these parts, have tried the use of
firearms, but experience has shown that bullets
are often of no effect against the thick woolly
hair of the beast, and that the sharp and often
poisoned arrow is a more appropriate weapon.
The Siberian wolf sm-passes in size its Em-o-
peau relative ; in the far north his coat is white,
which gradually changes to grey or broAvn
under the influence of a milder climate.
These animals usually wander about in packs;
their habits are similar to those of the European
species, and the difference in the colour of their
fur is solely the effect of climate. Siberian
234 SIBERIAN PICTURES J
wolves veiy rarely attack man. Several times,
when travelling in the Tobolsk province, I
have seen packs of these animals running at a
short distance from my sleigh, bnt, before I
could seize my firearms, they were out of sight.
This is of such frequent occurrence that an idea
prevails that the Siberian wolf is more apathetic
or cowardly than ours. But this is not the case.
Their apparent timidity does not spring from
fear, but simply from the abundance of food
which they can at any time procure. Wolves
are not aggressive animals, and hunger alone
induces them to attack other animals, and even
then man is their last resort.
In Siberia, where cattle are never locked up
in sheds, but left out day and night in open
pens, Avolves can always secure a good meal of
an ox, a sheep, or a horse, and have no need to
encounter the danger of attacking a human
being. In the northern parts, herds of reindeer
in search of moss afford a ready prey. On the
other hand, in the province of Yakutck, where the
population is exceechngly scanty, and therefore
not affording such easy means of satisfying their
hunger, they are much more ferocious and more
dangerous to the unfrequent traveller.
Cases are even reported where whole families
FUR-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 235
liave been devoured ou the road to Yakutck.
Neither abundance of arms nor personal courage
are of any use in such a predicament, as the
gi'eat preponderance of numbers always wins
the day, and the packs sometimes amount ta
several hundi-ed wolves.
The Yakuts, one of the primitive Asiatic
races, who dwell on the banks of the Lena,
surround their dwellings by various traps, in
which the wolves are often caught. The object
of these traps is not so much to obtam furs, of
which they can always find an abundant sup-
ply, as the hope of frightening away these
animals from the vicinity of their houses. It
happens sometimes, however, that the wolves
manage to escape the snares laid for them,
penetrate into the interior of the aula, and
snatch children out of the yourts, and even
devour full-grown people. Such occm-rences
have given rise to miraculous legends related
by the Yakuts, much resembling our own
popular tradition of the wonderful ' man-wolf."*
The yellow fox resembles in all respects the
European fox, but there is another variety of
this animal in Siberia, whose fur, on account of
* The author here alludes to a popular Polish ftible. —
Translator.
23G SIBERIAN PICTURES.
its beauty and rarity, is almost worth its weight
in gold — I mean the black, or so-called ' blue '
fox. Many of our ladies (Polish) have admired
this fur in shop-windows, and dreamt of possess-
ing it as a part of their wedding outfit ; but
no one can form an adequate idea of the true
beauty of this animal Avho has not seen him on
the Siberian steppes. Truly, not even many
Siberians can boast of having enjoyed the sight,
as this creature is very scarce, very timid, and
by far more wary and cunning than any other
of his species. Once only have I seen a blue
fox, at the foot of the Sayan mountains on the
confines of Mongolia. He appeared at the
entrance of a cave, standing on an eminence,
not having seen me stretched on the grass
beneath, and being unable, owing to the direc-
tion of the wind, to scent the vicinity of man.
The last rays of the setting sun lighted up his
dark form, to which it gave now a metalhc,
now a violet sheen ; from the strong contrast of
light and shade, it seemed as if the creature
had a phosphoric hght round every limb. I
had no weapons except pistols, but at the first
movement I made the vision vanished like dusky
smoke dissipated by the wind, and, had it not
been for the footprints which I discovered later
FUR-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 237
in the sand, the whole thing might have passed
for a freak of the imagination.
No one specially hunts the black fox, as it is
only by accident that he is met with, and his
capture constitutes an era in the life of a Sibe-
rian. I have known hunters who devoted all
their lives to the chase, and yet who have never
even once seen a black fox. As the artist
dreams of fame, the banker of successful specu-
lations, the maiden of her lover, so the Siberian
dreams of this wily animal. The possession of
this rare fur, and its subsequent exchange for
money, is ever present in his dreams.
A blue fox skin is often the making of a mar-
riage or the end of a life-long friendship. In a
word, it changes the whole course of a man's
existence ; but, as is often the case in this
world, it is not always the first possessor who
is most enriched. Its value rises as it passes
from hand to hand, until at last it becomes the
property of a great lady or a ballet-dancer, these
being the persons who can most easily afford
such a luxury.
I have heard a curious story of a fox's skin.
The narrator, a Frenchman by birth, travelling
on business in Siberia, had the gift of imparting
his national wit and piquancy to the most
238 SIBERIAN PICTURES. [
trifling anecdote. I do not vouch for the per-
fect authenticity of the following tale, but it
seems to me to illustrate so vividly the wander-
ings of a commodity of commerce before it
reaches its final possessor that I have thought it
Avorth putting before my readers.
One fine morning one of the inhabitants of a
small Siberian settlement was fortunate enough
to kill a female blue fox. His delight was so
intense that he took to drink, and drank so
much and so fast that he soon died from the
effects of constant intoxication. The man had
spent liis last penny in pandering to his Adce,
and there was no money left to pay for his
funeral, so his sons were obliged to sell the
precious skin to a neighbour, who had been
eagerly looking out for this opportunity, and
who paid only ten roubles (thirty shillings) for
it. This neighbour was sly, but even he was
outwitted by the local furrier, who managed to
obtain the fur from him for twenty roubles.
Just about this time a Jew was travelling that
way, and Jews, as we all know, trade in any-
thing and everything. This one, with the true
instinct of his race, obtained the fm- for fifty
roubles, and took it with him to Krasudiarsk,
where he disposed of it at once to a merchant
FUR-SUPPLYING ANBLVLS. 231)
for seventy-five roubles. Soon after, the news
that a blue fox fur was for sale reached the ears
of a person of liigh standing, who (this happen-
ed in the days when officials were not very
scrupulous) called on the merchant and carried
away the fur ; no sum ^vas asked or paid, but
the merchant shortly afterwards received the
permanent contract for supplying government
Hour, which brought him large profit. How
the skin left the hands of the official is an in-
soluble mystery ; one thing only is known, that
it changed owners frequently, till at last it was
bought at Ockhotsk for five hundred silver
roubles. All the inhabitants of Ockhotsk laughed
at the unfortunate speculator. The fur was
lying by without a buyer, and people shrugged
their shoulders at the large sum that had been
paid for it. The speculator answered not a
word to the sarcasms of his friends ; he used to
air and fumigateit to keep out the moths, and
wait.
Things were in this state, when a rich Eng-
lishman arrived at Ockhotsk in his yacht. The
new-comer was of that class of John Bull who
must see all that is to be seen, go everywhere,
and buy everything. He had been in Egypt in
search of the source of the Nile, which he had
240 SIBERIAN PICTURES. '
not foimd ; in Guiana, where lie nearly died of
yellow fever ; in Central Africa, wliere he nar-
rowly escaped being made a meal of by the in-
habitants ; in China, where, being taken for a
missionary, he was nearly crucified ; in a word,
he had seen everything that is to be seen on
this fragment of mud called earth — no, I am
mistaken ; he who had seen everything from
the Cape of Good Hope to the Arctic Ocean,
from Finisterre to the Celestial Empire, had
never before seen a blue fox ! The speculator
asked a thousand roubles for the skin, which
the Englishman paid without a word, and took
the fur home with him to England.
The story goes that on his retm-n home this
inveterate traveller paid a round sum to a needy
writer to describe his adventures, which were
printed in the hero's name. In this book his
hunt and capture of the blue fox played the
principal part. These travels were translated
into French, an;d appeared in the ' Revue
Britannique,' adorned by many clever sketches,
among others that of the blue fox hunt. In
Leipsig a hunting-album was being printed, and
this Siberian chase was not omitted. The
Englishman became famous. Sic vos, non
vobis I
FUR-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 241
Another animal, whose fur is highly prized^
but who ranks much lower than the blue fox, is
the sable. This creature is only found in the
south-western part of Siberia, none are to be
found in the north ; it is an agile, timid little
thing, and runs so fast on its short legs that
there is considerable difficulty in catching it,
the more so as in hunting it no weapons are
used, on account of the damage they would in-
evitably do to the skin. Skill only is required.
Sables are caught in Yenisei, on the confines
of Mongoha, beyond the lake of Baikal, also in
central Siberia ; but they chiefly abound in the
lands situated on the banks of the Amoor.
Some years ago a good many needy mer-
chants owed the first step towards their fortune
entirely to sables, as before the annexation of
the Amoor to the Russian Empire the native
Gilliacks inhabiting those parts were unaware of
the true value of the skins, and used to sell them
to the Chinese for a mere song, sometimes for a
handful of tobacco, or any small object of like
value. After the annexation, a large number of
Russian fur-merchants came and exchanged
worthless trifles for these costly furs. I have
known one who owes his present colossal fortune
to one such journey. Now matters are altered,
VOL. I. R
/
242 SIBERIAN PICTURES. '
as the Gilliacks have discovered the value of
their wares ; and though even now one can buy
a skin there for eight or ten silver roubles, and
sell it at the Niznii Novgorod fair for twenty-
five or thirty, yet taldng into account the ex-
pense and danger of such a journey, the gain is
but a fair percentage, and does not enrich the
merchant as rapidly as hitherto.
The Siberian squirrel, commonly called Ameri-
can, differs from the European species in the
colour of its fur, and is only sought after on
account of that difference. In summer the hair
is of a dirty brown, and it has then no market-
able value. In winter the back turns a beauti-
ful grey, and the tail black. It lives exclusive-
ly on cedar cones, and for this reason the
Siberian forests, in which these trees are plenti-
ful, afford shelter to immense numbers of these
little animals. When caught alive, this squirrel,
like our own, is easily tamed ; its winter fur costs
from ten to twenty copecks (from fourpence to
eightpence) in Siberia.
The ermine is a creature covered with snow-
white fur, and, though possessed of no particular
beauty, is much prized not only by the leaders
of fashion, but has become one of the insignias
of royalty, as a cloak lined with ermine has from
FUR-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 243
time immemorial formed part of the royal robes
of state. The sewing together and matching
the different pieces of ermine is one of the
greatest difficulties of a furrier's trade ; and for
this reason these sldns are ahvays brought
across the Ural in their natural state. Ermine
are generally snared, and the traps laid for them
much resemble the mouse-traps in common use
in our dwelhngs. They are very fond of squeez-
ing themselves into confined places, such as
clefts in rocks, holes, &c., and on seeing the
mouth of a trap they cannot resist the tempta-
tion of pushing themselves in, and when half in
they cannot get out again. The hunter, as a
rule, places from fifty to a hundred of such traps,
and, hidden in the vicinity, watches the motions
of his prey until he thinks the snares are full.
The half-imprisoned animals make frantic efforts
to disengage their heads from the wires, but to
no purpose, and they soon find themselves
snugly deposited in a large bag of strong linen
prepared for the pm-pose. They are not easily
tamed. I had a few of them once, and vainly
tried every means in my power to conquer their
wild propensities. When let out in the room,
they invariably found some small crevice un-
noticed by me and hid themselves therein.
r2
244 SIBERIAN PICTURES.'
After a series of fruitless experiments, I gave
them back their freedom. It ^was a sight
to see how quickly they scampered off, pre-
ferring the liberty of the steppes to a small,
stuffy, Siberian room.
The Burunduk is the smallest fur-producing
animal, measuring only from three to four inches
in length. Its colour is brown, striped with
white ; it runs so fast that, when seen among
roots of trees, it is impossible to distinguish its
shape. It has a very shrill whistle which, unlike
other annuals, it does not make use of as a signal
when in danger, but merely as a melody which
it is fond of. When thus engaged, it is so taken
up with its own music that it allows itself to be
caught by the hand. The Siberians when hunt-
ing these animals do not take the trouble to lay
snares, but kill them by one blow from a stick
when whistling. The skins have scarcely any
value when sold singly, but when sewn together
a piece about a yard long and a yard and a
half wide is worth from fifteen to twenty-
seven roubles, on account of the great number
of skins required and the diflSculty of matching
them.
Wild cats are sometimes met with in Southern
Siberia, but then' appearance is rare as they
FUR-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 245
prefer warmer climates. In shape they resem-
ble the Chinese domestic cat, and their size
sometimes reaches that of a fox ; they live on
sables, ermine, burnndnk, and other small
animals, and never attack man, whom they
avoid, but when wounded they defend them-
selves vahantly. Their furs are worn by the
middle-classes in China, and are not brought
into Europe. Dm-ing the summer heats these
cats are often subject to hydrophobia. They
then become most dangerous, not only to those
travelling across the steppes, but even to the
inhabitants of the neighbouring settlements.
The effects are the more ten-ible as the Chinese,
not knowing any means of curing it, put to
death without mercy all who have been bitten,
without even waiting for the symptoms of this
terrible disease to show themselves. Rabid cats
are never seen in Siberia, as they are only there
for a short time and in very limited numbers.
Although in describing the Siberian fauna I
pass over all those quadrupeds and birds which
bring no profit to man, I must, nevertheless,
make one exception and mention a small crea-
ture utterly unknown in Europe, whose fiu' is
used by the primitive Asiatic races, especially
the Yakuts and Buriatis, for trimming and
246 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
adorning their dress. This is a kind of bat
called Letiaga ; it has webbed wings furnished
with claws like a bat, from which it differs in
size and in the snowy white colour and downi-
ness of its furs ; it can also run along the ground
with great rapidity. This tiny creature inhabits
all parts of Siberia, except its most northern
confines; it is the size of a water-hen, and is
oftener about at night than in the day, though
seldom to be met Avith even then. When hunted
out of its hiding-place in the rocks, where it
shelters itself from the rays of the sun, it runs
very fast, tucking its wings under its belly ;
when hard pressed it rises in the air, and is then
most difficult to shoot as it flies in zig-zags.
In addition to the animals already mentioned,
there are found in Siberia badgers, otters,
weazles, tumak martens, and pole-cats ; the last
are seldom hunted, as they five principally in
the uninhabited parts of the Yakutck province.
247
CHAPTER II.
FOOD-SUPPLYING ANIMALS.
SO much for the animals who fm'nish us with
clothing for a severe winter; as to those
whose flesh is used for food, their number and
variety are infinite. Innumerable white hares,
white partridges, black grouse, woodcocks, wild
geese and ducks, black cock, wild swan, snipe,
&c., inhabit Siberian fields, forests, deserts, and
steppes, and they may be snared with ease any-
where ; if a gun is used, one shot will bring
down several, the numbers being so great. The
game obtained in winter is frozen, and in this
state sent off to distant towns for sale. No one
eats hare, the peasantry consider this animal as
a species of dog, and therefore unfit for human
food ; its fur is of little or no value, and they
248 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
are therefore never hunted. Sometimes, how-
ever, they are trapped.
The nomadic races Kve chiefly on venison,
reindeer, and different kinds of wild goat.
Reindeer, though commonly called deer in
Siberia, are of a species quite distinct from true
deer. What the ox is to Central Em-ope and
the camel to the Arabs, the reindeer is to the
Ostiaks and Samoiedes, and other tribes inhabit-
ing the northern frontiers of the world ; it nour-
ishes them with its milk, its flesh is their food,
and its skin their clothing ; harnessed to a sledge
it drags surely and swiftly whole families within
the Arctic circle from place to place.
Capable of enduring extreme cold, it exists in
locahties where the vegetable world shows but
faint signs of life, man breathes with difiiculty,
and mercury freezes ; it feeds on moss hidden
deep beneath the snowy surface, and, giving
everything, asks for no return.
The reindeer, as a domesticated animal united
to man by a thousand difi*erent links, ought not
to be included in this account of the inhabitants
of the forest were it not that he is still sometimes
to be found in his wild state ; the number of
these is very limited, and are accounted for by
tame young ones going astray and being obhged
FOOD-SUPPLYIXG ANIMALS. 249
to shift for tliemselves. These wild reindeer are
even more fleet than the domesticated ones, and
attain to greater size. The deer proper is also
to be found in the central part of the Yakutck
province. In the midst of the extensive forests
inhabited by this creature, one often comes
across patches of green turf growing on T^^hat
was once the bed of a stream, and looking like
streaks of light amid the eternal gloom ; in these
oases of the forest the deer love to congregate,
here they find suitable nourishment and can
give vent to their gambols without being en-
tangled in the boughs, and here accordingly they
usually shed their antlers.
The Yakuts, knowing this, carefully seek out
these meadows in their excursions in the forests
bordering the Lena, and are rewarded by large
quantities of horns which they manufacture into
utensils of various lands, and which they even
sometimes make use of in building their yourts.
These spots surrounded by trees, called by the
Yakuts Wa-halig (forest-oases) are so to speak
the museums of the wilderness, as the deers
collect in them all their treasures. In the mys-
terious African deserts, elephants seek out the
most inaccessible spots in wliich to lay themselves
down and die, as if anxious to escape the pro-
250 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
fanation of tlie presence of man ; in the forests
of Asia, deer choose the most secluded parts to
lay down their magnificent head-gear. So, as
Africa possesses a desert cemetery, Asia in like
manner has a museum in the wilderness, though
the latter, small and poor, cannot presume to
compete with the former. In this case it is
perhaps not so much instinct as a pure necessity
which accumulates these hoards ; still, happen-
ing in the two extremities of the world, the
strange coincidence suggests similarity of habits
in animals entirely different, and the unbridled
rapacity of man who, in his character as lord of
creation, seeks profit from them in life and
death.
The elk has large, flat antlers, not unlike the
fallow deer, and his coat is of a yellowish-grey ;
he inhabits all the wooded regions from the
steppes of the Kirghiz to the Amoor; in the
northern parts of Siberia he is not to be found.
On the confines of China herds numbering fifty
head may be seen ; in the Yakutck province they
are not so numerous.
The species called son elk is much larger
than the ordinary elk ; it has an enormous head
and antlers resembling that of the stag, but they
differ from the latter in that they are covered
FOOD-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 251
■with grey fur and from the tips a hquid matter
is exuded. This animal sheds its liorns in Au-
gust and the new ones gi-ow in March, with a
new branch added yearly ; the matter, of a red
colour, which is formed between the bone and
skin of the highest branches, possesses strong'
exciting properties, and for this reason elk horns
are highly prized by the Chinese. It is well
known that the Chinese are thoroughly enerva-
ted by a sensual life and the abuse of opium,
and require on certain occasions artificial means
of repauing the waste of vitality. Every father
in the Celestial Empire presents his son with a
pair of elk antlers on his wedding-day, and rich
ones raise the number to a score or so, hence the
price of a pair of antlers reaches seventy-five or
even a hundred roubles. The flesh of the son
elk is hard and flavourless, but the nostrils are
considered as great a delicacy as the drome-
dary's hump or the bear's paws. Of all animals
inhabiting Siberia, this huge creature furnishes
the greatest scope for legends and wonderful
stories ; in the peasant's cottage, the yourt of
the aborigine, the tent of the gipsy, round the
bivouac fire of the migratory tribes, in short,
wherever the ignorant populace dwells one
hears fantastic stories in which the son elk
252 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
invariably plays au encliantecl part. In tlie
Obons (ancient cemeteries) he is believed to
stalk majestically as the spirit of our ancestors;
on dark nights he flits past haunted spots as the
' horns lykas,' or dark spirit. The Yakuts be-
lieve him to be a beneficent deity, the Tartars
think him under the influence of the Shamans,
and even the Buriati, a tribe little inclined to
believe in anything outside the bounds of ma-
terialism, shake their heads and say that there is
something mysterious and uncanny about him.
Some of the Russian "writers suppose that
the weird appearance of this species of elk is
due to its unusual size, others aifirm that the
legends connected with him arise from the
piercing, wild, and almost human look in his
eyes. The most probable reason, however, is
from the liquid contained in its antlers, the
medicinal properties of which are imknown to
the Siberians, and they consequently consider
this an uncanny elixir used by the Chinese in
some unholy, mysterious rites.
The roedeer is somewhat larger than the
European kind, and seldom leaves its native
forests. This animal is not afraid of man, and
can be very easily captured. Its flesh, like that
jo± almost all Siberian animals, falls far short
FOOD-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 253
of European species, owing to the difFereuco in
climate, the eight months winter, the subsequent
rapid groAvth of vegetation, and the scarcity of
rain. All these have then- effect on the grass
and herbs, and consequently on the flesh of
the animals who subsist on them. Although
the vegetation of Asia differs from the Em'o-
pean, the grasses in China are almost identical
with those in Siberia, and yet the flesh of
Chinese animals far excels that of Siberia.
Siberian roes migrating in large herds from
Yenisei to Mongoha, and killed there after a
certam time, do not differ in flavour from Mon-
golian roes, so powerful is the efiect of climate.
Having wandered to the southern confines
of Siberia, let us glance at some of the animals
inhabiting these parts. Along the Chinese
frontier, in the wildest and most inaccessible
places, where the Sayan mountains trace their
rocky outlines against the azure sky, or the
virgin Altai rears its snowy peaks above the
clouds, are found various kinds of wild goats,
which, like the iben of the Pyrenees, climb
with facility the rocky walls, and, when hunted,
astonish one by their bold leaps across the
yawning chasms.
Amid the great variety of these animals, the
254 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
two which most deserve attention are the musk
goat and the striped one called zymin.* The
first is characterized by the httle bags filled
with fleshy matter which, when dried, gives
out a strong odour of musk so highly valued
by pharmaceutists. A few years ago, during
some comraercial transactions with the neigh-
bouring tribes, I Avas able to acquire a large
quantity of these musk bags, but, not having
any means of communication out of Siberia, I
was obhged to part with them much below the
market value. The musk goat is in all other
respects similar to the common goat, while the
zymin is distinguished by a long silky coat of
snowy whiteness, a long black line runs the
whole length of its back, and the hair on its
legs is darker than on any other part of the
body, deepening in colour with the advanc-
ing age of the animal, so that at last its legs
appear quite black.
The zymin is very scarce, but its hide, though
much valued in Siberia, is seldom exported
*■ The Mongolian language is so poor that the name
' zymin ' literally translated means goat, but Mongolians
designate only the striped kind by that name. The Si-
berians have adopted the name, and likewise apjjly it only
to that variety.
FOOD-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 255
abroad ou account of the great difficulty in
cleaning and preparing it. All the wild goats
in general, in addition to the rapidity of their
movements, their agility, and the ease with
which they walk along ledges of rock, are also
endowed in a high degree with instinctive
cautiousness. The localities which Nature has
assigned as their dwelhng place are so inac-
cessible that, except the immense eagle who
oftentimes carries away in his mighty talons
their young kids, they never see any other
enemy ; yet, in spite of this security, if a hunter
should perceive one of them far away perched
on the summit of a crag, even before he has
time to seize his gun the apparition has
vanished. The Siberians, when hunting these
animals, have recourse to all manner of strate-
gems in order to baffle this wonderful sagacity.
Acquainted with the mysteries of the deserf,
and endowed with the cunning pecuhar to the
children of Natm^e, they usually succeed when
the best European sportsman, after a day of
fruitless wandering amid this labyrinth of
mountain and ravine, returns home empty
handed, or with the poor satisfaction of having
gained a sight of this ghost-like creature, who,
256 SIBERIAN PICTURES. ,
like a spirit, is seen but for a moment, only to
vanish, into thin air.
While the southern parts of the Yenisei and
Irkoutsk provinces abound in wild goats, the
newly-annexed Amoor territory is the abode
of an animal of great strength and ferocity —
the Tur, a kind of wild ox, resembhng in shape
and horns a gigantic ox, and having a heavy
mane on its neck. His gait is heavy and his
movements ungainly, but he is, nevertheless, a
most dangerous enemy. The Gilliacks make
many expeditions against him, and frequently
in these campaigns several of them pay for their
temerity with their lives. In the adjoining
Chinese provinces the hunting of these animals
is undertaken by order of the local mandarin,
and, accompanied by the ringing of bells and
beating of tom-toms, assumes the character of a
national festival. These sports remind one of
the bull-fights in Spain, with this difference,
that the scene is laid in boundless space, and
that the whole public are his enemies. Alone
against all, the Tur stands up to fight, he never
turns tail, and charges the inhabitants of the
Celestial Empire, endeavouring to butt through
the living wall. He has a great disHke to gaudy
colours, especially scarlet; should he see this
FOOD-SUPPLYING ANIMALS. 257
colour, he seems to be overcome with sudden
madness, and, without waiting to be attacked,
charges the unkicky person thus attned.
The north with its Arctic bears, the moun-
tainous south with its numerous Avild goats, the
central forests with their thousands of deer,
stags, roes, &c., the smaller animals and in-
numerable birds, afford an inexhaustible field
for the naturalist. Living in almost uninhabited
places, I have constantly watched ^vith great
interest the habits of the animals round me, and
have tried to get a nearer view of them ; but
possessing only a limited knowledge of zoology,
and without a single book of reference on the
subject, I was unable to classify them in their
proper places, or even sometimes to give them
their scientific names. Though Nature is the
great book of reference, and the base on which
all human knowledge rests, and the richest
field for the zoological inquirer, still, in the
absence of acknowledged forms, divisions, and
names, these studies can have but a limited
relation to science, and the cursory view of the
animals I have described may perhaps furnish
material which in a humble fashion might assist
more serious studies in this direction.
VOL. I. S
PART III.
ECONOMIC STUDIES.
s 2
261
EAILWAYS AND AGRICULTURE.
A GREAT deal has beeu lately written in
Russian newspapers about a Siberian rail-
way. Even before the question of its direction
was settled, hot quaiTels were engaged in on
this subject, in which the newspapers were the
arena, pens and ink the arms and ammunition.
These quarrels now and then assumed a very
warlike character. A merchant, for instance,
would advocate the Tumensk or Irbitsk line,
merely to have something to say, to show that
he took an active interest in the encouragement
of trade, and afterwards considered it his duty
bhndly to stick to his opinion, and would give
way to most unreasonable anger if anyone
should dare to put forward an opposite opinion
in his presence. I have heard that at Perm this
262 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
gave rise to a very disagreeable state of things
in tlie merchant's circle, and I, living in the
Yenisei province, have repeatedly been present
at very animated discussions as to the probable
direction of the projected railway.
Now that the question has been finally de-
cided on, it would be waste of time to consider
which of the two projected lines would best
have answered commercial pui-poses, more
especially as there is much to be said on both
sides, and the future alone can show from
whence the greater advantage to all will spring.
My object at present is to show all the benefits
which will accrue to Siberia when one of these
arteries of commerce shall unite the frozen north
Avith more temperate parts. I feel all the more
impelled to take up this subject, as what has
hitherto been written on the benefits which
would accrue to Siberian wildernesses from
their connection with Em'ope does not throw
sufficient light on the subject. It coidd
scarcely be otherwise ; Siberians do not favour
printed discussions, and Russian economists
and tradesmen know little or nothing about
Siberia.
In trying to make known the benefits which
await the country from the junction of east and
RAILWAYS AND AGRICULTURE. 263
west, a writer generally dwells cliiofly on its
effect in developing the trade of Kiakbta, or on
neutralising the monopoly of the East India
Company by a strong competition, and, unac-
(juainted -with the internal life of Siberia, he
<mly mentions casually those agencies which
may in time tend to strengthen it, while he
passes over in complete silence the moral and
civilizing effects to be derived from it. Now
that about which so much has been written and
spoken is comparatively an elementary matter,
and requires no discussion. Anyone with the
least knowledge of business will readily under-
stand that, when a line of rails is laid to the
confines of the Celestial Empire, the export of
tea by this direct and easy route will, by lower-
ing the price, tend to undermine the English
competition in German, and perhaps even in
French, markets ; the second-rate tea now
offered would then soon be superseded by a
choice article.
My object is to investigate the benefits likely
to accrue to agriculture and trade internal and
external, and further to show the effects, moral
and material, arising therefrom. In order tho-
roughly to understand the first, we must go
back and see what was tlie trade of Siberia in
2()4 SIBERIAN PICTURES. I
olden times, and Avhat inferences can be drawn
from it.
Even before the annexation of Siberia, Rus-
sian commerce existed in these northern lands ;
it was the result of Tartar colonization, Avhicli
endeavoured to introduce Islamism' side by side
with the barter of goods. Caravans circulated
between Kashgar or Yarkand and the Irtish or
the Lake of Yamysh, where fairs were held.
Many Tartars settled in Siberia, and in their
excm'sions into the interior of the country to
Yamysh bought Avares which they afterwards
carried into the aboriginal yourts ; some obtain-
ed cotton goods from Central Asia, which they
subsequently bartered for the produce of the
land ; both the internal and external trade be-
came centred in these tribes. After the Rus-
sian conquest, a war ensued between the two
nationalities ; on one hand Islam and com-
merce, on the other the sword and Christi-
anity.
The Bucharchieks, dispersed amid the settle-
ments of the northern inhabitants, had their
rallying points, and monopolized the credit ; the
population of every aula trusted these traders,
with whom they had constant relations. Such a
state of things could not be pleasing to the local
RAILWAYS AND AGRICULTURE. 265
authorities, and the officials, seeing* iu them the
opponents of their interests, people who stripped
the comitry of its best and most expensive furs,
began from the first to curtail their sphere of
action ; but the Bucharchieks, having then in
Siberia many coadjutors, were easily able to
elude the law, and by well-managed smuggling-
continued their trade.
Such was the case when Russian colonization
brought a new element into the contest ; the
crowd of settlers became anxious to get the
markets into their own hands, but competition
with the Bucharchieks ^as by no means easy.
Chinese silks were sold cheaper than Russian
prints.* The authorities took energetic steps
to ensure a sale for Russian produce, forbade
the export of furs to China, Turkestan, and
Bokhara, put very heavy duty on silk stuffs,
and organised a strict frontier surveillance ; and
thus the Bucharchieks, who up to the last had
monopohzed the cotton trade, found theiuselves
unable to compete against Russian silks and
linens. Not only did the transport through
* In these days Russian linen fetched one rouble twenty
copecks per yard, and Chinese silks cost no more than
thirty-nine copecks.
266 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
Kiaklita and Kashgar diminish, but Russian pro-
duce even reached as far as MongoHa and other
provinces of the Celestial Empire.
At one time the Buchar element was so
strong in Siberia that they were able to form a
commercial company, and even had dreams of
forming a separate Buchar colony, carrying on
business in their own language. These hopes
Avere encom-aged by the Empress Catherine II.,
but in the commencement of the present cen-
tmy the government, seeing in them a handful
of unduly privileged aliens who paid no taxes,
rented government lands, furnished no recruits,
and had the privilege of changing their allegi-
ance to a neighbouring country, and moved by
the constant complaints of the Russian mer-
chants whose trade suffered in consequence,
withdrew, by the act of 1834, the privileges
formerly granted to the Bucharchieks. From
that time this people, trammelled by unfavour-
able laws, receded further and fmiher north-
wards, splitting up into small families, and,
intermarrying with the aboriginal tribes, were
absorbed into the various settlements scattered
over the steppes, without leaving a trace of its
previous existence. From this time also dates
RAILWAYS AND AGRICULTURE. 207
tlie commencement of commerce between Eu-
rope and Siberia, small, it is true, and slow of
development on account of the great distances,
the barrier of the Urals, and heavy custom
duties. Hopes were entertained that in time
this would develop into a source of riches and
prosperity for the countr}', but years w^ent by,
and commerce still remained in embryo.
Seeing such a state of things, the government
availed itself of every possible means of develop-
ing the commerce of its Asiatic provinces, but
these efforts have produced scarcely any result ;
those who wrote about Siberia knew her not,
and political economists seeing two great
barriers in the way of internal development,
viz., a sparse population and the unAvillingness
of the primitive tribes to adopt civilized habits,
advised a direct method of overcoming these
hindrances without reflecting that these very
obstacles were but the outcome of a greater
evil, the lack of means of communication, and
that in seeking to overcome them, it was
absolutely necessary to reach the origin. In
order to increase the population, the government
sent out annually sixty thousand convicts to
Siberia, but after fifty years of this course the
268 SIBERIAN PlCTURESi
number of inhabitants had barely increased by a
few hundreds of thousands ; then efforts were
made to attract the natives to civiHzation
through the clergy, but these being themselves
but little civilized rather repelled them, and
widened the gulf between the Siberians and
Europeans ; no other result could have been
expected, such an evil must be attacked at its
very source.
Through want of communications commerce
remained in its infancy, notwithstanding that
the privileges of the Bucharchieks have been
abolished, and the influence of merchants,
engineers, and other professional people failed
to arouse it from its lethargy; agriculture
remained undeveloped, and the people sent in
by Russia, dispersed through the endless expanse
of the steppes, seemed to melt away, whilst the
aborigines, scared by the new elements, receded
fiuther and further northwards without re-
ceiving any impression from contact with the
new-comers.
The greater part of Siberia is covered by
wild, impenetrable forests, quite inaccessible to
those unaccustomed to them. These primeval
forests, traversed here and there by rapid rivers,
RAILWAYS AND AGRICULTURE. 269
form an almost impassable barrier between
Siberia and other countries, and the attempts at
colonization follow many small tracks, which,
after penetrating some way into the wilderness,
come to an end in a little village, beyond Avhich
there is no road of any kind. These forests so
effectually bar all communication between the
villages that the inhabitants are obliged to
make long detours to reach each other — for ex-
ample, in going from Kouznetska to Minusinsk
one must go three degrees north and back
again. In the same way Narrym is separated
from Tara, Tara from Tomsk, Minusinsk from
Nynn Udinsk, &c. Such difficulties effectually
impede all commerce, cramp the free develop-
ment of thought, interfere with social organiza-
tion, and tend to the multiplication of dialects ;
culture does not advance, having no help from
outside, the severity of the climate is not temper-
ed by European improvements, and the prices
of all goods are raised owing to the almost im-
possibility of exchanging them for the natural
productions of the country.*
* The low price of corn in Minusinsk does not tend to
lower its price in the neighbouring province of Kouz-
netska.
270 SIBERIAN PICTURES.I
Those who are unacquainted with Siberia
might say that in default of commerce, whicli
cannot be properly developed through lack of
communications, they can always fall back on
agriculture ; but even agriculture is affected by
the vast distances. It is true that rural occupa-
tions constitute in a measure the foundation of
the social state, but they should be considered
only as a point of departure towards a further
development of the masses.
In Europe, agriculture without commerce has
no importance ; in the middle ages the agricul-
turists were always the lowest and least civil-
ized class of the community. In China to this
day the class which tills the soil is uneducated,
and therefore has no standing in the social scale.
This class of labour divorced from trade is but a
mechanical drudgery, requiring neither thought
nor education, and does not tend to develop
man's natural capacities. Such work, in which
the intellect plays no part, is in our day but a
middle-step between barbarism and civilization.
In vu'gin lands, such as Siberia, agriculture con-
tributes towards progress, as it is infinitely easier
for the nomads to become tillers of the soil than
tradesmen. Nature herself teaches them this
RAILWAYS AND AGRICULTURE. 271
metaphorphosis. A Bmiati, iu liis migrations,
finds hoards of berries collected by mice ; a
North American Indian, going on a hunting
expedition, satisfies his hunger with wild grain
of various kinds ; another, noting the unflagging
industry of the ants, strives to imitate their
efibrts. In such wise, examples from Nature
gradually convert the hunter or fisherman into
an agricultm-ist.
Man, after having passed through many trials
and encountered endless difficulties, begins to
learn that tilling the soil alone without intelli-
gence is nothing more than a game of hazard.
The card thrown on the green table and the
seed scattered abroad are both dependant on
many attendant circumstances — frost, rain, hail,
and sudden atmospheric changes ruin the hopes
of the agriculturist, as those of the gambler are
dissipated by the uncompromising cards of the
banquier. To overcome this evil he seeks safety
in commerce, not factories and partnerships
only, but everytliing possible is tried to counter-
act the force of circumstances.
In Siberia the want of communication pre-
cludes such progress, however much its in-
habitants might desu-e it. The peasant left to
272 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
himself is never certain of the future ; in case
of fire, plague among liis cattle, or hail storms,
he has nothing to fall back on, besides which
the climate of these northern lands is much
more difficult to deal with than our own tem-
perate European clime ; sudden changes from
frost to heat are frequent and unforeseen ; the
locust is a perennial plague, ravaging the
crops. And, should some such misfortune over-
take a village, the inhabitants can look for no
succour near, the surrounding steppes drown
their cries for help.
The inadequate number of 'hands,' aggra-
vated by want of regular communication, is
the cause of such sIoav development of agricul-
ture. The existing post-road leading to Irkou-
tsk can but give an idea of what the result
of a hne of railway passing these localities
might be. The villages and settlements in the
vicinity of this road are richer and more tliickly
populated than those situated further away;
one sees more land brought under cultivation,
hay-making, &c., on the steppes, whereas to
the right or left of this great artery agricultural
life dwindles away, and finally vanishes com-
pletely amid the boundless desert. Months are
RAILWAYS AND AGRICULTURE. 273
required to traverse this road from west to east,
and the many bends it takes lengthens it still
more. A railway, changing months into days,
days into hom's, and pursuing a du-ect course,
will unite the scattered parts, and afford the
means of combined action between the west
and east. Small tracks which now scarcely
extend over a few hundred versts will develop
into post-roads ; fed by the great central route,
they ^vill shoot out as far as the migratory
hordes of Yakuts, Bm-iatis, Tunguzes, and Osti-
aks. And these will either approach involun-
tarily the places inhabited by Europeans, or,
retreating fm'ther and fm'ther, will amalgamate
together.
Under such circumstances, the change from
a fishing and hunting life into an agricultural
one will be insensibly effected, and the present
tillers of the soil will become artizans, &c., by
the influence of western civilization.
Having said so much as to the gradual de-
velopment of agriculture forming the chief basis
of the future prosperity of these parts, com-
merce must also be mentioned as a great
stimulus connected with it. The rich raw
material of Siberia, such as coal, iron, &c.,
VOL. I. T
274 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
and the great wealth of the mineral and vege-
table kingdoms, remain as yet almost untouched,
as the transport westwards is surrounded by
almost insurmountable difficulties ; their de-
velopment is also stopped by the impossibility
of getting out the necessary machinery and
skilled labour. In facilitating the communica-
tion between Europe and Asia, not only will
the raw material find ready sale in the different
markets of the Russian Empire, but they can
also be worked on the spot. Smelting works
will spring up near the iron mines ; the large
forests will promote the manufacture of glass ;
the salt lakes will be utilized, and the present
high price of salt be lowered ; the breeding
of sheep, now very limited on account of the
small demand for wool, notwithstanding the
quality and abundance of pasture on the
steppes, ^vill be encouraged by the establish-
ment of woollen and cloth manufactories.
In speaking of these things the object is not
to show the profits which would naturally
spring from the future extension of commerce,
as such a result speaks for itself, and requires
no arguments, but to point out the moral and
civihzing effect which would be produced.
RAILWAYS AND AGRICULTURE. 275
The population of Siberia, witli the exception
of Russian officials and tradesmen, is composed
almost exclusively of peasants and the primi-
tive tribes. In civilizing Siberia it is indispens-
able to act threctly on the agriculturists, and
they, theu' social position being improved, will
in time exercise an influence for good on the
aborigines. The schools will remain empty, a
limitation in the number of taverns will not
diminish di'unkenness without a spur to urge
the masses forward on the road to progress.
In Russia this stimulus is found in the eman-
cipation of the serfs ; in Siberia, where serfdom
never existed, the peasant, seeing around him
nothing to show him the advantages aiising
from improvements, remains wedded to the old
routine, and never emerges from the circum-
scribed circle of his primitive ideas. He is at-
tached to his time-honom*ed superstitions ; believ-
ing that his whole well-being is dependent on
a lucky chance or a meteorological manifesta-
tion to him supernatural ; uncouth and coarse,
having no field for the enlargement of his mind
beyond a mechanical labour which he shares
with his domestic animals.
On the other hand, the sight of rising manu-
t2
276 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
factories and a palpable improvement in tlie
life of those who know how to substitute
machinery for manual labour,* who to bodily
work add that of the mind, will act upon his
antiquated ideas and help him on the road to
improvement. Good communications, the first
lever of commerce, will react gradually on the
civilization and morals of the inhabitants ;
should any doubts be entertained as to the
probabihty of these results, serious consideration
must soon convince us that these predictions are
not mere suppositions, but capable of almost
mathematical demonstration.
The votaries of poHtical economy have ever
been divided into two camps. Liberal and Pro-
tectionist ; the latter affirm that free-trade pro-
motes competition, which in its turn often
provokes warfare, and at one blow destroys
the efforts of years towards internal improve-
ments and the development of commerce ; the
traders, on the other hand, maintain that com-
petition alone can promote trade, and that wars
* The introduction of machinery can in no respect lessen
the value of manual labour in a country so sparsely popu-
lated, nor would that suffer even were the population
increased fourfold.
RAILWAYS AND AGRICULTURE. 277
will cease Avlien a common benefit shall have
bound difiierent interests into one perfect
whole. Lonis Blanc, in his ideas of a mii-
versal brotherhood more poetical than practical,
draws the pictm-e of free-trade in the following
words :
' Let us for a moment imagine that peace has
at last begun to reign on earth, eternal peace,
lasting and undisturbed, that hatred is dead, and
war has become impossible, that nations unite in
one great family, sharing amongst themselves
the produce of their seA^eral lands. Such an
exchange increases the value of work in chang-
ing cause into effect, and ensures universal
peace ; as soon as such principles come into
operation, the problem of peace Avill find itself
solved. Have not cofiee, wine, tea, vanilla, &c.,
each its own country? Why, then, strive to
produce an artificial climate to suit them, while
beyond the area of custom duties, Nature her-
self provides us vntli a superior quality, and
therefore free-trade is one of the blessings of
the universal brotherhood.'
Notwithstanding that Louis Blanc, in viewing
the nineteenth century with the eyes of futurity
and by idealizing economical questions, brings
278 SIBERIAN PICTURES. '
them "within hmits more esthetic al than prac-
tical, it must be conceded that there is some
truth in his views. By what means can these
obstacles be overcome ? The government can-
not by a stroke of the pen overturn the estab-
lished rules of internal trade, — as such a course
would be adverse to some of the interests of
the country ; but these rules are gradually van-
ishing, as nations are more and more drawn
together, and the chief means of effecting this
is to be found in the estabhshment of rail-
ways.
In these late days we have seen great changes
in the Custom-House duties, and more especially
in those places where a network of railways has
united the interests of the different seats of
commerce, increased competition has brought a
reduction in the export duties ; increased facili-
ties of communication is therefore indispensable
to free-trading. To Siberia, so far removed
from the centre of civilization, it has become a
vital question.
I have endeavoured to point out that the
morality and civilization of Siberia do not
depend upon administrative measm^es, but upon
the development of agriculture, and that agri-
KAIL WATS AND AGRICULTURE. 279
culture ■will for ever remain in its primitive
state if commerce does not step in ; and finally,
this latter will never succeed, unless it bo aided
by a railway uniting the most remote districts
of the steppes; to carry it only as far as
Turukhansk affects seriously and injuriously
Siberia and the Ural-Altai arteries, but the
deeper the fine extends into this country, so
rich in natural productions which now lie fallow,
the greater the profits which ^vill arise from it.
PAET IV.
STUDIES OF HABITS AND CUSTOMS.
283
CHAPTER I.
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW.
MY first impressions of the northern locality
to which my fate had sent me were any-
thing but flattering. The end of my journey
was a small vilhige, or rather settlement, con-
sisting of some seven or eight huts half-buried
underground ; its name was Yamka.
This village, lost amid the endless steppes,
possessed no means of communication with the
rest of the world. It lay on the snowy expanse
like an atom thrown into space by a freak of
fate. My sleigh stopped, a few peasants ap-
peared in front of their dwelling, several old
women and children soon joined them, and they
all surrounded us with evident curiosity. This
was the entire population of the place.
One of the peasants, stepping forward, an-
nounced that he was the Soltys (chief personage)
284 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
of the village, and that on that score he was
bound to provide me with a lodging; so he in-
vited me to his house. T went in. In one room,
which served for a kitchen as well, I found
seven children, their mother, and a strapping
girl of Mongolian lineaments. The next room
contained a store of provisions, agricultural and
household utensils ; in one corner were some
barrels of sauerkraut, while the other was
occupied by a new-born calf. The peasant ex-
plained that the first room was occupied by
himself and his family, the second was the spare
room or guest chamber ; and he therefore placed
this, the best part of his house, at my disposal.
* You will not find so good a lodging in the
whole village,' he added ; ' all the other cottages
have but one room in which the people live
together. The calf may worry you at first, but
you will very soon get used to it.'
My things were brought in, a bundle of straw
thrown down for a bed, and I found myself at
the end of my long journey, which had extend-
ed over five thousand miles, in a country where
I was perhaps destined to end my days. My
illusions were destroyed. I sat down on the
straw and thought. What my meditations were
I am unable to say. It was a kind of apathy
THE FORTRESS OP SNOW. 285
and indifference to all my surroundings. The
extent of my misery seemed to have deadened
my senses, the atmosphere of the chamber was
nauseating, the smell of the rotting cabbage
well-nigh unbearable. I heeded not the noise
of the children, neither did I see the gaping
peasants who had come to inspect the new
guest, and were plying me with questions.
My eyes rested mechanically upon m^^ bun-
dles, these constituted all my past ; the present
and the future seemed so terrible that I dared
not even look around me. I felt thoroughly
worn out, tired, unhinged, and hungry^ yet I
seemed unable either to rest, eat, or think. I
wished for nothing, nothing appeared to interest
me.
Several days passed in this state, which bor-
dered on mental death. I ate what was put
before me without noticing its taste, I slept
without undressing, I sat still without either
thought or feeling. Such a state must have led
to a complete disorganisation of my mental
powers had I not made an effort to shake it off.
A few days later my landlord told me that the
time had elapsed in which he was bound to
give me shelter, and advised me to look out for
a lodging.
286 SIBERIAN PICTURES. '
'You can,' he said, ' hire another room some-
where else, or remain here, as you wish ; but, 1
feel bound to tell you, you will nowhere meet
with so comfortable an accommodation as we
have given you.'
And he spoke truly ; having gone round the
eight huts which composed the settlement, I
found the cottage I was in a palace compared
with the others. Each of the so-called houses had
but one room, doing duty for kitchen, bed-room,
and store-room. Everywhere, owing to the scanty
accommodation and badly-managed stoves, the
smells were unbearable. I chose the least evil
and decided to remain where I was ; I made
an agreement as to the price of board and lodg-
ing, and I was even fortunate enough to get
the calf removed (by paying well for it, of
course) ; but in spite of large offers I could not
get the barrels of cabbage taken away, nor the
assurance that no one would enter my abode
without my leave.
' I have no place where I could put the cab-
bage in,' said my landlord ; ' were 1 to trust it
to a neighbour half would be stolen, and, as to
forbidding my guests to enter a room intended
expressly for their occupation, that I could
never 'do. Where would I see my friends or
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 287
exercise the duties of my office, were I to give
up the only suitable place ? and, besides, you
■will feel much happier seeing human faces than
sitting all day long by yourself.'
One cannot fight against impossibilities. I
had to agree to all these conditions, and from
that time my days passed changelessly on, and
each was a torture. I do not speak of the
physical part, oh, no ! only happy people can
feel physical discomforts, it affects not the un-
happy. In spite of the food being more than
unpalatable, in spite of the noise of the children
in the next room breaking my rest, in spite of
the vermin which assailed me unmercifully, I
would have felt comparatively happy could I
have purchased by these ills one short moment
of solitude. No one living in happiness and
plenty can form an idea of the boon that soli-
tude would have been to a man situated as I
was — solitude in which I could re-trace the past
or create a few moments of illusion. I had it
not.
From morning to night I found myself in
the midst of uneducated people, to whose ques-
tions I M'as expected to reply, of drunkards who
filled the air with their coarse songs or fell over
me. From morning to night dirty children
288 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
crawled under my feet, while the elder ones
annoyed me with their practical jokes ; even at
night I had no peace from these small tor-
mentors, who ill-treated me for want of some-
thing better to do. Escape from them was
out of the question. One night, when one of
the children emptied a bucket of iced-water
over me while I slept, I lost patience, and
gave the offender a good beating ; his cries
soon brought the mother with broom in hand
and oaths on lip, and I do not know how
the affair would have ended had not the father
interfered.
' You should not beat a child,' moralized mine
host, 'for these children are not yours. Is it to
be wondered that a child hkes to play ? It is
but a child. Besides, it is in its ov,'n house, and
you are but a stranger. I know you pay for
this room, but I told you plainly you were not
to consider it exclusively your own.'
No one could answer such logic. I had but
to try to bear my lot in silence; I very soon
discovered that drunkenness was the only occu-
pation and joy of the people. On account of
the climate, agriculture occupies the peasant
only during the summer months; he then works
incessantly, and, having brought ia the yearly
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 289
stores, he has comparative]y nothing to do the
Avhole winter long', and he generally has his
labourers to help him. From time to time a
servant girl or farm labourer would drive a cart
to a forest distant about ten miles and bring
back wood. On Saturdays the landlady would
make a large pot of soup out of the frozen meat,
potatoes, and cabbage, and that mess Wcis
warmed up day after day and served us for
the whole week. This was my only food. It
is difficult to form an idea how disgusting this
mess became, especially towards the end of the
week when it was spoilt and smelling; but it
seemed to be relished by my neighbours, their
palates, burned by alcohol, having lost all power
of taste. In the country round there was neither
well, nor river, nor even a stream ; the water
used in cooking was taken out of a mudd}' marsh.
This water, when used for drinking, was dis-
gusting, and there was nothing else to take but
kwas (to which I have not yet become accus-
tomed) to quench one's thirst, as on account of
the cattle-plague the year before the very
existence of milk seemed forgotten.
My host, both on account of his social posi-
tion and his post, was the chief personage in
the settlement. He was the judge who decided
VOL. I. U
290 SIBERIAN PICTURES./
all clisputes, punishing the offenders and mak-
ing-np quarrels. He was of tall stature, and
with rather regular features, a keen, cunning
expression and red hair. The dignity of his
post prevented his giving himself up as wholly
to drink as did his neighbours, but he had the
knack of being able to tipple continually and
of getting muddled without being absolutely
drunk.*
My host, wiser than his neighbours^ ruled
them, but his wife, wiser than he^ ruled him.
Such are the ways of the world, even in this
tiny settlement in the midst of the steppes.
Tatiana Waselevna was not a woman for
nothings and took her place as the wife of the
{Soltys seriously. This old hag, yellow of com-
plexion, with sharp nose, slightly-closed lips,
and deep-set, small grey eyes, possessed rare
rapacity and cunning, and exercised these ami-
able qualities upon everything she came across,
managing to gain material benefits whenever it
was humanly possible to do so. Did a quarrel
* I feel bound to add that this dreadful habit has
been much lessened in villages situated nearer the high-
roads ; it is only in such out-of-the-way places as the one I
am describing that it has been allowed to develop) itself to
such an alarming extent.
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 291
arise, did a peasant beat auotlier, before the
affair came before her husband she had ah-eady
managed to obtain substantial presents from
both parties ; did a theft come to light, the
culprit had to bribe her well. Even in her
everyday intercourse with her neighbours she
lied and promised so much that all of them felt
bound to bring her something, such, as a hen,
some eggs, or a bushel of potatoes.
She talked incessantly, and the sound of her
voice from morn till night was like the clapper of
a mill ; in time I became accustomed to it as the
miller to the noise of the mill. She talked about
herself, about the greatness of her powerj and the
wisdom of her arrangements, and of the respect
everyone paid her. This incessant talk was in
reality harmless, as it concentrated itself upon
one point and was often but a repetition of the
same phrases ; but woe to the individual who
happened to incur her displeasure, or avIio had
the audacity to express an opinion ! Her
yellow face reddened, the point of her nose
deepened, the thin lips contracted, the grey
eyes gleamed, and a flow of fearful oaths poured
out of her mouth and assailed the unlucky
offender. When she was in this state, everyone
in the hut trembled before her ; the children hid
u2
/
292 SIBERIAN pictures/
behind the stove, the servant girl shook as in a
fever-fit, and the husband, if possible, left the
house. Often the fit did not end in words, but
the broom or whip were pat into requisition.
At such times I had a very picture of hell before
my eyes ; shrieks, sobs, curses, and blows, all
mingled together formed a chaos difficult to
describe.
This woman, so quarrelsome and despotic,
had but one point of sympathy with her hus-
band, and that point was myself; upon this one
subject husband and wife agreed perfectly. I
was not only to them an object of gain, a per-
son to be sucked dry, but also the victim of all
their ill-temper and despotism. I was scarcely
allowed to open my lips; the least demand upon
my part was received with recriminations. I
paid a high price, and yet was fed upon stinking
soup and potatoes ; when I even asked to have
ray food fresh, or begged permission to boil up
the samowar, the landlady's horror was wortli
witnessing.
' Look at him, how delicate and grand he is.
My husband, the Soltys, and his wife can eat
what he cannot. He will next expect tea three
times a day, or perhaps will wish me to send
ten versts off for wood !'
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 293
If I observed that I did not expect any kind-
ness, but only wished to have what I was pay-
ing for, the fury of my landlady knew no
bounds.
* Money! did anyone ever hear of such a
thing? For liis paltry money he wishes to be
kept li]:e a gentleman ! You seem to forget,
my friend, who you are, and what your situation
is in these parts.'
Her servant, taken as a child from one of the
aboriginal hordes, had become quite imbecile
from the treatment she had received. She was
a colossal machine, never speaking a word,
going about her work mechanically, laughing in
an idiotic manner when her mistress laughed,
and trembling when the landlady's voice was
raised. She got drunk whenever slie had the
opportunity, and snored frightfully afterwards.
Such were the people I had to live with !
I used to escape whenever possible from the
tongue of the mother, the cries of the children,
and the smell, which gave me a headache, and
walk out. But then there was nothing to be
done, and nothing to see but a few scattered
huts upon the snowy expanse, with paths trod-
den down from one dwelling to another, and a
few sleigh tracks made by the labourers going
294 SIBERIAN PICTURES
to fetch wood or water. That was all I
The innate want felt by every man for asso-
ciation with his kind made me enter some of
these huts. Everywhere the same sight met
my eyes. Half-naked chiklren and the forbid-
ding countenances of the elders did not tempt
me to desire a closer acquaintance. And besides,
what could I speak to them about? They live
in a half-savage state in this desert, and have
not the slightest knowledge. All exiles sent
to their country are looked upon by them as
thieves; tliey do not comprehend poHtical crimes.
They experience no repulsion to criminals, and
a murderer is even respected as a man of energ}-,
but a man who has not previously been put to
hard labour is universally looked upon with
contempt as an artist who has failed in hi&
trade.
In our settlement there were two other exiles
besides myself, who, having committed murder,
had worked their time at hard labour and were
now sent as settlers for life. These rnen were
much thought of, chiefly on account of the ter-
ror they inspired. The Soltys himself addressed
them with a certain consideration, and his wife
moderated her voice in their presence. They
came to see me one day, which was thought a
THE FORTRESS OF SXOW. 295
great condescensiou on their part by the in-
habitants. During their visit (which I after-
wards found had a second motive) they vaunted
themselves upon their murders, and related
with pride all their bloody deeds. Reason
plainly bade me liide the horror I felt of them, as
to ofFeud them would have been equivalent to
briugiug an untimely end upon myself.
The situation was a difficult one. Alone
amid these people, without the hope of ever
being able to quit them, I sighed for solitude as
the only solace in my sufferings. But Avhere
could I jfind it? A separate room was nowhere
to be procured, and, had I even been able to
secure one, could I have freed myself from such
visits without incurring the vengeance of these
dangerous men ? Living alone in a hut all to
myself threatened probable loss of life, to which
even the most unfortunate cling.
I tried to think, but could not arrive at any
determination. In the meanwhile, my host and
Lis worthy wife began to interfere with all my
actions. On pretence of taking care of me,
they advised me not to move a step outside the
hut, and they gave me to understand that I
should not enter into conversation with any-
one ; if I happened to address anyone in their
296 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
presence^ even were it a child, that person was
carefully catechised as to ray questions and the
answers I had received.
All sorts of most extraordinary tales were
circulated about me, and my landlady generally
ended her discussions in this manner :
' Whatever he has been guilty of is not our
affair. But he is a proud creature ; he does not
profess sufficient respect for us, he will not
drink whisky like the rest, he is different from
everyone, and he must be taken down a peg or
two.'
And then followed sarcasms directed against
those who, remembering what they had once
been, seemed to forget their present situation,
who had now no social position, and whom it was
easy to put in arrest for the merest trifle. All
this was said generally, but the darts were too
Avell pointed for me not to see towards whom
they were directed. Often the hag in address-
ing me made use of the word baryn (sir), and
it is impossible to describe the bitter irony and
anger she put in her voice when pronouncing
it. I pretended I did not understand it, and
kept silence. These tactics soon brought the
expected results. My landlady, seeing that all
her shafts fell harmlessly against the buckler of
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 297
my incliiference, ceased, grinding her teeth with
rage, and I gained a few days of peace. I soon,
however, found out that it was but a short
armistice, during which the enemy was on the
look-out for a new means of attack.
The plan she hit upon was very simple.
Hitherto my landlord and his wife had made of
me a mental prisoner, now they elected to turn
me into a domestic servant. And the oppor-
tunity soon presented itself for putting this
plan into execution. It was just about the
hour when the family was in the habit of taking
tea, and I usually heated my samovar at the
same time. It happened that there was no
available wood, except a few large piles lying
out in the yard ; the labourer was away upon
an errand, and the children were loudly vocifer-
ating for their supper.
The landlady handed me a hatchet, saying,
in a tone of command,
' Go and chop some wood for the fire.'
Though during the last three weeks (the
time I had spent in this wilderness) I had ex-
perienced all kinds of persecution, yet such a
request had never before been addressed to me.
It was evidently a trial to see how far my
humility would reach.
/
298 SIBERIAN PICTURES. (
' I am not your servant/ I answered, coldly.
' Yon are not our servant, but you share our
morsel of bread, you should therefore do as
others do and not be a lazy good-for-nothing.'
' I pay ten times the value of the miserable
food I get, and will have nothing to do with
your work.'
' Anyone who is admitted into the family
should not differ from the rest and should help
when he is wanted ; the labourer is awa^'.'
'What is that to me? I do not belong to
your family^ and the fact of my lodging in this
house is not sufficient to make me feel myself
bound to perform any of its domestic duties.'
' This is not a case of duty, but of politeness.'
It was evident that the hag wanted to make
me once perform some manual labour for her,
so that, having broken the ice, she might in the
future employ me ad libitum, were it only for
the pleasure of humiliating me. I am of opinion
that everyone should try to adapt himself to
whatever state he is placed in. Manual labour
does not dishonour anyone, and with a different
set of people — people possessing heart and
kindliness — I would willingly have taken my
share of the daily toil, joined in their work, and
become one of themselves. But here matters
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 299
■were widely differeut ; here was a wish to
wound, ill-will, and hatred.
' If it is a case of politeness, then, I decline to
be polite.'
'You refuse! Who is, then, to chop the
Avood? Perhaps you expect me to do it — me
the wife of the Soltys, or my husband himself?
If there is no wood chopped, there will be no
tea.'
' Very w'ell ; we will do without the tea,' I
quietly answered.
My impassability stirred her bile. This an-
swer was like a spark thrown upon the accumu-
lated materials of hatred and malice. She
shook, and, rising suddenly^ cried out, in a
hoarse, savage voice,
' Turn ueck-and-crop out of my house. I
will not harbour such a man, who does no-
thing, says nothing, but sits mutely down, who
is not fit either for a song, or a glass, or a
friendly lark.'
'Very well,' I said, getting up, -I will go and
live with one of your neighbours ; there are
plenty of people who will be glad of the sight
of my money.'
I was fully aware that the accommodation I
should obtain at the other hovels would bo
300 SIBERIAN PICTURES. I
infinitely worse ; here I had a room where now
and then I obtained a few moments to myself,
whereas I could not hope for even that much in
any other hut ; but I also knew that the threat
of turning me out was a slip of the tongue, as
both the man and his wife were too much alive
to the main chance to allow such a good bar-
gain to slip through their fingers. This surmise
turned into a certainty, when I perceived a
puzzled expression on my landlady's face, her
anger being for the moment overpowered by
the fear that I might really take her at her
Avord. I felt like a general who sees that his
enemy has approached too near, and does not
know how to retreat from so dangerous a posi-
tion. I had no desire to take up ray abode in
one of the other hovels ; I should be exposed to
the same discomforts, and, when removed from
the protection of the Soltys, my very life might
be in jeopardy ; but, profiting by my last stra-
tegical move, I did not show my tactics.
Without another word, I began to collect m}''
property. The old woman was standing in the
middle of the room, looking on with terror at
these preparations ; at last she said, in a
smothered voice,
' What are you doing T
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 301
' I am packing up, as you see.'
' Why V
' I am goiug to live elsewhere.'
'There is no hurry ; you will uot be as com-
fortable an^'where else.'
' It is you who are turning me out.'
' I spoke hastily ; why do you take up things
so quickly V
' It cannot be helped, what is said is said ;
besides, I am sick of this continual quarrelling
and nagging, and perhaps elsewhere I shall
have more peace.'
Her husband, coming in just then, was sur-
prised to see the preparations for my departure,
and, on learning the cause, joined his wife in
advising me to remain where I Avas.
I pretended to yield to their expostulations,
and remained. Although from that time they
evinced more respect for me, and even my
landlady tried to govern her temper, the change
Avas but on the surface in reality ; I felt that I
was in an atmosphere of cunning, malice, and
bud faith. The people surrounding me Avere
obnoxious to me ; the very sight of them filled
rae with disgust — there were no hearts in their
bosoms, in their natures not the slightest idea
of justice. I had not the smallest corner I could
302 SIBERIAN PICTURES. '
call my own, and no hiding-place except my
travelling-bag. Tea and sugar evaporated
before ray very eyes, and I knew that, when
my meagre store was exhausted, I could not
replenish it.
I left the cottage sometimes and walked
along the endless sheet of snow on which were
perched the eight hovels dignified by the name
of village. I used to walk on knee-deep in
snow and sit down upon a snow-drift, over-
come by fatigue, until the sharp cold forced me
to retrace my steps homewards. These walks
had neither object nor pleasure. I went out
because I wanted change, and longed to free
myself for a moment from the surroundings
that were constantly before me.
I soon had to forego even that small pleasure.
I had noticed for some time that the two crimi-
nals I have mentioned would leave their house
€very time I left mine. Sometimes they would
come up to me and offer a friendly glass, but
oftener they would dodge my steps from afar,
exchanging meaning looks. I pretended not
to notice them, but made up my mind to be
vigilant.
Among the children of my landlord was a
boy of thirteen. It is difficult to imagine a
THE FORTRESS OF SNO^Y. 303
more repulsive creature — red-haired, squinting,
with a monkey's face and a flattened nose. He
was as wicked as he was ugly, and was the
terror of not only all the other children, but of
his own family. Tormenting and persecuting
those weaker than himself constituted his only
amusement. When he could not find a human
victim he revenged himself upon the domestic
animals. He feared his mother a little, and he
hated me from the time I gave him the thrash-
ing for sousing me with cold water.
I discovered that the two criminals had fre-
quent interviews with this boy. It happened
one evening that as I was lying on my bundle
of straw, unable to sleep on account of the sad
thoughts which beset me, I fancied T heard a
slight tap at the window. The red-haired boy,
who had been sitting beside the stove, quietly
left his place, and, throwing a glance at my
motionless f(U-m, stole out of the room on tiptoe.
I jumped up and followed him. The night Avas
dark, but in spite of the darkness I distinguished
three forms disappearing into the only public-
house the place boasted of. I put my pistols
into my pocket, and with many precautions
approached the window of the public-house. I
saw the two criminals and the boy seated at a
304 SIBERIAN PICTURES. ;
table, each with a glass of whisky before him ;
besides the publican, a notorious thief and
drunkard, there was nobody in the room. 1
could not hear all that was said, but, from the
words that reached me, I was not at a loss to
understand the gist of their conversation,
'Are you sure you have seen?' asked one of
the men.
' Perfectly ; blue, red, and green paper money.
I am sure there were about fifty notes.'
' That would make about a hundred roubles
of silver, and perhaps more !' added the second.
' Does he not leave them at home?'
' No, he always carries them about on his
person.'
A gust of wind and snow prevented my hear-
ing the next few sentences. After a few min-
utes the following incoherent words reached
me.
'Pistols loaded — a solitary walk — he drinks
no whisky — bury in the snow — you will receive
five roubles.'
This was quite enough. I returned home un-
observed, with the full determination not to
budge a step beyond the threshold. Had I
entertained the smallest doubt, the fawuings
of the red-haired monster and his entreaties that
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 305
I should take a walk would have made me quite
certaia of the fact.
Mj situation was by no means an exceptional
one. Murders are matters of almost daily oc-
currence in Siberia. The liberated convicts,
aided by the uncivilized drunken population,
often kill for the sake of obtaining the smallest
trifle : perhaps one rouble, or a pair of boots, or
a cap. Nothing stops them from committing
murder ; neither the qualms of conscience, which
they never experience, nor the fear of punish-
ment, -which does not reach them ; as if ever a
crime becomes known, if in spite of distance and
bad communications legal proceedings are taken,
and the criminals sentenced to hard labour,
they are able to escape during their trans-
portation, and, having changed their clothes
and name, contrive to be taken up for pauper-
ism, and are sent to settle in another part of
the country.*
Time dragged itself along with frightful
monotony. I never left the house, never spoke
to anyone^ and only ate when pressed by
hunger. I had no books, and could not write
* This state of things has been much altered ; criminal
convicts are sent to settlement in Saghalein Island, from
whence escape is almost impossible.
VOL. I. X
806 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
■without exciting suspicion. Daylight in these
parts was very brief; at three in the afternoon
it was quite dark, candles were unknown and
it was impossible to buy them. For an hour or
two I had the light of the wood fire, but this
flickering flame soon went out, and at five
o'clock the family retired for the night, leaving
me alone in the dark with my thoughts.
I wished to keep the fire in a little longer,
but even that I was forbidden to do, being told
that I should not be diflferent from others, and
ought to go to bed when the others did ; that
keeping up a fire might bring on a conflagra-
tion, and, finally, that I had no right to waste
wood when I never went to the forest to cut it
and had declined to chop it.
I was unable to go to sleep before ten or
eleven o'clock. I therefore remained in dark-
ness for about six hours. The silence that
reigned was fearful, it was like the silence of
the grave, with the difference that, unlike the
grave, it brought no forgetfulness with it. I
made my bad health an excuse for refusing the
frequent invitations to drink, and opposed the
silence of contempt to the cutting speeches
levelled at me ; but the continual quarrels,
shouts, and drunken brawls that surrounded me
, THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 307
told on ray health and jarred my nervous
system. I really did not know which was
harder to bear, the silence and darkness of the
evening or the orgies of the day. In daylight,
amid shouts, cries, and fighting, I sighed for the
evening, and when it came and the darkness
enveloped me, 1 longed for daylight when I
could hear the sound of a human voice. The
only respite I had were the few hours of trou-
bled, feverish sleep^ during which I was uncon-
scious of my sorrows.
Almost every man, however unfortunate his
lot, has a friend to whom he is able to open his
heart and find sympathy and advice. I had not
that comfort ; I stood alone, worse than alone,
for the people around me inspired only con-
tempt and well-founded distrust.
I had, however, one great consolation : this
was religion ; one great friend, in my own
thoughts. Religion gave me strength and hope,
and 1 turned my thoughts towards finding-
some means of freeing myself from this intol-
erable situation. After ruminating for a long
time I formed a plan, the execution of which
put new energy into my wearied mind. I came
to the determination of freeing myself from the
thraldom of my landlord without exposing
x2
308 SIBERIAN PICTURES. '
myself to certain death. Not only did I not
divulge my plans, but I tried to avoid suspicion
in every possible way. Experience had taught
me to be as secret and cunning as the people I
had to deal with.
One day I heard one of the peasants tell the
Soltys that, having married his daughter, he
intended shutting up his cottage for a time and
going to live with his son.
' Could you let me hire your house V I
asked.
' What for V promptly put in my host. ' You
could not live all by yourself without endanger-
ing your life.'
* I am not going to leave even were there no
danger, I am too comfortable to think of a
change.'
Unwillingly 1 said this so ironically that, had
not my landlord been under the influence of
drink, he must have understood me. Luckily
for me he guessed nothing.
'Why, then, do you want to hire this
cottage V
' There are a great many wolves around, often
of an evening I hear them howl ; I wish to kill
a few and make myself a winter cloak of their
skins. It is both too cold and dangerous to hunt
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 309
them out of doors, so I intend to surround the
cottage with a rampart of snow and tire at the
wolves from behind it.'
' That is quite another thing ; if you give me
live roubles, I will undertake to make your
rampart for you.'
The hope of gain quite blinded him. The
owner of the cottage, delighted at the thought
of letting his house, made no difficulty.
The very next day my landlord and a few
others set to work to fortify my dwelling, never
dreaming that he was working against himself.
Everyone seemed satisfied. My host because
he was earning five roubles at a very easy rate.
The owner because he was letting a house
which otherwise would have brought him in
nothing. The two criminals fancied that my
hunting expeditions would at last give them
the long waited for opportunity of executing
their plans with regard to me. The red-haired
boy began to hope that the promised reward
would not long be delayed. I was pleased
because I knew I was taking them all in.
The work which I personally superintended
advanced rapidly. Heaps of snow sixteen feet
high surrounded the hut and yard. These
ramparts were thick and sharply finished at the
310 SIBERIAN PICTURES^
top, they were soused with water till there was
a layer of ice a foot thick upon them. In that
climate water freezes instantly ; the snow wall?
therefore, became as hard as a rock, and so
high and slippery that it w-as a greater pro-
tection than the pallisades and fosses of a
fortress.
During its construction, T was fortunate
enough to purchase an iron gate. This door
was low and thick and closed with an enormous
key ; it looked like the entrance to a vault. How
the man who sold it became the possessor of
such a strange article 1 did not consider it
necessary to ask, but I had a strong suspicion
that it must have been stolen from a graveyard.
As this kind of trading is openly practised in
those parts, however, I could not afford to be
particular.
A large aperture was choped out in the ice
wall, two strong piles driven in, and the door
fixed to them. I also had a little window made
higher up and embrasures here and there.
While ray host and his friends were busy pre-
paring this would-be hunting-trap, I on my
part was making good use of my time. From
one peasant I bought the frozen carcase of an
ox, from another a frozen pig, from a third a
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 311
large quantity of potatoes, carrots, flour, and
other victuals, and, profiting by the opportunity
when my landlord was busy in the discharge of
his duties as a judge, I had all these provisions
carried into the empty cottage. At the same
time, and by paying double for it, I got enough
wood transported into my fortress to last me
for the whole winter, as well as anything else I
could pick up that I thought might be useful.
I had to make these purchases without bargain-
ing for them, as I. could not afford to lose time,
and the haste I made was so great that the
Soltys had not yet finished his business when
all was ready. I then had ray trunks carried
over.
'What are you doing?' asked my host, when
he saw my goods leaving his house.
' As you see, I am going to try my new house,'
I replied, going away rapidly.
' What house V he mumbled, in a drunken
voice, ' it is no house, but a wolf-trap.'
' Help ! Murder !' shrieked out the landlady.
But it was too late ; the trunks were inside, I
hastily paid the man who had carried them,
and, stepping inside, locked myself in. When
my landlord and his wife arrived they found an
impassable obstacle. 1 got upon a ladder, and
312 SIBERIAN pictures/
looking at them over the wall I quietly asked
them what they wanted.
The situation was somewhat dramatic. In
the heart of the desert, in the midst of a cut-
throat population, I was alone against all my
persecutors, but I breathed freely as I knew
now they could not harm me.
' What do we want,' shouted the man. ' I
wish to know what you mean by cheating us
with tales of wolf-hunts, and getting away from
my house in this manner.'
' What right had you V shrieked the wife,
gnashing her teeth and showing her fists, ' to
delude this fool of a husband of mine to such a
degree that he helped you with his own hands
to build your hiding-place.'
' You'll rue it,' muttered the crestfallen
Soltys.
' I will have the police. I will have you
judged and severely punished,' groaned the
hag.
All this noise soon brought the whole popula-
tion to the spot. Drunken men, screaming wo-
men, and ragged children were all clamouring
outside the iron doors. I saw the two criminals
and my red-haired friend amongst them. When
the noise had somewhat abated I answered.
THE FORTRESS OF SXOW. 313
' Y"ou ask me what right I had to leave your
bouse, the right every man has of seeking a
more convenient dwelling. I paid you before-
hand and the time is not yet up, so I am at
liberty to leave if I choose. I did not let you
know that I was going to leave, as you are
greedy and would have put every possible
obstacle in my way when you found that I was
not going to be cheated any longer. You
undertook to build this wall for five roubles,
and I have paid you that sum before witnesses.
I owe nothing to anyone and I require nothing
but to be left in peace.'
* Why do you wish to separate yourself from
the rest V asked some one.
'Are you any better than we are?' said an-
other.
' We shan't allow it.'
' There is a law '
Here I lost patience.
' I separated myself from you because you
are all drunkards, cheats, and thieves, and for
such people I feel nothing but aversion and dis-
gust ; I shut myself up here to escape from
your temper, old woman, from your drunken
brawls, my neighbours, from your murderous
knives, dear friends. You are naturally angry
314 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
that you canuot cheat me and that I have
cheated you instead, but your anger touches
me uo longer. I will let no one in, and my ice
•wall will keep you all out ; you can complain as
much as you like. I will welcome the interfer-
ence of the police, which can only be for my
advantage.'
There was a moment of silence. Presently
my landlady called out, joyfully,
' You will not remain there long, we will see
to it.' And turning round, she said to the
multitude, 'I forbid any of you to bring him
food.'
' You wish to starve me out ? That would
be a very good idea, only, unfortunately, you
have thought of it too late. I am provided.'
The men from whom I had bought my pro-
visions explained my words.
The fury of the baffled woman knew no
bounds, and showed itself in curses and shrieks ;
she swore at me, at the peasants, and her un-
happy husband became the scapegoat and had
to pay for everyone. I did not wait for the end
of the tragedy, but, retiring from my post of
observation, I entered my hard-won dwelling.
Lighting a fire, I began unpacking and pre-
paring my dinner. Many who have never felt
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 315
the thorns of life would have considered my
position as the height of ray misfortune. I
accepted it as a heavenly protection, and, fall-
ing on my knees, thanked God for having
rescued me from the dangers that had threat-
ened me upon all sides. Man requires society,
longs for communion with his species ; enforced
BoHtude is usually hard to bear, but here things
were different, here separation was necessary,
and was absolutely the only means of getting
out of an unbearable situation. In the chequered
path of my existence, I had never before ex-
perienced anything like what I had to endure
in these wild steppes.
Until then I had always lived amid people
with Christian ideas, who, in fulfilling their own
duties, had eudeavoured to soften my sad
lot; the smallest word, a kind look were
all-in-all to one who, having lost everything,
clung to the smallest straw that kept him from
doubt and despair. Here there was nothing of
the kind ; instead of human beings was a herd
of savages without heart, without feeling, with-
out even pity, having of humanity nothing but
the outward semblance.
Anyone who has realized the misery I had
been in, can easily imagine the joy I felt on
316 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
freeing myself from such hateful associations
and the danger that had been hanging over me,
for I instinctively felt that sooner or later the
two criminals or some of the other inhabitants
of the village would attempt to murder me.
Death had no horror for me ; on the contrary,
there were moments when I longed for a speedy
ending to my sorrows, but to see, as it were,
the sword of Damocles hanging by a thread
over one's head ready to fall at any moment
was torture hard to bear. I felt rejoiced when
I reflected that I had been able to escape by
my own strength, in spite of everyone, from
the house of the Soltys and the society of his
neighbours. Oh ! there was much to rejoice at,
much to thank God for.
I made my new house as comfortable as cir-
cumstances would allow, and, remembering
that I had but myself to look to for everything,
I arranged my e very-day duties systematically.
Lighting the fire and cooking my food took all
morning ; after dinner I rested awhile, and in
the evening I chopped wood for the morrow's
consumption, and thawed water for the tea and
household purposes. I did all this cheerfully as
the work was imdertaken by free will and not
by orders from another. My relaxations con-
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 317
sisted of a few books and a pack of cards.
Anxious to prolong my mental food as long as
possible, I determined not to read more tliau
five pages daily ; I read slowly^ weighing every
Avord, analysing every sentence and comparing
it with my own thoughts, and thus a few pages
took up sometimes several hours. I came to
the conclusion that a good work so read brings
a true and lasting benefit to the reader. The
pack of cards was an inexhaustible treasure. I
laid down all the games of patience I knew,
and invented others. After play came prayers.
It is only the unfortunate and forsaken who
really know what balm faith pours into the
human heart. It strengthens the soul which
otherwise would give way under the burden
laid upon it ; it gives that greatest of blessings,
hope ; and it teaches how one should bear
adversity without a murmur, and with trust in
Providence. A faithless man is doubly unhappy,
first from this misfortune, secondly by the dry-
in g-up of all springs of love in his heart.
Prayer flowing straight from the soul is a
species of conversation with one's Maker. At
such times I did not feel alone. I was con-
scious of the mysterious, impalpable presence
of God around me. I thanked Him for every
-818 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
good thought, and I came to look upon my
former tribulations as a necessary trial sent to
perfect me and cure me of my sins.
I learnt some hymns by heart. Their simplicity
charmed me as I did not live in an ideal world,
but had to accustom my soul to hard, every-day
reality.
I was alone ; no prying eyes watched my
proceedings, no impertinent questions were ask-
ed, no dangerous traps were laid. And I
thanked God for my solitude. Days passed
without bringing any change in the round of ray
life. A fortnight had elapsed since I voluntarily
separated myself from the rest of mankind, and
I not only did not regret the action, but I even
slowly became accustomed to my solitary lot.
The stores of provisions were sufficient to last
for a long time, a continual frost keeps meat
fresh, but unluckily I was not as well off in
every way ; the small amount of tobacco I had
been able to procure made me very careful of
that luxury, therefore it was but seldom that I
allowed myself the enjoyment of a pipe. Now
and then I climbed to the little window in the
ice wall. What was the sight that there met
my eyes? A snow-covered steppe, eight hovels,
and the ear assailed by the drunken cries of
THE FORTRESS OP SNOW. 319
the men who inhabited them. Far better this
omnia mea^ this half-buried hovel, this tiny yard
and these thick, impassable walls dividing me
from the world at large.
Sometimes when I look at these tall, sharply-
pointed ramparts a horrible thought strikes me.
I dread the spring.
The spring, beneath whose balmy breath
everything revives and rejoices, in which Na-
ture, dressed in its new garments, shines with
happiness and beauty, in which every living
being, drawing its clear ether, raises a thankful
voice to the Creator : to me alone in the whole
world brought the reverse of these feelings.
For I think that the rays of sunshine, carry-
ing heat and happiness to others, will melt the
protecting wall and make me once more the
prey of my lawless neighbours.
I try as much as possible to divert my
thoughts from this dreadful fact, to keep up my
energy, and fight on with adversity. Spring is
far-off yet, winter lasts long in these Arctic
regions, and in that time much may happen. I
hope God, who remembers the smallest of his
creatures, who stretches His saving hand over
all His works, will not forget me.
Strengthening ray soul by faith in an omni-
320 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
potent Providence, I turned to my avocations,
which daily occupied me with mechanical pre-
cision. They were necessities, and as such I
did not wish to evade them. So I worked on
in the sweat of my brow and found a solace
in them and a means of escape from the melan-
choly thoughts which otherwise would have
assailed me, and led me to doubt and despair.
Another week passed. The stillness that
reigned all day was interrupted at night by a
strange kind of music. It was a serenade
which the inhabitants of the steppes gave me.
I mean the famished wolves. I loved music,
but somehow this concert failed to satisfy me ;
this constant, melancholy, monotonous howling
at night had a most depressing effect.
My unstrung imagination pictured my hut
as a great grave, and the howling as a funeral
dirge. Vainly did I try to escape from these
hallucinations, vainly I tried to rise above these
torturing visions^ the infernal music, acting upon
an unstrung, nervous system, plunged me into
the bitterest musings. Solitude, the boon of
those who fly to it to think over happy remini-
scenes, can only be bearable for the unhappy
when they are strong enough to withstand
the unhealthy whispers of despair which rise
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 321
Jouder and louder the greater the efforts made
to subdue them.
lu about a fortnight these periodical bowlings
became unbearable to me. Driven out of all
patience, I one evening took up mj gun and
sallied out to fight my tormentors. Nearing
my ramparts I looked through one of the long,
narrow holes, left open in them. My eyes,
dazzled by the light I had left, could distinguish
nothing at first. Gradually, however, I saw
large, white forms moving slowly over the
snowy plain. There were about sixty of them,
some walked slowly about sniffing the ground?
others squatted on their hind legs and were
howling most dismally ; all were well-grown,
of a whitey-grey colour, with eyes that shone
like burning coals. I put my gun through the
aperture and aimed at the nearest, the shot
went off, the animal gave a bound in the air,
and rolled over in the last convulsions.
In a moment the bowlings ceased, and the
astonished animals seemed to try to discover
the cause of such a sudden aggression. This
silence lasted but a short time. Suddenly the
Avhole herd rushed at the ice wall, but in vain ;
their claws could not pierce the hard, smooth
surface. Brought to the highest pitch of fury
VOL. I. Y
322 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
by this check, the maddened animals endea-
voured to leap over the wall, but it was too
high and their greatest bounds were unavailing.
I fired again. When the smoke cleared away I
saw one of the largest wolves dragging himself
painfully away on three legs, while he filled the
air with his cries ; his companions becoming
aware of danger, and having realised that
vengeance was unattainable, quickly abandoned
the spot.
I tried to discover some means of possessing
myself of the bodies of my fallen foes, as the
second wolf had died by this time, but it was
too difficult. I could go outside my fortress
for a few minutes and drag their bodies in, that
would have been easy enough, but I perceived
the forms of other wolves prowling about at the
distance of about two shots, who were evidently
waiting to see me appear. Had I left my hid-
ing place these creatures would have rushed
upon me, and devoured me to a certainty. And
my wish to possess myself of the furs was not
sufficiently strong to make me run such, a i-isk.
Knowing that they never go about in daylight,
I determined to await the morrow before secur-
ing my prizes, and I retired to rest.
Next morning I got up with dawn, but who
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 323
can describe my astonishment when, on looking
through the embrasures, I saw no vestige of the
two animals I had killed, and, had it not been
for the traces of blood upon the snow, 1 might
have thought that the whole affair was but the
outcome of my imagination. I at first conjec-
tured that perhaps the living wolves had
dragged away with them their dead comrades ;
but I soon became convinced that their disap-
pearance was owing to quite another reason.
Traces of human footsteps imprinted upon the
snow showed that my neighbours, having heard
the shots and guessed their cause, had appro-
priated my trophies !
Sic vos non vobis. — Such is the way of the
world.
A few days after the events I have just
narrated, an extraordinary event happened to
me, the possibility of which I had never antici-
pated. A guest came to me suddenly ! Readers,
do you fully realise the meaning of that single
w^ord? flow many hopes, conjectures, and
speculations it contains ! A guest in this desert
was an occurrence as much at variance with the
usual ways of my life that I feel bound to
explain it fully. The thing happened thus.
My landlord^ furious that I had outwitted
324 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
him and incited by his wife, had made a com-
plaint against me to the administrative govern-
ment. What the tenor of this complaint was
can be easily guessed : he tried to put my ac-
tions in the most unfavourable light, and hinted
that I intended to escape. The administrative
government, on receiving such a document^
could do no less than send a clerk to find out
the particulars. This clerk, arriving in his offi-
cial capacity, was the unforeseen guest I have
mentioned. Finding out, through the aperture
in the ice wall, who the personage was, I allow-
ed him to enter my fortress, closing the iron
doors in the face of the Soltys who was trying
to force an entrance.
In a few words I acquainted the new-comer
with the whole situation, without omitting all
the tortures I had undergone while under the
roof of the Soltys, or the dangei's that threat-
ened my life at the hands of the two criminals.
I pointed out that the law allowed exiles to
live as they liked best, either with the people
of the place or by themselves, and, finally, that
my wilful solitude could in no possible way be
construed into an attempt to escape.
The clerk agreed to the justice of my remarks,
and, pleased with the money I thought fit to
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 325
bestow upon him, reprimauded the Soltys
smartly and promised to have him punished for
representing the case in a false light. He also
advised me to write a complaint upon my own
account, begging at the same time to be trans-
ferred to a more convenient locality. As a rule
I do not like begging or complaining, but the
hope of freeing myself from an unbearable
situation made me write, but in quite another
spirit. I did not complain of my lot, I did not
beg to be transferred, but I requested in the
name of the law, which is bound to watch over
the life of every man, for a guard to protect me
from the impending danger. This report,
worded in strong language, I handed to the
clerk, who undertook to forward it on.
Man is a sociable being. One would imagine
that in these steppes, among half-savage people
with no idea of social duties, whose feelings,
crystalized by the polar snows, could not ex-
pand themselves, solitude would be preferable;
and yet such was not the case. Nature will
assert herself; man pines for man, and friendly
intercourse, however mediocre, cheers him, as
then he no longer feels alone in the world. I
alone had wished for solitude, and when 1 had
■obtained it I was satisfied. If now and then a
326 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
longing came into my heart, it was never a
wish to return into the midst of the people I
had freed myself from. Yet it was not from
misanthropy towards the world at large, but
the intense disgust which my late surroundings
had inspired. The sight of a man who did not
belong to the horde I had left, though he was
rough and uneducated, filled me with joy.
I drank in the sound of his voice, I treasured
every word which fell from his lips, and tried
to attune my soul to the thoughts and ideas of
my guest ; and though the voice was hoarse, the
ideas inartistic and backward, yet I saw it not.
This bloated, coarse face, red nose, and big,
silly mouth appeared to me pleasant and sym-
pathetic ; the clumsy movements had grace in
my eyes, and even the frequent oaths with
which he embellished his conversation had a
rough and honest humour for me.
On thinking, later on, about the feelings of
pleasure that the sight of this man had pro-
duced in me, I understood how young men,
living for some time amid lower associations,
lose gradually all characteristics of good breed-
ing and worldly polish. Solitude is so fearful,
the necessity of intercourse so absolute, that
not having any choice in one^s surroundings
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 327
and associates, and lowering oneself to their
level, insensibly ends in becoming one of them.
Impressed by these reflections, I endeavoured
to retain my guest as long as possible, but his
duties would not allow him to tarry. He went,
and the solitude to which I had before become
accustomed became still less bearable, the silence
that surrounded me was like that of the grave.
I felt a sadness I had never before experienced,
a hopelessness I had not hitherto known.
I went back to my usual avocations, but
nothing seemed to go as well as formerlj^ The
remembrance of the gruff voice of the clerk
which had resounded in my hut for a few hours
brought memories of the people I had left, and
stirred thoughts long dormant in my heart. I
went back to the past so full of disenchant-
ments and sufferings, but in which I had at
least acted and lived. My youth, my literary
struggles, my journeys in distant lands, the
deaths of dear ones, and the cruel blows of
misfortune, — I saw them all. A few moments
of happiness, together with long years of
misery, hopes and fears, sorrows with their
delusive imaginings, and, finally, this long
strife with the fate which had persecuted me —
all this, mingled in a chaos, passed before my
328 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
imagination, the smallest details of my life
stood out in bold relief, forming, as it were, a
painful prologue to a fearful epilogue. I felt
all so distinctly that I could almost imagine
that the visions were palpable.
Two angelic forms — my mother and wife —
God had taken to Himself. Now these times
are past, and remain only as painful reminis-
cences, but then with what happiness would I
have exchanged my life for one of acute suffer-
ing, could I only have lived, acted, and felt as
others.
Perhaps among the indifferent throng would
have been found one being to pity me. To find
sympathy is a balm to an unhealable wound ;
it heals it not, but it lessens the suffering.
Here no one listens to the ci-y, no one sees the
despair or guesses the torture, if illness comes
there is none to help, and death can advance
unchecked.
Sometimes I thought of Dumas' fantastic
tale of ' Monte-Cristo.' The situation of Danton
locked up in the Chateau dTfwas in some ways
like mine, yet this man with nothing around
him but four naked walls managed to pierce
through that granite grave and find a friend.
A friend ! how sweet the sound of that word.
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 329
But conlcl I follow bis example? Beyond my
•walls of ice there was the world — there were
even no one forbade me to join them, and yet I
could not leave my prison.
I had to submit to fate. To shake myself
free from such dangerous thoughts, I had
recourse to manual labour as the only means of
stilling my sick imagination. Taking up my
hatchet I commenced chopping wood. I
chopped furiously, the pieces flew in all direc-
tions, and the noise filled the stillness around
me. My strength was giving way, perspira-
tion poured down ray brow, yet I chopped on
with a savage energy, with madness, forgetful
of all around me; at last the hatchet slipped out
of my hand, and I sank senseless upon the
ground.
I know not how long I remained thus.
When I regained consciousness, the sun was
high in the horizon ; I felt feverish and had a
severe headache; I wished to rise but could not,
and it was with the greatest difficulty that I
managed to crawl to my couch.
My illness developed itself rapidly. The
thought came to me that a time might come
when I should be unable to move from my bed,
so I dragged near to me a bucket of water and
330 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
a few loaves of bread. Thus I secured myself
from death by starvation.
Help I could not expect from anywhere.
Had I even been well enough to apprise the
villagers of my state, T would not have done so.
Seeing my helpless condition they would
have consummated their designs upon me ! To
die by the knife or to be starved to death ! two
extremities !
But even choice was denied me. Voice had
failed me, and, even had I by summoning up all
my remaining strength been able to give a cry
no one would have heard me.
Thoughts sped on by fever thronged my
brain during this ilhiess, the length of which
it is impossible for me to determine ; a thous-
and different hallucinations passed before my
weary eyes. In this chaos two distinct fears
assailed me. One was the thought of my be-
loved children left orphans, and the other the
idea of dying without religious consolation.
I had no help — it is impossible to fight
against fate — and awaiting death I prayed
earnestly to God. And God had pity upon me.
After a long time, during which I remained
powerless and unconscious, hovering between
life and death, I felt health returning. This re-
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 331
action manifested itself by a very strong feel-
ing of hunger. During my short periods of
consciousness I had nourished myself only
with bread and water. I now thought
of procuring some more substantial food.
I tried to rise, but found it impossible.
People surrounded by the luxuries of life can
be ill in peace, as they are always certain of
having some one near who will attend to their
wants. Anyone so forsaken as I was cannot
prolong his sickness, he must rise in spite of
will or wish, and necessity endues with artificial
strength where natural has faded.
Not being strong enough to rise, I crawled
to the fireplace; there I found some of my
stores, a little wood, and a bucketful of water.
With great pain and labour I managed to
obtain warm food.
Having satisfied my hunger I felt stronger,
new courage animated my heart, and falling
down on my knees I thanked God for having
saved me. From that time, each succeeding
day brought me new strength, convalescence
that passing from sickness to health was un-
known to me, fight for subsistence superseded
it.
And perhaps it was better so. If necessity
332 SIBERIAN PICTURES.
stood at the bedside of all those who have en-
dured illness, there would not be that long list
of suffering ones who prolong their illness by
weakness born of inaction. In a few days I
recovered completel}", but having lost all count
of time I was unable to know the days of the
week. And the days flowed on with the old
monotony. Soon, however, kind fate sent me a
companion in the shape of a little black dog,
who one day, trying to escape the ill-treatment
of his master, came howling up to the iron
gates as if begging for protection. I opened
joyfully and welcomed the poor little brute,
whose fate was so like mine, and the animal
returned my kindness by a love and fidelity far
beyond anything found among men.
I called him 'Ami/ and he was in truth my
onl}^ friend, the only being who shared my
solitude. I found an unspeakable pleasure in
watching the gambols with which he tried to
charm my grief. I delighted in his marks of
affection, and I sometimes addressed him as I
would a human being. At the sound of my voice
he invariably answered with a loud bark. If
ever one of you, my readers, has laughed at the
love of solitary old-maids for dumb animals,
you did wrong; rather pity such demonstrations.
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 333
Great must be that hunger of the heart which,
when thrown back upon itself, has to seek in
the love of au animal the forgetfulness of
deluded hopes.
Several weeks passed thus, things went on as
usual. One day the sun, rising higher on the
horizon, gave more heat ; birds were twittering
merrily, welcoming the first return of spring,
the air was filled with perfume heralding the
awakening of Nature. Alarmed at these signs
I ran to my ramparts. The ice wall stood
immoveable, but upon its glassy surface ran
drops of water. AVith grief and dismay I con-
templated this natural effect of heat and the
small drops running down seemed to me bitter
tears. I stood long buried in thought when
suddenly the noise of cracking ice filled the
air, and looking up I perceived a narrow crevice
at the top of my wall.
I knew it must end this way, but oh, why so
soon ! All that I had endured was as nothing in
comparison with the feeling of terror which this
sight awoke in me. Imagining what was in
store for me when the sun's rays melted my
protecting barrier, I felt a sensation akin to
despair. Imagination brought before my eyes
a long array of bloody, savage, terrible pictures.
334 SIBERIAX PICTURES.
1 turned sorrowfall}'- back into my hut.
Mechanically I seized my gun and examined it
attentively. I could not build hopes of security
upon such a weak means of defence_, yet the
sight of the weapon strengthened my failing
spirits. At least I could sell my life dearly.
I still held my gun in my hand, when I heard
a great noise outside the ramparts. It was the
sound of human voices, the ringing of post-
bells, and a loud knocking at the iron gate. I
was at the entrance in a second. Oh, joy !
The people I saw were some government
officials getting out of a post-sleigh, accom-
panied by two Cossacks on horseback.
No star that ever shone in the sky and point-
ed out the road to the lost traveller, gave more
happiness than I felt at the sight of the golden
stars which shone upon the caps and uniforms of
my deliverers. The finale of the drama was now
at hand. These officials were sent in answer to
my petition, and conducted their inquiries hon-
estly, justly, and energetically.
The two convicts, who were strongly sus-
pected of evil designs against me, were sent to
another village in the close vicinity of a police-
station. The Soltys lost his post on account
of incapacity, false representations, and drunk-
THE FORTRESS OF SNOW. 335
enuess ; aucl I was allowed to settle in the popu-
lous and wealthy village of Balachta.
With one of these officials, Mr. K , I be-
came well acquainted. In the varied events of
my life in Siberia, I had frequent opportunities
of meeting him, and in every case his probity
and right-mindedness secured me from many
evils that my position exposed me to. Even
now, after the lapse of many years, our friend-
ship has remained unimpaired ; only a short
time ago in writing to me Mr. K mentioned
the circumstances of our first meeting and of
my refuge in the snowy fortress.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
LONDON: PRINTED BY DDNCAN >LA.CDON;lLD, BLENHEIM HOUSE.
DATE DUE
m^ s 18
35
HIGHSMITH 45- 102
PRINTED IN U.S.A.
3 1210 00575 0326
| siberianpictures01niem | OL17995947M | OL11417287W | 354 | 1,883 |
en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | The place-names of England and Wales
author: Johnston, James B. (James Brown), b. 1862
ru
"Bi
>3^
t
PURCHASED FROM THE INCOME OF THE
JOSIAH H. BENTON FUND
^
THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND
AND WALES
TO
Sm JAMES A. H. MURRAY
HARDEST OF WORKERS
AS A MEMENTO OF A CONNEXION
OF OVER THIRTY YEARS
THE. PLACE -NAMES OF
ENGLAND AND WALES
BY THE REV. JAMES B. JOHNSTON, M.A., B.D.
•I
AUTHOR OF ' THE PLACE-NAMES OF SCOTLAND '
LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1915
^^
Or
^
^
PREFACE
A FEW words of preface seem necessary, especially for the sake of
those who wish to make serious use of this book. Let it, then,
be clearly understood at the outset that it makes no attempt or
pretence at completeness. In so vast a subject this would scarcely
be possible for any man, no matter how accomplished or favourably
situated. Least of all has it been possible for the writer, a busy
minister working absolutely single-handed in a Scottish provincial
town, with the oversight of a large congregation which has had the
first claim upon all his time and energy and has always received it.
Why, then, attempt such a task at all ? Because it seemed so needful
to be done. No proper conspectus of the whole subject has appeared
hitherto ; and the writer does think that through the gatherings of
fully twenty years he has been able to do something. He would
humbly hope he may receive a little thanks for what he has done,
rather than censure — all too easy to utter — ^for what he has left
undone. Every student may at once discover omissions, perhaps
a good many mistakes also, though the writer has done Ms
best : he can only cherish, the hope that at least he has made the
pathway easier for the more thorough men who are sure to come
after.
CJonsultation of works only to be found in large libraries —
Domesday, the O.E. charters, the RoUs, and Chroniclers — ^has all
had to be done during brief and occasional visits to Edinburgh and
Glasgow, where even the best libraries are far from perfect in this
respect. Still, one has been able to gleam not a few valuable forms,
especially from the more recent issues of the Close and Patent Rolls
(which have hardly been touched by others yet), and from several
of the early chroniclers. Unless it be in the notes to Anecdota
Oxoniensia, next to nothing of permanent value on English place-
names appeared until so recently as 1901, when the lamented Dr.
Skeat issued his brochure on Cambs. The gazetteers and guide-
books, even the best of them, are nearly all useless on our subject;
generally a great deal worse than useless from a scientific point of
view: and we cannot even exclude the latest edition of the Encyclo"
pcedia Britannica. But invaluable help has been received from the
numerous works of Dr. Skeat, and from not a little private corre-
spondence with him, in which the Cambridge professor of Anglo-
Saxon showed himself aboundingly generous, up to within a fort-
night of his death. Much is owed both to the books and to the
private help of the late Mr. Duignan, who was also most kind. One of
vi ^PREFACE
the best place-name books yet issued is Wyld and Hirst's book on
Lancashire, to which the writer is very deeply indebted. The book
is marred only by a few serious omissions (like Bacup), and by a
rather overfondness for Scandinavian, and an oversuspiciousness of
Keltic origins, which occasionally leads to curious results, as in the
case of CJondover. Mr. M'Clure's book has been found to contain
much splendid material with some weak admixture. Baddeley's
Gloucester is a first-rate bit of work; the writer's only regret is
that it came so late into his hands. He has a similar regret with
regard to the work of Dr. Mutschmann. Several others, containing
valuable information, were unf ortimately issued just before or after
his own MS. was completed in November, 1913; they will be found
in the BibHography. The stern exigencies of space have forbidden
many other acknowledgments of indebtedness.
The number of Domesday forms given is by no means complete,
and the identification in a few cases may be a little uncertain owing
to lack of local knowledge. But the iiiformation given is certainly
fuller than is available elsewhere. All village names not important
enough to be mentioned in the Postal Guide have been passed over,
except in cases of special interest. Postal Guide spellings have
usually been taken as the standard.
Wales has been a great difficulty. Accessible and trustworthy
literature has proved very scarce (see p. 66). Letters have been
exchanged with a number of kindly correspondents; but hardly
anybody has been found able and wiUing to give real help, except
that excellent antiquary, Mr. Palmer of Wresbam, and Sir Edward
Anwyl, whose all too scanty commimications have proved of
great value. As to Cornwall, the writer worked diligently for
three weeks in the Public Library at Fahnouth, and was fortu-
nate in being able to supplement his studies from the valuable
Cornish library of the Rev. Wilfrid Rogers. R. 0. Heslop, Esq.,
of Newcastle, has given useful hints about names in Northumber-
land, and Rev. Charles E. Johnston, of Seascale, has helped with
those of Cumberland. Numerous other correspondents must be
gratefidly acknowledged in a body. Their help has been none
the less real, and the writer's gratitude is just as hearty, though
it is impossible to mention all their names.
Professor Ernest Weekley, of Nottingham, our best living authority
on English personal names, has read all the proofs and has enriched
nearly every page with some valuable suggestion, though, of course,
he is responsible for no statement in the book. The writer tenders
to him his warmest thanks. Fresh information and accredited
corrections of any kind will always be welcome.
JAMES B. JOHNSTON.
St. Andrew's Manse, Falkirk.
June 15, 1914.
CONTENTS
PAGE
PEEFAOB - - - - - - - - V
CHAPTER
I. THE USE AND VALUE OF PLACE-NAME STUDY - - - 1
n. BOMAN AND LATIN NAMES ...... 4:
m. THE KELTIC ELEMENT ...... 7
PROVISIONAL LIST OF KELTIC PLACE-NAMES IN ENGLAND - 18
IV. THE ENGLISH ELEMENT - - - - - - 23
THE COMMON ELEMENT - - - - - - 34
V. THE SCANDINAVIAN ELEMENT - - - - - 36
VI. THE ENDINGS ....... 46
Vn. THE NORMAN ELEMENT - - - - - - 63
Vin. THE NAMES OF WALES, MONMOUTH, AND CORNWALL - - 66
IX. PHONETIC NOTES ON THE ALPHABET AND ITS MUTATIONS IN
ENGLISH PLACE-NAMES - - - - - - 81
LIST OP THE CHIEP PLACE-NAMES IN ENGLAND AND WALES, WITH
EXPLANATIONS - - - - - - - 87
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....... 628
INDEX TO PLACES NOT DEALT WITH IN THEIR ALPHABETIC ORDER 529
INDEX OP SUBJECTS AND PERSONAL NAMES - - - 631
VU
THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND
AND WALES
INTEODUCTION
CHAPTER I
THE USE AND VALUE OF PLACE-NAME STUDY
To many this needs an apologia; it is such a useless, dry as -
dust study this, they say. And yet the apologia is easUy writ,
because : —
1. Place-name study helps to satisfy a widespread and very
natural curiosity; and everything which helps to satisfy a
legitimate and intelligent curiosity is good, and deserves some
meed of commendation, not a frown. But this, if the first is
perhaps the lowest of the uses, we shall name.
2. It is one of the most valuable and readily available of our
sidehghts on history. The history of the far past is as a rule
dim enough, and needs every beam of light, even the faintest,
which we can throw upon it. In England, it so happens, we
have records of place-names in abundance long before we
have regular history in abundance. Often where the direct
record is of the meagrest, the most tantahzingly scanty sort,
place-names may be practically the only definite evidence we
have on certain important points. The early history of Cum-
berland is a good case in point. Moreover, place-names help
much to indicate the breadth and depth of the impact of the
foreign invader, and England had invaders not a few.
3. Our study helps not a little to reveal and illustrate racial
idiosyncrasies, modes of thought, feeling, and taste. Tastes
Keltic were, and are, very different from tastes Saxon. Our
names, e.g., show what men or class of men each race admired
1
2 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
and revered most, the men whose memories they sought most
eagerly to perpetuate. In the case of Angle, Saxon, and Dane,
they tell at least a Httle, perhaps not a great deal, as to who
were their favourite heroes ; whilst in the case of the Kelt they
show who were his favourite saints. The bluff Saxon seldom
troubled himself much about saints, at least so far as to
enshrine them in a place-name; though one or two instances,
Hke Chadkebk or Kewstoke, might be cited to the contrary.
4. It gives most valuable evidence as to the processes of
phonetic change and decay, and the lines on which those changes
proceed. The laws, once found and firmly estabhshed, are
weUnigh as sure and helpful as those in the most exact of the
physical sciences. It is often of extreme interest to the
philologer to trace these sound-changes; and our place-name
records often afford valuable supplement to the dictionary,
supplying missing links, and giving, in a good many cases,
earlier evidence of the use of a word than any surviving literary
record. Examples of this will be found passim (see, e.g..
Bishop Burton, Hatheeleigh, Reach, Rye, etc.).
5. Lastly, we need not hesitate to add, the study of place-
names is a useful discipline, a taxing exercise of scholarly
patience, in a department where much has already been done,
but where a vast amount of hard work still awaits the doer.
In a much-traversed, much-contested territory like England
and Wales, the student needs to remove each successive layer
of names as carefully, and to scrutinize them as dihgently, as a
Fhnders Petrie when he is digging down into one of Egypt's
ancient cemeteries, or as a Macalister exploring one of the
great rubbish mounds at Gezer or Lachish, And the place-
name student has his own little joys of discovery,^ his own
thrills over a much-tangled skein at last unravelled, as weU as
a Schliemann at Mycense, or a Flinders Petrie at Abydos. He
also has his own sure retribution if he neglect the laws of his
1 E.g., Professor Kuno Meyer's recent discovery, in an old Irish
MS., of the name ' Ard Echdi' (height of the horse), the exact Irish
or Gaelic equivalent of the Epidion akron of Ptolemy, c. a.d. 160,
Ard Echdi is said to be ' in Kintyre,' which confirms the supposition
long since made, that Ptolemy's name stood for the Mull of Kintyre.
This diccovery also confirms our belief in Ptolemy's accuracy, whilst it
shows that, in his day, Kintyre was inhabited by Kelts of the p group,
not by Kelts of the c or 1c group, as all Scottish Kelts are at this day.
INTRODUCTION 3
study, and dogmatize upon unsufficient evidence. Bad guesses
are sure to bring to him shame and confusion. But in this
study sober conjecture is not to be despised, even if it afterwards
prove wrong. It is often the only resource which lies open.
But one must use aU the evidence available, and one must know
and remember the rules, which nine out of every ten place-name
guessers do not.
CHAPTER II
ROMAN AND LATIN NAMES
Written record of British history before the arrival of Julius
Caesar's legions in 55 B.C. there is all but none. True, the
Cassiterides — i.e., ' tin islands ' — are referred to by Herodotus,
the father of history himself, as well as by Strabo ; and these
Cassiterides must have included part of the mainland of
Cornwall as well as the Scilly Isles. There is a Cassiter Street
in Bodmin at this day. The general name, Britain,^ also
goes back to Aristotle. For the rest there yawns a vast
blank.
On Rome in Britain we shaU be very brief; the subject has
already been discussed so often, with such fulness and care,
by more competent pens. We get many names in England
in Ptolemy's weU- known Geography, written in Greek c.
A.D. 150. So far as Britain is concerned it is not first-hand
knowledge, but a pure compilation, and, except in the case
of a few rivers, Ptolemy's names can rarely be identified with
certainty with names stiU in use. We get a large number of
town names along the routes given in the Antonine Itinerary, a
document only put into its final shape c. a.d. 380. We get
a good many more in the Notitia Dignitatum, which dates about
twenty years later. All the evidence afforded by these, our
three chief authorities for Roman names in England, will be
found set forth and discussed in scholarly fashion in M'Clure's
British Place-Names. Of course, we have a few names, a
mere handful, which come in earUer. Only in very rare cases
do these represent names which still survive. Caesar gives us
Cantium or Kent, Tameses or Thames, Mona or Man. Vectis
or Wight goes back to PHny, a.d. 77. His name for England
* The printing of a name in capitals always means. See details in
the List.
4
INTEODUCTION 5
is Albion, possibly ' the white (L. alhus) land,' from the white
chalk cliffs about Dover. Tacitus, a little later than Pliny, is
the first to mention Londinium or London, and the Sabrina or
Severn, also a R. Avona (probable reading), and that is about
all— a very meagre array. The Roman Itineraries cover the
whole country from the Scottish Border to Exeter, or Isca
Damnoniorum. Rome made little mark S. and W. of that.
But the Itinerary names are seldom identifiable with existing
names, and have given rise to endless controversy. A good
many of them will be found discussed in our List, s.v. Carlisle,
Dover, Manchester, Worcester, and the like. But the names
which have come down to us from pre-Saxon times, though
writ in Latin, are practically all Keltic, or pre-Keltic, and so
faU, properly, to be dealt with in our next chapter.
Chester or Caistor, as we find it alone, -caster, -cester, or
-Chester as we find it in combination, is usually thought to be
the sure sign manual of the Roman, and proof of the existence
of a former castra, camp, or fort. But numerous though these
' caster ' names be^ none of them reaUy go back as names to
Roman times. Names like Alia Castra for Alcester are spurious
inventions. Chester itself comes in as a name quite late, and
few if any 'casters ' are earher than the beginnings of the O.E.
Chronicle. Gloucester is found in a grant of 681 as Gleawe-
ceasdre, and Worcester is nearly as early. Thus, -caster.
O.E. ceaster, is a Saxon rather than a Roman appellative.
There are also one or two names which embody the L. colonia,
*a settlement,' usually of veteran soldiers. Lincoln is cer-
tainly a case in point, and Colchester, O.E. Colenceaster, is
confidently given as another, with fair reason too. But
very possibly it means no more than ' camp on the R. Colne,'
and this river name must be Keltic or pre-Keltic. In either
case the present names, Lincoln and Colchester, seem to have
been of Saxon, not of Roman, make.
Thus, of real Latin names in England there are almost none.
Skeat wiU not even admit Speen, Berks, to be the L. Spinse.
But Catterick, S. Yorks, is known to be the L. cataracta or
'waterfall,' and Pontefract is the same region, though first
found in Norman documents, may have come down all the
way from the Romans. But Centurion's Copse, Brading, is a
siUy modem corruption for ' St. Urian's copse ' ; and Aquilate,
6 THE PLACE-NAMES OP ENGLAND AND WALES
Staffs, is not Aqua lata, but comes from Aquila, Latin rendering
of the Norman smuame L'Aigle. Monkish Latin has certainly
had to do with a few of om: present names. Monksilver, e.g.',
must be from silva, ' a wood ' ; Merbvalb is Mira valle, and
Gaia Lane, Lichfield, is med. Latin for 'jay,' Nor. Fr. gai, gay;
whilst the earliest known spelling of Devizes seems to be
Divisis, which we venture to translate — the Latin is barbarous
— place ' at the borders ' or * divisions.' The history of Atjst
is also very interesting.
The great fact remains that in Britain, unlike neighbouring
Gaul or Spain, no Roman language has been spoken for 1,500
years. The Britons kept, and still keep, their own mother-
tongue. Only a few townsfolk and wealthier landowners would
ever speak Latin at all. Hence it is that this chapter so soon
comes to an end.
CHAPTER ni
THE KELTIC ELEMENT
Of all the problems connected with the place-names of England
there are few so interesting or so intricate as those connected
with the Keltic element — how much, or perhaps we should
rather say, how Uttle, of the old British speech stiU survives
in Enghsh place-names. On this subject much nonsense has
been asserted, even by learned men who ought to have known
better, or who, at any rate, should have been more careful
about their facts before making such large claims for the Keltic
element as they have. The truth is, the deeper and the more
thorough the investigation, the smaller seems the sure Keltic
residuum, whilst very small indeed now is the group of names
of which we can make nothing sure at aU, though convinced
that they must either be Keltic or pre-Keltic. There must be
several pre-Keltic names in Wales, but in England they are
confined chiefly, and possibly altogether, to a handful of river
names. There are, e.g., two or three names in Cheshire which
are hard nuts to crack, rivers like the Biddle, Bollin, Croco,
and Etherow ; whilst Kennet, a river name in both Berks and
Cambs, is another of the rare insolubles. It is such an age since
these long-skulled, dark-haired, dark-eyed pre-Kelts (probably
also pre- Aryans) ceased to speak their own tongue on British
soil, that their names, as weU as everything else belonging to
them, except a few skuUs, have been practically wiped out;
and time spent in speculating on their language or their names
can be little else than time wasted.
Not a great many centuries before Julius Caesar, the great
Aryan family of Kelts began to arrive on our shores. The
Goidels or Gaels, because to-day in force in Northern Scotland,
Ireland, and Man, must, it is generally supposed, have arrived
first. But of Goidels in England we now know exceedingly
7
8 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
little. Their very existence there, once upon a time, is proved
by not much else than a few inscriptions, commonly called
Ogams. There have been none fomid E. of Devon or Wales,
only one in Cornwall, and barely fifty altogether. But these
Ogams can only date from late in the Roman occupation, and
seem to suggest that the makers of them had crossed over from
the S. of Ireland, perhaps from about Waterford, to Pembroke.
There was also an Irish invasion or immigration into Cornwall
in early historic times. But of the earliest Goidels in England
we know almost nothing. Next came the Brythons, the p
group as scholars caU them, as opposed to the k or q group, the
Goidels. Comparison of the abundant remaining skuUs of the
Neohthic Age in Belgium and in England, seems to indicate
that the English Kelts we know best came from the tribe of
the Belgae, and crossed over to us where the sea was narrowest.
The Belgae were akin to the Gauls, and the Gauls were un-
doubtedly nearer of kin to the Brython than to the Gael, so
far as their very scanty linguistic remains show. The Picts,
who were akin to the Brythons, especially to the Cornish, seem
to have been confined to Scotland, though in Searle's Onomasti-
con we find nine names of men compounded with Peoht or
Pict — e.g., Peoht-hehn, -red, -wine, -wulf, etc.
However, over a large area of England we now know for
certain that there are next to no Keltic names at all. Where a
competent investigator has been at work, like Dr. Skeat
among the names of Berks, Cambs, or Herts, W6 can now say
confidently that there are no surviving Keltic names except
those of two or three rivers; a very different story this from
what was supposed not so very long ago. AU over the S.B.
of England, and indeed in the whole region along the coast
from Tyne to Solent, Keltic names are extremely rare. It is
doubtful if in that section there be thirty such names all
told. In Lincoln, Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Middlesex, Surrey,
Sussex, the Keltic element seems represented by only five,
three, or possibly even one name each ; for in Middlesex, apart
from London and Thames, which it shares with x)ther counties,
what is there save Brent ? In the Midlands, too, Keltic
names are few and far between, except on the Welsh border.
In Bucks, Bedford, Oxford, Warwick, there are next to none.
And what is stranger and more unexpected, even in the far
INTRODUCTION 9
N., in Westmorland and Durham, hardly a single true
British name survives. Of the original English Goidel our
place-names preserve scarce one footprint. It is doubtful if in
all England, outwith the borders of Northumberland and
Cumberland, there can be picked out a single clearly Goidelic
name,^ and, of course, the Border names are probably due to
the filtering S. of the Scottish Gael,
On the other hand, as is well known, in districts where the
Saxon invader arrived late, in Cornwall, 'the horn of the
Welsh,' and in Monmouth, Keltic names are still in an over-
whelming majority. In Cornwall there are perhaps no true
Enghsh names of any consequence, except modem upstarts
like New Quay, and two names on the very eastern edge —
Launceston and Saltash. Next to Cornwall and Monmouth,
the region for Keltic names is, very naturally, that along the
Welsh border, and in what was the old Brythonic kingdom of
Cumbria — i.e., Lancashire and Cumberland — also, as we have
already noted, all along the Scottish Border. In Hereford,
Salop, and Cheshire, and in these three northern counties,
Welsh names (or Gaelic names) of rivers, of hills too, and vil-
lages and towns, are still fairly plentiful. Many river names in
Devon and Somerset, and quite a handful in Stafford, are
Keltic ; so also is a fairly numerous group of towns or villages
in Somerset and Dorset. Whenever we find such village
names surviving, it is pretty clear proof that extermination or
driving out of the Brython at the hand of Saxon or Angle
had not been so swift or ruthless as in most other parts. It
is curious, however, that Keltic village names are so lacking
in Devon.
It is the Welsh dictionary which is our chief aid in searching
out the Keltic names. English Keltic names are certainly for
the most part of Brythonic type. But, as we have abeady
noted, near the Scots Border we have a few purely Goidelic,
interesting as showing that the present Border was once upon
a time by no means the southern border of the Gael. There is
a W. glyn as well as a G. gleann ; but we can scarcely err in
1 Perhaps the best attempt has been, to show the Gr. crioch, cricTie,
' boundary, limit,' in the nimierous names in, Creech and Crick, and
even Penkridge. But the evidence which will be found s.v. Creech,
Crick, Crickhowell, etc., seems conclusive against it.
2
10 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
holding that all the Glens in Northumberland are of Gaelic
origin. Near Haltwhistle alone we find three — a Glencune,
a Glendhu, and a Glenwhelt. Glencune reappears in Cumber-
land, near Ullswater, as Glencoin. Both are clearly derived
from the G. cumhann or comhann, with the mh mute through
' eclipse,' as it is called. Glencoe, the far-famed, has the same
origin; it is spelt Glencoyne in 1500, and Glencoan in 1623.
Another Glen, with a very Highland smack about it, lies E. of
Keswick, Glenderamackin, which is pure Gaehc for ' glen of
the stream with the bulbs or parsnips.'
The Kielder Water near the Northumberland border is as
clearly G. caol dohhar {bh mute), ' narrow-stream.' The G. ao in
names has run through nearly all the vowel sounds. We have
it taking on the long ee of Kielder away up in Eddrachilis,
W. Sutherland, pronounced Eddraheelis, G. eadar-a-chaolais,
'between the straits or narrows.' Pure Gaehc, too, is
Mindrum, Coldstream, G. min druim, ' smooth hill ridge.' In
Cumberland such names are rarer, but we have a few very
interesting samples, like Cardurnock, on the shore S. of Bow-
ness, G. cathair [th mute) dornaig, ' fort at the pebbly place, '
the same word as Dornock on the other side of the Solway,
and as the better known Dornoch in the far north. Culgaith,
Penrith, is unmistakable Gaelic too, cul gaoiih, ' at the back of
the wind,' the ih being preserved here, whilst in Gaehc for many
a generation th has gone dumb. As already noted, of clearly
GaeUc names farther south there are perhaps none at all, unless
it be Cannock.
By far the most important group of Keltic names in England
are the names of rivers. No first-class river in England, abso-
lutely none in Wales, has an Enghsh name. One writer
instances as probably Enghsh these six — Eamont, Loxley,
Swift, Waveney, Witham, and Wyth-burn. The first three, all
quite small streams, probably are ; and, as we shall see by-and-
by, there are plenty more. But the last three we may pretty
confidently conclude to be Keltic (see the List). Why the
rivers should be so tenaciously Keltic it is not quite easy to say,
for the same rule by no means holds true about the other
unchanging natural features of the land, the hills, the bays,
etc. But a hill belongs to one district only, a river of any size
to several. It would thus be fairly easy to change the name
INTRODUCTION 11
of a^ hill, but to change the name of a river would often have
caused great confusion, and so the Saxons kept the old names
on, and adapted their tongues to them as best they could.
It is worthy of note how intensely commonplace and un-
imaginative the bulk of our river names are. When examined
they are very often found to mean 'river ' or 'water,' and
nothing more. Phonetics, not imagination, has lent the
variety. To take the commonest first, the name Avon;
there are seven Avons in all, three of them tributaries of the
one R. Severn. The earliest known form, that of Tacitus,
Avona, already gives us the spelling of to-day; but reference
to the List will show that spellings with h and / pro v are early
found too, clearly showing the connection between W. afon
and G. abhuinn or ohhuinn, both meaning ' river, ' and nothing
more. In England Avon is generally pronounced with d, but
sometimes, as in Shakespeare's Avon, with ce. In Scotland
we find the same thing, the pronimciation usually avon, but
in S. Lanarkshire always sevon, as in Strathseven or Straeven.
This last pronunciation is also seen in fair Ravenglass, S.
Cumberland, of which many absurd and law-defying interpre-
tations are current, but which is simply W. yr afon glas, ' the
greenish ' or ' bluish river.' We probably get it again in the
Norfolk R. Waveney, where a common EngHsh diminutive
ending has tacked itself on. In Scotland, but not in England,
the G. amhuinn or ohhuinn reappears more than once as
Almond. *In England, however, we have various other forms.
In Salop the root shows itself in Ouny or Onney, and we have
it again in the Oun-dle of Northants, Bede's Un-dalum, forms
paralleled in old Keltic Gaul, as in the Garonne, Rhone,
Saone, and the like, whilst with Ouny we may also compare
own, the pronunciation of G. abhuinn in some districts; and
the form Onn-ey {EngHsh diminutive ending) probably has its
parallel in such a f amihar Scottish name as Carr-on.
Still more protean in its shapes is that root for ' water ' or
'river,' variously spelt in different regions. Axe, Esk, Exe,
Usk; the Romans spelt both Exe and Usk, Isca, and Ux-bridge
certainly. Ox-ford possibly, represents the same word. This is
the old Keltic uisc, the G. uisge, as in the famous usquebaugh
or ' eau de vie.' Simeon of Durham (c. 1130) writes of Exeter
as ' Britannice Cairuisc, Latine Civitas Aquarum.' Whitley
12 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
Stokes held that Esk is Pictish, cognate with O.Ir. esc, ' marsh,
fen.' But in face of the evidence, it seems very superfluous
to talk of Pictish in England, even in S. Cumberland (R. Esk
and Eskdale). We cannot prove that Ox- in Oxford is the
same root ; stiU it is quite likely that Oxford, R. Ock, Berks,
and Ockbrook, Derbyshire, are all cognates. The Latin name
of the Thames at Oxford is Isis, already so given by Leland
c. 1550, but exactly 200 years earlier we find it in Higden's
Polychronicon as Ysa. It seems most likely that Isis also is
related to uisc and to the R. Ouse. A plausible O.E. origin
can be suggested for the Ouse, which is partly confirmed by
the forms given under Great Ouse. But Oxnam, on the
Roxburgh border, though already, c. 1150, Oxeneham, stands
upon a Httle burn called the Ousenan ; and this hiUy region can
never have been very suitable for oxen, so that Ox- as weU as
Ouse, which appears four times in England, may well mean
' river ' too.
The Cheshire Dee, Ptolemy's Deva, the modem W. Dwfr
Dwy {' two rivers '), likewise means ' river,' whilst the R. Dove,
Derby, and R. Dovey or Dyfi, S. Wales, are both forms of
this W. dwfr or dwr, O.W. dvhr ; and the same root, W. dwr, or
G. dobhar {bh mute), is also seen as forming half of such stream
names as Adder or Adur (there are three such rivers), J5erwent
(three also), Darwen, and Kielder. The Westmorland R.
Lowther is probably but Keltic for ' canal ' or ' trench.' The
R. Aide, Suffolk, seems cognate with the G. allt, ' a burn,' seen
pure and simple in the Alt, Lanes, and as a compound in many
a Scots name — Aldourie, Garvald, etc. Then Wey, a river-
name both in Surrey and in Dorset, is plainly W. gwy, ' a river,'
especially a slow-flowing one, probably seen again in the Suther-
land G. uidh. And, of course, we have the same root in the
R. Wye, Domesday's Waia, and in the Gowy, a httle Cheshire
tributary of the Mersey. Tyne, too, may mean ' river ' and
little more. All this, when summed up, forms a remarkable
mass of evidence in proof of the statement with which we
began, that EngUsh river names very often mean plain ' river '
or 'stream,' nothing else.
Again, there is a considerable group of names which mean
simply ' quiet, smooth,' or, possibly, ' broad river.' The forms
in the group vary a good deal — Taff (and Llan-daff), Tame
INTRODUCTION 13
(and Tam-worth), Tamar, Tavy, Taw, Teme (tributary of
Severn), Thame, Thames;' almost certainly Tone (and Taun-
ton) and Tweed, too. A similar group is formed by the three
rivers, Leven, Lanes, Leaven, Yorks, and Levant, S.W. Sussex,
aU from W. ttev, which likewise means ' smooth ' ; but these
EngUsh Levens can hardly have the same origin as the many
Levens {q.v.) of Scotland. As for the rest of our Keltic river
names, many of them are very hard to explain, and a good
many may remain for ever insoluble, their history has been so
completely lost. Only a few English river names — Ribblb,
e.g. — can confidently be claimed as evidence of the certainly
widespread river- worship of our Keltic ancestors. What there
is to say will best be noted in our chapter on Wales. Rivers
like the Lug, a case in point, are common to both.
If the meaning of our river names be often difficult to
unravel, we are in a far worse plight about many of the names
of our most conspicuous hills and mountains, largely because
in so many cases we have no early record of the spelling, and
sa we have been deHvered over to much guesswork, more or
less sober. Nobody, e.g., seems to know where the name
Pennines came from, and about such an attractive name as
Helvellyn we can only make guesses. But, as with the rivers
so with the heights, many of our Keltic hiU names either mean
simply 'height,' or else are compoimds including that. S.g-,
the W. mynydd, ' hill, ' may crop up alone in Mint, Westmorland,
and Munet, Salop, ^ but it is surer in compounds, such as
Long-mynd, Ok-ment Hill (Devon), and Stad-ment (Here-
ford). Brean, on the Somerset coast, is but the plural of W.
hre, ' a hiU, a brae ' ; and the Northumberland Carrick, like its
Scottish and L^ish kindred, means simply an outstanding rock,
whilst Tor in Torbay and Torquay, Cat Tor, etc., is another
word for ' a (tower-like) hiU.'
There are two places called simply Penn, which is W. for
'head, height,' very common in Cornwall too. This fenn in
combination recurs in numerous cases from Cumberland to
Worcester and Somerset. The Chevin, Yorks, is a manifest
corruption of W. cefn, ' a ridge ' ; whilst the Peak of Derbyshire
is one of our very oldest names, and almost undoubtedly British,
though, curiously enough, we can only make shots at its
1 On the Forest of Dean Meends, see Baddeley, Gloucestersh., app. iii.
See also Mindton,
14 THE PLAC^-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
meaning. The inquirer ought to consult the Oxford Dictionary,
8.V. Names in England (not in Scotland) with the prefix Dun-
are almost always Saxon, not Keltic ; but we get the Keltic or
W. form in Dinmore Hill, Hereford, W. din mawr, 'big hill,'
whilst Dinder, Wilts, is apparently din dwr, ' hill by the river.'
Moel, the W. for ' a bold, conical hill,' G. maol, is very common
in W. hill names; but we probably see it also in the Cumber-
land Millbreak, ' speckled hill,' and in Malvern, ' hill of alders,'
whilst the Lickey Hills near by do but give us the W. llechau,
pi. of Uech, ' a rock, a stone.' Pure Welsh hill names have
seldom survived amongst English shires, but there is one con-
spicuous exception in Pennygant, a name of many modern,
but few or no ancient, spellings, representing either penn y
gwant, ' height of the butt or mark,' or y gwynt, ' of the winds.'
The well-known Somerset Quantocks yield us a very interesting
name. In an old charter long before the Conquest they are
spelt Cantuc, in Dom. Cantoche, which is at once decipherable
as W. cant uch, ' upper, higher circle.'
As to valleys, we have several examples of the Keltic glen in
Northumberland, and at least one, GLEisrconN", in Cumberland.
Besides it is now generally admitted that the common English
combe is a loan- word from the W. cwm, ' a hollow ' ; and this
last is still to be seen in quite a group of names in Cumberland.
Unfortunately, in this former home of the Brythons, surviving
evidence, dating before the twelfth century, is exceedingly
scanty. Indeed the only Cumberland Cum- which seems to
be known early is Cumdivock, found in one of the very few
early charters, c. 1080, as Combedeyfoch. The prefix; here
certainly wears its English form, but the name seems, pure
Keltic none the less. We cannot identify deyfoch with any
English root. Except Cumcatch ('vaUey of Caecca '), and
probably Cumwhitton, all the rest of the Cums- appear Keltic —
Cumlongan, Cumrangan, Cumraw, Cum whin- ton, and the rest.
On our sea-coast the after-coming and more sea-loving
Saxon and Norseman have allowed the Kelt to leave little
mark. Of inlets of any consequence with Keltic names there are
very few, the chief exceptions being the Humber, which must
be an aspirated form of Cumber, W. cymmer, 'a confluence,'
and the Solent, another difficult name, though probably con-
taining the Keltic sol, ' tide.' Morecambe Bay is plainly a repro-
INTRODUCTION 15
duction of Ptolemy's MopiKa/x^i], but the name seems to have
appeared, or reappeared, quite recently, and must be due to
the antiquaries, a very rare state of matters with a place-name.
When now we proceed to town and village names, we do
find a considerable number indisputably Keltic, but not nearly
so many as has commonly been thought. Still, a few of the
very greatest names in England, both in Church and State,
are Keltic, not Teutonic : London, to begin with, and York and
Carlisle, with Jarrow and Truro a little less notable; great
travellers' rendezvous also like Dover and Crewe, as well as
Carlisle and York, whilst ancient dwelling-places like Dor-
chester and LiN-coLN are half Keltic, half Roman (or Saxon).
There has been a good deal of debate about several of these
names, not least about London, which, through its com-
mercially commanding site, is probably the oldest, whilst still
the greatest, of British cities. These debatable names wiU
be found fully discussed under their proper headings. York
looks very English in its present shape, but it is nothing else
than a Saxon re-spelling of a Keltic Eburach. Lincoln is often
associated with lindens, but, as it is as old as the second century
at least, the Lin- must be Keltic. Dover, with its cognates
CoNDOVER, Salop, and Dovercourt, Harwich, is a very
interesting name, being simply British for ' water ' or ' channel
of water, ' W. dwfr, G. dobhar, the true British sound being still
preserved for us by our French neighbours, who call it
Douvre(s).
Apart from the sporadic names just cited, Keltic towns and
village names occur in any considerable numbers only in ten
counties : Northumberland, Cumberland, Lancashire, Cheshire,
Salop, Hereford, Monmouth, Somerset, Dorset, and Cornwall;
Durham, York, and Devon have strangely few, all things con-
sidered ; whilst several counties, like Westmorland, Rutland,
Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, Huntingdon and Hertford, seem
to have practically no sure Keltic names at all. This is
so far as the present writer has noted. Only, for present
purposes, he has seldom found it possible to go beyond
the ordinary good atlases and books of reference, the Postal
Guide and Bradshaw. Cheshire he has specially investigated,
and for this reason probably he has found there more Keltic
town and village names than in any other shire (except, of
16 THE PLACE-NAMES OP ENGLAND AND WALES
course, Monmouth and Cornwall), about twenty-two in all; not
a very large number wherewith to head the list, and several of
these are too insignificant to find place in any ordinary map
or gazetteer. Next come Cmnberland with eighteen, and
Salop and Hereford with sixteen ; but a minute investigation
would certainly produce more in these last cases. Dorset, it
is remarkable, has at least seven. Only on the Welsh border
and in Cumberland do we find names of the regular W. or
Keltic tj^e — names like Cakdubnock or Penruddock, Cimi-
berland; Bettws y Crwyn, Gobowen, Trefonen, or Buildwas in
p Salop ; and Pontrilas or Rhiwlas in Hereford.
But more interesting, and always surrounded with some
perplexity, even doubt, are the solitary names which occur,
like islets in the ocean, in purely English regions — ^names like
Penge (Surrey), Wendover (Bucks), QuEMER-ford (Wilts),
or Yale (Derby). It is difficult to account for such isolated
survivals from the old British days, except where the names
embody a river, as is the case with Wendover and Quemer-f ord,
this last being W. cymmer, ' confluence, ' the same name as the
well-known Quimper in Bretagne. The number of stiU remain-
ing Keltic names in Somerset and Dorset indicates a long and
not altogether imsuccessful struggle of Briton against Saxon.
The O.W. and G. lann, mod. W. llan, Corn. Ian, cognate
with our own Eng. land, occurs, as is well known, a good many
times on the English side of the Welsh border. Its original
meaning is ' a level spot,' then 'an enclosure,' then ' a sacred
enclosure, a church-yard,' and then, as it usually is to-day, ' a
church'; just as the common G. cille or cil, so frequent in
Scottish and Irish names in Kil-, means ' graveyard ' before
it means 'church,' though in this case the cille comes from
L. cdla, * a chamber,' and then ' a (monk's) cell.' In England
this cille is found perhaps only in Kyl-oe in the extreme North.
The earliest recorded EngUsh Lan- seems to be Lantocal
[B.C. 8. 47), in a charterwhich is dated 680. It is described as
near Ferramere, a place unknown. It may he the same name
as Landicle, Cornwall, ' church of St. Tecla.' The only Lan- in
Domesday seems to be Landican, West Cheshire, which is
possibly W. llan diacon, 'church of the deacon,' though it is
not now a parish church. Crockford's Directory gives only
Llandecwyn, Carnarvon. Of the soft II or thl there is no
INTRODUCTION 17
trace till long afterwards. But there are at least five regular
Hans in Hereford. Elsewhere there seems only one, Llany-
mynech, Salop, ' church of the monk ' (L. monachus). There
is also in Hereford a spurious Llan- (a modern notion, counte-
nanced by His Majesty's Post- Office), Llangrove, Ross, which
all old spellings, as weU as its present appearance, prove to be
neither more nor less than Long Grove !
The names of our Enghsh counties also present a large
pre -Saxon element, often with a Latin ending, as, e.g.,
Glou-cester, Lan-caster, Lei-cester, Lin-coln, Wor-cester, and
even the simple Chester or Cheshire ; more rarely with a Saxon
ending, as in Corn- wall and Dor-set, Mon-mouth and War- wick.
Not seldom, however, the shire name is pure British, as in York,
Kent, and Devon, whilst fair claim for a Keltic origin may also
be put in for Berks and Wilts, as well as for both Ox-ford
and CAM-bridge. Thus, out of the forty shires, only twenty-
three have names clearly post-Keltic in their ancestry, a very
noteworthy fact. The origin of several of our shire names is
highly disputable; they will be found discussed as far as
possible under their proper headings.
Considering that England and Scotland were peopled at first
by the same two Keltic races, the Goidel and the Brython, it
is surprising how few Keltic place-names are common to both.
Of town and village names there are aU but none. There is a
Crewe near Granton, Edinburgh, but it seems modern. There is
a Currie, Midlothian, as well as a Curry, Somerset. Press,
Coldingham (Berwickshire), is very near to Prees, Salop, aitd-
Clun, Salop, is very near to -the common Scottish Clunie.
There is a Troon, Camborne (Cornwall), in addition to the well-
known golfing resort on the Ayrshire coast; and the puzzling
name Blyth occurs both N. and S. of the border; so does
Glass (Glass Houghton, as well as Glass, Huntly). But Ross,
while a town name in England, is name of no town in Scotland.
Aught else worth mentioning there appeareth not. With
river names, of course, it is quite different. We have Adder,
Allen, Alt, and Avon, all common to both; so, too, are Dee,
Don, Douglas, Eden, Esk, and Leven, and perhaps others ; whilst
the Scots R. Devon is considered to have the same origin as
that of the English shire.
18 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
PROVISIONAL LIST OF KELTIC PLACE-NAMES IN
ENGLAND.
{Monmouth and Cornwall excluded. Names before the line in each
county are natural features ; names after it towns and villages.)
Northumberland .
Allen.
AJne.
Alwyn.
Amble (?).
Blyth (?).
Breamish (?).
Carrick,
Carter (Fell).
Cheviots.
Glen, R.
Glencune.
Glendhu.
Glenwhelt.
Elielder.
Kinkry Hill.
Lindisfame.
Till.
Tippalt (Bum).
Tweed.
Tyne.
Us way -ford.
Amble (?).
Cambo.
Cambois.
Carvoran.
Kyl-oe.
Mindrum.
Ogle.
(East) Ord.
Pressen.
Cumberland.
AIne or Ellen, R.
Croglin.
Derwont.
Eden.
Esk.
Gelt.
Glaramara.
Glencoin.
Glenderamackin.
Helvellyn.
Irt.
Irthing.
Mellbreak.
01dMan(?).
Wampool.
Arrad (Foot).
Blencow.
Cardumock.
Carlisle.
Carnarvon.
(Castle) Carrock.
Culgaith.
Cumdivock.
Cumrangan.
Cumran-ton.
Cumrew.
Cum whin-ton.
Durdar.
Lasket.
Lindeth.
Pelutho.
Penrith (?).
Penruddock.
Ravenglass.
Westmorland.
Lowther.
Winster.
Mint(?).
Pendragon (Castle).
Durham.
Fendrith HiU.
Tees.
Goundou.
Jarrow.
Pencher.
Lancashire.
Alt, R.
Darwen.
Douglas.
Duddon.
Glaze-brook (?).
Hesketh (?).
Hodder.
Irwell.
Leven.
Lune.
Morecambe (Bay) .
Pendle (HiU).
Ribble (?).
Wyre (?).
Cart-mell.
Colne.
Darwen.
Manchester.
Penketh.
Penwortham.
Preese.
Roose.
Treales.
Wemeth.
Wigan (?).
INTRODUCTION
19
Yorkshire.
The Chevin.
Derwent.
Don.
Gorple Water.
Hodder.
Humber.
Ouse.
Pennines (?).
Pennygent.
Pinnar (Pike).
Ure.
Whem-side.
Alne.
Crayke.
Glass (Houghton).
Nidd.
Rathmell.
Roos.
Thirsk (?).
York.
Cheshiee.
Biddle,
Bollin.
Cat Tor.
Croco.
Dane or Daven.
Dee.
Duddon.
Etherow.
Gowy.
(Knolton) Bryn.
Mowl (CJop).
Walwem,
Weaver (?).
Wheelock.
Garden.
Carlett.
Condate.
Crewe.
Daven-port.
Duddon.
Frith.
Ince.
Kerridge.
Lach Dennis.
Landican.
Leese.
Discard.
Macefen.
Pettypool.
Rowarth.
Tallam Green.
Tarvin (?).
Tidnock. .
Tor-side.
Wervin.
Wincle (?).
Lincoln.
Glen, R.
Witham.
Kyme.
Lin-coln.
Derby.
BuU (Gap),
Derwent.
Erewash (?).
Noe.
Ock Brook.
Winster.
Crich.
Pentrich.
Yale.
Stafford.
Barr (Beacon).
Blythe (?).
Chumet.
Ocker (Hill).
Stour.
Tame.
Tean.
Trent.
Weaver (HHls) (?).
Bre-wood.
Cannock.
(Great) Barr.
Hints.
Keele.
Mon-more.
Morfe.
Onn (High
Little).
Penkhull.
Penkridge.
Pensnett.
Ridware.
Talke.
TrysuU.
Salop.
Caradoc.
Ceiriog.
Longmynd.
Ouny.
Roden.
Severn.
Teme.
Wrekin.
and
Bettws-y-Crwyn.
Buildwas Abbey.
Clun.
Clungun-ford.
Condover.
Gobowen.
Hints.
Kinver (Forest) .
Knockin.
Llanymynech.
Munet (?).
Myddle (?).
Prees.
Trefonen. .
Wem (?).
Wenlock.
Notts.
Devon.
Dover-beck. -
Leen.
Mann or Maun.
Soar.
20 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
Oxford.
Leicester.
Bar-don HiU.
Glen (Magna).
'RjJTLAKD.
Guash (?).
Norfolk.
Ant.
Ouse.
Tass.
Waveney.
Wilney (?).
Yare.
Tnmch.
Cambridge.
Cam or Granta.
Kennet.
Tydd (?).
Hunts.
northants.
Ise, R. (?).
Nen.
Warwick.
Alne.
Arrow (?).
Coundon.
Crick.
Worcester.
Dover-dale.
Dur-bridge.
Gladder Brook.
Lickey Hills.
Corse Lawn (?).
Kyre.
Malvern.
Mamble.
Mathon.
Pencrick-et.
Pendock.
Pensax.
Pinwin.
Rhyd y Groes.
Tump.
Hereford.
Dinmore (Hill) .
Howie (Hill).
Lugg.
Wye.
Dilwyn.
Ewyas.
Foy.
Llancillo.
Llanf aino or - veynoe.
Llangarron.
Llanwame.
Llowes.
Madley.
Pencoyd.
Pencraig.
Pontrilas.
Rhiwlas.
Ross.
Stadment.
Trumpet.
Suffolk.
Aide.
Blyth (?).
Deben.
Bedford.
Bucks.
Chet-wode.
Kimble (?).
Wendover.
CMltems (?).
Isis.
Thame.
Thames.
Windrush.
Gloucester.
Andover-ford.
Bream.
Car ant.
Cam.
Chum.
Doverle.
Leaden.
Sarn-hill.
Dymock(?),
Glou-cester.
Lancaut.
Meon.
Newent (?).
Penpole.
Tump.
Turk-dene.
Essex.
Ouse.
Pent.
Roding.
Writtle.
ChichSt. Osyth.
Herts.
Colne.
Rib (?).
Ver (?).
Middlesex.
Brent.
London.
INTRODUCTION
21
Berks.
Hamble (?).
Brue.
1* cxn Ti <i4"
Meon.
Carey.
ivennei/.
Kimber.
X J 1 / o\
Solent.
Creech HiU.
Test or Tees.
Frome.
Loddon (?).
Ock.
Thames.
Wight (Isle of).
Mendips.
Yar.
Parret.
Quantocks.
Andover.
Tone.
Bedwin(?).
Burgh(clere).
Cendover (?).
EIent.
Chute (Standen).
Badcox.
Chilcott (?).
Inlade.
TTT
Creech (St. Michael).
Kent.
Wilts.
Curry.
Limen.
Adder or Adur.
Dunster ?
Medway.
Avon.
(East and West)
Stour.
Wiley.
Chinnock.
Teise.
•/
"R^TrfcTYl A
Thanet.
Cable.
"TT" 1
Kenn.
Pennard.
Knook.
Appledore (?).
Knoyle.
Wookey.
Dover.
Quemer-ford.
Lynne or Lymne.
Dorset.
Devon.
SUKREY.
Allen. •
Axe.
Wandle (?).
Brit.
Creedy.
Wey.
Ceme.
Divelish.
Exe.
-r 1
Lewdown.
Penge.
Stour.
Lid.
Tillywhim (Caves).
Lundy I.
Sussex.
Creech.
Oknient(Hill).
Plym.
Amn.
Dewlish.
Tamar.
Dove.
Dor-chester.
Taw.
Levant.
Pensel-wood.
Teign.
Oase.
Pentridge.
Pimp-eme.
Warminster (?).
Torridge.
Hants.
Winfrith.
Appledore (?).
CloveUy.
Anton.
Avon.
Somerset.
Clyst,
Dawhsh.
Boldre.
Axe.
Quither.
Exe.
Brean.
Tor-quay.
22
THE PLACE-NAMES OP ENGLAND AND WALES
Possible Pre-Keltio Names.
Awre.
Croco, R.
Biddle,Il.
Etherow, R.
Blythe.
Itchen, R. (2).
Bollin, R.
Ithon, R.
Cheviots.
Kennet, R.
Cole, R.
Meon,
Colne, R.
Severn, R.
Etc.
Sow, R. (2).
Stour, R.
Teign, R.
Trent, R.
Wrekin.
Writtle, R.
CHAPTER IV
THE ENGLISH ELEMEIvT
This is, out of sight, the element in the place-names of South
Britain, but it will be needless to tread again the well-trod
path of early English history. We only need to repeat for the
sake of the place-name student a bare skeleton of facts and
dates to furnish a little clearness and coherence to his thoughts.
As everybody knows, the Teutonic races of Middle Europe,
who gradually swarmed over to our England, were chiefly
three in number — Jutes, Angles, and Saxons. To these we
must add a fourth race closely aUied to the Saxons, the
Frisians of Holland, all the way from the Scheldt to the Ems
and Weser in N.W. Germany; probably our own nearest
kinsmen by blood. For, ' Good butter and good cheese is
good English and good Friese.' Herdsmen, husbandmen,
traders, and also sea-rovers were these our special ancestors;
and it was the piratical raids of the Frisians that first brought
the Teuton to our shores, which were just opposite their own.
It was in a.d. 287. Soon after their inconvenient attentions
became so serious that the Romans, still in power in this
island, had to appoint a ' Count of the Saxon Shore ' {comes
litoris Saxonici) to superintend and insure their repulse.
None, however, settled down on our shores so early as that.
When they first did so we do not know. Skene thought it was
very early, probably before the traditional date, 449. Frisians
certainly may already have reached Lothian before 500.^
By A.D. 410 the last of the Romans had left us, but the
native Brython was not allowed long to enjoy his native land
to himself. In 449 — there need be little doubt about the date
1 For examples of Frisian names see Deaene, Fawlet, Nab, Etde,
TiRLE, Whistlet, Wiske, etc. Skeat finds clear traces of a Frisian
settlement in Suffolk.
23
24 THE PLACE-NAMES OP ENGLAND AND WALES
— ttie first Teutonic invaders with any intention of becoming
settlers appeared off the coast of Kent — Jutes from Holstein
in the S. of Denmark. A little later these same Jutes also
settled down in the Isle of Wight and part of Hants. We
cannot tarry over these dim bands, because we hardly know
what exactly their speech or dialect was, and we can point to
ahnost no definite trace of their influence. Though we may
conjecture with at least some probability that one or two
names, like Bapchtld and Honeychild in Kent, and Bon-
church, Isle of Wight, may have had a Jutish origin.
Next came the Saxons (L. Saxons, Ger. Sachsen, the High-
lander's Sassenach, or Englishmen), a race first named by
Ptolemy in the far E. of Europe, but already located on
either bank of the Elbe when they made their first spring across
the North Sea, and landed in 477 on the shore of what was
ever after called Sussex, or South Saxon land. The first
arrival of the third set of invaders of our isle, the Angles, the
men who succeeded in giving their own name to aU England,
is an event which cannot now be precisely dated. But probably
before 540 they had landed in East Anglia, sailing over from
that district of Holstein, which seems to have been called Angul
because it was shaped like an ' angle ' or fish-hook. The king-
dom of East Anglia was afterwards split into the ' North folk '
or ' South folk.' This last name, however, does not emerge
till 1076, after the Norman Conquest, whilst the shire name
Norfolk is first found in Domesday. But the great region of
the Angle was in the North, from Humber right up to Forth ;
and by 547 we find Ida as Anglian King of this Northumbria
or North-humber-land. The original Anglian speech is now
best represented by Lowland Scots and by the burr of the
Northumberland miner. Before 1400 the same tongue was
heard all the way from Hull to Aberdeen. But distinctively
Anglian elements cannot be said to be prominent anywhere in
our names.
In 577 Ceawlin, King of Wessex or of the West Saxons, won
the Battle of Dyrham (Gloucester), and so became master of
the lower Severn — i.e., of Gloucester and of part of Somerset
and Dorset. Thus early was the much weaker Brython driven
out of his home even so far West. ^Ethelfrith of Northumbria,
who sat his throne from 593-617, defeated the Brythons, or
INTRODUCTION 25
Welsh, and the Scots at Chester, and so added from Dee to
E-ibble to the sway of the Anglian sceptre. Then, after a long
interval, the great Off a of Mercia, 757-796, makes Shrewsbury
an English, no longer a Welsh, town, drives the Welsh out of
the mid-Severn valley, and builds a dyke from the mouth of
the Dee South to the mouth of the Wye. This is the district of
England where the Welshman's tongue is still required oftenest
to interpret the place-names. Not till 924 did King Edward
the Elder, son of AKred the Great, and his successor as King
of England, become ' father and lord ' over Cumbria and
Strathclyde.
When the Brython remained so long in power in the North-
West, we do not wonder that true English names are few in
Cumberland, and we do wonder that he has left so few place-
names in N. Lancashire. Twelve years later than the English
lordship over Cumbria, Athelstan, King of Wessex and Mercia,
succeeded in absorbing Cornwall. But Knguistically that far
Western ' horn ' was hardly absorbed at all, and to this hour
purely English names are very rare in Cornwall. By 936, then,
all modem England was nominally EngHsh, except Monmouth-
shire, which is practically Welsh still. We may therefore
affirm with some confidence that our real English place-names,
except the few demonstrably medieval or modem, grew up
between the sixth or seventh and the tenth century.
The vast majority of our names of any consequence are
as old as Domesday Book, whilst our contemporary charter
evidence goes back in some cases to the end of the seventh
century. Kemble, Birch, Napier, and Stevenson have printed
for us a great store of O.E. charters, which yield us most
valuable, and often unmutilated, forms for about the whole of
the S.E. half of England, the N. and W. limits running
round by Warwick, Stafford, and Gloucester. Pre-Domesday
charters N. and W. thereof are, alas ! more than rare. Domes-
day Book itself is a complete survey of most of England, its
manors and villages, made by order of WiUiam the Conqueror
in 1086-87, and is a wonderful standby. But it is very
unfortunate that we have no Dom. for Monmouth, except a
scrap, or for any part N. of Yorks in the E. The S. part of
Lancashire is given under Cheshire, whilst N. Lancashire
and the barony of Kendal, Westmorland, come under
3
26 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
Yorks. For the rest Dom. wholly faUs. Exon Domesday is
a special transcript of the record for Wilts, Dorset, Somerset,
Devon, and Cornwall, with slight variations. Domesday is a
priceless document. The pity is that any proper index to it
is still so inaccessible even in many of our best libraries.
Domesday, in some ways, reads strangely modern. Here
we find, to a most surprising extent, the same names and land-
marks, the same manors, parishes, and homesteads, as we do
to-day. The analysis of Sir Henry Ellis, in his laborious Intro-
duction to Domesday, also shows that there were in William the
Conqueror's time about 1,400 tenants in chief, including
ecclesiastical owners, and of under tenants 7,871. Of these
last a surprisingly large proportion are Saxon, not Norman.
Thus it is that we find so few names of Norman lords embedded
in the names of our towns to-day. The vanquished has been
more enduring than the victor; the Saxon, like the Sicilian,
absorbed the Norman. Domesday also records some 1,700
churches, whose distribution seems passing strange ; the record
cannot be complete,. for it gives 364 in Suffolk, 243 in Norfolk,
222 in Lincoln, but only 1 in Cambs, and none in Middlesex
or Lancashire, Of all these 1,700 Domesday churches there
is no proof that any one existed in England before the English
arrived, unless we except Landican, which is just on the Welsh
border of Cheshire, and a few in Cornwall.
As to the spelling of Domesday, it will help the searcher much
to remember that Domesday has no j, v, or t/;^ that it almost
always has ch for k; that initial th is almost always written t,
and medial th always d; whilst the Domesday scribes hate all
gutturals, h, ch, gh, and very often boldly change them into st^
a fact which yields the clue to many a puzzle, as we shall find
passim. The truth is, the Norman could not himself pronounce
gutturals, nor did he find sh easy either, and so he usually
writes plain s, or else as often he prefixes an e. The Norman
knew very little of the English tongue and much disliked it,
and so his English spelling is often inaccurate. Still he had
rules of his own, as we have been trying to tell, and these rules
once mastered, much of the seeming inaccuracy disappears.
Thus it is quite according to rule that we have in Domesday
cherche or chirche, and not kirk, and Chingeslei instead of
^ In these cases h.e will look instead for ge, i, u, or w.
mTRODUCTION 27
Kingsley; torp and not thorpe, Torentun not Thornton; orc?e or
vrde always instead of the common ending -worth ; Liste-corne
instead of Lighthorne ('thorn- tree with the light hung on
it '), and Bristoldestune for Brightwalton {' Beorhtwald's
town ') ; Sorewell for Shorwell, Escafelt for Sheffield, and
Eseldebourne for Shalbourne.
The Norman scribe has his common errors, too — e.g., the
putting of U for Id, especially in -field — Gamesfille for Ganfield,
Licefelle for Lichfield, etc. More rarely we have II for dl,
as in Celle for Cedle — i.e., Cheadle. Other little peculiarities
the regular student discovers by degrees for himself. But, we
must repeat, on the whole in Domesday we have the same names
as to-day. A map of Domesday's England would show the
parishes, manors, and landmarks much the same as we find
them to-day. How very different it would be were the map
one of eleventh-century Germany or France !
There is no Domesday for Durham, but the lack is consider-
ably alleviated by the Boldon Book, a survey of the See of
Durham made in 1183, which gives us all the town and village
names of Co. Durham, and a good many in Northumberland,
only a century later than Domesday. For this latter county
we have also a good many references in the Coldingham
(Berwickshire) charters, which begin but a very few years after
Domesday. The copious nomenclature of Simeon, monk of
Durham (d. 1130), also does much to atone for the failure of
the Conqueror's Survey to reach the farthest north. For
Cumberland and Westmorland we are particularly badly off,
except for the Kendal district. Their record is poorer even than
that of most of the Scottish counties, where as a rule we are
far worse ofi for early records than in England. For N.W.
England we have little till we come to the Pipe Rolls (enrolled
accoimts of the sheriffs, etc.) of the latter haK of the twelfth
century, and they mention but a handful of the place-names.
But once we get well into the twelfth century we find great
masses of evidence of all sorts waiting for examination. A
good inkling of the variety of available evidence may be got
by glancing at such a laborious and scholarly compendium as
Wyld and Hirst's Place-Names of Lancashire. But a serious
difficulty about using the place-name forms found in our O.E.
charters is the corrupt and illiterate spelling in which so many
28 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
of them are found, especially if they date after a.d. 1000, We
have already noted that anything in the way of peculiarly
Anglian or Northumbrian forms is rare. But the difference
between Merciaji and Wessex forms is pretty considerable.
Classic O.E. is the Wessex speech of the time of Alfred the
Great, c. a.d. 900 — the speech then spoken all the way from
Kent to Devon. It is according to this classic Wessex tongue
that our O.E. dictionaries are arranged; so are all the spellings
in Searle's laborious Onomasticon, or manual of O.E. personal
names.
But many of our charters are Mercian — i.e., they belong to
what was once the central Saxon kingdom of England, the
kingdom of Offa, and the rest. The many charters quoted
by Duignan in his valuable books on Stafford, Warwick, and
Worcester are all Mercian. The Mercian district stretched
from Ribble to Bristol Channel, and from Humber to Thames ;
Suffolk names, e.g., are distinctly Mercian. Remains of true
Mercian before the Norman Conquest are rare, and until
quite recent years their idiosyncrasies were little studied or
understood. A brief but valuable statement thereanent will
be found in Skeat's Our English Dialects, 1911, chap, viii., and
a study of the parallel lists on pp. 71, 72 will be found helpful.
We there see in special that the Mercian was inclined to dis-
pense with those diphthongs of which the West Saxon was so
fond. He said eall, the old Mercian said all, even as we do at
this day. The Wessex man said sceap, the Mercian seep,
which we have softened into sheep. In Wessex they said geoc,
in Mercia ioc, which we have made into yoke. The Wessex
scribe wrote gyrd, the Mercian ierd, we write yard. Such things
need to be borne in mind when we are hunting through the
O.E. dictionary to trace the meaning of a Mercian charter
name, and it will easily be seen thai the spelling of many a per-
sonal name becomes much shorter than we find it in Searle's
classically spelt Onomasticon. The Beorhtwealds and Earn-
beorns and Heathubeorhts get clipped down into Berthold
and Arnbiorn and Eadbert, and even into forms stiU shorter
and less easy to recognize.
The student will thus perceive that the careful study of
place-names at least helps, though not a great deal, in the
study of our English dialects. Names at times take the regular
INTRODUCTION 29
dialect forms, as in Zeal Monachorum (Devon) or ZoY (Somer-
set), where we have the regular West Country z instead of the
normal 5 ; or as in the Gloucester Yatton, ' town at the yat '
(c/. Simmon's Yat), called in the North yztt — i.e., ' town at the
gate, or opening, or pass.'
The Kelt had a long start of the Englishman, and had ample
time and occasion to give names to all the great natural
features of the land. Thus, as we already know, all our chief
rivers still bear Keltic or pre-Keltic names. But minor rivers,
much more numerous than is generally supposed, bear purely
English names, some of them very interesting. Here is a
rough list of the chief, one or two a little doubtful: Anker,
Bure, Coquet, Dearne (S. Yorks), Eamont, Ember, Harris
(Yorks), Idle, Irk (S. Lanes), Ivel, Lark, Leam, Linnet
(Suffolk, ' a play name '), Lyme, Manifold (Staffs), Mite,
Ousel, Ray, Rea, Rede, Rye (Yorks), Soar, Stort, Swift,
Waver, Wythburn. To take the first three only by way of
illustration. Anker is a unique name of its sort, and com-
memorates the dwelling of ancres, or female anchorites, at
Nun-eaton. The Bure is possibly Frisian in name, its root
the same as O.E. borian, to bore, Sc. bure and Du. boor, an
auger ; while the Coquet is the Coc-wuda or ' cock wood ' of the
very old history of St. Cuthbert. England has few mountains,
a good many hills. As is but natural, most of these have
Keltic names, though one has always to be on guard against
traps. Inkpen Beacon, S. Berks, e.g., looks very like a
tautology, with English beacon (O.E. been, bedcen) =W.penn.
But it is not so, for Inkpen is ' Inga's pen ' or sheep-fold, just
as Inkberrow, Worcester, is pure Enghsh for ' Inta's hill.'
Beacon we find again several times, as in Worcestershire
Beacon, etc. The regular O.E. word for ' a hill,' and then
' fort on a hill ' — most hiUs once had their forts — is diHn; seen
in ' the Downs, ' and in a good many names like Dunham,
Dunmow, etc. Hill itself, in the Midlands hull, is good
English from the earhest times ; but the common endings for
' hill,' like ' fell ' and ' pike,' are generally Norse ; -ridge is half
and half. Pure English are such curious names as Harrison
Stickle, and all the Barrows and Berrows and Brows, as in
Berry Brow ; so likewise the Tippings, Roseberry, Blackham,
etc.. Tipping, in the E. Riding.
30 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
The English influence on our nomenclature may perhaps
best be studied further in connection with the common endings,
detailed in our chapter on Endings (p. 46). We there learn
how many of our names once described a lea or meadow (-ley,
-leigh), how many a meadow by a river (' a hohn '), how many a
' haugh,' or flat land by a river (O.E. Tiealh, dative hale, ' a comer,
a nook '), found in hundreds of names now as -haU ; though this
has nothing to do with our modern English hall. But we must
beware of concluding too hastily that any name with an
English-looking ending must be English ; -dale and -holm look
EngHsh enough, but wiU often, the former perhaps always, be
found to be Norse. Very common is -mere, ' a lake ' — ten times
in Cheshire alone — often now -mer, as in Cromer, Dunmer,
Wahner, etc. ; while the -mere may be attached to a non-
Enghsh name, as in Windermere ; and nowadays in the south
the mere has generally disappeared, altogether drained long
ago. The endings -grave and -barrow often survive to tell
of an old place of sepulture — Belgrave, Gargrave, etc, — whilst
-or and -over are also common, representing two distinct O.E.
words, ora and ofr, both meaning ' bank, edge, shore.' Cumnor
is the former, e.g., and Hadsor the latter. The ofr often gets
clipped down into -er, as in Hasler, Wooler, etc.
There is almost no commoner ending than -ford, showing the
extreme importance of the ford in the early bridgeless days.
Ford and caster are much the commonest endings in Bede,
whilst names in -bridge are very rare before the Norman
Conquest. Among the very few exceptions are Bridgenorth
and Quatbridge, (Salop), and Cambridge, found in O.E.
Chron., 875, as Grantebrycge. Agbrigg (S. Yorks), Sawbridge
(Daventry), Bridgford (Staffs), and Slimbridge (Glo'ster), are
already in Domesday, but not many more. In shires hke
Berkshire and Cheshire there are no early names in bridge
at aU.
The origin and boundary-making of the shires with English
names has not yet been fully worked out ; but this much is
clear: that the five great Danish boroughs — Derby, Leicester,
Nottingham, Lincoln, and Northampton — and the districts
around themwhich ' obeyed ' them, as the Chronicle often says,
formed the nucleus of the five modem counties with these
names. Similar Danish influence organized Hunts, Cambridge,
INTRODUCTION 31
Bedford, and Herts. ' Each of these counties had a jarl, or
earl, whose headquarters were at the " borough." ' Thus
most of the counties in old Mercia shaped themselves naturally
rather than ' artificially,' as Freeman puts it. In Wessex the
counties still retain the names of the princedoms founded by
the successors of Cerdic. In some of them there was no out-
standing borough, and even though the shire may contain a
town of the same name, it was seldom called directly after that
borough. ' Local divisions in Wessex were not made, but
grew.'
When we come to town and village names, by far the most
important item in our repertoire, we find that they are over-
whelmingly English, and, for the most part, tell us over and
over again, with aggravating monotony, how that an English-
man's house was and is his castle. To understand this group
of names, one must first master what has to be said about
-burgh or -bury, about the two -hams, about -ton (always inter-
changing with -don and -stone), and about their compound
Hampton, all of which originally implied an enclosure, prob-
ably always at first fortified or capable of defence. One must
also learn about -ing which gives a tail as well as a tale to
so many English names, and is not by any means always a
patronjnnic. Thence we learn that the overwhelming major-
ity of our place-names teach us simply that thi.i was So-and-
so's town or home. The chances always are that the first part
of an English town or village name denotes the name of some
man or woman, its founder or former owner. Wolverhamp-
Tour has nothing to do with wolves, but with the Lady Wulf-
runa. Chtllingham has nothing to do with ' chilly,' but with
a man Cilia, just as Cardington is from a man Gar da, and
SuNNiNGHiLL is ' hiU of the Sunnings.' A good many town
and village names indicate their stance upon a river — names
like Cheltenham, ' home on the Chelt ' ; Chorley, ' meadow on
the Chor ' ; Crediton, ' town on the Greedy ' — though it is always
to be remembered that the present names of rivers and brooks
are often back formations, and that Chelt and Creedy may
have originally been names of men. In like manner, Pin is
but a recent back - formation from Pinner, Rom from
RoMFORB, Yeo from Yeovil, as well as Chehner from
Chelmsford.
32 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
Our great business, then, in connection with most names,
really is to find out what man's name is therein denoted or
included. Here some such guide as Searle's Onomasticon is
indispensable, to be used, of course, after learning the phonetic
lessons already insisted on. Searle took enormous pains to
render his work as complete as possible, and yet the investi-
gator is for ever finding how incomplete it still is. A run
through any part of our list will soon show this. To take
one example, Searle gives no name Elk or Elc, and yet
we find two Elkstones, which make it extremely likely that
Elk must have been a proper as well as a common noun. Many
cases are more certain than this; e.g., the old forms of that
puzzling-looking Cambs name B Abraham make it certain there
must once have been a woman caUed Badburh, though Searle
knoweth her not. He gives us no Beorc, but it is certain that
Birch was very early the name of a man as weU as the name
of a tree (see Barking and Barkley). It would be easy to
multiply such examples indefinitely.
The way in which O.E, proper names have become dis-
torted or corrupted is very extraordinary, though Dr. Skeat
always insisted that everything moved and worked according
to phonetic law ; so that even such a desperate change as Sea-
court, Berks, for ' Seofeca's worth, ' or farm, was shown to be
all correct ! Though names like that are indeed a warning
against all rash attempts to guess without evidence. Not far
from Seacourt is Courage, and Courage is really ' Cusa's ridge ' !
And who would ever think that EUastone, Staffs, was originally
' ^thelac's town ' ; that Shareshill in the same shire was once
' Sceorf's hill '; or Stramshall once ' Stranglic's hiU '; or that
Aberford, Adderbury, and Harbtjry all embody the one
protean name Eadburh ? It has always to be borne in mind,
also, that two villages with the same title to-day may have
been derived from two quite different names yesterday. The
very first names in our List show us how wary we need to
be. Abberley actually was bom as 'Eadbeald's lea,' whilst
Abberton, in the same shire, was at first ' Eadbeorht's town,'
and its modern twin near Colchester comes from a woman
Eadburh. Even more extraordinary is it to find that such a
name as Adbaston, Salop, came originally from the same man's
name as Abberley.
INTRODUCTION 33
But the disappointing thing is, that when, after much
patient labour, we do find out the correct personal name em-
balmed or embodied in the place-name, that is nearly always
all we get for our pains. Stat nominis umbra. The Saxon,
unlike the more modest and poetic Kelt, dearly loved to com-
memorate himself, or, at any rate, his own family name, in a
manor or farm or village. But, in a few generations, the
history of the name is totally forgotten, and posterity can tell
naught thereof. Only in a very few cases can we tell the story
of the lord or lady, the abbot or monk, founder or name-giver,
to the place. Malmesbury, Tewkesbury, Wolverhampton,
are such cases ; there are not many altogether. Kingly names,
hke those of the great Alfreds, Edwards, and Harolds, are,
strange to say, scarcely represented at all. It is interesting
to note, however, how often very old personal names, first
found in some out-of-the-way place-name, still survive, and are
in use to-day. Examples are — the personal name Gammell or
Gemmel, found in Ganthorpe, Domesday Gameltorp ; Gentle
or Gentles, in Gentleshaw, Rugeley, where a Jo. Gentyl is
known in 1341; Gilhng in GiUingham, 1016 Gillingaham ; Gould
or Gold in Goldsborough, Domesday Goldeburg ; and so on.
Some of our simple names, names of towns and hamlets, not
called after any princess or thane or any other person, are
extremely common. Few can be aware how common some
of them are ; here are some calculations which have been made :
There are in England, it is said, 87 Newtons (47 in combina-
tion, 40 alone), not reckoning Newtowns; 72 Buttons (36 in
combination, exactly half) ; 63 Stokes ; 52 Westons (also exactly
haK in combination); 47 Thorps (26 in combination); Walton,
Upton, and Stone occur over thirty times each; there are
21 Kirbys and 21 Leighs; and Hutton, Kingston, and Thornton
are very common too.
Seebohm, in his English Village Community (1883), p. 362,
speaks of ' the hasty conclusion that the Saxons were totem-
ists.' Yet not a Httle evidence seems at least to point that
way. It is certain that many a village was called after the
name of a beast — boar, lamb, ox, sheep, whale, wolf, etc. The
only question is, Was the beast's name first applied to a man
before it became applied to the village ? (See such names as
Everthorpe and Everton, Whalley, etc.)
34 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
Of modern whimsical names, like Four Throws, Hawkhurst,
or Besses o' th' Barn andlClock Face (Lanes), England has
singularly few — fewer far, in proportion, than Wales.
The Common Element.
Before we proceed to the study of the second great Teutonic
element in our place-names, the Scandinavian, it will be inter-
esting and instructive to remind ourselves how large is the
element common not only to our Norse and purely English
names, but common also to our Continental neighbours in the
homes of our ancestors. At least a few of our name-endings
may have originated either on Saxon or on Scandinavian lips —
e.g., the common -thorpe and -hope; but when careful scrutiny
is made, -thorpe will be found almost always Danish, and -hope
almost always pure Enghsh. Thorpe is, of course, the cognate
of the German dorf, 'village,' as in Diisseldorf, Waldorf, etc.,
found in Schleswig in the form Gottorp, and in Dutch as
Apel-dorp, Leydendorp, etc., though -dorp is not nearly so
common as our English -thorpe; in S. Africa, however, it is
common enough — Krugersdorp, etc. Holm may come from
either branch too; but if it mean 'a meadow,' it will
probably be English, whilst if it mean ' a flat island,' just as in
Bornholm, Salthohn, and many another such name in Denmark,
it will be Danish.
One of our commonest endings is -burgh or -bury; it is just
as common both in Germany and Scandinavia. In Germany
it is usually -burg, as in Hamburg, Magdeburg, and scores of
other cases. In Denmark it may be -burg, as in Flensburg, or
-borg, as in Viborg ; and -borg is as common all over Sweden
and Norway. In Holland it is -burg, as in Doesburg, Elburg,
etc. ; or else -berg, as in Geertruidenberg, 's Heeringberg, etc.
In Norse names, -ham, ' home,' is not so common as in Eng-
land ; but we have weU-known cases like Stal-heim and Trond-
hjem. In Sweden it appears as Lofta-hammer,^ Sand-
hammer, etc. (Icel. heim-r, ' village '). In Germany the ending
-heim is exceedingly common — Hildesheim, Mannheim, etc. ; in
Holland we have a few places ending as in England — e.g., Den-
ham (Overyssel), as well as names like Arn-hem, Deutic-hem,
* Some hold that here hammer means a square-shaped rock.
INTRODUCTION 35
etc. Names like Denham suggest a Frisian origin for our
common -ham.
The common English -stead is, of course, even commoner in
Germany as -stadt, where it is one of the most frequent endings
for ' town ' ; as -stadt it is almost equally prominent in Scan-
dinavia and Dutch S. Africa, though hardly so in the Dutch
motherland. The specially frequent Enghsh -ton does not
seem represented on the Continent; but the less common and
often intermingled -stone is very conspicuous on the map of
Germany as -stein — Ehrenbreitstein, Oberlahnstein, etc.
Havens are naturally common in most Teutonic lands — Bre-
merhaven, Cuxhaven, etc., in Germany; Kjobnhavn (Copen-
hagen), Frederikshavn, etc., in Denmark; in Sweden it is
often -hamn (Icel. hofn), as in Slitehamn, Soderhamn, etc. ; but
in Holland it occurs, though rarely, as with ourselves —
Brouwershaven, etc. Holland, perhaps alone, gives us a
counterpart of the common English -wick or -wich, ' dwelling,'
as in Harder-wijk, Steen-wijk, etc. ; but if -kirk is common in
N. England, names like Nijkerk or NeuMrch are common alike
in Holland and Germany ; whilst the similar North of England
-dale is common everywhere in Scandinavia as -dal, and in
Grermany as -thai, ' valley ' — Neanderthal, etc. England has
only one firth, that of Solway; but the common Norse -fjord
reappears in Wales as Haver-ford, Milford, etc. The ending
-by in England vies for frequency with -ton; and it certainly
is represented abroad, especially in Sweden. In the one Uttle
island of Oland there are five marked on an ordinary map.
(See also Chtpping, etc.)
CHAPTER V
THE SCANDINAVIAN ELEMENT
In England, as in Scotland, the Scandinavian element is not
only important, but obtrusive. To-day Denmark, Sweden,
and Norway are each separate kingdoms, with separate lan-
guages, though these are closely akin, and, to a large extent,
mutually understandable. But in the days when our place-
names were in the making, practically the same tongue was
spoken all over Scandinavia, in Iceland and the Faroes too.
The dictionary which we need chiefly to consult is the Icelandic,
which is, to aU intents and purposes. Old Norse ; though some-
times it is modem Danish which yields the most helpful forms
for our exegesis. We commonly call the people who spake this
tongue Norsemen ; the Old EngUsh chroniclers mostly call them
Danes ; whilst, when they went away south and settled on the
north coast of France, or far away in Sicily, we generally find
them called Northmen or Normans. Need, ' hunger, lust for
booty and adventure, and the scantness of their arable fields at
home, combined to drive these hardy sea-lovers wide and far.
And, though they always came at first with coat of mail and
battle-axe, often they speedily settled down among us, and
made admirable colonists, diligent practitioners in the arts
and crafts of peace.
Into aU the details of the Viking's many invasions of Eng-
land, Wales, and Man we need not go again. The student can
easily learn what he wants in the proper histories. Here, for
. our purposes, we need give but the barest outline of facts and
dates. The first Danish invasion might, perhaps, be termed
that of the coming of the Jutes to Kent in 449. But it is at
least doubtful if these Jutes ever lived in Jutland ; and, in any
case, they were, in blood and speech, much nearer to the
Angle and Saxon than the Norse. When the first Viking
36
INTEODUCTION 37
beached his boat on English sand we do not know; but men
from the Hardanger landed near Dorchester in the reign of
Beorhtric of Wessex, 786-802; and the first dated invasion is
the sacking of Lindisfarne, in the extreme north, in 793.
Vikings were very fond of sacking monasteries and seizing
their sacred spoils, as many a Columban monk to his cost did
find ; and, having come once, they oft came again.
Glamorgan saw them in 795, and rocky little lona in 802;
whilst already by 830 they had paid visits as far away as
Cornwall. Before 850 they had overrun East Anglia (Norfolk
and Suffolk), whilst in 855 Danes first wintered in Sheppey.
Stronger and stronger they grew in our midst, as sore-pressed
King Alfred was made to feel. But by-and-by the tide turned,
and in 886 Alfred made his weU-known treaty with Guthrun,
King of the Danes. In it the boundary between English and
Danish rule was agreed to be, the R. Thames from its source
east to the source of the R. Lea, then north-west to Bedford,
and up the R. Ouse to the Roman Wathng Street, and so by it
probably west aU. the way to Chester. All north of this fine
was the Dane's, all south thereof Alfred's. The latter, be it
noted, held Chester. Had the Danes held it, it would have
been called Caster to-day (see p. 49). In 954 the English over-
threw the Dane's rule in Deira (Yorks), whilst, be it carefully
noted, Cumbria and Bernicia (Northumberland and Durham)
never really came under Danish dominion at aU.
It is weU known that this rule revived again in England
under King Swegen, who came from Norway with a huge fleet
and army, 1013-14, and reigned here for one year only.
Then, after three years of strife, great King Cnut was able to
seat himself on England's throne for eighteen years, and
Danish influence was strong among us, though Cnut thought it
wise to send the bulk of his Danish troops back to the lands
from whence they canle. Cnut was succeeded by the two
brothers, Harold Harefoot and Harthacnut. With the death
of the latter in 1042, the Danish sceptre passed for ever from
our midst. We may add, St. Clement Danes was the church of
a large Danish settlement in London, of whom we are told by
Ralph de Diceto.-^ -
Such are the bare facts which the annalist tells: of battle
^ Vol. i., p. 186, ed. Stubbs.
38 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
and bloodshed much, but of the actual nature of the Danish
settlement very little. Here the study of place-names comes
in to offer at least some help. What it has to say about Wales
will be found on pp. 71 and 72. To begin with, we find that
Norse names are often strangely rare where the Norseman was
once only too attentive, in the ancient kingdom of Bernicia
e.g., from Tyne to Forth. In all Northumberland we can set
eyes on the merest handful of Norse names. Lucker is sure,
Brinkbuen and New-biggin-by-the-Sea are probable. On
the Borders we have a number of ' fells ' — Carter, Fairwood,
Girdle, and Peel Fells ; but as a rule it is only the ' fell ' which
is Norse, not the rest of the name. There are a rare -giU or
two, and a few dales — ^Allendale, etc. — but that is all.
On the other hand, place-names clearly show Danish settle-
ment where there never was Danish rule — viz., in Cumbria
proper (Cumberland and Westmorland), which simply teems
with names Danish rather than Norse, of all sorts ; perhaps the
Danes first came over from their Uttle kingdom in the Isle of
Man. In Cumbria, Dane and Gael or Brython must have been
in close contact for many a day; and occasionally the Scan-
dinavian borrowed a word from the Kelt. The best-known
instance is the G. airigh, ' a shiehng, a shepherd's or herds-
man's hut,' which the incomers shaped into -argh, -ark, or -ergh,
as in Akklid and Pavey Ark, Sizergh (Kendal), and as far
south as Grimsargh, Preston. Final -gh in Gaehc is now
generally mute, but it does at times become guttural. The
purely Scandinavian endings -beck, -by, -fell, -force {Jors,
' waterfall '), -gill, -thorpe, -thwaite, are found everywhere in
this region; it would be superfluous to give examples. More-
over, some of these are almost or quite peculiar to it and to the
closely neighbouring parts — e.g., -beck, -fell, -force, -gill,
-thwaite. This would seem to indicate that some special divi-
sion of the Scandinavian race must have been the settlers here.
Yet it is very difficult for us now to say which or what it was,
because, as we have seen. Old Norse was so largely a homo-
geneous language. Sweden, at any rate, may be ruled out.
Runes show that some Swedes did settle in England, but only
as individuals, never in force; and, as for the rest, medieval
chroniclers never seem to know any difference between Dani
and Nordmanni. (It is usually held, however, that East
INTRODUCTION 39
Anglia and the region of the five boroughs — Derby, Leicester,
Lincohi, Nottingham, and Northampton — were peculiarly
Danish).
An ending like -beck occurs farther south as -bach or
even -beach, only now as English; and -force, it may be said,
is so rare in the south, because waterfalls are so rare there
too; the same reason might, perhaps, be urged as to -fell.
But why should an ending like -gill be confined almost, though
not altogether, to the north ? And, even more singular, why
should -thwaite — ' an enclosed or cut- off piece of land ' — •
never seemingly be found farther south or east^ than the
neighbourhood of Huddersfield ? All we can say is, the many
-thwaites in such a hiUy, rocky land as Cumberland is very
fair proof that the Danish settlers there as a rule must have
been, not blood-thirsty pirates, but peaceful and most indus-
trious peasants, eager to make the best of things, just like their
Norse kinsmen to-day.
Another thing indicated by our surviving place-names is
this : that Scandinavian influence in England remained strong
enough to give and establish many names long after the Danish
sceptre had fallen down ; and that means a good deal. In proof
of this, we point to such facts as these : that in Cheshire to-day
we can still find at least fifteen Norse names ; but of these only
four seem to be foimd in Domesday, compiled 1086-87. This
seems to show that a good many of these fifteen names did not
come into being until a good while after the Norman Conquest.-
In Cambs, which has curiously few Danish names, out of the
five given by Skeat, four are in Domesday ; and, what is note-
worthy, one of these four, Staine, has clearly been renamed
by Danish lips, after Domesday. Duignan has not worked out
the Norse influence in his books on Stafford and Warwick, and
it is stronger in N.E. Staffs and in Warwick than his readers
might think. We have traced eight clear cases in Staffs and
about eleven in Warwick; six of the Staffs cases are in Domes-
day, in Warwick three, whilst other two are found in O.E.
charters ; but Rugby and Monk's Kirby have been altered by
Danish tongues after Domesday.
On the other hand, whilst history distinctly teUs of Viking
visits to Cornwall in the middle of the ninth century, one could
^ But Eastwood, Notts, used to be Easthwaite.
40 THE PLACE-NAMES OP ENGLAND AND WALES
scarcely have guessed it from the present-day names of that
peninsula. This is all the more curious seeing that Norse
names are so common on the south coast of Wales. All over
the south coast of England, however, such names are very
rare, until we come round east to Kent. There seems one
curious exception in Bonchurch, Isle of Wight (Domesday,
Bonecerce), which must surely tell of some Norse landing; or
can it be a real old Jute name ? In Kent Norse names re-
appear sparsely. We have two or three -giUs, and two weU-
known -nesses, though it is possible that both Dungeness and
Sheerness may be pure English. Nore is Norse, clear
enough (' a bay with a narrow entrance ') ; and then there are
the names in -child, to which M'Clure has called pointed atten-
tion, especially Bapchild, found in O.E. Chron., 694, as Baccan
celde or ' Bacca's weU.' This is interestinglyj even pro-
vokingly, early. But the -child of Bapchild must be the same
as the common ending -keld (O.N. kelda) in the north — Salkeld
(' salt spring '), Threlkeld, etc. This, strange to teU, is also
the root of St. Eolda, which, as is now well known, is no saint's
name at aU. In a Kentish charter of 858 we also find a Hwyte
Celda, or ' white well ' ; and there is still in Romney Marsh a
Honeyckeld (' honey-sweet well '). Such names may weU be
claimed for the Norsemen; and reference to the Jutes, who
arrived in Kent in the fifth century, seems hardly in place,
because, so far as we know, the Jute speech was English in
type, not Norse. So, then, there were Norse settlers in Kent
c. 694, of whom we have no direct historic record. With them
we may venture to associate the men who named the few sur-
viving ' giUs ' in Surrey and Sussex — GiU's lop. Heron's GhyU,
etc.
When we come to survey as a whole the surviving evidence
of the presence of the ' hardy Norseman ' in our midst, we find
that it corresponds nearly, but by no means quite, with what
we should expect from the historic evidence. The Danelagh,
or that region of England where Danish law did rule, is said to
have comprised at its widest aU the shires from Yorks south to
Essex, Beds, Herts, and Bucks, and west to Notts, Derby,
Leicester, and Northants. Now, Worsaae, in his Danes in
England, estimated that of 1,373 Danish names in aU, over
400 are in Yorks, 292 in Lincoln, 90 in Leicester ; in Norfolk
INTRODUCTION 41
and Northants about 50 each. These are all Danelagh shires.'
But Cumberland and Westmorland have about 150 each too,
and Lancashire, he says, about 50. But Mr. Sephton has,
much more recently, estimated the Scandinavian names in
Lanes at about 90. What he says is, that of 500 Lanes names
on record before 1500, about 80 per cent, are Low German,
18 per cent. Scandinavian, and only 2 per cent. Keltic. Wor-
saae estimated that 14 other counties had 130 Danish names
between them, and 18 counties none at all; or, to put it other-
wise, about 1,000 of our Danish names lie within the old
Danelagh, and only about 400 outside.
So far as Yorkshire is concerned, mark and sign of the
Dane, in place-name ending, is so ample that it would be a
superfluity to dwell upon it. The same is true of Lincoln,
most Scandinavian of all our shires, though little Rutland is
very Danish too. As we come south, however, the mark and
sign grow less clear, and in Hunts, Beds, Cambs, and Herts
the trace is very sUght indeed. The most useful endings to
take as guides or clues are -bie or -by, -caster, and -thorpe,
and perhaps -toft. The ending -by, signifying simply ' a
house, dwelling, or little settlement,' is ubiquitous. In Lin-
coln alone we find it 212 times; in Norfolk there is quite a
cluster round Great Yarmouth, the cluster extending as far
as Barnaby, south of Lowestoft, in Suffolk; in the rest of
Suffolk sign of Dane is rare to see.^ But -by holds on along the
coast as far south as Kirby Cross and Kirby-le-Soken, near
Walton-on-the-Naze, Essex. Then it seems to disappear, and
not to emerge again until we reach the many inlets of Pembroke.
Inland, -by ranges south to Badby, south of Daventry (North-
ants), and west to Rugby (Warwick) — a shire not reckoned in
the Danelagh. But, common though the ending be, there is not
a single specimen in Cambs or in any of the southmost counties
of the Danelagh, which shows how brief and shallow Danish
influence there must have been. At the Danes' northern limit,
Co. Durham, -by is said to occur four times, no more.
The ending-caster is also somewhat of a guide to the Dane's
presence, but by no means one so sure or serviceable as -by.
Norse tongues alone preserved the Roman hard c in castrum
or castra. On the lips of the Saxon, aided by the Norman, the
^ But cf. Thingoe, etc.
4
42 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
c has always softened into -cester or -Chester. E.g., the form
is always -Chester even in Durham (Chester-le-Street, etc.) and
Northmnberland (the Chesters, Hexham, etc.). But in Cum-
berland we find the form to be Mun-caster ; in Lancashire, Lan-
caster itself ; in Yorks, Don-caster ; in Lincoln, An-caster ; and,
as far south as the north-west corner of Norfolk, we have one
example in Bran-caster. But, as showing that Danish influence
was far from all-powerful, even in its own territories, we have
such weU-known names as Lei-cester, Chester-field, and Man-
chester, as weU as Rib-chester, north-east of Preston. The
ending -thorpe is also interesting and instructive to work with.
Many would say that thorpe is quite an English word, and no
sure token of Danish residence at all. But, as the Oxford Dic-
tionary wiU show, thorpe in any form is a very rare word in older
English; and, in any case, the true English form is trop or
throp, found in place-names in almost purely English quarters ;
only, very rarely. We have, e.g., Adlestrop, Chipping Norton,
Pindrup, Upthrup, Westrip, and Wolstrop, all in Gloucester,
and Staindrop (' stone-built village ') in S. Durham ; also at
least once in Yorks, Wilstrop; besides, we have Thrupp both
in mid-Oxford and S. Northants; and we have a Throope
away down beside Christchurch, Hants. We have Thorpes,
too, where any other Danish forms are very uncommon — e.g.,
Thorpe Thowles, north of Stockton-on-Tees; Thorpe-le-Soken,
Essex; Thorpe Morieux, Bury St. Edmunds; and plain
Thorpe, Leiston, Suffolk. But the only Thorpe in the Postal
Guide, which is in a distinctly English district, is Thorpe,
Chertsey. We thus are pretty safe in taking -thorpe as a mark
of the Dane. It is particularly common in Yorks and Lines
(there are sixty-three in all), and quite common in Norfolk;
but as an ending it is very rare south thereof. Its other
southern^ and also its western limit seems to be Eathorpe,
Leamington, another proof of Danish influence outside the
Danelagh; and we have Thorpe Constantino near Tamworth;
Not so common an ending as -thorpe is -toft ('homestead'),
though common enough in Yorks and Lines. In five cases it
stands alone, and it occurs not only in the most Danish parts
1 But also note, Upthorpe, Hunts, which seems to have been
Upeforde in Dom. Astrope (Herts), ' East Thorpe,' gives us the English,
not the Scandinavian, form.
INTRODUCTION 43
of tlie Danelagh, but also in Cambs and Suffolk, and in
un-Danish Durham, in Toft Hill, Bishop Auckland.
In Wales the Viking has left his permanent stamp on many a
bit of the coast ; not so in England, because it is conspicuous for
its absence of bays and fjords, unless it be in Essex and Cornwall.
To Sheerness, Nore, and Dungeness in the south-east we have
already referred. There seems little else in the way of name
with Danish cast upon our seashore, until you reach the very
Borders, where Solway Fieth is a doubly Norse name. The
name Solway, though it has been much disputed, is almost
certainly the O.N. sol-vag-r ('muddy bay,') the ending being
often paralleled in Scotland (in Stornoway, Scalloway, etc.)
Some of the many nesses or headlands between Lincoln and
Kent — Skegness, Winterton Ness (Norfolk), the Naze, etc. —
may have been named by the Vikings, but perhaps not in a
single case is this certain — not even Skegness, which is a tau-
tology, Skeg- being O.N. and -ness O.E. for ' headland.' One
should perhaps refer here also to such a name as Airmyn, near
the mouth of the Yorks Ouse, which is ' mouth of the R. Aire '
(also a N. name), from O.N. munn-r, ' mouth.' On the north
coast of Scotland goe (O.N. gjd, ' gap, cleft ') is very common.
In smooth-shored England we seem to have none, though
inland, near CarHsle, there stands Cargo (? 'rock-gap '); but old
forms are needed here. It may weU be ' Carig's hoe ' or ' how.'
The chief mountain ending which comes to us from a Norse
source is -fell, very common in the south of Scotland for a ' bare
ridge, a stretch of waste hill land, ' and no less common on the
Borders in Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmorland,
and down as far as Littledale Fell, south-east of Lancaster.
Beyond that fell does not seem to go.
Of rivers in England with Scandinavian names we have but
few. River-names, as we have found, are usually very ancient,
and are 'sweer,' as the Scots say, to change their names.
There are, or were, in England, at least three rivers called
Fleet ; the London one has now disappeared. And Fleet might
be O.N. fijdt as well as O.E. fiedt, 'river, stream,' in either
case the root idea being ' fleet, swift.' But probably all three,
as well as Fleetwood, Lanes, are not Norse; Fleet, Hants,
certainly is not. However, we do have a few clearly Danish-
named streams — the Aire, Greta, and Wharf e, in Yorks; the
44 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
Mease and Tern, in Staffs; and there may be others. The
names just mentioned will each be found explained s.v. The
old fords on our rivers far oftener show sign of Danish visitors
than the rivers themselves. When this is so the Danish
tongues have softened ford into forth — a very common ending
in Cumbria and Yorks — but also found farther south, as in
Handforth, N. Cheshire, and even at Forth End, Chelmsford;
whilst Marlingford, Norwich, was Marlingforth as late as 1482.
The chief Scandinavian endings not yet fully commented
on are -beck and -with, found together with another character-
istic ending -shaw, in Beckwithshaw, Harrogate, a hybrid
name, where O.E. scaga is = Norse with, ' a wood.' The Scan-
dinavian -beck is very close to the English -bach, and runs into
it in S. Lines (see s.v. -beck). Becks, or ' brooks,' are common
in the north-west, whilst in Durham we have Harwood Beck
and Beechburn Beck. Wansbeck, the only one in Northum-
berland, is a modern corruption. South of Lincoln they are not
found. The ending -with (O.N. vid-r, Dan. ved., ' a wood ')
is common in Yorks, as in Askwith, of course the same name
as that of our present Prime Minister and of our peerless arbi-
trator; also in Beckwith and Skipwith (which occurs again in
S.E. Cumberland); yet even in very Danish Lincoln it now
occurs but once, though it may recur in, or rather, there may
have been similar Danish influence in, Chabnwood Forest,
Leicester; c. 1165 Charnewid.
Clear traces of Scandinavian mythology in our nomenclature
are not frequent. Thor, the brave thunder-god, and Odin,
ruler of heaven and earth, are commemorated often enough.
But Thor in our place-names seems generally found originally
in its Saxon form Thunor, as it certainly is in Thundersley,
and as it probably is in all names in Thur- : Thitiileigh, Thtjr-
liOW, etc. Similarly, Odin is found in our names perhaps only
in his Saxon or Teutonic form Wodin (also Waden, Weden ; in
Simeon of Durham, however, Othan); but in this shape it
occurs frequently. Names of ordinary Norsemen crop up
continually, especially in names ending in -by north of the
Trent. The names in Butter-, like Buttermere, probably
conceal or reveal a good many cases of Norse settlement. We
may even find a Norseman in Windermere too, as well as in —
to take, for example, a group at the end of 0 Osbournby,
INTRODUCTION 45
Osgathorpe, Osgodby, Osmotherley (' meadow of Osmund-r ' !),
Oughtrington ('town of Authgrim-r ' !). In such places the
Norsemen's names have become greatly disguised and dis-
torted— twisted, indeed, almost out of recognition — by tongues
which knew not the men or the race which owned the names.
Gamston and Ganthorpe, both from Gamel (' gamle Norge '!),
are other interesting cases in point ; so is Gothersley, for ' Good-
rich's lea ' ; and the subject has by no means been fully worked
out yet.
Rough List of Scandinavian Names in the Sheres where
THEY ARE NOT FrEQUENT.
Cambridge. — Bourne, Brink-ley, Carl-ton, Staine, Toft.
Cheshire. — Ayre (Point of), Chad-kirk, Frankby, Greasby,
Helsby, ? Helstry, Irby, Earby West, Ness, Pensby, Quoys-
ley, Raby, Thing- weU, Toft Hall, Whitby.
Durham. — Butterby, ? Newbiggin, (Pontop and West) Pike,
Raby, Roker, Tantobie, Toft (Hill), Wasker-ley.
Northumberland. — Brink-burn, Lucker, New-biggin-by-the-
Sea ; also the endings -dale, -fell, and -gill in several names
each.
Stafford. — Carr, Cheadle, Crake-marsh, Leek, Tern R., Thorpe
(Constantine), Uttoxeter, Yarlett.
Wi»RWiCK. — Biggin (2), Brinklow, (Monk's) Kirby, Prinsthorpe,
Rugby, ? Tardebigge, Toft, Wibtoft, WiUoughby.
Worcester. — Clent, ? Hag-ley, ? Sme-ster.
CHAPTER VI
THE ENDINGS
In the case of English place-names a knowledge of the endings
is quite half the battle ; and so we now set forth the chief of
these in some detail. The student will find this section well
worth mastering. He should first consult the Abbreviations,
p. 87.
-age is a rare and always puzzling ending, often not a true
ending at all. In Wantage, e.g., it seems quite modern,
whilst in Buebage the ending is reaUy -bage, modern form
of O.E. bece, ' brook.' The sequence is -beck, -back, -bach,
-batch, -baitch, -bage; and aU these forms are found
represented among our names and their pronunciations.
In CocKNAGE and Stevenage the -age is O.E. h)cecce,
'hatch'; whilst Swan age is O.E. Swanawic, 'swan's
haunt '; and Broomage, Larbert, Scotland, is 1458 Bru-
minche, or 'broom, gorse links,' or 'meadow.' Cranage
may be like Swanage, ' crane's abode,' but Ceessage
seems to be ' crest edge.'
-ay, -ea, -ey, -y. — These all represent, though -y only some-
times, the O.E. ig, ' island ' ; ig is Wessex, the AngHan and
O. Mercian is eg, in M.E. -ei, -ey, from O.E. ea, ' stream,
river, brook ' ; so that the root idea is ' watery place, '
not only an island, but a peninsula — as often, Selsea,
Bawdsey (HoUesley Bay), etc. — or any place surrounded
with brooks or streams, or even a marshy place. Most
places now with this ending can never have been true
islands. Berks, e.g., has nine examples; and we not only
have the Isle of Anglesea (O.E. Chron. Angles ege), but
also an Anglesea Priory, Cambs. Places like Pevensea,
46
INTRODUCTION 47
Swansea, etc., are also cases in point. In the north -ey
may be the O.N. ey, Dan. oe, with the same meaning
But few English names in -ey are certainly Norse. The
ending -y certainly sometimes represents ' island, ' as in
Lmidy Island; and Skeat gives Coveny and Wendy in
Cambs, but he refused Ely, Bede's Elge, or ' district '
not 'island of eels;' ge being rare O.E. = Ger. gau,
what Bede calls 'regio.' In Marrick, Dom. Marige,
N. Yorks, -ige has seemingly hardened into -ick; this
is rare.
-bach, -beach, -beck. — O.N. bekk-r, Sw. hack, 'a brook, a stream.'
Not in Northumberland, where Wansbeck is a recent cor-
ruption of Wannys pike; but we have a ' Bolebec,' in 1157
Pipe Roll, Northumberland. It is found still, however, in
Durham, in some tributaries of the Wear, where we even
have a Beechburn Beck ! It is common in Cumbria and
Yorks — Hokne Beck, Troutbeck, etc. — but perhaps not
farther south than Lines. One of the most southerly is
PmcHBECK, Spalding; but as that is already found in an
810 charter Pyncebek, the -beck here is probably the O.E.
bece or bcsc, found in this same charter in Holebech or
Holbeach, in the same district, with the same meaning.
Bach, also bache, and -batch, is a regular dialect name for
'brook,' common especially in Cheshire — Bache, Com-
BEEBATCH, Sandbach, etc. ; whilst in Dom. we have here
a Bachehe. The O.N. gen. of beck — viz., bekkjar — is
found in the two Beckermets, ' mouth of the brook ' ;
whilst, as we noted above, Btjubage is, in 961, Burh-
bece.
-borne, -bourne, -burn. — This last is now only northern, but all
three are forms of O.E. burna, burne, burn, O.N. brunn-r,
originally ' a spring, a fountain,' then ' a brook, a rivulet.'
In Northumberland -bum is common, as in Scotland,
Hartburn, Otterburn, Warkburn, etc.; in Cumberland it
is rarer — Greensburn, near the Border, etc. Tributaries of
the Wear vary between -bum and -beck; south thereof
-burn ceases, and -borne or -bourne becomes common
nearly everywhere. In old spellings in Berks, Cambs, etc.,
we have -burn or -burne, but not now. In Mary-le-6one,
London, the r of bourne has vanished.
48 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
-boro\ -horotigh, -burgh, -hury, all variants of O.E. hur:^, hurh, 2^
bure{g)h, ieri^, 3 huri, 3 — 4 borh, ioru (for other forms
see Oxford Dictionary), ' an enclosed or fortified town '
(or village), rather than a simple fort or castle like
dun, though cf. c. 820 Kent. Gloss., ' ad arcem, to bur^e.'
The ending is very common all over, especially as -bury;
-burgh, so common in Scotland, is rare in England ; even in
the north it is rather -borough — Bamborough, Flam-
borough, Middlesborough, etc. But we have Burgh-on-
Sands, on the Solway, pron.^ Bruff, and Burgh, E. Lines.
The ending has come down to -ber in Bramber {cf. harbour
and its forms in Oxford Dictionary). The northern ending
-bergh, as in Caldbergh, Sedbergh, etc., is not from -burgh,
but is a variant of Barrow. But Farnborough at least
three times in Dom. ends in -berg(e; and in Denmark
to-day we have -berg, -borg, and -burg all representing our
burgh. On the other hand, Crowborough, Leek, is c. 1300,
Crowbarwe, perhaps dative of O.E. bearu, ' a wood '; and
Hillborough, Warwick, is, in 710, Hildeburhwrthe, ' farm
of Hildeburga.'
-by, -bie. — North. O.E. by, probably adoption of O.N. bce-r,
by-r, Sw. and Dan. by, 'dwelling, village,' from O.N. biXa,
' to dwell,' same root as in North, big, ' to build.' Mawer,
Vikings, p. 124, says it indicates Dan. rather than Norse
settlement; but this contradicts his own statement (p. 11)
that Northumbria was Norwegian ; and Yorks is crammed
with -bys. However, there are only four north of Tees —
Butterby, Durham, being one of the northmost — and
there are none in Northumberland. We get the bce-r form
in Canisbay and Duncansbay, Caithness, but not in Eng-
land. The ending runs as far south as Badby and Kilsby,
south of Rugby. There are none in Cambs or Herts, but
there are several in Norfolk and Suffolk round the mouth
of the Yare, and we have Kirby Cross and Kirby-le-Soken
in N.E. Essex. There is also a Laghenbia, in Dom.
Essex, ? where. There are at least eight in Cheshire, but
perhaps none in the west to the south of Cheshire. The
^ The meaning of tliese figures is explained at the end of the
Abbreviations.
2 Pronounced. (See Abbreviations.)
INTRODUCTION 49
ending reappears in Jersey — Hougie Bie, ' dwelling on the
mound.'
-caster, -cester, -Chester. — L. castrum, castra, ' a camp, a fortifica-
tion ' ; not always a proof of Roman work, though, along
with -ford, -ceaster is the commonest of all the endings in
our earliest historian Bede. Outside the Danelagh the c
usually softened into ch, or from hard c to soft. Thus we
get many -chesters even in the north — Chesterfield
(1165 still Cestrefelt), Manchester (1421 still Mame-
cestre), and even Ribchbster, north-east of Preston.
Yorks is full of -casters ; and we even have Muncaster, in
Danish Cumberland ; but in Durham and Northumberland
the form is always -Chester — Binchester, Ebchester, and
Rochester (Northumberland). The hard -caster comes as
far south as Brancaster (King's Lynn), a very Danish
locahty, but not farther; Warwick has none. The form
-cester occurs rarely within the Danelagh, as in Leicester,
and is the regular form in the more southern parts —
Bicester, Cirencester, Gloucester, Worcester, etc. —
all these cited being much more contracted on modern lips.
O.E. ceaster has also become -xeter = cseter, as in Exeter
and Wroxeter (this form seems late), but not Uttoxeter.
Once we find the ending as -cetter, in Mancetter,
Atherstone. (On the origin of the O.E. forms, see
Caistor. )
-comb, -combe. — Common also in Cumberland as a prefix — Cum-
divock, -rangan, -ranton, -whinton, etc. — ^or separately, as
in Combe Down, Combe Florey, Combe Martin, etc. The
proximate root is O.E. cumb, ' a hollow thing '; hence ' a
bowl,' and then ' a (deep) valley ' or ' a hollow in the flank
of a hill.' In origin it is probably Keltic, and cognate with
W. cwm, ' a hollow.' As suffix, it is found chiefly in the
south, especially in Somerset, Dorset, and Devon — in the
first commonest of all. In Berks there are four, in Cambs
none, in Warwick only Walcombe (no old forms), in
Cheshire only Seacombe, which is at least as old as the
days of Henry VI.; there is also Holcombe, near Man-
chester ; and the suffix reappears in the north in Cumber-
land, Gillercombe, and Glaramara and Langdale Combes,
etc. ; also at least once in Durham, Escomb (Bishop Auck-
60 THJ: place-names of ENGLAND AND WALES
land). But in the north one must be careful to differen-
tiate from coom sh^ {Oxford Dictionary), * a domelike hill,'
of uncertain origin, as in Black Combe, White Combe, and
Hen Comb, Cumberland, and Comb Fell and Combhill,
Northumberland. Sacombe, Herts, is a corruption, being
Sueuechamp in Dom.
-dale. — O.E. dcel, or, perhaps nearly always in old names, O.N.
dal-r, ' a dale,' the root meaning being probably ' deep,
low place' {cf. Gothic dalath, 'down.'). Found from the
Scottish Border south to Derbyshire, but much commoner
in the north, where Norse influence was strong, and there
usually ' a river-vaUey between hills, a glen ' — Allendale,
Borrowdale, Ennerdale, etc. The southmost instances
seem to be Darley Dale, Matlock, and Coalbrookdale,
S. Salop. The simple Dale recurs in Pembroke, a very
Norse locality; but -dales farther south, like Begdale,
Cambs, Skeat looked on as merely modern — e.g., also Sun-
ningdale, Berks, a recent coinage, suggested by the ancient
SunninghiU near by. A pure English southern instance is
Doverdale, Droitwich, in 706 Dourdale, 817 Doferdael.
Rarely -dale becomes -die, as in Cheadle; and once at
least it has been corrupted from -hale, ' nook ' (see -hall) —
in Dinsdale, Yorks, Dom. Digneshale — unless Dom. be in-
correct.
-dean, -den, -dene. — These suffixes usually stand for O.E. denu,
' a valley,' same root as den{n), ' a den.' A ' dean ' now
generally is a valley deep, narrow, wooded. The suffix
occurs all over Great Britain; -dene is rare and southern
{cf. North Denes, Great Yarmouth). O.E. den{n), 6v dcen,
means not only ' den, cave, lair, ' but ' woodland pasture
for swine,' seen in Denford, Berks, and perhaps in Forest
of Dean. The suffixes -den and -dean are continually
interchanging with -don or -dune, as in Basilden or -don,
Burdon, c. 1130 Byrdene, Croxden, 1237 Crokesdun, Evers-
den or -don, Morden, c. 1080 Mordune, Yattenden or
-don, etc. Sometimes the -den may have an entirely
different origin, and be a part of -warden, q.v., as in
Garden, Hawarden, etc.
-er (see -or, -over),
-et (see Barnet, Coquet, Farcet, Hodnet, etc.).
INTRODUCTION 51
-fell. — O.N. iiall, Dan. fjeld, ' a mountain, a hill,' also in north
of England, ' a wild stretch of waste hill land, a moorland
ridge.' In either case the name is fomid only from the
Northmnberland Border through Cumberland and West-
morland, south to Littledale Fells, south-east of Lan-
caster; perhaps not elsewhere.
-ford, -forth. — One of the commonest, widest-spread, and
earliest of our suffixes, a ford being such an important point
in early days, when bridges were rare or non-existent.
In Bede -ford and -ceaster are the commonest of aU end-
ings. It is O.E. ford, from the common Teutonic root /ar,
' to go '; it is cognate with L. port-us, ' harbour,' and W.
rhyd, O.W. rit.f 'ford'; also with O.N. fior^-r or fjord}
Probably it is to Norse influence we owe the soft form
-forth so common in the north ; examples in un-Scandina-
vian districts are rare; but note Gosforth, north of New-
castle, Marlingford, Norwich, 1482 Marlyngforth, and
Forth End, Chelmsford, probably all due to Norse tongues.
The Postal Guide has four places simply called Ford; in
Cheshire we have seven fords — five already in Dom. ; in
Cambs, eight — seven in Dom. ; in Berks, no less than
eighteen, all dating from Saxon days, though only eight
seem in Dom. Duignan gives twenty-six -fords in War-
wick, nearly all very old, and at least fourteen as old as
Dom. But the ending has its traps ; especially does -ford
tend to replace -worth, as in Duxford and Pampisford,
Cambs, Beeford, Driffield, Whiteford, Bromsgrove {Dom.
Witeurde), Offord, Warwick, etc. (see those names). Box-
ford, Berks, was originally Boxore, ' box-tree bank ' or
' shore.' In Devon -ford is asserted to stand as a rule for
W. ffordd, ' road, passage ' ; in Stirlingshire -ford, which is
fairly common, never stands for what we now caU ' a ford.'
McClure, p. 242, has a useful note on the different kinds
of -ford, those whose names teU their nature — Mudford,
Sandford, Stamford, etc. ; those which teU what animals
used them — Oxford, Shefford ('sheep-ford'), etc.; those
which tell what kind of helps you will find there — Bam-
forth ('beam ford '), Stafford, etc.
^ Sometimes -ford directly represents fjord, as in Haverford, Mil-
ford, Orford.
62 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
-gill. — O.N. gil, geil, ' a deep glen.' Oxford Dictionary does not
class this with ' fish gill, ' as is often done. In later English
it comes to mean ' a narrow stream, a rivulet, ' but in names
it usually signifies 'a narrow, slit-like glen or opening.'
Rare in Northumberland, it is fairly common elsewhere in
the north — Bullgill, Dallowgill, Ivegill, Lowgill, Ramsgill,
etc. — and especially common around Grasmere. Gill is also
used in the dialects of Kent and Sussex, but there gives
name only to obscure places like Heron's Ghyll, Lewes,
Gills lop (leap,' O.N. hlaup), on the N.E. Sussex border,
etc. Sometimes -gill is curiously disguised, as in Ald-
win:klb, 1137 Aldwin gel, or ' Baldwin's gill.' This village,
near Thrapston, Northants, is one of the most southerly
instances. We get -gill less disguised in Winskill, the man
'Wine's ravine.'
-hall, -all, -ell. — A very important and much debated suffix.
There is a genuine O.E. heall, ' a palace, court, royal resi-
dence, ' then ' a mansion, a hall ' ; and probably a few of the
many hundred names ending in -hall are derived therefrom.
E.g., we have Croxall, Lichfield, in 773 charter Crokes-
halle, Dom. Crocheshalle ; and in Dom. we have Buben-
halle, Brunhala, Crenhalle, Chenihalle, for Bubbenhall,
Broomhall, Crewe Hall, and EaUinghall respectively; and
these all may be from heall. But far the most plainly come
from O.E. healh, ' a nook, a corner,' then ' a flat meadow
by a river, a haugh,' which last is its modern representa-
tive. Li charters and Dom. the ending is usually -hale, a
Mercian dative; more rarely -heale, the ordinary O.E.
dative. The ending is by far the commonest in old Mercia
or the Midlands. In Cheshire alone there are over 250
places with names ending in -haU or Hall (the latter often,
not always, quite modern). We get the simple Hale {sic
in Dom.), near Altrincham and Liverpool, and in the plural,
as Hailes, Gloucester; whilst it is preserved as an ending
in Enhale, Cambs, in O.E. charter Eanheale.
The h easily drops away, and so we get -all, as in Bignall,
Birdsall (York), Gnosall (still 1298 Gnoddeshale), Walsall,
etc. ; or else we get -ell, as in Beadnell, Bracknell (the only
case of hale in Berks), Bucknell; or even -el, as in Ellel,
Dom. EUhale ; whilst the hale is even more merged in Paull,
INTEODUCTION 53
- Dom. Pagele. The endings -hall and -hill often run into
one another, not seldom in the Midland form of hill — viz.,
hull — e.g., Minshull Vernon, Cheshire, is Dom. Manesshale
or Manessele; Stramshall, Staffs, is c. 1300 Strangeshull ;
and GoxHiLL, Hodnell, and Sugnall lend further illus-
tration.
-ham, -am. — This very common suffix represents two distinct
words, and only when we get O.E. charter evidence can we
be sure which word it is. (1) O.E. ham{m), hom{m) in the
oldest charters often haam — e.g., 692-93 Essex chart. Bed-
den-haam and Deccen-haam (Degenham) — found also in
all the Frisian dialects as ham{m), hem, him, ' a pasture, a
meadow enclosed with a ditch ' ; Duignan adds, ' at the
bend of a river,' so as to connect with the human ham,
which is caused by the bend of the knee. In England the
meaning is ' enclosed ground, generally pasture.' So far as
we know, this by a good deal the rarer of the two suffixes—
e.g., there are in Berks seventeen names ending in -ham, of
which only five are clearly hamm, because we find in
charters ' set Bennanhamme,' for Beenham, etc. In Cambs
there are twenty-four -hams, but in no case do they clearly
come from hamm, though Skeat cites abundant evidence
from the eleventh century onwards. There is a Chippenham,
Cambs, c. 1080 Chipenham, but the place of the same name
in Wilts is O.E. Chron. 878 Cippanhamme. The same
rarity seems to hold true elsewhere. There are several
Hams on the Severn, and a few on the Wye and Trent,
from hamm. (2) O.E. ham, our ' home,' whilst hamm, with
its long a, represents an English hem. This is one of our
very commonest endings, often clipped down into -am {cf.
Cheam), or more rarely into -um, as in Bilsum, Gloucester,
c. 955 BiUesham ; but in the north largely replaced by the
Norse -by, except in Northumberland, where -ham is
common and -by non-existent. We have a fair number of
northern -hams — Askham, Brigham, etc., Cumberland,
Bispham, Kirkham, etc., Lanes. But the inquirer always
needs to be wary, because in the north, especially in Yorks,
-ham or -am frequently represents an O.E. locative or
dative — e.g., Hallam, Dom. Hallum, O.E. healon, ' on the
slopes ' ; HuLAM, Sim. Dur. Holum, O.E. holon, ' at the
54 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
holes ' ; also see Ilam, Kilham, Lytham, etc. Even -holme
may at tunes represent simply an O.E. locative, as in
HippERHOLME, Dom. Huperiin; -holm and -ham often tend
to interchange, as in Dueham, etc.
Though -ham is certainly abundant after the patronymic
-ing, q.v., Isaac Taylor's statement that, in the O.E.
charters, ham is found united with names of famihes, but
not with the names of individuals, is abundantly incorrect
(c/. Skeat, Place-Names of Cambs, p. 20) ; see, e.g., Becken-
HAM, Beenham, Biddenham, Boxham, etc.
-hampton — i.e., ham-tun — ' home town,' as in Bathampton, etc.,
is a very common suflSx also. Duignan cites seventeen in
Ombersley and Astley, Worcester, alone — five now
vanished.
-holm see Holme.
-hope, -op, -up. — O.E. hdp,, ' a piece of enclosed land, generally
among fens and marshes; waste land.' Also, especially
in N.E. England and S. Scotland, ' a small enclosed valley,
branching off a larger one, a blind valley ' ; same root
as O.N. hdp, a ' haven, place of refuge '; but we have no
seaboard names in England akin to St. Margaret's Hope,
Orkney and Queensferry. In Northumberland no less
than seventy-three places end in -hope, and forty in Dur-
ham. We have Easthope, Hope Rowdle, and Rattling-
hope as far south as S. Salop, and a Woolhope in Hereford.
But as this ending comes south, it tends to become -op;
already in Dunsop and CUtheroe, also in Glossop Works-
op; but Hatherop (Gloucester) is 1294 Haythorp. Even
Kershope, on the Cumberland border, has become Kirsop as
a personal name. Rarely we find -up, as in Bacup, Blake-
up, sic 1604 (a hill on the Borders), and the personal
name Kirkup =' valley with the church.' There are no
-hopes in Berks, Cambs, or even Cheshire; but in Pem-
broke we have Lydstep, which stands for ' Lud's or Llyd's
hope.'
-how. — This is O.N. haug-r, ' mound, cairn,' a rather rare suffix,
and only in the north — Brant How, Great How, etc. It
may shrink into -oe, as in Aslacoe or Thestgoe (this in
Suffolk) ; or even into -o, as in Duddo, 11 83 Dudehowe, and
as, perhaps, in Cargo, N. Cumberland. But Brisco, in the
INTRODUCTION 55
same shire, is, in its charter form, Birlsescagh — i.e., birk
shaw or ' birch wood.' The same word appears again
Frenchified, in the Channel Islands, as Hogue and Hougue.
■ing, in our oldest charters often -incg. This is one .of the most
interesting and important of all om: sufiixes ; in its way-
unique, being absolutely personal in its reference, not
local. The idea conveyed is one of possession, or intimate
connection with ; hence ' son of, descendant, ' as in ^thel-
ing, ' son of the ethel, the noble-born,' Cerdicing, 'son of
Cerdic,' etc. We even have in the O.E. of Luke iii. 38,
Adaming, ' son of Adam.' There are many place-names
ending in -ing, like Barking, Basing, Reading, Woking,
which originally meant, ' the sons or descendants of Beorc,
Bassa, Read, Woe, ' and only thereafter ' place where these
descendants dwelt.' In a name like Centingas it can never
mean anything but 'men of Kent'; the suffix in O.E.
charters is often found as -ingas, which is nominative plural
or -ingum, genitive plural, as in Bede's Berecingas (Bark-
ing), or O.E. Chron.'s Readingum (Reading). This patro-
nymic -ing, though so common, is not universal, and
chiefly southern; in Cheshire there are none, in Cambs.
only two; in Stafford and Warwick Duignan gives none,
unless Watlestg St. be called an exception ; but in Norfolk
-ing is fairly common — Hiclding, Horning, etc.; whilst
Horsfall Turner enumerates twenty-two for Yorks —
Gembling [Dom. GhemeUnge), Kipling {Dom. Chipelinge),
Pickering, etc. In Yorks there are, of course, the three
Ridings — i.e., third-ings or third parts; only this comes
from the equivalent O.N. -ung rather than the O.E. -ing,
the O.N. being thrithjung-r; in c. 1066, Laws of Edw.
Confessor, trehingas. The same ending reappears in
Holland in such a name as Appingadam. Sometimes, but
very rarely, the -ing is now -inge, as in E. and W. Ginge,
Berks, in O.E. charters Gaeging and Gaincg, Dom. Gainz,
'place of the sons of Gsega.' This softening into the
modern / sound (-inge = -inj), is also found in such modern
pronunciations as Nottinjam, Whittinjam, etc., fairly
often heard. Also, very rarely, the -ing may be dropped
in course of time, as in Cudeley, Worcester, in 974 Cudinc-
lea.
56 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
If names ending in -ing are rare in some parts, names
compounded with this patronymic suffix are found every-
where.
Generally the ending is -ingham or -ington, more rarely
-ingford, -ingwell, or the like. In many cases these are
genuine patronymics, denoting the home or viUage of
somebody's descendants — Beddingham, ' home of the
Beadings ' ; Bennington, ' home of the Bennings ' ; and so
on; it is needless to multiply examples. But, unless the
evidence for the -ing goes back to O.E. times, we can never
be sure that we have before us a true patronymic. Many
years ago, e.g„ the writer pointed out that in Scotland,
where there are a good many names in -ingham and -ington,
not more than two or three are real patronymics. One
needs to be hardly less wary in England, because very
often the -ing is but a later softening of the O.E. genitive
in -an or -en, usually the masculine gender in -an, as
Barrington,- c. 1080 Barentone, 'Bsera's village'; or
Bedingham, O.E. charter Beddanham, ' Bedda's home.*
Take the very first case that comes to us, Abingdon; it
is 699 charter Abbendune, ' Abba's ' or ' Ebba's hill ' ;
whilst Abington, Cambs, is Dom. Abintone, 'Abba's
town ' ; not patronymics at all. Sometimes the -ing
arrives very late ; Marchington, Uttoxeter, is 907 Msercham,
'home on the march or boundary '; 10Q4 Merchamtune,
or ' March Hampton ' ; not tiU the thirteenth century
have we Marchynton, and the -ing is later still. Some-
times, too, the -ing is a pure corruption, as in Almington
for 'Alchmund's town,' or Ardington for 'Eadwine's
town.'
Besides, we have always to beware of names in -ing,
which have nothing patronymic about them; names like
Holling Hall, where HoUing is but M.E. for 'holly,' or
like Stocking Lane, Staffs, where, Duignan says, Stocking
means ' grubbing up, clearing of wood or wild land ' ; whilst
Stocking, Haresfield, is an O.E. locative, stoccan, ' at the
tree-stocks.'
Dr. H. Bradley {English Historical Review, October,
1911) seems to have made out a strong case for -ing or
-inge being also sometimes an ending to denote a place on
INTRODUCTION 57
a river or stream, of which Avening, Exning, Gutting,
TwYNiNG, etc., would be examples.
-high, -ley, -lie, -ly. — These are all modern forms of O.E. Uah,
dat. leage, ' a bit of cultivated ground, a meadow, a lea.'
This is one of our commonest endings, especially as -ley ;
there are fifty-three in Cheshire alone, thirteen in Berks,
twelve in Cambs — these two last small counties. The
form -ly is rare,^ but we have Early, Berks, etc. ; -leigh,
which represents the dative, is not common except in a
few parts like Devon; there are none in Berks or Cambs.
But Leigh alone occurs twelve times in the Postal Guide,
from Lancashire to Kent. Two or three times in Yorks
we find the suffix as -laugh, Healaugh ('high meadow'),
Skirlaugh, etc. ; and in Cheshire it takes the form -lach,
as in Shocklach. Traps in connection with this ending
are few; but we have Cookley, Kjdderminster, 964 Culnan
clif.
-hw, and, in the north, -law. — O.E. hldw, hlcew, ' a hill,' then,
' a burial-groimd, barrow, tumulus.' The ending is
common in the south — Challow, Hounslow, Marlow, etc. ;
but -low is found in the north too, in Yorks at least three
times — Barlow, Bierlow, and Chellow {Dom. Celeslau),
but Barlow is Dom. Berlai ( = lea). Li the north, where
the form is -law, it is usually written separately — Collier
Law, Durham ; Black and Kilhope Laws, S. North-
umberland ; etc. J. H. Turner gives no -law now in
Yorks, but there were several formerly- — Chellow, as we
have seen, also Ardsley, and Tinsley, in Dom. Erdeslau,
and Times- or Tineslawe. We see the same tendency,
-ley replacing -low, farther south, in Staffs, where Moxley
was, c. 1400, Mockeslowe, and Muckley, c. 1600, Mucklow.
-minster. — ^This and -caster form our only Latin endings. It
is late L. monasterium, later L. monisterium, O.E. mynster,
originally ' a monastery ' ; but, as a place-name suffix,
-minster seems always to mean ' the church of a monas-
tery, ' then ' any church, ' generally a large one. It is now
found chiefly in the south — Axminster, Bedminster,
Sturminster, Westminster, etc. ; but, of course, we freely
speak of York Minster, Beverley Minster, etc. ; and in an
^ Also cf. AcLE, etc.
68 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
inscription of 1056-1066 in Kirkdale Church, Yorks, we
read of ' Scs Gregorius minster.' The O.N. form mustari
does not seem represented among om* names; but in
Menstrie (Alloa), Scotland, we get a Gaelicised form,
from G. mainistreach, ' pertaining to a monastery. ' This
is very like the form in Aymestrey, Hereford, Dom.
Eiminstre. Musters, Durham, is ' de Monasteriis.'
-or, -over, also -er. — The ending -or represents two distinct
words: (1) O.E. ora, 'margin, bank, shore, ' cognate with
L. ora, found by itself as a name in Oare, Berks; but
common as an ending too, as in Bognor, ' Bucga's shore,'
CuMNOR, Keynor, and Windsor, whose early charter
form is Wendles ore, which Skeat thinks may be ' the
Vandal's bank.' But (2) -or, with -er, and its fuller form
-over, represents O.E. ofer, 0. Fris. overa, overe, M. Fris.
over, E. Fris. over, ofer, Ger. ufer, 'border, margin,' hence
* seashore,' and especially 'river-bank'; by c. 1205
Layamon, it has become oure. We get this word as a
name in Owram, Yorks, in Dom. Overe, Oure, and Ufrun,
which are locatives singular and plural, Ufrun becoming
OwRAM after the type described under ham (2). The full
form -over is still retained in Ashover, Bolsover, etc.
But it has often been shortened into -or, as in Baddesley
Ensor (or Edensor), Hadsor, c. 1100 Headesofre, and
Haselor, c. 1300 Haselovre; and we get it as a prefix in
Orgrave, N. Lanes, Dom. Ourgreve, ' grave on the bank.'
Most names in -er also have the same root, though this
has not hitherto been much recognized; especially those
named from trees — Asher, ' ash- tree bank ' ; Beecher,
Easier, ' hazel-bank ' ; Pinner, ' pine-tree bank ' ; and
Thomer, as well as Iver, Uxbridge, which is probably
' ivy bank ' ; and Hever, ' high bank ' ; and even Wooler,
which has nothing to do with ' wool,' but is 1197 WeUoure,
' well bank.'
-thorpe, -torp, -trop. — This is O.E. c. 725 throp, c. 800 drop,
later thorp, O.N. thorp, N. torp, O.Fris. thorp, therp, ' farm,
hamlet, village.' It is very rare in O.E., and in place-
names is due almost solely to Norse influence. It is found
as a name simply as Thorp (e), five times in the Postal
Guide, and often in combination — Thorp Arch, Thorpe
INTEODUCTION 60
Abbotts, Thorpe-le-Soken, etc.; also as Throop (Christ-
church), and Thrupp, Mid Oxon and S. Northants. These
last forms will be pure Eng., as are also the rare occurrences
of the ending outside the Danelagh — ^Adlestrop, Eastrip,
Somerset ; Huntingtrap, Worcester ; etc. Gloucester, a
purely English county, contains many remarkable varia-
tions of thwp — Hatherop, Pindrup, Puckrup, Westrip,
Wolstrop, and even Upperup. Wilstrop, W. Riding, Dom.
Wilestrop, is one of the very few cases of -trop in a Danish
region, whilst Thorpe, Chertsey, is one of the very few
cases of thorpe outside such a region. The ending -thorpe
is common in Norfolk, and occurs three times in Warwick,
in which cases it is certainly due to Norse influence; it
does not occur at all in Cambs or Cheshire, once each in
Hunts, Beds, and Herts. In Denmark to-day the ending
-trup is very common.
-thwaite. — O.N. pveit, pveiti, ' a piece of land, a paddock ' (lit.
' a piece cut off,' a piece ' thwited ' or whittled off). This
suffix is found only in the north-west, chiefly in Cumber-
land; also, rarely, in S. Scotland. The limits seem to be —
Seathwaite, Broughton-in-Fumess, Satterthwaite, Ulver-
ston, Linthwaite (' flax plot '), and Slaithwaite, Hudders-
field, and Hunderthwaite, N. Yorks {Dom. Hundredestoit,
or ' bit cut off the hundred '). Modem lips have clipped
Slaithwaite down to S16-at. We have one -twight in
Norfolk, Crostwight, Dom. Crostueit; and see Eastwood.
-toft. See Toft.
-ton ranks with -ley as the commonest of all our suffixes. Dr.
Lee estimated that about one-eighth of all the names in
the first two vols, of Kemble's Codex Diplomaticus had this
ending, whose root idea is ' enclosure, ' ' my property ' ;
whereas, singular to note, this same root is never used as
a place-name ending anywhere on the Continent. It is
O.E. c. 725, ' tuun cors ' ( = cohors, L. for ' court '), later
tiln, O.N. t'ijjn, 'enclosure, homestead, farm'; toun in
Scot., town in W. Somerset, and tun in Norw. dialects are
still used for ' a single farm.' In Cornwall town and
town-place are still applied to the smallest hamlet or
even to a farmyard. Then, probably after the Nor.
Conquest, tun came to mean ' a town ' ; long before
60 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
that it meant 'a village.' The root is often said to be
akin to Keltic d/an, ' a fort,' as in the old ending -dunum.
But this is doubtful, as diA^n means first, ' a hill,' and then,
' the fort which so often crowned the hill. ' True, the
forms -don and -ton do sometimes run into one another,
as in Bishopston, 1016 Biscopesdun, Farndon (Cheshire),
Dom. Ferentone, Gamston, Larton (Cheshire), Dom.
Lavorchedone, etc., also Dunstall and TmsrsTALL.
One needs to be careful about the common confusion
with -stone, as in Atherstone, Beeston Castle, Brigh-
ton, Brixton, etc., whilst Elkstone, Leek, was 1227
Elkesdon (c/., too, the common interchange of Johnston
and Johnstone). Perhaps oftenest, in these eases, the
original ending was O.E. stan{e), 'stone'; but not in
Johnston. An example of the reverse case is Woolstone,
Berks, which is the O.E. Wulfricestun. Sometimes the s is
the genitive of the preceding personal name ; and of course e
may be added at the end of almost any old name. There
are also some curious corruptions, like Austerson, Cheshire,
which is DoTO.'s Alstanton, whilst Enson, Staffs, is c. 1300
Eneston and Enson. In rare cases, as in Cotton, Cambs.
the ending -on may be the old locative, ' at the cots, '
the same ending which in Yorks so often becomes -un,
-um, and then -am; see -ham; so that -ham and -ton may
mean the same thing, and yet not ' dwelling ' at all !
In rare cases -ton is, or was, used to give a Saxon look to
a Keltic name — e.g., Clyst, Exeter, was 1001 O.E. Chron.
Glistun, v.r. Chstun, whilst we also have a ' Clistune ' in
Dom. Worcester, all probably being originally W. glwys,
' a hallowed place, a fair spot.' In Mitton, which occurs
several times, the -ton is corrupted from O.E. mythan.
-warden, -wardine, -worth, -worthy, are best all taken together,
being in root the same. Very common is -worth, O.E.
worth, weorth, wurth, wyrth, ' open space, piece of land,
holding, farm, estate,' akin to our Eng. worth. In Dom.
it is usually found as -orde, or -vrde, -worde. Examples
are so numerous that they need not be cited. J. H. Turner
cites thirty-one cases, past or present, of the ending, in
Yorks alone. Occasionally we meet a corruption, as in
BiSHPORT for 'bishop's worth,' and, more serious, Sea-
INTRODtJCTION -ei
COURT near Oxford, which, was once Seovecwurde or
' Seofeca's iarm.' Who would ever guess that"? In a £ew
cases -worth has been replaced by -iord, as inDuxEOUD and
Pampispoed, Cambs ; Offord, Warwick, and Tudworth,
Yorks ; where Dom. has both Tudeworde and Tudeforde.
We see the reverse case in Brinsworth, Rotherham,
Dom. Brinesford, and Wigglesworth, E. Yorks, Dom.
Wiclesforde. In either case the transition form was -vorde.^
-worthy is an ending purely S. Western. It is O.E.
worthig, seen more fully in Worthing ; root and meaning
the same as -worth. Seemingly it is not a diminutive
but an extended form as in -warden. Examples are
Badgeworthy, Holsworthy, King's Worthy, etc.
-warden, -wardine, is an ending very common in Salop,
whilst a few cases occur in the surrounding counties ; else-
where it is unknown. It is Mercian O.E. worthign, ex-
tended form of worthig and of worth ; see above, and
meaning, as before, ' farm, holding, place of worth.' In
Dom. Salop we have a simple Wrdine; but instances of
the ending are also abundant in that shire — Belswardine,
Shrawardine, etc. In N. Hereford we have Leintwardine
and Pedwardine, in Worcester Bedwardine ('the monk's
table farm '), and ToUerdine, in Fhnt Hawarden, whilst
we have contracted forms in Garden, Cheshire; and
Harden, Staffs; as well as Ellerdine, Salop. Gloucester
gives us Ruardean, c. 1281 Rowardin, and Shepherdine. It
is interesting to note that Lapworth, Warwick, is in an 816
charter Hlappanwurthin and in Dom. Lapeforde. In
Holland we have names like Leeu warden (Dutch, leeuw,
' a lion '), where we seem to have the same ending; but
there is no Dutch warden or worden in CaUsch's Dutch
Dictionary.
■wich, -wick. — This is O.E. wic, 'dwelling, village,' borrowed
from L. vicus, 'village,' same root as Gk. olKo<i, 'house ';
also borrowed in Corn, as Gweek, found in place-names
there. One of the very earliest recorded instances of
-wich is 'the port of Quentawic,' in Bede iv. 1, i.e.,
St. Quentin, Picardy. In the South wic is usually softened
into -wich — -Greenwich, Harwich, Sandwich, etc. In the
^ The natives now call Deskford, Banffshire, Deskurd.
62 THE PLACE NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
north it remains hard, as -wick — Ahiwick, Berwick,
Cheswick, Withernwick, etc. But the hard -wick is also
found in the south. We have both Berwick St. James
and St. John near Salisbury, as well as one near Shrews-
bury, and we have Chiswick near London as well as one
in the far North. In Cheshire and Worcestershire -wich
or -wych is popularly interpreted as indicating a brine
or salt spring {cf. 716 charter ' In wico . . . Saltwich,' Wor-
cester). But there is no O.E. authority for this, even
though Nantwich is in W. Yr Heledd gwen, ' the white
place for making salt.' Droitwich is in O.E. Chron. simply
Wic. We get the hard form in Salwick, Preston, which
can hardly mean ' salt bay,' O.N. vik, but rather, ' village
where salt was made.' It is doubtful if any -wick in
England means ' bay ' (though cf. Sandwich), whilst
such are common in the north of Scotland. Skeat thought
the -wick in Saltwich, Droitwich, etc., was the N. vik,
* a smaU salt creek or bay ' ; and that the change to
' brine-pit ' would be easy. But to some of us this seems
very unlikely indeed, down inland at Droitwich, and so
early as 716. In Yorks wic becomes Wike, Dom. Wic,
and Heckmondwike, etc. The O.E. ending -awic some-
times becomes -age, q.v.
-with. — O.N. vith-r, Dan. ved, 'a wood,' is common in Yorks.
J. H. Turner cites eleven cases — AskwitH, Beckwith,
Bub with, etc., where Dom. spells vid, wid, uid, and vi,
always avoiding ih. It is doubtful if -with ever really
interchanged with -wick. We do have Skipwith twice
in Dom. as Schipewic, and again in 1200 Scippewic, also
Butterwick, Yorks, in Dom. both Butruic and Butruid;
but as a rule in such cases c wiU be the common scribe's
error for t. Occasionally -with is found changing into
-worth; whilst Langwith, Derby and Notts, and Lang-
worth, Lines, all ended with -wath, ' ford,' in thirteenth-
century charters.
CHAPTER VII
THE NOKMAN ELEMENT
The pure Norman period in England was but short — from the
Conquest in 1066 to the accession of the Angevin Henry II.
in 1154. However, from the marriage of ^thelred to Emma,
the Duke of Normandy's sister, in 1002, Normans began to
find homes in our land and to influence our affairs, an influence
which lasted on till the accession of Edward I. in 1292, first of
our Kings with an English name since fatal Senlac, and an
EngUshman out and out. Hallam has well pointed out that
Norman influence in England has often been exaggerated.
Sir Henry Ellis's enumeration of the nearly 8,000 mesne tenants
in Domesday shows how very large was the number of purely
Saxon lords of the manor at that date; whilst it should be
better known that French was never used among us for deed
or law until the reign of Henry III., 1216-1272. Still, consider-
ing the wide power of Norman lords and landholders, and the
large use of French among all educated EngUshmen, Norman
place-names in England are wonderfully f ew.^ Here the stolid
Saxon peasant fairly extinguished the proud Norman peer.
But there is one pretty large group, of Norman names in
England, those beginning with Beau — or, before a vowel, Bel-
(feminine, belle), 'beautiful, lovely,' a common prefix for a
spot chosen because of its fine outlook or natural beauty.
There are among us two Beaudeserts or ' lovely wilds,' a Beau-
lieu, ' lovely spot,' reappearing corrupted in Bewdley and in
Leighton Buzzard; also two Beaumonts and two Belmonts,
' fine hills.' There are two Belchamps, ' fine plains,' better
1 Of course the Normans profoundly influenced both the spelling
and pronunciation of many English names, both local and personal.
See p. 26, and names like Cerne, Osgodby, etc. ; but wholly Norman
names in England are few. The whole subject is carefully worked out
in Zachrisson's Anglo-Norman Influence on English Place-Names, 1910.
63
64 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
known to us in the shape of Beauchamp or Beacham ; then there
is not only a modern Belle Vue, ' fine view,' but an old Belvoir,
' fine to see,' whilst the Beaurepair, ' lovely haunt,' of the
Chron. of Lanercost, has now become transformed into Beau-
park, Ebchester; but it remains as Belrepeir in Gloucester, and
appears again in Derby as Belper. Belford, Belgrave, and
a good many other names in Bel-, have an English, not a
Norman, origin.
Antrobus, Nantwich, is of an almost unique type for an
English name ; but it surely must be Fr. entre huis, ' among
the box-trees ' ; in Dom. it is Entrebus. Almost its only
parallel so early is Montgomery, of which, and of other
Norman names, we shall have something to say in the
chapter on Wales Another old name in Mont- we have
in Montacute, 'sharp hiU,' brought in the Conqueror's days
from Normandy to S. Somerset. A few of pur abbey
names also are Norman. It is not to be wondered at, so
many French monks and clerics swarmed over to England
with William I. ; hence Jervaulx and Rievatjx. These, how-
ever, are only haH French, the fijst half in both cases being
Enghsh; but vaux or vaulx is the plural of Fr. vol, ' a valley.'
Bois, Fr. for ' a wood,' has been preserved in a few place-names,
Chesham Bois, Bucks ; Theydon Bois, Epping Forest, etc. ; but
not Cambois. Forest, too, as in New Forest, Forest of Dean,
etc., is, of course, French. Then it should be noted that all our
names with the suffix -market are due to Norman influence —
Newmarket (4), Stowmarket, etc. About the earliest record
of such names which we have found is in the Pipe RoU
for 1179-80, Yorks, De Novo Mercato (Latinized form of
O.Nor. Fr. mercat), now Newmarch, which gives us the modern
Fr. marche, with the same meaning.
Norman personal names are very conmionly appended to
real old English names — e.g., Bovey Tracey, Hurstmonceux,
MUton Deverel, Sutton MaUet, and Montis, etc. A run through
Duignan's county books will show, however, that these double-
barrelled names rarely came into use until well on in the Middle
Ages. More rarely the Norman name (in most cases the pro-
prietor's) is prefixed, as in Guyhirn, Royston, etc. A real
Norman name, long a puzzle, is Barnet, first found c. 1200,
Barnette. It is almost certainly a diminutive of Fr. heme
INTRODUCTION 66
or herme, 'a narrow space, a ledge, a berm.' Boulge, Suffolk,
is also worth referring to, because it preserves an old Norman
word for ' a heathery waste.' In the same region is Dover-
court, which goes back to Dow., and so gives us the word court
more than 200 years earlier than it is recorded m our English
dictionaries. ^
A church or ecclesiastical building among us is usually
denoted by -church in the south, -kirk or kir- in the north,
or else by -minster. But Normans have their share here too.
The O.Nor. Fr. capele, late L. cappella (Ut. ' a httle cape '), is
now usually Chapel, which goes to form fourteen names in the
Postal Guide — Chapel Allerton, Chapel Amble, etc. They may
not all go back to Norman days, but such a name as Chapel-en-
le-Frith certainly does; so do the four Capels, two in Kent
and near Dorking and Ipswich, whilst there are ten Capels in
Wales. There is likewise a Chappel in Essex. Very few of our
names in Castle come in before 1300; but Castle Holdgate,
Salop, occurs as Chastel Hollgod in the thirteenth century, and
must be Norman.
Three curious specimens of quasi-Norman names may bring
this brief chapter to a close: Lappal, Halesowen, is in 1335
Lappole, which "must mean ' the pool '; while in 1342 we read
of ' Thomas atte Pole.' Surtees, Co. Durham, is in 1211 Super
Teisam, the L. super having been changed into Fr. sur ; and the
name, of course, means (place) ' on the Tees, ' Beachy Head,
Sussex, if correctly interpreted, is unique in its way as an
English cape name. It is always thought to be the Fr. beau
chef, ' fine head ' or ' headland ' ; and there is a Beauchief near
Sheffield. The French article le, ' the,' stiU remains in a curious
number of cases — Chapel-le-Dale, Chester-le-Street, Newton-
le- Willows, etc.
CHAPTER Vin
THE NAMES OP WALES, MONMOUTH, AND CORNWALL
Great progress has now been made in the study of the names
of England and Scotland, still greater with the names of
Ireland and of Man., As to the wealth of Keltic names in
Cornwall much remains to be done, largely because Cornish
is now so utterly a dead language. It has dictionaries, but
none satisfactory to the place-name student; and perhaps
nobody now aHve knows enough about it to do the subject
justice, imless it be Mr. Henry Jenner. We have, indeed, a
great store of Cornish names in Domesday, including twenty-
eight which begin with Lan-, or 'church.'^ But, with rare
exceptions, like Bodmin or Launceston, Domesday's names
are not those famihar to most of us to-day. So, for lack of
anything which we feel worth saying — we confess it with
regret — we pass on.
With Wales, and its very Welsh neighbour, Monmouth, the
case is altogether different. Welsh is a tongue exceedingly
alive. In 1911, 43-5 per cent, of the people still spoke Welsh,
though that showed a decrease of 47,542 in ten years. On
the other hand, only 14 per cent, of the people of Ireland then
spoke Erse, and just over 4| per cent, of the people of Scotland
spoke Gaelic. Excellent Welsh scholars abound, yet almost
nobody seems to have fairly tackled the host of intricate and
interesting Welsh names which await explanation. Men like
Professors Rhys and Anwyl have given scattered hints; and
one very solid contribution we do have — the Cymmrodorion
Society's edition of Owen's PembroJceshire (1603), edited by
H. Owen, with huge blocks of notes in small print by himseK^
Mr. Egerton PhiUimore, Professor Rhys, Mr. W. H. Stevenson,
^ Out of the 200 old Cornish parishes, no less than 145 are called after
Keltic saints — Irish, Welsh, Breton, or Cornish.
66
INTRODUCTION 67
etc., notes which often display acutest learning and insight
concerning names all over Wales, but arranged with a terrible
lack of method, and sadly unhandy for the busy student.
The only book dealing with the whole subject seems to be Mr.
Thomas Morgan's Place-Names of Wales, second edition, 1912.
The author was prize-winner at the Newport Eisteddfod in
1897 for a Dictionary of Welsh Names in Monmouth, so it may
be taken for granted that he knows spoken Welsh thoroughly,
and he has collected a lot of useful material. But he omits
many important names, even Glamorgan, and he hardly refers
to any mountain or hill, not even Plynlimmon, Worse stiU,
Mr. Morgan has had no scientific training, and so, on many
points, his little book is a very unsafe guide.
Something might have been expected from the new edition
of the Encyclopcedia Britannica, that wonderful monmnent of
well-arranged learning. The article ' Wales ' gives a long list
of Welsh words for river, hill, and dale, with specimen names
derived from them. But the list is such that any tyro could
easily compile it out of a dictionary for himself ; and no attempt
is made to analyze or explain a single one of the hundreds of
difficult Welsh names. Rarely, an article like ' Cardiff ' makes
some effort to deal with the philological problems. But, from
a place-name point of view, many of the separate articles are
deplorable. All we are told — e.g., under 'Denbigh' — is: 'Din
in Dinbych ' (the Welsh spelling) means ' a fort.' But, as we
shall see, the strong probability is that Denbigh is a Danish,
and not a Welsh, name at all. Under Wrexham, another
puzzling name, we are told that the original name ' in the
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,' is ' Wrightesham.' This last is not
the original name, and Wrexham is never mentioned in that
Chronicle at all, i
As we have referred to Cardiff, the history of the great
seaport's name is quite worth telling before we proceed further.
The Britannica article gives a very imperfect record of the early
forms of the name. But in all probability it is correct in
holding that the usual explanation ' fort on the Taff ' must be
wrong. No early writer ever calls it Caerdaf , (which would be
the proper Welsh spelling if this were so), unless we make ex-
ception of the English antiquary Leland, in the days of
Henry VIII., and he was only writing down his own guess.
68 THE PLACE-NAMES OP ENGLAND AND WALES
The earliest spelling now known is of date 1128, Kardi; a little
later we find Kardid, whilst in the Pipe Roll for 1158-59 we
have Cardif. The modern Welsh is Caerdydd, pronounced
Caer deeth. These forms suggest the meaning ' fort, castle of
Didius.' Within the last few years it has become certain that
Cardiff stands on the site of a Roman fort ; and so this Didius
will probably be that Roman general who, in a.d. 50, fought
against the Silures, the British tribe who inhabited this region.
If this conjecture be right, Cardiff will take rank as one of the
earliest known Roman stations in the British Isles.
It is generally agreed that Wales was originally peopled by
a non-Keltic race, almost certainly pre-Aryan, and now
practically wiped out, though it has left its mark in the skulls
of many of its successors. Next, it is agreed, came the Goidels
or Gaels, Kelts pure enough. They probably spread over
nearly the whole of modern Wales, and a little farther east,
except where, near the Salop border, the Brythonic Ordovices
became firmly fixed. Their leading tribes were the Silures
in the south-east and the Demetae in the south - west.
Brythons came in successive waves after the Gaels ; and while
the Saxon was busy driving the native Briton westwards out
of England, the Brython was as busy in Wales conquering the
Gael, the conquest being aU but complete about a.d. 500.
Legend and tradition make it weU-nigh certain that the Gaels
were once in large force in Wales, and, in early historic times,
were aided against the Brythons by counter invasions of Gaels
from the south of Ireland. But, as they were completely
conquered before civilization had made any great advance,
they have left behind only a few inscriptions, rare and precious,
in South Wales, especially Caldy Island, Pembroke, in Ogam
characters. There are no such inscriptions in Mid Wales,
and only one in the north. Of clear trace in Welsh place-
names the Gael has left singularly little. It is difiicult to say
now what must be truly Goidelic. The fact — e.g., that glyn,
our Scottish glen — ^seems commoner in Glamorgan than else-
where might perhaps seem to point that way. But the fact
e.g., that we have a Clyne (modern Welsh dun, G. claon, ' a
meadow ') both in Glamorgan and in Sutherland, is hardly
convincing proof that the Welsh Clyne must be a name left
behind by the now vanished Gael. But to one interesting
INTRODUCTION 69
pair we may venture to point — Rosemarket and Rhosmarket,
both in Pembroke. Their old forms are Rossmarken and
Rosavarken, for which no explanation is forthcoming in
modern Welsh. The names must surely be the same as Rose-
markie, Fortrose (c. 1228, Rosmarkensis Episcopus), where
Dr. W. J. Watson takes the ending to be G. marcnaidh, old
genitive of marcnach, ' place of horses ' ; and so the whole name
is probably Goidelic for ' moor on which horses were kept or
stabled.'
About Rome, too, and the tramp of her many legions through
Wales, surviving place-names tell us sadly little, though Rome
most certainly was here. There are no -casters or -chesters
to be found; caer- or car- everywhere takes their place. For
early place-name material we are worse off in Wales than
anywhere else in our British Isles. In Wales — e.g., no Roman
inscriptions have yet been found, though they are found every-
where else, one or two even in Cornwall. We have already
told how that Cardiff was probably a Roman fort soon after
A.D. 50. But, as matter of fact, no Roman writer mentions
any place in Wales tiU we come to Tacitus, who, in his Life
of Agricola, c. a.d. 90, refers to Mona, the Welsh Mona or
Anglesea, not Julius Caesar's Mona, the Isle of Man; whilst
in his Annals, at least ten years later, Tacitus mentions Mona
again and also Sabrina, the River Severn. Soon after Tacitus
comes the famous Geography of Ptolemy, c. 150, who describes
all Britain in ample detail ; and yet, perhaps, the only existing
Welsh name identifiable in Ptolemy is Maridunum, which must
be Caermarthen. This last seems, indeed, to be a translation
of Maridunum, ' fort, castle by the sea.' In Welsh ' the sea '
is mor, but in G. it is muir, genitive mara ; so that this, too,
may probably be taken as a Goidelic name.
The present name we find first in Nennius, c. 800. He
spells it Cair mardin, a spelling exactly preserved in (perhaps)
its next mention, the Pipe Roll, 1158-59, whilst Giraldus,
c. 1188, has Cairmardhin, or -merdhin. In Welsh II has come
to have the soft or hissing thl sound, and so, at least since the
twelfth century, Welshmen have taken the same to mean
'fort of Merlin, 'the mighty magician of King Arthur's court.
His name in modern Welsh is Myrddin; but already by 1148
we find it in its Latin form Merlinus. One of the earliest
70 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
known instances of the Welsh II, written as thl, is in the Rolls
of Parliament, I. 463/1, not later than 1300, where we find
a very familiar name spelt Thlewelyn.^
For a few other Roman names in Wales we can tm-n to the
Itinerary or Road Book of Antonine (see p. 4). There were
plenty of Roman roads in Wales, and wherever one finds sarn
in a place-name, one may hopefully search for traces of a Roman
road. But in the Antonine Itinerary we can identify only
three known names of to-day, and there is doubt even among
these — Gobannio (certainly Abergavenny), Nid (which may
be Neath), and Leucaro, possibly Loughor, Caermarthen;
all three on the Roman highway from Uriconium (Wroxeter)
to Caermarthen. In the Ravenna Geographer, a. 700, we can
probably identify Canubio with R. Conway. That seems
to exhaust our stock for the early centuries.
The Saxon has left a much deeper mark on the surface of
Wales than his Roman predecessor, but, unfortunately for us,
not in his Chronicle nor in his charters. In the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle we find nothing in the shape of a Welsh place-name
before the Conquest, save Buttington, Montgomery, in 893,
Brecknock in 916, and Rhuddlan in 1063. We have now
mentioned all our available documentary evidence up to
Domesday; because the dates of the present text of Skene's
Four Ancient Books of Wales are far too uncertain to found
almost anything upon. To refer to Domesday now may be
to anticipate; but we may finish this survey of our meagre
data before 1100 by saying that a handful of place-names in
Flint and Denbigh are mentioned in the Conqueror's survey
of Cheshire, 1086-87 — Hawarden, e.g., also Bersham, Brough-
ton, Halkin, and Rhuddlan, here Roelent; but probably not
Bagillt, though so careful an antiquary as Mr. A. Palmer
of Wrexham confidently identifies it with Domesday's Bachelie.
This seems as phonetically impossible as Mr. Morgan's Welsh
derivation, hu- geillt. The first syllable has always been Ba-,
and seems to represent W. hack, G. heag, ' little ' ; the second
means ' hiUs ' or ' cliffs.'
Salop's Domesday contains, perhaps, no Welsh name except
Montgomery just on its border. But several names around
* But also c/. Cardeol ( = ca^r Lleol), spelling of Caklisle by Ordericus
Vitalis, c. 1145; and for an instance in 1246, see Cefn Llts.
INTEODUCTION 71
Monmouth are in the Domesday of Hereford. From 600
onwards the Welsh march or frontier was a very unfixed
quantity — has always been so, we may say, up to the present
hour. Monmouthshire, nominally in England, is still Welsh
in nearly everything but name ; whilst Hereford and Monmouth
were once called West Wales. The fluctuating frontier is well
illustrated by the fact, often referred to in recent disestablish-
ment controversies, that, at points, the jurisdiction of the
Bishops of St. Asaph and Llandaff runs right into England,
whilst something like four parishes of the See of Hereford are
in Wales. West of the River Wye Hereford names are largely
Welsh, whilst east of it they are purely Enghsh; and in that
West-of-Wye region, Welsh was largely spoken not more
than sixty years ago. On the other hand, the Saxons were
always pushing their spears into Wales, especially the redoubt-
able OSa who, before 800, finally hunted the Welsh out of
Pengwern (henceforward known as Shrewsbury), and built
the famous dyke all the way along from the mouth of the Dee
to the Wye, so making this quite an English region, even, e.g.,
a good piece of what is now Denbigh.
Thus it is only as one might expect, that English place-
names are to be found in considerable numbers over about
two-thirds of St. David's PrincipaUty, historic and ancient
place-names too. The most purely Welsh of the twelve
counties are Cardigan, Merioneth, and Caernarvon, all in the
west, where, curious to relate, in all three, perhaps the only
Old English name is the highest mountain in the land, Snowdon,
' the snow-capped hill, ' a name found as early as the Norman
chronicler, Ordericus Vitalis, who, at Lisieux, c. 1140, wrote
of Mons Snaudunus. Doubtless the name goes back to Saxon
days. The natives have their own name, Y Wyddfa,. 'the
Tomb,' or 'Tumulus.'
Almost as early in Wales as the Saxons were the Norsemen.
The hardy Norseman was always prowling about the Irish
Sea and St. George's Channel, from the beginning of the ninth
century to the end of the thirteenth; and for long there were
Norse or Danish Kings in Dublin and the Isle of Man. It
was impossible, therefore, that Wales should escape their
usually unwelcome attentions ; though, it must be added, when
once they settled down, very peaceful and industrious settlers
72 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
they did make. So far as place-names go, they have left little
mark in Wales, save among the bays and islands of Pembroke,
which are so like their own much islanded, much indented,
rocky shores. In Pembroke we have Norse footprints in abund-
ance— Caldy I., Colby, Dale, Pish-guard ( = garth or yard),
Flathokn, Gellyswick, Hakin, Haverford, Milford Haven,
Skokholm, Stack Rocks, and Tenby, with quite a number
more, which all testify to Viking visitors, though it is impossible
in almost any case to give to these a precise date.
The French-speaking, domineering Norman was in great
force along both north and south coasts, and along the border,
from the Conquest, or a year or two later, right on to the days
of Edward I., whose little son, the first Prince of Wales, was
born at Caernarvon in 1284. Both William the Conqueror
and his son Rufus personally led expeditions into Wales, the
latter no less than three, on one occasion marching as far as
Snowdon. Indeed, only the rugged north-west was left un-
touched. South, in Glamorgan, we can still decipher not a
few of the heavy footmarks of the great Sir Robert Fitzhamon,
one of the Conqueror's chief knights, who, with his leading
retainers, coined many new names for the hamlets in the Vale
of Glamorgan, because their Norman tongues could not pro-
nounce the Welsh ones. Altogether, these landlords from France
have left behind a very interesting and somewhat important
little group of place-names — e.g., the Welshman's Mon has
now an EngUsh name, Anglesea, with a French name for its
capital, Beaumaris — or Beumarish, as it is earlier spelt. The
natives called it Rhosfair, ' moor of Mary.' However, in 1293
Edward I. came hither, built a castle on the low-lying land by
the shore of the Menai Straits, that so the castle might com-
municate with the sea ; and, because of the suitability of the
site, called the place Beau marais, or 'fine, beautiful marsh !'
Mold, in Flint, is another remarkable Norman name, well
disguised. The Kelts termed it Gwyddgrug, ' conspicuous
mount, ' from the great heap still to be seen near the chief road.
The Normans translated this into Mont halt (mod. Fr. haut),
'high mount '; and we find Roger de Monalto here in 1244.
Mont hault, with a transition stage in Moalt, has now been
squeezed down into Mold, just as Mowbray was originally
Munbrai.
INTEODUCTION 73
As interesting is the name Montgomery. A border castle
was built at this place just after the Conquest, by one Baldwin;
hence its present Welsh name Trefaldwyn, ' Baldwin's house.'
The castle was soon captured by Roger de Montgomery, who
had been made Earl of Shrewsbury in 1071; and ever since the
spot has borne his name. We find it in a Latin form in
Orderic, c. 1145, Mons Gomerici, ' hill of Gomeric,' which must
have been the name of somebody in Normandy, now lost in
oblivion. Already in Domesday, its first mention, the name
is spelt not only Montgomeri, but also Muntgumeri, which,
shows how early o was slurred into u.^ Of pure French is
Beau Pre 2 or ' Fine Meadow ' House, in Glamorgan, on the site
of another Norman castle, whilst Fleur de Lys is just across
the border in Monmouth. Beaufort, Brecon, seems to be
modern; but Hay near by is true Norman (Fr. haie, ' a hedge ').
We have already heard (p. 65) that names in Capel must be
Norman too ; and there are at least ten chapel sites in Wales
with this name, Capel Curig, Capel Saron, etc.
When we come to examine the true Welsh names as a whole,
as we now have them, we find, as we should expect, that the
river-names are all Keltic, or else pre-Keltic. Many of the
former, as well as of the latter, are difficult to interpret, how-
ever early we get their forms. The subject still requires much
investigation, and as yet clearly pre-Keltic names seem few.
Some river names are easy enough, like Use, which goes so
readily with Axe and Exe. Indeed, a good many are names
common to both England and Wales, and have already been
treated — Dee, e.g., and Wye, and Avon (Glam.), where also
we find the parallel form Aman, just as we have in Gaelic both
abhuinn and amhuinn, the latter seen in such a Scottish name
as Cramond, originally Caer Amond. The River Amman,
Caermarthen, though spelt with two m's, is more likely to be
the same word than to come from ami ; whilst the River
Co]srwAY goes with Wye, being W. con gwy {con, ' together '),
i.e., 'chief stream.' Cynon may be similar, q.v. Before we
go farther, it ought to be noted that the Severn, biggest and
* In Norman Frencli o regularly becomes u, especially before a nasal.
2 It may be added here that the Beaurepair, ' lovely haunt,' and
Belper of England reappear in Keltic Cornwall as Barrepper, Borripper
or Brepper.
6
74 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
earliest recorded river of all, is probably now insoluble. The
native Welsh name is Hafren, which the Romans turned into
Sabrina and the Saxons into Saefren — quite according to rule ;
as, in like manner, the Greek e^ and eTrrd are the Latin sex
and septem, our six and seven.
We have also in Wales, as in England, a good many Keltic
names, as well as Avon, which mean simply ' water ' or ' river '
— e.g., Dovey, W. dwfr, seen again in the Derbyshire Dove;
whilst a common river ending is -on, which also means nothing
but ' stream, ' as in Aeron, Cynon, and Avon itself ; also in
Scottish rivers Uke the Carron, and French ones like the
Gar-onne; L. Garumna, where the -imina is clearly the
G. amhuinn and L. amnis — or, rather, a root akin thereto.
The old Keltic deities were largely local or identified with
places. Thus we are not surprised to note that a good many
Welsh rivers, in the view of scholars like Sir Edward Anwyl,
show in their names survivals of river- worship — e.g., Dwy ffor
and Dwy £fach, which, says Anwyl, mean ' great ' and ' little
goddess, ' whilst the Merioneth Dyfi probably means ' goddess '
alone. The goddess of war may be commemorated in the
Aeron, and the god of the metal-workers or smiths in Gavenny
(where -j = gwy, 'river'). Yet another god seems to be
buried, or should we not rather say drowned, in the River
Ltjgg.
The River Tawe is probably the same root as the Enghsh
Thame and Thames, only aspirated, all meaning ' smooth,
quiet.' Tawy may be the same; but the Towey must be
another root, implying ' to spread out ' ; and the Cardigan
Tivy may have the same notion hid within it. The derivations
of many of the Welsh streams given by Mr. Morgan are pure
guess-work. Everything here needs careful sifting by a good
Keltic philologist.
The Welsh mountain names are aU Keltic too, with the one
notable exception of Snowdon. Some of these mountain names
hide quite a story, if only we could draw it out — Cader Idris,
e.g., 'the chair ' of 'seat of Idris,' who is said to have been
a Welsh hero and a great astronomer. Unfortunately, for
early forms or spellings of these mountain names, our best
and earliest authorities almost entirely fail us ; we mean Liber
Landaviae or the Book of Llandaff, c. 1130, and the bulky
INTKODUCTION 75
works of Giraldus Cambrensis, the famous Pembrokeshire
Norman, c. 1180-1200.
But when we turn to counties and coastline we find a quite
different state of matters. It is somewhat remarkable that
five out of the twelve Welsh counties now bear non-Welsh
names. First there is Anglesea, usually interpreted as
Old English for 'the Isle of the Angles,' a name which goes
back to the Norman Conquest. But Mr. W. H. Stevenson
prefers to derive from O.N. Ongulsey, ' island of the fjord '
(the Menai Straits); the Welsh always call it Ynys Fon — i.e.,
their Isle of Man. Then comes Denbigh, a name over which
much nonsense has been talked, largely because, from its
earliest mention (? c. 1 350), the name is always found in its
Welsh spelling, Dinbych, Dynbiegh, or the like, with a final
guttural. Dinbych would literally mean ' hiU of the wretched
being '; while Mr. Morgan holds out for din bach, ' little hiU,'
which it certainly is. But Din bach it is never called; and
there can hardly be any doubt that the English pronunciation
gives the true name. Den-by, 'Danes' dwelling.' The ending
-by is one of the commonest in Great Britain, whilst Dane has
become Den- just as in Den-mark, The name is thus identical
with Tenby at the opposite corner of Wales ; d and t continually
interchange in Welsh names. Next is Flint, also debated;
but it must be the English flint, and be called from some rocky
peculiarity about the town or county, even though what we
technically term ' flint ' does not seem at aU common here.
The fourth is Montgomery, already dwelt upon; as a
county name unique in either Wales or England, being called
after a Norman. Lastly, there is Radnor, as plainly English
as Flint, though few people seem clear about it. Mr. Morgan
' teUs us, the shire's name was given to it in the reign of
Henry VIII., and that it means 'red district.' The fact is,
the name, though not the shire, is as old as Domesday, and is
the Old English Radan ora, probably meaning, ' at the edge
of the road,' presumably the Roman road which ran from
Wroxeter south to Abergavenny and Caerleon. The native
Welsh name is Maesyf ed or -hyf ed, probably for maes hyfaidd,
' field of the dauntless one.'
As to the seven other counties with pure Welsh names, it is
notable that no less than five commemorate a national hero —
76 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
Brechyn, Ceredig, Merlin, Merion, Morgan. This is greatly
different from the practice of the Scottish Kelt, who rarely
puts either himseK or any other human being into his place-
names. The two exceptions among the seven are Pembroke,
which is corrupt Welsh for ' head of the sea-land ' ; as Giraldus
has it, ' Pembrochia caput maritimae sonat ' ; and then
CAEENARVOisr, ' f ort opposite Mon ' or Anglesea. There is
another Carnarvon in Cumberland, with the same meaning.
Only in this case the Mon (aspirated Fon, pron.. Von) is our
Isle of Man.
The Welsh have been allowed even less say in naming their
own coastline than in naming their counties. A study of the
map shows that, except round Cardigan Bay, it is the Norse-
man or the Saxon who has named all the headlands of impor-
tance. Beginning at the north-east corner and going round,
we find — e.g., Point of Ayre, Great Orme's Head, Strumble
Head, St. David's Head, Hook Point, St. Gowan's Head, Scar
Point, Nash Point, Oldcastle Head, the Nose and Worm's Head
{Worm being another form of Orme, ' the Snake '). The
common or map names of the islands are almost all Teutonic,
too, though, of course, the Welsh have names of their own —
Anglesea, Holy Island, Skerries, South Stack, Puffin Island,
Bardsey, Ramsey, Skomer, Skokholm, Grassholm, Caldy, etc.;
where, of course, the endings -y, -ey, and -hohn are aU Norse
for 'island,' in its English form -ea. The bays, too, are very
largely English Even in very Welsh Anglesea we have a
Church Bay and a Redwharf Bay, whilst farther south we
have Fishguard Bay, Milford (' sandy fjord ') Haven, Oxwich,
and Swansea Bays.
Examination of Welsh town and hamlet names reveals
several curious and interesting things. The Kelt has always
been a devout man, and it is only what one would look for to
find that the Church has had a large say in Welsh nomen-
clature. Of churches called after the Virgin Mary alone
(Llanfair, etc.) we have about 150. Of course, by far the
commonest prefix here is llan, ' a church, ' originally ' an
enclosed bit of land,' found once in Scotland in Lhanbryde,
'church of St. Bride.' The Postal Guide registers less than
half the total, and of its 221 Uans, four are in Hereford. Crock-
ford's Clerical Directory enumerates about 465 in all, to which
INTRODUCTION 77
must be added Lampeter, ' St. Peter's church,' and Lamphey,
formerly Llandyf ei, and so, not as commonly thought, ' church
of faith,' but 'church of St. Tyfai.' Crockford also gives ten
places named Capel and sixteen named Bettws, to which we
shall return. But meantime we feel compelled to decline
discussing the patron saints of Welsh churches. It would be
an endless task, a very perplexing one too. There are so many
saints of the same name, whilst about so many exceedingly
little is known. It only remains to add, that the student
who wishes to know more of British hagiology, and to assure
himself who is the saint referred to in Bettws Cedewen,
Bettws Garmon, etc., or in any of the 460 Hans, will do
weU to consult Smith's well-known Dictionary of Christian
Biography, where he will find practically all that is really
known, set forth in compact form. Only, of course, the
student always needs to be on the outlook for spurious saints
like St. Ishmael's, or saints in disguise, like Tyfai, who lies
buried in the afore-mentioned name Lamphey.
We cannot but note, however, that modern Nonconformity
has had a share in the naming of villages, which makes a fair
second to that of the ancient Catholic Church. In the most
Welsh of shires we find a number of hamlets now styled
Bethesda or Beulah, Hebron, Nazareth, or Pisgah, after some
popular Baptist or Methodist chapel in their midst. It is
rather humiliating to add that the public-house comes close
on the heels of the Nonconformist chapel in its effect on Welsh
place-names, and, little as one would expect it, has had more
say in Wales than in any other part of Britain. Tavern Spite
marks the site of an inn reared on the ruins of a hospice for
pilgrims to the shrine of St. David's. Spite, W. ysbytty, is
a compound of the L. hospis, -itis, 'a guest,' and W. ty, 'a
house.' This is unobjectionable; but names like the Three
Cocks, Brecon ; Stay Little, Montgomery ; and Tumble, from a
TumbledownDick, in Caermarthen, do not sound very dignified.
But, as we prom'sed, we are not yet done with the Church.
In addition to all the Llans, there are at least two or three
Capels, or Chapels, in almost every shire — Capel Garmon, from
the much commemorated St. Germanus, and the like. We
need not again comment further on this Norman prefix. But
to many a reader it will be a surprise that the familiar W.
78 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
bettws is a purely English word with a Welsh frock on. ' We
come now to Bettws — that is, a warm, comfortable place.'
So the word means in Welsh, or else simply ' a house, a place
of shelter.' But though Mr. Morgan mentions ten different
suggested derivations, there can be little doubt that bettws is
nothing other than the EngHsh bead-house, O.E. bedhus, ' a
prayer-house.'^ Phonetically this exactly suits the case. In
English a ' bead-house ' came to mean an almshouse, whose
inmates prayed for the repose of the soul of its founder. But
in Welsh a bettws seems to have been a prayer-house erected
on one of the great pilgrim highways for the use of devout and
weary pilgrims. It is scarcely questioned that Bettws y Coed,
and all places of like name, date from after — indeed, probably
a good deal after — the Norman Conquest. Dyserth in Flint,
like Dysart in Fife, is the L. desertum, 'a desert,' then 'a hermit's
cell,' and then, like Bettws, 'a pilgrim house.'
As with the headlands and islands, so also the chief sea towns
have been named by Norse or English lips (except Cardiff)
— Swansea, e.g., and Newport, Milford, Fishguard, and Holy-
head. Because of its present pronunciation, some have thought
that this last must be Holly head ; but it is found as ' Le holy
hede ' before 1490. The Welsh call it Caergybi, in honour of
Gybi or Cybi, a British saint who, after visiting Gaul and
opposing Arianism, returned c. 380, to found a monastery on
this remote isle. Even a number of the favourite watering-
places are non- Welsh in name: Tenby, e.g., and Oystermouth
or Mumbles, and the Cardigan New Quay, which, like its Cornish
namesake, and like Port Madoc, is quite a modem affair. We
must add Barmouth, reaUy a corruption of Aber Mawddach,
' at the mouth of the Mawddy,' or ' the broad, expanding river.
But by the sailors it was deliberately changed to its English
form in 1786, that they might have an English name to mark
upon their vessels. Aber-, by the way, is a very common
prefix in Wales. It was much used by the Brythons and also
by the Scottish Picts. But its Goidelic equivalent Inver-, so
common all over Scotland, and not rare in Ireland, is never
found in Wales. The Postal Guide mentions forty-four Abers-
in Wales and Monmouth.
* Possibly Corn, botus, ' a parish,' may be the same word; see Botus-
FLEMING.
INTKODUCTION 79
There are, as we have noted, perhaps no original Roman
names left, but there are two Welsh abbeys still with names
in medieval Latin — VaUe Crucis, ' the Valley of the Cross,' and
Strata Florida, 'the Flowery Way,' in Cardigan, called the
Westminster Abbey of medieval Wales. The county for non-
Welsh names is Pembroke, where the town and village names
run about half and half. A rough calculation of the names
of any consequence gives about seventy Welsh and seventy non-
Welsh. Many of these last are known to be due to the batch
of Flemings whom Henry I. imported from the Netherlands
in 1111, and whom he settled here to help to cow the native
Welsh, who could ill brook the iron-handed Norman in their
midst. Johnston, Reynoldstown and Rogeston, are cases in
point. William Rufus had planted a like colony in Gower in
1099 ; but Freeman thought these must have been Wessex men
brought over from Somerset. All place-name study is full of
pitfalls and snares, and Wales is no exception. The student
therefore must always be on his guard against names which
are not what they seem. There are many real English names
on Welsh ground, but not a few masqueraders too, like Valley
in Anglesea, which is reaUy the Welsh maelle, ' place of trade,'
with the often aspirated m; whilst Watford, Glamorgan, seems
to be a corruption of the Welsh Y Bodffordd, ' the house by
the road.'
Of aU the real Old English names in Wales not yet descanted
upon, perhaps the most important — anyhow, the most per-
plexing— is Wrexham, now in Denbigh, but in Saxon days
a frontier town of the kingdom of Mercia. We have seen
nowhere an accurate account of this name ; and we have found
that even prominent and highly educated dweUers in Wrexham
believe its name to be Welsh, because it has a so-caUed Welsh
name, Gwrecsam, for which some extraordinary explanations
have been given. But Gwrecsam is an obvious corruption of
the English name, which, in its early spellings, is a little puzzling.
It occurs first in the Pipe Roll for 1160-61 as Wristlesham.
The St at once betrays the pen of a Norman scribe. These
men, as we already know (see p. 26), detested gutturals, and
practically never wrote them down. When we hunt in Searle's
monumental Onomasticon Anglo- Saxonicum for a name likely
to be represented by Wristles-ham, we find only one, Wrytsleof ,
80 THE PLACE-NAMES OP ENGLAND AND WALES
' dux,' at Crediton in 1026. Wryt- will be for Wryht-, and in
aU probability the original name is ' Wryhtsleof's home.' The
next recorded spelling is in 1222, in the charter of Madoc ap
Griiffydd — Wrecheosam; in 1236 it is Wreccesham or Wrette-
sham; whilst in 1316-17 is given as Wrightlesham, by far
the nearest approximation to the original form. Beaumont
and Fletcher, as is well known, clipped it down to Rixum.
CHAPTER IX
PHONETIC NOTES ON THE ALPHABET AND ITS MUTATIONS
IN ENGLISH PLACE-NAMES
a tends to become se, or reversely — Abba, ^Ebba; Alfred,
iElfred, etc. The -an of the masculine O.E. genitive often
becomes -ing — ^Ebbandune, now Abingdon; Aldantmi,
now Aldington, etc. We see a reverse process in ^Ifre-
dinctmi now Alfreton. Medial eo in classic O.E. regularly
becomes a in Mod.E. — Haekstead, ' place of Heorc,' etc.
h may become its fellow labial p ; but rarely — Abetone is now
Apeton, Ebbasham is now Epsom. It also intrudes itself
like p, but much more rarely — Gamesf ord is now Cambles-
f orth, Gamelesbi is Gamblesby, Ghemeling is GembUng, etc.
c in Danish regions generally remains hard, but elsewhere
tends to soften into ch; cf. -caster, -cester, -Chester. Some-
times, though rarely, c softens into s; cf. Braceborough,
and Shad well, thought to be ' Chad's well,' whilst already
in 1236 we have Ceffton for Sefton.
d interchanges sometimes with its fellow dental t — BeUord is,
c. 1175, Belifort. It even sHdes on into -th; many of the
northern -fords are now -forths. It is one of the letters
which frequently insert themselves, as in Bewdley for
Beaulieu, Brindle for Brinhill, Windrush for Wenrisc, etc.
e in M.E. may appear almost anywhere. It is often a worn-
down a as in Essebi for Ashby, or represents some other
almost lost inflexion; but very often, as an ending, it has
no significance.
/ in Welsh sounds v — Afon is Avon, etc. ; ff sounds /, though
often the modern final -ff is no true /, as in Cardiff,
Llandaff, etc.
g in Welsh freely interchanges with c — Gaerwen for Caerwen,
etc. Sometimes it does so in Teutonic names too —
Gisburn is, 1197, Kiseburn, etc. Initial g tends to drop
81
82 THE PLACE-NAMES OF ENGLAND AND WALES
away, leaving I or Y, as in Ipswich, the old Gippeswic,
Great Yarmouth, once Gememuth, etc.
h is an elusive aspirate, which freely prefixes itself all over —
Abbertune is now Habton, Yorks; Addingham was once
also Hatyngham; whilst Aldermaston is found spelt
Heldremanestuna.
i and j are rare initials in old names. These will generally be
found under g.
k. In O.E. we only have c, in O.N. only h. Dom. rarely has
k except in Suffolk, and, more rarely, in Norfolk.
I. This liquid is always disappearing; indeed, the liquids
I, m, n, r, above aU other letters, need watching. Aid-
worth by 1225 has become Audeworth, and Alnwick, by
c. 1175, Audnewic (Norman speUing), whilst to-day it is
pronounced Annick. I is also constantly appearing where
it has no right to be, as in Islington, Scagglethorpe,
Walney, etc., or as in Hartlepool for 'hart's pool.' We
even get Harlington for an orignal Herdington. The I
may not seldom be replaced by its sister r, as in Abberley
for ' Eadbeald's' lea ' ; Barnacle for Bamhangre shows
the reverse process ; whilst it is the liquid n instead of r
in Ecchinswell for Eccleswell, and in Dromonby.
II is a peculiarly Welsh combination. Its soft thl sound was
reached soon after 1200. The first instance we have
noted is in the Patent' Boll for 1246 — Keventhles, now
Cefn Llys, Radnor. About fifty years later comes Bolls
Parliament,!. 463, l,where we have Thlewelyn for Llewelyn.
But up to at least Giraldus, c. 1200, there is no trace of
this. In him we always get Ian, e.g., and no trace of llan.
We find c. 1620 the interesting form Flanteclex for
Llanteglos, with which compare Fletherhill.
m and n, being closely kindred liquids, tend to interchange,
as in several cases of Dmn- for Dun-.
n is specially liquid, and tends to vanish. See Alnemouth,
now Alemouth, Quarrington, etc. It may also interchange
with any of the other liquids. See Allerdale for Allendale,
Holsingoure, now Hunsingore; Hildrewelle, now Hinder-
weU; and Baltersbergh, now Baltonsborough. As curious
a case as any is the name now Rickmansworth, originally
' Ricmser's worth.'
p. As already said, p interchanges with b, but rarely. Per-
INTRODUCTION 83
hape in no sure case in aber-, though in old spellings in
Scotland we do certainly find apor-. Cf. Dom. Ypestan
now Ibstone. The letter 39 is a common intruder; see
Bampton, Hampton, etc.
qu as in old Scots is =wh, as Whaplode, old Quappelode;
Wheldale, old Queldale; Whenby, old Quennebi; etc.
r. See already under the other liquids I and n. Of course, it
often disappears, as in ' fine English ' pronunciation to-day
— Abbey Dore is really Aberdore, Heigham Potter should
be H. Porter, and Mary-le-bone is properly Mary-le-
bourne. It can intrude itself too, as in Bajbdon", Ulver-
STONE, etc.; whilst Derrington, Staffs, was regularly
Doddington, or the like, up to 1318. Note that re in
old spellings is always sounded er. This often helps to
unravel a knot.
s. The O.E. scr, of course, becomes sh-, as in Shalcombe,
Shalfleet, Shanklin, etc. More rarely sh- may be fr. O.N.
sh-, as perhaps in Shap and Sheerness. This sk- usually
remains hard. The plural 5 or es is often modern. Gj.
Coates, Mumbles, Staithes, etc.
th, as we know, is almost always (Z as a final in Dom. We
find the same change in modern names too, as in Cottered,
where -red stands for -rith, 'stream.' Initially th is
sometimes a mere Norman superfluity, as in Thames,
whilst the Th in Thanet is also quite late. Dom. usually
writes initial Th as T. Th- also makes a singular and
remarkable change into /, as in Fenglesham, Deal, which
was in 831 Thenglesham, Felbridge, old Thelbrig, and,
conversely, Dom. Freschefelt is now Threshfield, Yorks.
«; is a genuine element in very few English names.
y is usually for O.E. ge- or g, as in Yarmouth, Norfolk, for
Gernemuth, Yardley for Gyrdleahe, Yarnfield for Gearn-
feld, Yatesbury from a man Geat, etc. But Dom. often
has nothing to show for the y sound, as in Yarlett, Dom.
Erlid, and Yarmouth, Isle of Wight, Dom. Ermu.
z is South- West English for 5. Zoy, e.g., is Soweie, ' sow
island,' etc. In Dom. it often replaces 5 — Cranzvic for
Cranswick, Branzbi for Brandsby, etc. In Ginge, Berks
Dom. has Gainz, ' where z has the sound of ts or dz, and
only approximately represents the English sound of a
palatalised g (like modern English j).' — Skeat.
EXPLANATORY LIST OF
THE CHIEF PLACE-NAMES
OF ENGLAND AND WALES
a., ante, before.
Alii. Itin., The Antonino
Itinerary.
B.C.S., Birch, Oartulari-
um Saxonicum.
c. , circa, about.
cf., compare.
chart., charter, usually in
B.G.S,, which is ar-
ranged chronologically.
cny., century.
corrup., corruption.
dat., dative.
dial., dialect.
Dom., Domesday Book.
Flor. W., Florence of
Worcester.
fr., from.
gen., genitive.
Gir, Camb.y Giraldus Cam-
brensis.
ABBREVIATIONS
G., Gaelic.
ih., the same.
K.G.D., Kenible, Codex
Diplomaticus.
L., Latin.
loc, locative.
mod., modern.
N., Norse.
Nor., Norman.
O.E., Old English or
Anglo-Saxon.
O.N., Old Norse or Ice-
landic.
O.W., Old Welsh.
Onom., Searle's Oiwmasti-
con Anglo -Saxoni-
cum.
orig., originally.
Oxf. Diet., A New English
Dictionary, Oxford,
edited by Sir J. A. H.
Murray, etc.
P.G., Postal Guide.
perh., perhaps.
Pipe, Rolls of the Great
Pipe.
prob., probably.
pron., pronunciation.
quot., quotation.
R, Rolls.
K Glouc., Robert of Glou-
cester.
Sc, Scottish, or, see Place-
Names of Scotland.
syll., syllable.
v.r., various reading.
var., variant.
W., Welsh.
W. and H., Wyld and
Hirst, Place-Names of
LatieasMre.
2-4, or such-like figui-es before an English word denote the centuries in which it is so
spelt; e.g., 3-7 nelde means that needle is found so spelt from the thirteenth to
seventeenth centuries.
Abbeeley (Stourport). Dom. Edboldlege, c. 1200 Albo(l)de8leye,
1275 Albedeleye. Gf. c. 1350 chart. Aberleye, prob. Linos.
' Meadow of Eadbeald ' or ' Mdhold,'' a very common O.E. name.
See how one liquid, I, glides into another, r! Cf. next and
Abram, also Ablington, Bibury, c. 855 chart. Eadbaldingtune.
See -ley.
Abberton (Pershore and Colchester). Pe. A. 969 chart. Ead-
brigtincgtune, Dom. Edbritone, 1275 Edbriston {si. Norman),
1538 Abnrton. ' Dwelling of (the sons of) Eadbriht ' or ' Ead-
heorht.^ Cf. Abberley, and Dom. Salop, Etbretone, and Ebring-
ton (Glouc), Dom. Bristentune, c. 1300 Ebricton. But Co. A. is
Dom. Eadburghetun, ' dwelling of (the woman) Eadburga.'
Cf. Aberford. See -ing and -ton.
Abbey Dore (Pontrilas). Corrup. of Aher Dore, ' place at the
confluence of R. Dore ' and Monnow; W. aher, O.G. aher, abher,
ahir, ' confluence.' The other places in Abbey denote a former
abbey — e.g., Abbey Hulton (Burslem), or ' Hill town,' where a
Cistercian abbey was built in 1223.
Abbots Bromley (Rugeley). 1004 Bromleag, -lege, Dom. Brun-
lege, c. 1400 Bromley Abbatis, Abbottes Bromley. It belonged
to Burton Abbey. See Bromley.
87
ABBOTSBUEY 88 ABEEBEEG
Abbotsbury (Dorset), Dom. Abbodesberie, 1155 Abbedesberi,
c. 1180 Bened. Peterh. Abbotesbiria. ' Burgh, of the abbot,'
O.E. abhod. Cf. 1167-68 Pipe Glostr., Abotestun. A Bene-
dictine abbey was founded here in 1044 by the steward of K.
Cnut. See -bury.
Abbot's Kerswell (Newton Abbot). Dom. Carsewelle, -svelle,
1158-59 Pipe Cari?ewell. 'Watercress well,' O.E. ccerse, cerse,
now ' cress,' Sw. kaise. Cf. Cresswei.l and Keresley. For
the Abbot see Newton Abbot; also cf. 940 chart., Abbodes
wyll, Wilts.
Abbots Langley (Herts). ' Abbot's long meadow,' O.E. lang
leak. Close by is King's Langley.
Abbotsley (Hunts). 1225 Alboldesley, c. 1256 Abboldesley, 1340
Abbodesley. ' EaldbeaWs, ' or ' AlhoW^ meadow.' Fine lesson
in caution, and in the liquidity of I. See -ley.
Abbots Ripton (Hunts). 960 chart Riptone. Prob. not ' harvest
village,' O.E. rip, 'harvest, reaping'; but, ' village of Bippa.'
Cf. K.C.D. 1361, Rippanleah (now Ripley, Woking), andREPTON.
Abbotts Ann (Andover). Dom. Anne. It is on the R. Anton, of
which Ann seems to be a contraction ; though there is no early
record of the form Anton ; and Anne may be a contraction of
W. afon, ' river.' See Introd., p. 11, and Andover.
Aber (N. Wales). In W. Aber -gwyngTegyn. W. aher, 'con-
fluence,' or ' place at the mouth of ' (here) a beautiful glen.
Nennius speaks of an Oper linn liuan where the Llivan, a tribu-
tary, joins the Severn; and Irish Nennius speaks of an Operuisc,
now Caerleon. Cf. Aber (Sc.) at mouth of R. Endrick. Aber in
G. is often pron. obair ; in O.G. it is also apor, Gwyn gregyn
is W. for ' of the white shells,' sing, cragen.
Aberaman (Aberdare). ' Confluence of the R. Cynon with R.
Aman,^ which is prob. an unaspirated var. of afon, ' river.' Cf.
R. Almond (Sc.) and G. amhuinn, 'river.' There is also a R.
Amman, Carmthn.
Aberangell (Dinas Mawddy). W. angel, 'an angel'; and see
Aber.
Aberarth (Aberystwith). 'Confluence at the height'; W. and
Corn. arth.
Abebayron (Cardigan) . ' At the mouth of R . Ayron .' See Aeron .
Aberbargoed (Rhymney). ' Confluence of the R. Rhymney with
R. Bargoed.' This last, the P.G. spelling, should be W. bar
coed, ' height with the wood ' ; but the more correct spelling
seems to be Bargod, which means ' a march, a boundary.'
Aberbeeg (Pontjrpool). ? ' Little confluence ' ; O.W. becc, W. bach,
G. beag, ' little.'
ABERBRAN 89 ABERGAVENNY
Abeebran (Brecon). On Bran see Brancaster, In W., Ir., and
O.G. bran is ' a crow.'
Abercanaid (Merthyr). 'At the mouth of the Canaid,' a rivulet
here; W. cannaid, ' white, gleaming.*
Abercarn (Newport, Mon,). ' Confluence at the cairn or mound ';
W., O.Ir., and G., cam.
Aberconway (N.Wales), c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Aberkonewe, -coneu;
1295 Aberconewey. See Aber and Conway.
Abercrave (Neath). ' Confluence of R. Tawy with the brook
Craf ' ; fr. W. craf (f pron. v), ' claws, talons ' ; crafu, ' to scratch
or tear up,' referring to the action of the stream.
Aberdare. ' Confluence of the R. Cynon with R. Dar ' ; Cynon
may mean * chief brook,' whilst Dar is prob. W. dar, ' an oak.'
Aberdaron (Pwllheli). ' At the mouth of the R. Daron,' which
is said to mean 'noisy river ' ; the ending -on may quite well
stand for ' river,' as in Carron (Sc), Garonne, etc., and as in
Cynon, see above.
Aberdulais (Neath). 'Confluence of the dark, black stream';
W. du glais. Cf. Douglas and Dowlais.
Aberedw (Builth). ' Confluence of the R. Edwy,'' of which the
Ed- may be fr. W. eddu, ' to press on, to go,' whilst the -wy is =
Wye or ' river.'
Abererch (Pwllheli). 'Confluence of R. Erch'; W. erch, 'dun-
coloured, dark.'
Aberefan (Merthyr). ' Confluence of the brook Fan,,'' with R.
Taff. Said to be fr. AV. Ian, ' high.'
Aberferaw (W. of Anglesea). a. 1196 Gir. Garni). Aberfrau, 1232
Close R. Abbefrau, c. 1350 Aber(i)frowo. Ffraw is thought by
H. Bradley to represent an orig. Frama, later From (name of
R. Frome in O.E. Chron. 998), which would develop on Brit,
lips to Frauv, and later to Ffraw. The earliest recorded form
of R. Frome actually is Fraau (O.E. Chron. 875). Meaning
doubtful; some think it means ' agitated, active, swift ' river.
Aberford (Leeds), a. 1200 Pipe ^Edburgforth, .^dburford
Nothing to do with W. aber, ' confluence ' ; but * ford of ' (the
lady) 'Eadburh,' gen. -burge, as in Abbbrton (Essex). See -ford.
Abergavenny, c. 380 Anton. Itin. Goban(n)io, a. 1196 Gir,
Camb. Abergavenni, -gevenni, c. 1200 Gervase Bergevene, 1281
" and often later, Bergeveny, 1610 Holland Aber- Grevenny. Local
pron. Aber-venny. In W. Abergefni or Y Fenni. ' Confluence
of the Gavenny ' and Usk. Gobann is gen. of goibniu, ' a
smith,' in Ir. a proper name= Smith and Govan (Sc.) and Gowan,
In late W. legend Gofannon is patron god of metal-workers.
The a- in aber- is rarely lost, as in many old forms here; but
c/. Barmoxjth, Berriew, etc.
7
ABEEGELE 90 ABINGDON
Abergele (N. Wales). Pron. -gayly. Perh. c. 1350 chart. Aber-
gelon. 'At the mouth of the R. Gele'; prob. W. gele, 'a
leech ' ; leeches used to be common in the estuary here.
Abeegwili (Carmarthen). Gwili is a river name. Here it is prob.
the same root as R. Wiley. Some derive fr. W. gwyllt,
'wild.'
Abeegwynfi (Bridgend, Glam.). ' Confluence of the brook
Gwynfi'; Thos. Morgan says Gwynfai means 'blessed plain';
W. gwyn ffau would mean ' clear cave.' The writer cannot learn
if there is one here.
Abergwynolwyn (Towyn). 'Confluence of the white swaUow;'
W. gwinnol qwyn. But the name seems better spelt Aber-
gwernolwy(n). The river here is the Gwernol, W. for ' swampy,
boggy.'
Abeekenpig (Bridgend, Glam.). ' Confluence at Kenfig Hill.'
Abeellefni (Merioneth). The -llefni is very doubtful. W.
llefnau means ' ruins ' ; some think of W. llech feini, ' slate
stones.' Thos. Morgan inclines to the form Llwyfeni, as the
name is spelt by I fan Tew ; this means ' elm-trees,' still found
on the bank of the river. Cf. Leven (So.) and Aberllynfi, 1233
Close R. Abberlewin, Abreleniiith.
Abeelledstiog (Anglesea). c. 1205 Brut re ann. 1096, Aberlleiniawc.
' Confluence of the Lleiniog,' a mere brook. The name seems
connected with W. lleinio, ' to blade,' lleiniad, ' a putting forth
of blades/ fr. llafn, ' a blade.'
Aberpoeth (Cardigan). W. dber porth, ' confluence at the har-
bour.' Cf. Langpoet.
Abeesyghan (Pontypool). ' Confluence of the Sychan,'' which may
mean, a brook that runs dry in summer; fr. W. sych, ' dry ';
sychin, ' drought.'
Abeeteivi (Cardigansh.) Sic a. 1196 Gif. Camb. ; he also has
Aberteini, -theini (? mistakes, n for u) ; also Abertewi (? the
same place). See Tivy.
Abertillery (Pontypool). ' Confluence of the R. Tillery,^ perh.
a pre-Keltic name. To derive fr. a reputed ty O^Leary, or
' O'Leary's house,' seems ridiculous; nor is it likely to be fr.
O.W. twyllawr, -Iwr, ' a cheat, a deceiver.'
Aberystwith. c. 1196 Gir. Camb. Aberescud; 1461 Lib.Pluscard.
Abirhust Wiche -a bad shot by an ignorant scribe. W. ystwyth
is ' pliant, flexible,' a likely name for a river. But -escud sug-
gests W. ysgwd, ' a thrusting forward,' or ysgod, ' a shadow,' or
ysgoad, ' a starting aside.'
Abengdon. Sic c. 1540; 699 chart. Abbendune; 1051 O.E. Chron.
Abbandune, ^Ebbandune; c. 1180 Benedict Peterb. Abbendonia;
ABINGER 91 ACKLAM
c. 1377 Piers PI. Abyndoun. O.E. JElhan dun, * Ebba's hill '
or * fort.' Ahha or Mliha is a common Wessex name. In Yorks
the Abbetune of Dom. has become Habton. See -don.
Abinger Common and Hammer (Dorking). Pron. Abenjer, c/.
BiEMiNGHAM. Old Abingworth, Abingerth. O.E. Ahban worth,
' Abba's farm,' rather than ' Abba's yard ' or ' garth,' O.E.
geafd. See Hammer. Dom. Surrey has only Abincebomo.
See -bourne and -ing and -worth.
Abington (Cambridge and ISTorthants). Cam. A. Dom. Abintone,
1302 Abyntone. Nor. A. chart. Abintone. O.E. Abban tun,
* village of Abba.' ABEisrGTOiir (Sc.) is 1459 Albintoune.
Ab-Kettleby (Melton Mow.). Dom. Chetelbi, c. 1350 chart.
Abbekettelby. The Dom. form is simple — ' dwelling of Cetel '
or ' Kettel,^ a common O.E. name. The Ab- is difficult; perh.
the name intended is ASlfcytel, a fairly common one, of which a
var. Mlbcytel occurs. There is also a name Aba, seen prob. in
' Abegrave ' in Dom. of this same shire. Cf. ' Abblinton,' Lines,
in Boll Rich. I., and Abload, Glouc, 1189 Pipe Abbelada;
also Kettleburgh. See -by.
Abram (Wigan). 1190-1322 Adburgham, 1212 Edburgham, 1372-
1481 Abraham. .' Home of Eadburh ' or ' Eadburga,' a common
O.E. woman's name. Of course the later forma have been
modified through supposed connection with Abraham. ' Cf.
Abberton, Babraham, and Wilbraham.
Aby (Alford). Dom. Abi. 'Dwelling, village on the stream';
O.N. d-bi. Cf. Abridge, Romford, and 1166-67 Pipe, Hants,
Abrigge, Hamonis; only in this last the A- will be O.E. ed,
' river.' See -by.
Acaster Malbis (York), and A. Selby. Both in Dom. Acastra,
-stre, also 'Acastra, other Acastre'; 1166-67 Pipe Acastra.
Prob. N. d-caster, ' camp, fort by the stream.' See -caster.
The Malbysse family dwelt at A. Malbis for some centuries after
the Conquest. It is on R. Ouse.
AccRiNGTON. 1258 Akerynton, 1277 Acrinton, a. 1300 Alkerington,
Akerington, c. 1350 Alcrynton; cf. Dom. Worcr. Alcrintun.
This seems to be * town, village of Ealhhere ' ; also spelt
Alcher and Ahhere, or, of his descendants. The name, is very
common in O.E. See -ing and -ton.
AcKLAM (York). Dom. Aclun, 1202 Aclum, 1528 Acclame, 1530
Acclome. A little puzzling. Said by some to be an old loc.
of O.E. dc, ' at the oaks.' Cf. Kilham. But how account for
the I ? The first part must be the name of its owner, given in
Dom. as Ulchel, or Ulkel, short for the common Ulfcytel ; the
Onom. also gives a form or name Achil. The ending may be a loc .,
' at Ulkel's,' afterwards assimilated to -ham, q.v. Cf. Ackling-
ton, Morpeth, where old forms are needed, and Acomb.
ACKLETON 92 ADBASTON
AcKLETON (Wolverhampton). Old forms needed. Prob. 'Aculfs
or Acvmlfs town ' ; but c/. above, and Acle ; and see -ton.
AcKLEY (Kent). [789 O.E. Chron. Acleah, and Sim. Dm. ann. 851
Aclea, in Northumbria.] a. 1000 chart. Acleah, O.E.= ' oak-
lea, oak-meadow.' Cf. Acle and Ockley. But Acksley
(Dorset) is K.C.D. 706 Accesleah, ' meadow of Acca.' Ackholt,
Kent — i.e., ' oak-wood ' — is 1232 Close R. Achalt, -holt.
AcKWORTH (Pontefract). Dom. Acewrde, 1204 Acworth, which is
O.E. for ' oak place.' See -worth.
Acle (Norwich). Sic in Dom. A rare type of name, O.E. dc leak,
' oak mead ' ; -ley is rarely slurred into -le. But cf. Oakle, Minster-
worth, old Okkele, Ocle; also cf. Ack- and Ockley.
AcoMB (Hexham and York). Hex. A. old Oakham, mod. pron.
Yekhm. Yor. A. Dom. Acum, Acun. This seems to have
nothing to do with -combe ' valley,"" but to be an old loc,
O.E. dcun, ' at the oaks '; afterwards influenced by -ham. Cf.
AcKLAM and Kilham.
AcoNBUKY (Hereford). 1218 Patent R. and 1285 Close R. Acome-
bury. ' Burgh of ' ? Acorn, used as a personal name, not in
Onom. The sb. is O.E. cecem, 'fruit of the acre,' i.e., 'un-
enclosed land.' Oxf. Diet, does not give the form acorn till
1440. Very likely, however, Acorn- may be corrup. of Ecehearn
or Ecgbeorn, a name found in Wore. c. 1055.
Acrefaib (Ruabon). 'Acre' or 'field of Mary'; W. Fair (/ is
aspirated m in W.).
Acton (London, Suffolk, Nantwich, etc.). Lond. A. c. 1300 Acton;
Suff. A. a. 1000 chart. Acantun; Nant. A. Dom. Actune. O.E,
dc-tun, ' enclosure, village, with the oaks.' But Acan- must be
the gen. of Aca or Acca, a common O.E, personal name. In
S. Yorks the Actone of Dom. is now Ackton, whilst in E, Riding
Dom.'s Actun has become Atjghton.
Acton Buenell (Shrewsbury). Dom. Achetone, 1271 Actone
Bumel. The ch in Dom. is the habitual softening of the Nor.
scribes. See Acton, Sir Robt, Bumel, tutor to K. Edward I,,
and made by him Ld. Chancellor and Bp, of Bath and Wells,
was given the manor here c. 1270, Brunei is the same name,
Acton Trtjssell (Penkridge). 1004 Actun, Dom. Actone; and
Acton Turville (Chippenham). See Acton. A Tourvile or
Turville came over with Wm. the Conqueror, and is found on
the roll of Battle Abbey. One is found at Normanton-Turvile,
CO. Leicester, temp. Hen. II. The Trussells were also a Nor.
family.
Adb ASTON (Eccleshall), Dom. Edbaldestone; later Adbaldestone,
Alboldestun, Albaldiston, ' Town, village of Eadbeald,' a
common name. Cf. Abberley and Adbolton (Notts) Dom,
Alboltune.
-^^^ER 93 ADLINGFLEET
Adder or Adur R. (Wilts), a. 420 Nofitia Portus Adumi— ;.c.,
Aldrington on this river. Nothing to do with adders; but Kelt.,
Corn, dour, W. dyior, 'water.' The A- is doubtful. The So. R.
Adder is prob. aspirated[fr. G.fad ddhhar or dur, ' long stream.'
There is a R. Adur both in Sussex and Cornwall.
Addebbury (Banbury), a. 1000 K.C.D. 1290 Eadburgebyrig,
Dom. Edburgberie, 1229 Close R. Eadburebir', 1230 ib.
Eburbir', 1270 Abberbury, 1288 Adburbur', 1428 Addurbury.
' Burgh, town of the lady Eadburh,^ gen. -hurge. To-day it is
the d, not the 6, which has survived, as in Abberton and Abber-
pord. But we stUl have the d in St. Adborough's Ditch,
Cotswolds. See -bury.
Adderley (Mket. Drayton). Dom. Eldredelei, 1284 Close R.
Addredeleye; 'Meadow of the woman Aldreda,'' in O.E. Mthel-
ihryth, a common name. See -ley.
Addestgham (Leeds), c. WZ^Sim.Dur. Addingeham, v.r. Hatyng-
ham, ' Home of the descendants of Adda,'' a common O.E. name.
See -ing and -ham, and cf. next.
Addington (Bucks, Croydon, Maidstone, Northampton.). Croy. A.
Dom. Edintone, Nor. A. chart. Adyngton(a), Dom. Edintone,
whilst Dom. Kent is Eddintone. ' Village of Adda or Edda,^ or
his descendants. Cf. above, and -ing.
Addiscombe (Croydon). Old Adscomb, Adgcomb; not in Dom.
'Adda's vale,' O.E. cumb[e). Cf. above. But Addiscott, S.
Tawton, is 1228 Close R. Eilrichescot, ' cottage of Elric,' var.
of the common Mlfric.
Addle or Adel (Leeds). Dom. Adele, Ecton's Liber Regis Adhill.
' Hill of Ada,' 2 in the Onom. Possibly the -ele represents
-hale or -hall, q.v.
Addlethorp(e) (W. Riding and Burgh, Lines). Dom. Yorks,
Ardulfestorp, Lines, Arduluetorp. 'Ardulfs village.' Cf. Addle-
stone (Chertsey), and see -thorpe.
Adisham (Canterbury). 616 Grant Adesham, v.r. Edesham.
* Ada's ' or ' Edda's ' home. Cf. Addingham, and see -ham.
Adlestrop (Stow-on-Wold). Dom. Tedestrop, Thatlestrope, 1198
Tadelesthorp, Feud. Avd^ Tatlestrop. This must be orig.
' Toedald'a' or ' Tcedweald's village'; one such in Onom. The
name is very interesting for (1) the rare dropping of initial T,
and (2) the preserving of the true O.E. form t{h)orp, very rare in
Eng. names, except in this shire. Cf. Westrip, old Wcstrop, and
Wolstrop, old Wulvesthrop. See -thorpe.
Adlingpleet (Goole). [Perh. O.E. Chron. 763 ^Iflet ee; ee= O.E.
ige, 'isle.'] Dom. Adelingesfluet, c. 1080 Athlingfleet, 1304
Athelingflete. ' Stream of Atheling,' the O.E. ce^el-ing, * descen-
dant of a noble family,' spelt 1387 Trevisa ' adelyngus.' Cf.
ADLINGTON 94 AINDERBY
Ger. add. The -fleet is O.N. jljot, ' stream, river,' cognate with
flj6t-r, ' fleet, quick.' The Adelingestorp of Dom. is now
EUinthorpe, S. Yorks.
Adlington (Chorley and Macclesfd.). Chor, A. 1184-90 Edeluinton,
Adel-, Aldeventon, Adelinton, Athelington, 1294 Adelingtone,
1286 Edlington. Mace. A. c. 1250 Adelvinton. The name is
the very common O.E. Mihelvnne, in its L. form, Adelwinus ; but
some of the spellings were evidently influenced by the O.E.
(Biding. See above, and -ton.
Admaston (Rugely and Wellington, Salop). Rug. A. a. 1200
Edmundeston, Admerdeston, a. 1300 Admundestan, Edmunde-
stone. Wei. A. a. 1300 Ademon(e)ston. ' Town, village of
Eadmund^ (or ' Eadmcer^), The forms show how both the
liquids n and r can vanish.
Adstock (Winslow). Dom. Edestocha. 'Place of Ada, jEdda,
or j^ddi ' ; -stock is= Stoke. Cf. Ad wick, and Adsett (Glouc),
1221 Addesete, ' Adda's settlement.'
Adub R-. See Adder.
Advent (Lanteglos, Cornwall). May be fr. Advent Sunday, day of
the consecration of the Church here; or fr. St. Adwen, daughter
of a W. saint and king, 4th cny.
Adwalton (Bradford). 1202 Athelwaldon; 'Town, village of
Mihdweald,'' or its equally common var., ' Eadweald.''
Ad WICK - LE - Street (Doncaster) and Ad wick - on - Dearne (S.
Yorks). Both Dom. Adewic, 'Dwelling of J[(Za.' (7/. Adstock,
and see -wick. For Dearne see Wath-on -Dearne.
Adwyrclawdd (Wrexham). W. adwy r' dawdd, ' gap, breach in
the dyke ' — i.e., Off a's Dyke, close by.
Aeron or Ayron R. (Cardigansh.). Possibly fr. Agriona; Kelt,
goddess of war, W. aer, ' battle.' W. air is ' bright, clear,'
whilst -on is contraction of afon, ' river.' Cf. Carron (Sc).
Affpiddle (Dorchester). Dom. Affapidele. Prob. ' puddle ' or
' puddly stream of Affa ' ; 2 called Affa and 2 Afa in Onom.
See Piddle.
Afon" Ax aw (Anglesea). W.= ' river of water lUies.' Afon in W.
is, of course, pron. Avon.
Afonwen (Holywell). W. afon gwen, * very clear, bright river.'
Aigburth (Liverpool). 1190-1256 Aykeberh, 1329 Aikebergh.
O.N. eik-herg, ' oak-clad hill ' or ' rock ' ; the endings have been
influenced by the forms of what is now Barrow sb^ Oxf. Diet.,
O.E. heorg, 3 herhg, 4t hergh, hurgh. Cf. Eakring.
Ainderby (Northallerton). Dom. Aiendrebi, Andrebi, 1208 Ender-
by. ' Dwelling of Andar ' or ' Mnder' though the only forms in
Onom. are Andhere and Andahari. Cf. Anderby, and see -by.
AINSDALE 95 ALBOURNE
AmsDALB (Southport). Dom. Einuluesdel, 1199 Annovesdala,
1190-1206 Aynuluisdale, 1201-02 Ainolvesdale, 1206 Einonesdal.
' Valley of Einumlf,' one in Onom. Cf. Abmthorpe and
Eynesbtjry.
AiNSWORTH (Bolton). 1190-1216 Haineswrthe, 1244 Ainesworth,
c. 1514 Aynsworth. Doubtful. It may be ' farm of Eginulf '
or ' Einulf,' as in Ainsdalb, It prob. is 'farm of Hagena'
(now Haines) ; or perh. ' of Egon' as in Eynsham. Ainstablb,
Armathwaite, Cumbld., is 1210 Einstapeleth, which may be
'^inwulfs market/ cf. Barnstaple. See -worth.
Aentreb (Liverpool). 1244-92 Eyntre, 1296 Ayntre. Perh.
* jEne'fi tree.' Cf. the ' Aynburg ' in Sim. Dur., Braintrbe, etc.
But Wyld says, O.E. an treow, ' one tree,' one in N. dial, being
ane, 5-6 ayne, ain.
Aire R. (Yorks). 959 chart. Yr., 1314 Hayr. Prob. O.N. eyri,
'tongue of land, gravelly bank.' Of. Ayr R. (Sc), which
prob. has the same origin.
AiRMYN or Armyn (Goole). (? Dom. Amuine.) 1314 charl.
HajTTminne, 1317 Ajrremynn, a. 1400 Ayermynne. Aire -munn
is 'confluence of the R. Aire' and the Ouse; fr. O.N. minni, N.
munn-r, ' mouth.' Arminni is common in the Sagas for ' a
confluence.' Cf. Stalmtne.
AiRTON (W. Riding). Dom. Airtone. * Town on R. Aire.'
AiSHOLT (Bridgewater). Not in Dom., but it has in Somst. Aisseoote
and -forde. O.E. cesc-JioU, ' ash-wood.' Ash is found a. 1300 as
asse, c. 1450 aish. Cf. Great Aish, South Brent. But Ais-
THORPE, Lines, is 1233 Close R. Austorp, prob. ' east village.'
Cf. AirSTERFIELD.
AiSLABY (Sleights, Yorks). Dom. Aslachesbi. ' Dwelling of AslacJ*
Cf. AsLACKBY, and see -by.
Akeld (Wooler). O.N. eik-kelda, 'oak-tree spring'; cf. Little
Salkeld. Possibly the name is purely O.E. Cf. O.E. dc
('an oak'), and Bapohild.
Alberbury (Shrewsbury). Dom. Alberberie. Prob. ' Ealdheorht^s
burgh ' or ' fort.' Several men of that name known in Mercia.
Cf. Albur-, Alber-wyk in a charter of Edw. TIL, and Elberton
(Glouc.;, 1230 Albricton. There is in 1160-61 Pipe N'hants,
an Albodeston, or ' Ealdheald's town,' which may be the same
name as Albaston, Tavistock; old forms needed. At any rate
we have 1166-67 Pipe, Glouc, Abbdeston, Abbedeston, also
found as Albedeston. Ealdbeald is more commonly Eadbeald,
v.r. uEdbold.
Albourne (Sussex). C^. Dom. Aldingeborne.) Cf. 931 in B.C.S.
II. 358 q.v. Mt aleburnan pet J^am lytlan egilande [near
Clare, Hants]. The Al- is doubtful. Cf. Alburgh; and see
-bourne.
ALBEIGHTON 96 . ALDEKLEY
Albeighton (Shrewsbury and Wolverhampton). Dom. Salop,
Albricstone. [823 chart. ' Aldberhtingtun in occidente Stur,'
near Canterbury.] ' Town ' or ' village of Ealdheorht.' Cf.
Elburton, Plymouth: on the -st in Dom. Cf. p. 26,
Albtjbgh (Harleston) and Albuby (Guildford and Bps. Stortford).
Guil. A. o. 900 chart. Aldeburi, whilst Bps. S. A. is still spelt
Aldboro'. O.E. eald (M.E. aid), hurh, ' old burgh, fortified
place.' Cf. negro ole for old, Aldborotjgh and Aldeby; also
see -burgh.
Alcester (Redditch). 1166-67 Pipe Alecestr', 1178 ih. Alen-
cestra, 1217 Patent E. Alencestre, 1538 Leland Aulcester.
* Camp on R. Alne.' It certainly was a Rom. camp. Close by
is Great Alne. See -cester.
Alconbury (Hunts). 1232 OZo.se E. Alcmundebir', a. 1300
Alkemundebyri. ' Burgh of Alchmund. But Aconbury,
Hereford, is 1218 Patent E. Acornebury, seemingly fr, a
man called Acorn, O.E, cecem, ' acorn.' See -bury.
Aldborotjgh (S.W. Essex, Norwich, and W. Riding). No. A. Dom.
Aldebga, York A. 1203 Vetus Burgum, L. for O.E. eald, Mercian
aid hurh, ' old burgh,' or ' fortified place,' A. in Yorks is,
e.g. Roman (L, Isurium), Cf. next and Albttrgh. For
AiiDBOROUGH HatcA (Ilford) see Hatch.
Aldb R. and Aldeborough (Suffolk). Sic 1298, but Dom. Alde-
bure. This, unlike the above, is ' town on R. Aide,' W. allt,
' side of a hill, wooded crag,' cognate with G. allt, which in Sc.
names is often Auld. In Scotland it usually means a stream,
or the high banks through which a stream flows; thus = L. altus.
Cf. Alt.
Aldeby (Beccles). Not in Dom. North.O.E. eald by, ' old
house ' or ' hamlet.' Cf. Albury, and -by. This cannot be
a Norse name, as Norse used only gamel for ' old,' positive
degree.
Aldenham (Bushey). Sic 969, but 785 chart. ^Eldenham, a.
1000 Ealdenham. Dom. Aldeham, 'Home of Ealda'; several
so called in Onom.
Alderbury (Salisbury). Not in Dom. Prob. O.E. aler-hurh,
' town of the alder-tree,' O.E. alor, aler, as early as Chaucer.
alder. Cf. Alderford (Norwich) and Axderholt (Salisbury),
O.E. holt, * a forest, a wood ' ; and see next.
Alderley (Crewe, Manchester, Leek, etc.). Cr. A. Dom. Al-
dredehe. Le. A. 1129 Aldredeslega. ' Aldred's lea ' or ' meadow,'
O.E. leah. There are many Ealdreds in Mercia in Onom,
But in. some cases it may be simply ' alder-meadow ' ; cf. above.
With Alderley Edge, Manchester, cf. Dom. Suffk, Ethereg, now
the name Etheridge
ALDERMASTON 97 ALDWINCLE
Aldeemaston (Reading). Sic c. 1540. Dom. Eldremanestune
and Heloremanestune (scribe's error), 1166-67 Pipe Alder-
mannestun, 1316 Aldermanston; also Aldremanneston. 'Village
of the alderman,' O.E. ealdormann. The n has been lost
through its liquidity.
Aldeeminster (Stratford-on-Avon). 1275 Aldremoneston, -mes-
ton. Not in Dom. Corrup. of ' alderman's town,' as in above,
influenced by -minster.
Alderney (Channel Islds.). a. 380 Ant. liin. E-iduna. Er.
Aurigny, 1218 Aurennye, 1219 Aureneye, 1224 Alnere. As
it stands the name is ' alder- tree isle/ O.E. celren-ige. Aldern
is an adj. already found, 1001, as celren. Riduna might repre-
sent a Keltic rid dun, ' reddish hill.' Cf. W. rhydd, rhudd, ' red.'
Aldeeshot. Shot is a broad way or glade in a wood, through
which game can dart or shoot. Cf. Shotover and Cockshutt.
Similarly, Aldershaw (Lichfield), c. 1300 Alreshawe, is ' alder
wood,' O.E. sceaga, M.E. schawe.
Alderton (Beckford, Chippenham, Felixstowe). Ch. A. Dom.
Aldritone. Fe. A. c. 1150 Alretun. ' Alder-tree village.'
Cf. Allerton.
Aldford (Chester). ' Old Ford,' O.E. eald, Mercian aid.
Aldin Grai^ge (Durham). Prob. fr. the very common Aldhun or
Ealdhun ; one was bp. at Chester-le-Street, Durham, c. 990.
Cf. Grange.
Aldington (Hythe and Worcester). Hy. A. a. 1124 Eadmer
Ealdintune. Wor. A. 709 chart, and Dom. Aldintone. K.C.D.
61 Aldantune, ' Town, village of Alda ' or ' Ealda,^ gen. -an.
Cf. Aldingbourne, Chichester, and Aldingha' in Dom. N. Lanes.
Aldridge (Walsall). Dom. Alrewic, a. 1200 Alrewich, Allerwych.
O.E. air wic, ' dwelling, village among the alders.' Cf. Alder-
bury and Penkridge.
Aldringham (Saxmundham). Not in Dom. Perh. ' Home of the
elders or parents/ M.E., c. 1300, eldryng. But old forms might
reveal that it comes fr. some personal name. See -ing and
-ham.
Aldrington (on R. Adur, Wilts), a. 1300 Aldrinton. Prob. now
' Village of the elders.' Cf. above. But orig. it came fr. the
river on which it stands, q.v.
Aldwark (Easingwold). 'Old fort' or 'bulwark'; O.E. wore,
an ' outwork,' a fortification. Cf. Wark.
Aldwinole (Northampton). 1137 O.E. Chron. Aldwingel; 1166-
67 Pipe Aldewincle, 1298 Audewyncle. Nothing like -wingel in
O.E. So this will be ' Ealdwine-geil' The former is a common
O.E. name, cf. B.C.S. 1280 Aldwines barwe; the latter is O.N.
ALD WORTH 98 ALLERTON
geil, gil, ' a deep glen or ravine, a gill ' ; not found in Eng. till
1400 ' gille.' Of. Winskill, Langwathby; and see -gill.
AldwortA (Reading), c. 1225 Audeworth, 1316 Aldeworth.
'Old -farm'; O.E. eald, Merc. aid. But Aldsworth, North-
leach, Dom. Aldeswrde, is ' farm of Eald ' (the old man). See
-worth.
Alford (Lines and Somst,). Lin. A. Dom. Alforde, Som, A.
perh. Dom. Aldedeford. These names are uncertain; perh,
O.E. eald ford, ' old ford.' But Alford, Hants, is K.G.D.
1035 .Elwelford— t.e., ' Mfweald, Alfwold, or Mhelweald's
ford.' All these names are common in Onom.
Alfreton (Chesterfield). 1002 chart. ^Ifredincgtun. ' Hamlet
of Alfred's descendants.' See -ing.
Alfriston (Polegate), Dom. Alvricestone, 1288 Close E. Alver-
icheston. ' Village of JElfric ' or ' Alfricus' both in Onom.
Of. Alfrio (Wore), said to be for Alfredeswic, and 1167-68
Pife, Devon, Ailricheston.
Algarkirk (Boston). 810 chart. Algare. 'Church of .Mlfgar,
V.V. Alger,' a very common name. It may be fr. Earl Algar,
9th cny., a brave opponent of the Danes.
Alkborough (Doncaster). a. 1100 (in Grant of 664) Alkebarue,
1359 Alkebarowe. ' Burial mound of Alca,' one in Onom. This
is O.E. ehh, M.E. alee, L. alces, ' an elk.' Of. next and Bar-
row; also Alkham, Dover.
Allan R. (Bodmin and St. David's), and Allen R. (S. Northbld.
and Dorset). Keltic aluin, ' fair, lovely.' See Aln, and cf.
Allerdale. The Alwyn, trib. of Coquet, is, of course, the same
name.
All Cannings (Devizes) and All Stretton (Church Stretton).
Prob, the all is for hall, O.E. heall ; cf. Halton. See Can-
NiNGTON. Stretton is ' street town,' ' village on the (Roman)
road.'
Aller (Somerset). 878 O.E. Ohron. Alor; perh. Dom. Aba. O.E.
alor, ' the alder-tree.' Cf. Coulter Allers (Sc), also 808
chart. Alercumb, Somst.
Allerdale (Cumberland), c. 1080 AJnerdall. ' Valley of the
alder-trees ' ; see above and Alderney. Only, through it flows
the R. Alne or Ellen, near whose mouth is Alneburg or Ellen-
borough, for which see Allan. The liquids r and n easily inter-
change. See -dale. Allerden (Nthbld.), is 1099 Elredene,
' alder dean '; see -dean.
Allerthorpe (York). Dom. Alwarestorp. ' Ealdweard's village.'
Cf. Alverthorpe and Ellerby, and see -thorpe.
Allerton (Axbridge and 3 in Yorks.). Dom. Yorks, Alretonj
-tun, mcluding Northallerton twice; Chesh., Salop, and Wore.
ALLESLEY 99 ALNEMOUTH
Alreton(e). Perh. = Alderton, ' village in the alder-trees.'
But Axb. A. may be a. 1199 Roll Rich. I. Alurinton (in
Somst.), where the first part may represent a man's name,
it is micertain what. And Allerston, Pickeriiag, is Dom.
Alurestan, Alvrestain, Alvestun, ' town ' or ' stone of Alfere,'
late form of the common .^Elfhere, fr. which also comes North-
allerton. Cf. Ellerton.
Allesley (Coventry). Sic a. 1300, and Allestree (Derby).
Prob. ' lea, meadow,' and ' tree of ^lla' a common name.
But Alleston, Pembk., is old Ayllewarston, or ' Mthdweard'B '
or jElfweard's town."
Allington (Grantham). Dom. EUingetone. 0/. Dom. Chesh. Alen-
tune. Prob. ' town of the sons of Mlla.' See -ing.
AllitSwaite (Grange). ' Place of Alii.' a man found in Onom. ;
and Alia was K. of Northumbria in 560. See -thwaite.
Allonby (Maryport). c. 1350 Alaynby. 'Dwelling of Alayn,
Alio, or Allon.' There was an Alio, gen. Allonis, dux c. 800;
and Allon is still a surname. Of course, the name may be,
' dwelling near the R. Alne or Ellen ' ; but this would not be in
accordance with analogy in names ending in -by, q.v.
Alltwen (Swansea). W. allt gwen, ' bright, clear hill-side or
wooded crag.' Cf. Alde.
Almeley (Eardisley). c. 1200 Gervase Almelege. O.E. elm-ledh,
' elm-meadow.' O.E. elm, O.N. alm-r. Sw. and Dan. aim,
' elm.' No man Aim or the like in Onom.
Almington. See Amtngton.
Almondbury (Huddersfield) and Almondsbury (Bristol). Hud.
A. Dom. Almaneberie, 1202 Aumundebir. Br. A. Dom.
Almodesberie, 1233 Alemundebere. Nothing to do with almond
or Sc. Almond ; but ' burgh, town of Almund, Alemundus, or
Ealhmund,' a very common name. See -bury.
Aln R. (Northumbld.), Alne R. (Warwk.), Alne or Ellen R.
(Maryport), and Alne (York). Nor. A. prob. c. 150 Ptolemy
Alaunos, with Alauna, ? Alnwick, c. 730 Bede Aln, Alna; War.
A. B.C.8. 1227 re the year 723, iElwinnae, 1178 Alen; Yor.
Alne., sic in Dom. All these names are apt to run into Allan,
Allen, and, like those in Scotland and Ireland, are all Kelt.;
though not always with the same meaning, for the Sc. and Ir.
Allans are often fr. ailean, ' a green plain.' But the Eng.
names are prob.= Sc. R. Ale, c. 1116 Alne, W. alain, alwyn,
alwen, G. aluinn, ailne, ' exceeding fair, lovely, bright.' Cf.
Algester and Alnemouth.
Alnemouth (Northumbld.). Often locally pron. Alemouth. See
above.
ALNEY 100 ALTON
Alney (R. Severn). Prob. 1016 O.E. Chron. Olanige; a. 1200 Wm.
Newbury Alnewich, ' Olio's isle ' ; see -ey. Cf. Olney and Alne.
Alnwick, pron. Annick. c. 1175 Fantosme Audnewic ; c. 1180
Bened. Peterh. Alnewic ; c. 1463 Annewyke. ' Dwelling on the
R. Alne.' See -wick.
Alphengton (Exeter). Dom. Alfintone. Prob. ' town, dwelling of
^Ifin '; one was bp. at Athelney in 1009.
Alresfobd (Colchester and Hants). Col. A. Dom. Alreforda, a.
1200 chart, ^lesforda, Hants A. c. 830 cJiart. Alresforda, 1286
Alresford. Form a. 1200 may be a scribal error; but cf. Ayles-
FORD. Prob. * ford of the alder-tree/ O.E. aler, air, olr, M.E.
aller. Of. Alleeston.
Alrewas (Lichfield). Sic 942 and Dom. 1284 Allerwas. Pron.
Allr-wass. O.E. air, alor wdse, O.N. olr veisa, ' alder fen ' or
* marsh.' Cf. Alderbuby, Broad was, Rotherwas, Herefd.,
and Oxf. Diet. s.v. ooze sb^ 1280 Close R. has ' Alrewasheles,'
? in Northbld.
Alsager (Stoke-on-Trent). Pron. Al-sae'jer. Old forms needed.
Cf. ' Alsiswich,' Herts, a. 1199 Boll Rich. I., Alsi is a contraction
for JElfsige or ^Ifswith, both very common O.E. names. This
latter part is doubtful.
Alston (Stafford and Carlisle), and Alstonpield (Ashbourne).
St. A. Dom. Alverdestone — i.e., ' Mlfweard^s town.' But another
Alston (Staffs), is a. 1200 Aluredstone, where Alured is var.
of Alfred; whilst Alstonfield is Dom. ^Enestanfelt — i.e.,* field
of uEne's stone.' Note, too, that Austonley (S. Yorks) is Dom.
Alstanesleie. How needful and important early forms are ! Cf.
Beer Alston and Athelstaneford (Sc).
Alt R. (S. Lancashire) =Aldb. On it is Altcar, fr, carr sb^ in
Oxf. Diet., ' a bog, a fen '; it is Norse; Norw. Jcjcer, Tcjerr, 'pool,
marsh, wet copse.'
Altarnun (Launceston). Pron. altar-nun, as if Eng. 1294
Ecclesia de Altar Nun, 1536 Alternone, Corn, altar Nan,
' altar of St. Non,' sister of Gwen of the three breasts, and mother
of St. David, a. 550.
Althorne (Maldon). Not in Dom. Prob. ' old (O.E. eald) thorn.'
Cf. Albury. Only Altham (Lanes), is old Alvetham,'Elvetham
— i.e., ' home of Mlfgeat.^
Althorpe (Doncaster). Not in Dom. a. 1100 chart. Alethorpe.
Perh. 'Ale place,' 'ale-house'; O.E. alu, ealu, in 2 ale; but
prob. ' village of a man JEla ' or 'Ala,' both forms in Onom.
Cf. Alatorp, Dom. Norfk., and Altofts, Normanton, (see -toft),
in Dom. it is simply Toftes.
Alton (Dorset, Hants, etc.). Hants A. c. 880 chart. ^Eweltun,
Aweltuu, 1166 Pipe Aultona, which looks like O.E. awel-tun,
ALTRINCHAM 101 ALVESTON
' village shaped like an awl,' O.E. eel, eal, awel, awul. M'Clure
says =' Ea- well ' — i.e., ' spring- ton ' or 'river-source.' Dom.
Surrey has Aultone. Some of the others may be ' old town ';
c/. Albury and Norton. But Alton or Alveton (Uttoxeter),
is Dom. Elvetone, c. 1300 Alneton [n for v), which is prob.
'town, village of ^If^ or ' Mlfa,^ one each in Onom. The
' Alton ' in Dom. Yorks is now Halton.
Alteencham (Manchester). Pron. Al'tringham. Named fr. some
man; there are Aldran and Aldrannus in Onom. ; or perh. ' home
of the elders,' O.E. eldran, comp. of eald, ' old,' c. 1440 either.
There is a personal name, Eltringham; also see -ing.
Alvanley (Warrington). Not in Wyld and Hirst. It may be
' meadow of Alfa,' or ' of JElfheah ' ; cf. 1294 Alvedene, also in
Lanes, and Alvingham. See -ley.
Alvechuech (Birmingham). 780 iElfgythe cyrce, Dom. Alvieve-
cherche, 1108 iElfithe cyrce, a. 1200 Alviethechurch. Now
pron. AUchurch. ' Church of Mlfgiih ' ; but Dom.'s form is in-
fluenced by Alveva or Mlvive, late forms of Mlfgifu, a very
common woman's name in Onom. Cf. Alvecote {sic a. 1300),
Tarn worth.
Alveley (Bridgnorth). 1160 Pi'pe Aluielea 1231 Alwithel'. See
above and -ley.
Alvermere (Worcester). K.G.D. 120 ^Iferamtere, ' Mf here's
lake.' But Alverthorpe (Wakefield), not in Dom. is prob. =
Allerthorpb.
Alverstoke (Gosport). i)om.. Alwarestoch, ' ^Zti;ardl's place.' Cf,
next, and Dom. Essex, Alueraina; and see -stoke.
Alverstone (Sandown). Dom. Alvrestone, and Alverton (Notts
and Penzance). ' Town of Alfer,' late form of the common
JElfhere. The two ' Alvretone ' or ' Alvretune ' in Dom. Yorks,
have now become Allerton Mauleverer and North Allerton.
But Notts A. is Dom.. Aloretim, but c. 1190 Alvrington,
Auvrington, which seems to be a patronymic. Cf., too, Ailvertune,
Dom. Norfk. See -ing and -ton.
Alvescot (Bampton). Dom. Elfegescote, 1216 Elephescote, 1274-
79 Alfays-, Alfescote, 1276 Aluescot. 'Cottage, cot of Mf-
heah.' Cf. Exon. Dom. Ailesvescota.
Alveston (Thornbury). c. 955 chart. ^Ifes-, ^Elvestun, Dom.
and c. 1097 Flor. W. Alvestan, 1158-59 Pi'pe Alvestan 1229
Alewestan. ' Dwelliag of ^Ife ' (the eK) ; Cf. Sim. Dur. ann.
1093 Alwestan, Elston and Olveston. See -ton, which often
interchanges with -stone. But A. (Stratford-on-A.) is 985
chart. Eanulfestune, 988 ih., Dom. Alvestone, 'town of
Eanwulf.' For Alweston, Sherborne, old forms are needed;
perh. it is 1166-67 Pipe Alfwieteston, which may be, 'town of
Mlfswith' a common female name.
ALVINGHAM 102 AMBEOSDEN
Alvingham (Louth), old forms needed, and Alvington (Lydnoy
and I. of W.). Ly. A. 1221 Alwintone, 1223 Elvetun, later
Elvynton. I, of W. A. Dom. Alwinestun. Prob. all. ' home '
and ' town of Mlfwynn ' ; but, in last case perh., ' of Ealhwine '
or ' Alioinus,'' names in Onom. It should also be at least noted
here, that O.E. mlf, elf, 3 alve is ' an elf,' and O.E. celfen, dfen,
' a female elf.' See -ing, -ham, and -ton.
Alwalton (Peterboro'). Said to be 955 chart, ^thelwoldingtune —
i.e., 'dwelling town of Ethelwold's descendants.' But a. 1100
chart, and 1230 Close B. Alewalton, which may be ' old, walled
town.' Cf. Albury and Walton.
Alwen R, (N. Wales). W. al-{g)wen, ' very white, very bright ';
same as Elvan Sc, c. 1170 Elwan, Alewyn. Of. Alwin.
Alwtn R. (Rothbury) =Alwen. On it is Alwinton.
Alwoodley (Leeds). 1288 Close E. Athewaleley ' MthelweaWs
meadow.' See -ley.
Ambergate. Not in Dom. Prob. 'pitcher-road'; fr. O.E.
amber, amber, ' a pitcher, a bucket,' and geat, ' gate, way,' de-
noting the road to a well. There are many names in Amber- ;
Dom. Bucks Ambretone suggests a man, ? Ambet ; so even
more does Dom. Ambresdone, now Ambkosden; only it is prob.
fr. Ambrosius. Amber Hill, Boston, will be fr. O.E, amber,
fr. its shape.
Amberley (Stroud, Harden, Herefd., and Arundel). St. A. 1166
Umberleia, later Umberley. Ma. A. Dom. Amburlege, Ar. A.
Dom. Ambrelie. ' Meadow of the pitcher,' see above; cf.
Ombersley. Some derive fr. a man ^?n6er or ^maZfteorA^. See -ley.
Amble (Acklington). Old forms needed. Perh. W. am <pwl,
' round about the pool.' But cf. Ampleforts, Amblecote.
Stourbridge, is Dom. Elmelecote, a. 1300 Amelecote, ' cottage
of Hemele,' a common O.E. name, still found as Hamil. Cf.
Amblestone.
Amblerthorn (Halifax). Old forms wanted. Not in Dom.
Perh. fr. a man Amalbeorht, a name in Onom.
Ambleside. Perh. ' Hemele' s seat'; cf. Amblecote and next:
-side is corrup. of Icel. soeti, set, which means ' a seat ' in either
modem use.
Amblestone (Pembroke), In W. Tre amlod, of which Amblestone
is a translation, ' house ' or ' town of Hamill,' said to be one of
the vikings who founded the Norse colony here. Hamil is still
an Eng. surname; cf. Hamilton Sc, also Dom. Surrey ' Amele-
brige,' and above.
Ambrosden (Bicester). Dom. Ambresdone. Prob. ' den, haunt
of Ambrosius ' Aurelianus, Damnonian chief, leader of the
Britons against Hengist, c. 450 a.d. Cf. Amesbury, and
AMERSHAM 103 AMPTHILL
Ambresbury Bank, Epping. In c. 800 Nennius we read of
* Ambros, British Embres guletic,' which last, W. gwledig, means
* a leader, a general.' The Eppiag place is or was also called
Amesbury and Ambers' Banks, and is reputed the site of Q.
Boadicea's final defeat.
Amersham (Rickmansworth). 1218 Patent R. Aumodesham, 1231
Agmodesham, 1280 C^ose 72. Agmundesham, 1291 Amundesham.
An interesting corrup., ' Agmund-r^s home ' ; cf. Amotherby.
Ameeton (Stafford), c. 1300 Embricton, later Ambric-, Am-
brighton. ' Town of Eanhriht ' or ' Eanheorht.'
Amesbury (Salisbury). 995 O.E. Chron. Ambresb3Ti(g) ; Dom.
Ambresberie; c. 1160 Gest. Steph'. Abbesbiriensis (prob. scribe's
error); c. 1180 Bened. Peterh. Ambres-, Ambesbiria, 1280 Aum-
bresbir'. ' Fort, town, of Ambrose.^ See Ambrosden and -bury.
A(l)mington (Tamworth). 889 chart. Alchmundingtuun, later
Alhmundiagtun. ' Abode of the descendants of Alchmund.'
But Almington, Mket. Drayton, is Dom. Almontone, a. 1300
Alkementon, which is simply, ' town, village of Alchmund ' or
' Ealhmund.' See -ing and -ton.
Amlwch (Anglesea). c. 1451 Amlogh. W.. meaning ' a circular
inlet of water ' ; the Iwch is cognate with G. loch.
Ammanford (Caermarthen). ' Ford on the R. Am{m)an.'* See
Aberaman. -
Amotherby (Malton). Dom. Edmundrebi, Aimundrebi; c. 1350
Aymonderbi, * dwelling of Agmund-r.' Cf. Osmotherley and
next. Dom. says Edmund-, because Agmund-r was an un-
familiar name to the Nor. scribe. But cf. next and see -by.
Amouistderness (Preston). Dom. Agemundrenesse, Sim. Dur.
ann. 1123, Agmunderness ; later, Ackmoundemess. 'Cape,
promontory of Agmund-r.' Cf. above. But in ch^rt. dated
705 it is Hasmunderness, fr. Asmund or Osmund, well-known
N. names. Cf. Osmotherley. See Ness.
Ampleforth (York). Sic c. 1505, but i)om. Ampre-, Ambreforde,
1166 A'pleford, 1202 Ampleford, 1298 Ambelforde. 'Ford of
the pitcher.' See Ambergate and -forth. The name is a
lesson in phonetics.
Ampney Crucis (Cirencester). The Ampney is a river, Dom.
Omenie, -nel, later Omenai, Ameneye, -anell. This name is
a tautology, the p, as often being a late intrusion, cf. Hampton.
Amen or Omen is simply O.Kelt, for 'river ' (see p. 11), whilst
the -ie or -ey is O.E. ea, ' stream.' Here stands the Early Eng.
church Santae Crucis, ' of the Holy Cross."
Ampthill (Bedford). Sic 1454, and c. 1350 AmpthuU, but Dom.
Ammetelle. ' Ant-hill,' O.E. cemete, cemyte, 3-4 amte, 4-6 ampte,
' an ant or emmet.'
AMRATH 104 ANERLEY
Ameath, -both (Pembroke), c, 1130 Lib. Landav. Amrath, 1603
Owen Amrothe. Prob, W. am Ehath, ' on the Rath,' the river
Lib. Land, calls the Radh. Cf. Cilrath and Penrath near by,
and llan am ddyfti =LLAJsrDOVEEY. W. rhath is ' a mound, a
hill,' as prob. in Roath, Cai'diff.
Amwell (Ware). Dom. Emmewelle, 1281 Amewell, later Emwell.
There is in B.C.S. 801 an Ammanuuelle, but not this one.
' WeU of Amma.' Cf. B.C.S. 1110 Amman broc.
Ancastee. (Grantham), c. 1190 Gir. Camh. Anecastrum. This
must be ' Anna's camp.' Anna is an O.E. man's name. See
next and -caster; and cf. Anwick, Sleaford.
AiifCROFT (Beal). a. 1128 Anacroft, later Anecroft. This must
be 'Anna's croft' or 'field.' Anna is a fairly common O.E.
name, and croft a real O.E. word. Cf. Ancaster. We have
croft also in Dom. Cornw. Croftededor.
Andeeby (Alford) and Andeeton (Northwich), ' Town of Andar'
or ' Andhere,' names in Onom. Cf. Aindeeby and ' Andrelav,*
Dom. Salop and ' Andrebi,' Dom. Holdemess ; and see -by and
-ton. But Andeesfield, Somerset, is 1233 Close B. Eldredesfeld,
fr. the common Ealdred.
Andovee (Hants). 994 O.E. Chron. To Andeferan, -faran,
-efron; Dom. Andovere, c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Andovre, 1155
Pipe Andieura. Andover is now on R. Anton, but no early
forms of this name seem on record; and the earlier forms seem
to have been Ande or Anne (see Abbotts Ann). The O.E.
form has been interpreted as ' fare ' {cf. thoroughfare) or ' pas-
sage, ferry, over the Ande.' But the O.E. word is foer, faru,
inflected fare, not fara ; the root being faran, ' to go, fare, make
one's way ' ; so this is' doubtful. More likely is it Ande-ofer,
' on the bank of the Ande,' -over, q.v., being a very common
ending. The similar-looking names Wendovee (Bucks), and
Cen- or Candover (Hants), tempt to a derivation fr. the old
British Dovee, W. dwfr, ' a stream.' In that case An-
might be the Kelt, an ' the.' In any case the river-name
Anton, Ande, or Anne, is doubtful. It may have some con-
nection with Ann' mother of the gods among the Kelts — e.g.,
in ' The Two Paps of Ana,' Kerry. But the R. Ant, S. Nor-
folk, must be the same root ; then what of the t ox d? And-
ovee(s)-eoed (Cheltenham) is 759 chart. Onnanford, c. 800 ib.
Annanford, c. 1270 Anneford, which Baddeley derives fr. the
O.E. man's name Anna. It is also 1266 Andevere, c. 1270
Andovere, where he makes the latter part=Dover, and the
former he leaves doubtful. In W. on, pi. onn is ' an ash-tree.'
Cf. Ampney.
Aneeley (Norwood). Not in Dom. ' Meadow of 4w^r,' Of,
B.C. 8. 910 Aneres broc. See -ley.
' ANGARRACK 105 ANNESLEY
Angareaok (Gwinnear Road). Corn, an carrack, ' the rock,' G.
carraig.
Angerton (Morpeth). ' Town of Anger.' M.E. angard, ongart,
' boastful, arrogant.' There is one Angerus in Onom. Of. the
mod. name Ainger,
Angle or Nangle (Pembroke), c. 1190 Oir. Camb. Angulus,
1594 Nangle. The -feng. sb. angle is fr. Fr. There "seems no
W. equivalent name. It lies in an angle; but W. H. Stevenson
thinks it may be O.N. ongull, ' a fjord,' fr. ang-r, O.E. e»gr,
' narrow.' Cf. Anqlesea. Nangle is for an angle.
Anglesauk (Lanes). ' Shieling, hut of the Angle ' ; argh, ark, or
ergh, is a N. corrup. of G. airigh, airidh, ' shepherd's hut.' Cf.
Aeklid, Golcar, Grimsargh, etc. Final -gh in G. is now
usually mute. The fuller form is seen in Airyholme, N. Riding,
which was Ergun in Dom., whilst Eryholme, also in Yorks, was
Argun in Dom. The -un is sign of the loc. plur.
Anglesea. 1098 O.E. Chron. Angles ege — I.e., * isle of the Angle,'
or Englishman. But in W. ynys Fdn, ' Mona's Isle,' cf. Man,
and see -ey. The same name is found in Cambs, 1270 Angle-
seye. However, W. H. Stevenson thinks the orig. name was
O.N. Ongalsey, ' isle of the fjord ' (see Angle). It is so named
c. 1225 in Orkney. Saga.
ANGMERmo (Worthing), c. 885 Alfred's Will, also in 2 charters,
Angemseringtun, Dom. Angemare. ' Place of the descendants
of Angemcer.' See -ing.
Anker R. (Nuneaton). O.E. ancra, 3-6 ancre, 4-7 anker, * an
anchorite, an anchoress, a nun.' Evidently so called from the
Benedictine nunnery on its banks — almost a unique river name
in its way. Cf. Ankerwyke, Staines, where a Benedictine
nunnery was founded, in 12th cny. ; also Ankerdine Hill, Brom-
yard, 1275 Oncredham, c. 1300 Ancredam, and -ham; prob. also
fr. ancre ; for its ending see -den; the O.E. would be ancran denu.
Anlaby (Hull). Dom. Umlouebi, Unl-, Umloveby. ' Dwelling of
Unlaf or ' Anlaf.' Cf. Anlafestun B.C. 8. 1128. One Anlaf
was K. of Northumbria, 941-52. See -by.
Annaitsford (Newcastle). Anait is Kelt, for ' a parent church.'
Cf. Ann AT, Sc. Possibly Annait- is corrup. of a man's name.
There is nothing in Onom. nearer than one Enefcet. It may be
Annette, dimin. of Anne.
Annear or Ennor (Cornwall). Corn. ='<^e earth,' an being the
article, and nor, ' earth.'
Annesley (Nottingham). Dom. Aneslei. ' Lea, meadow of Anna '
or ' Ana.' Several of this name in Onom. ' One was K. of East
Anglia, 636-54. Cf. Ainley and N. and S. Anston, Yorks, which
in Dom. are Anele and Anestan, also Anc aster, etc.
8
AN ORS 106 APPLEDOEE
An Ors (rock, Lizard). Corn. =' the bear,' L. ursa, Fr. ours.
Ansley (Atherstone). Dom. Hanslei, a. 1500 Ansteley, -lay.
Doubtful, but prob. ' meadow with the narrow pathway.' See
next and -ley. However, Anslow (Burton-on-T.) is 1004
Ansythlege, Eansythlege, Ansideleye, c. 1300 Ansedesleye.
' Meadow of Eanswyth,' possibly a female saint. Ajstsdell
(Lytham) is not in Dom.. and doubtful too.
Anstey (Alton, Buntingford. Leicester, Tamworth), and Anstye
Cross (Hayward's Heath). Alt. A. 1157 Pipe Anestiga. Tarn,
A. Dom. Anestie, a. 1300 Anesty, Anestleye; O.E. anstiga, -ge,
' a narrow path, a pass,' lit. ' one footway.' Li Dom. Yorks,
we have Ainesti, Annesti Wapentac, 1179-80 Ainsti, now Ainsty
Wapentake.
Antrobus (Nantwich). Dom. Entrebus. Prob. Fr. entre huis,
'among of the box-trees.' Fr. autre, 'a cave/ is not recorded
till 1564. Nor. names are very rare so early in this locality.
Cf. Wahboys and 1215 Close M. Grambus = Fr. grand hois.
Apethorpe (Stamford) and Apeton (Stafford). Dom. Abetone,
a. 1300 Abbe-, Abe-, Apeton. ' Place ' and ' village of MhU;
a common name, found also as jEbha, Ebha, and Eafpa. Of.
next, Epsom and ' Apetun,' chart. Hants. The ape is foimd in
O.E. as afa, ape, but is hardly likely here. Cf. Apes Dale,
Bromsgrove, 1552 Apedale. See -thorpe.
Apperley (Leeds). 1201 Appeltreleg — i.e., ' apple-tree meadow.'
A. (Tewkesbury) is 1221 Happeley, 1413 Appurley, prob. also
fr. O.E. oeppel, ' apple-tree.' But the common Eadheorht has
once Eappa as var, so this may be ' Eadbeorhfs meadow,' as in
Abberton. See -ley.
Appleby (Westmorland andDoncaster). We. A. 1131 Aplebi, 1174
Pipe Appelbi, 'Apple-town,' O.E. oeppel, oepl, O.N. epli, O.Sw.
CBpU, ' an apple ' ; and see -by. Also Appleby Magna (Ather-
stone), ' great Appleby '; cf. Ashby Magna, etc. The ' Aplebi '
of Dom. Yorks is now Eppleby in the N. Riding. The Don. A. is
not found there. However, the local pron. of this Westmorland
name is Ysepplby, which favours a derivation fr. Hidlp, a name
known in the Sagas ; and certainly in a Danish region ' Hialp's
dwelling ' would be more in accord with analogy.
Appledore (3 in Devon, and S. Kent). Crediton A. 739 chart.
Apuldre, and -dran; whilst S. Appledore, Halberton.is ib. Suran
Apuldran, Exon. Dom. Surapla. ' sour apple-tree.' Bideford
A. Dom. Appledore. Kent A. 893 O.E. Chron. Apulder, Dom.
Apeldres, c. 1200 Gervase Apeldre, 1439 Will Apuldr. Some of
these (esp. at Bideford) prob. were orig. O.W. apul dur (or
dwT/f), ' at the confluence of the streams '; apul being for apur
or abe,' {q.v.); the liquids I and r easily interchange; cf. Apple-
cross (Sc), c. 1080 Aporcrosan. But very early Apuldre was
thought to be simply ' apple-tree.' Cf. Mapledtjrham and
APPLEFORD 107 ARBORFIELD CROSS
Apperley. There is an * Appel doueham ' 1217 in Patent R.;
and there ia still an Appledram or Apuldram near Chichester;
c/„ too, 940 chart. Appildore (Wilts).
Appleford (Abingdon). 892 chirt. iEppelford, Dom. Apleford.
' Ford at the apple-tree.' Bvit c/. Appledorb.
Appleshaw (Andover). ' Apple- wood,' O.E. scaga, 'a wood.'
Dom. Hants has only Aplestede.
Appleton (7 in P.O.), also Appleton Wiske (Northallerton, Dom.
Apletune). 1179-80 Appelton, 1202 Apelton (both in Yorks).
'Town of the apples'; O.E. ce'p{'p)el, 2-7 a'p'pel. Wiske, not in
Dom., is now the name of a little R. here, 1212 Wise, which is
prob. 0. Keltic uisg, G. uisge, ' water,, stream,' hence whisky;
cf. L. I sea, UsK, and I^jrby Wiske. But it may be E. Frisian
wiske, ' a small meadow,' Ger. wiese, ' a meadow," in Eng. usage
seemingly one moist and low-lying. Cf. Whistley, in O.E.
chart. Wiscelea, Wisclea.
Appletree (Derby). 1298 Writ ' Henrico de Apletrefelde.' This
tree was the meeting-place of the hundred (or shire-division).
Cf. Gartree, Greytree, Plumtree (Notts), and Apperley.
Appley Bridge (Wigan). Not in W. and H. Prob. O.E. cs'pl-ledh,
' apple-tree meadow.'
Apps Court (Surrey), a. 1000 cAari. ^pse; also Abbs. O.^.cespe,
ceps, ' the asp or aspen tree.' Cf. M.E. and dial, claps for clasp.
Apsley (Bedford). Dom. Aspeleia, but 969 chart. iEpslea, which
is O.E. for ' aspen-tree meadow ' ; see above. Or else, ' meadow
of Mppa or Eppa ' ; cf. Epsom and Ipsley, also a. 810 Nennius
' Episford,' in our tongue ' Set thir gabaU,' where gabail must
surely be the same as G. gabhal, or gohhal, ' a forJk.' Apsley,
Tanworth, is better Aspley; but a. 1300 Apsele.
Aqtjilatb (W. Staffd.). 1129 Pipe ' Matilda de AquOa,' a. 1300
Aquilade, a. 1400 Aquilot, a. 1600 Acquilat. Called after the
Nor. family L'Aigle, L. aquila, Eng. eagle. The Matilda of
1129 was widow of Robert de Mowbray, Earl of Northumber-
land, and has also conferred her name on Winford Eagle, Dorset.
The ending is quite doubtful. It may have been suggested by
lade, 'channel,' O.E. geldd,see Cricklade; hardly by lot, O.E.
hht, which is not applied to land till quite late; though lootmede
or ' lot meadow ' is found as early as 1553.
Aran Mowddwy (mtn., Merioneth). W.aran mwddi, 'peaked hill
with the arch or vault.' This is (1590) Spenser, Faerie Queen^s
' Under the foot of Rauran mossy hore ' ; Rauran being yr Aran,
' the peak.'
Arborfield Cross (Reading), c. 1540 Arburfeld. Dr. Skeat in-
formed the writer that a charter has recently been found showing
that this is orig. ' Eadhurh'a field,' Eadburh being a woman.
Another warning against guessmg !
ARCHENFIELD 108 ARKESDON
Aeohbnfield, Aechfield, or Irchenfield (Herefordsh.). c. 1130
Lib. Landav. Erg5mg, and prob. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Areconium,
c. 1147 Geoff. Mon. Erging. Very doubtful; perh. erging may
suggest W. ergryn, ' terror, horror.'
Arddleen (Oswestry). W. ardd llion, ' height on the streams,'
lli<m pi. of Hi. Cf. Caerlbon.
Arden and Ardens Grafton (Alcester, Warwk,). a. 1199 Arden.
The first part is prob, a contraction of one of the numerous O.E.
names in Eard-. The ' Forest of Arden ' is an invention of
Shakespeare, in allusion to the Ardennes, Belgium; so Duignan.
Ardengley (Hayward's Heath), not in Dom., and Ardington
(Wantage and Surrey). Wa. A. Dom. Ardintone, 1316 Ardyn-
ton. Sur. A. 1233 Eard-, Erdendon. Prob. ' meadow ' and
' town of Eardmne,' 2 in Onom. Cf. the mod. surname Harding,
and Erdington; and see -ley and -ton.
Ardleigh (Colchester); also Ardley (Bicester). Dom. Ardulveslie,
1149 Ardusley, 1229 Ardolvesl,' 1259 Erdulfley, 1316 Ardele.
' Meadow of Eardimlf,' or ' Aidulf.^ The Colch. name may not
be the same; old forms needed. Cf. 1297 Writ Arderne, Essex.
See -ley.
Ardsley (Barnsley. Wakefield, etc.). 1202 Ardislawe, 1208 Erdes-
lawe. Prob. ' Eard's lea ' or ' meadow,' Eard being short for
Eardvmlf, a very common O.E. name. But -lawe is, of course,
not ' meadow,' but ' hill' ; see -low.
Ardwick (Manchester). 1282 Atheriswyke, 1502 Ardewyk. A
case of dissimilation; at least, as Wyld suggests, Ather- prob.
represents some O.E. name in ^fSel-; there are many. Cf.
Atherstone and Atserton. ' Arduuic ' Dom. S. Yorks is
now Hardwiok.
Arenig (Bala). ? dimin. of W. aren., ' a kidney.'
Argoed (Tredegar). W. ar coed, * ploughed land by the wood.'
Cf. B ARGOED.
Arkendale (Knaresboro'). Dom. Archedene, Arghendene; and
Abkengarthdale (Richmond, Yorks). Doubtful. Prob. the
Arken- is a contraction fr. some of the many names in Earcan-
or Eorcon- in Onom. Possibly it might be ' valley of the arks '
or ' chests,' O.E. earc, arc. Cf. Dom. Herefd. Archenfeld, and
Arkiaholm, old name of Langholm (Sc). The O.E. dene, see
-dean, has been changed by N. iufluence to -dale. The -garth
is O.N. gar'd-r, O.E. geard, a. 1300 garth, ' enclosure, field, yard.'
Arkesdon (Newport, Essex). Dom. Archesdana. This Ark- or
Arch- here may be contraction fr. the common Arcytel or Arkil ;
there is no recorded Arc. Or the name may be: ' (wooded)
valley of the chest ' ; O.E. earc, arc. Cf. Arkleby and Arksey;
and see -den.
AEKHOLME 109 ARMITAGE
Arkholme (K. Lonsdale). Dom. Ergun. ' Hut on the meadow.
Norse G. argh. See Anglesark and -holm. In Dom. -un
represents -am or -ham rather than -holm — indeed, is a loc,
generally made afterwards into -(h)am; so Ergun will be 'at
the huts.'
Arksey (Doncaster). Dom. Archeseia. Prob. as in Arkesdon,
' isle of the chest,' or ' of Arc' See -ey.
Arkleby (Aspatria). [Cf. c. 1215 Arkilleshow, S. Lancashire.]
' Dwelling of Earcil, Arcytel, or Earcytel,' a common O.E. name.
See -by.
Arklid (Cumberld.). Gaelic-N. argh, G. airigh, airidh, ' a shieling,
a hut ' ; and N. hM. ' a slope.' Cf. Anglesark and Pavey
Ark; also Golcar, Goosnargh, etc.
Arlbcdon (Cumberld.). Old forms needed. Perh. hybrid =
Harlech and O.E. dun, ' a hill, a fort.'
Arlesey (Hitchin). Dom. Alriceseie. ' Isle of Mric or Mfiic'
But Arlescote (Wwk.) is 1080 Orlavescoth, Dom. Orlavescote,
1123 Ordlavescot: ' Ordlafs cot.' Arleston, Salop, is 1284
Close R. Ardolfeston, 'town of Eardumlf,' a common name.
Three places in Aries-, and all different ! See -ey.
Arley (Bewdley and Northwich). Bew. A. 994 Eamleie, Dom.
Ernlege, a. 1300 Erlei, Arnlegh. ' Meadow of the eagle,' O.E.
earn ; though Duignan prefers to think of a contraction fr. one
of the numerous names in Earn-, Eambald, -grim, etc. Cf.
1179-80 Fife Erlega (Cumbld.) and c. 1537 ' Erleghecote
haythe' (Furness) which seem to come fr. earl. See above;
also Arncllfee and Early; and Arle (Cheltenham), old Alra
— i.e., O.E. aler, ' alder-tree.'
Arley Regis or A. Kings (Bewdley). Dom. Ernlege, c. 1275
Ernleie. See above. Regis is L. for ' of the King.' It be-
longed to the Crown in the Mid. Ages, having twice escheated.
Arltngham (Stonehouse). Dom. Erlingeha. ' Home of Arling ' or
' Erling '—i.e., ' the descendant of the earl.' But Arlington
(Bibury and Barnstaple) is Bi. A. Dom. Aluredintune, 1221
Alwintone; Ba. A. prob. not in Dom. ' Town, dwelling of the
sons of Alured.' Searle does not equate this with Alfred. See
-ing, -ham, and -ton.
Armathwaite (Cumberld.). A Httle doubtful. It may be ' place
of ' some man, with a name in Eorm-, Eormenburh, -frith, etc.,
and here contracted. But it may be b.N, arm-r, ' an arm/ and
then, 'the spur of a valley.' Cf. Armley, Armthorpe, and
Armadale (Sc); and see -thwaite.
Armitage (Rugeley). a. 1300 Hermitage; in Eng. 1290 ermi-
tage, 5 armitage ; O.Fr. hermitage. There was one here in the
13th cny.
ARMLEY 110 ARTHURET
Armley (Leeds). Dom. Ermelai. Prob. ' Eorm's meadow.' See
Armathwaite, and -ley.
Aemthorpe (Doncaster). Dom. Ernulfestorp, 1202 Arunthorp, 1212
Ernetorp. 'Village of Eamwulf ; the latter unaccented syl-
lable often drops away. See -thorpe. Armscott (Shipston-on-
Stour) is actually 1275 Edmundescote !
Arnclipfe (Skipton). Dom. Arneclif, and Gerneclif . Perh. ' Cliff
of the erne or eagle,' O.E. earn. But possibly Arn- represents
a man's name; cf. above and Armley. Cf. Arncot (Oxon),
which is K.C.D. 1279 Earnigcote, Dom,. Ernicote — i.e., ' cot of
Earnwig ' or * Arnwi.^
Arnesby (Leicester). 1160 Pipe Emesbi. 'Dwelling of Ami'-
— i.e., 'the eagle.' Cf. above, and Arnisort (Sc); and see -by.
Arnold (Nottingham). Dom. Ernehale. 1157 Pipe Erneshala,
1316 Arnall, 'Nook of Earne' or, 'of the eagle"; see above and
-hall. The present, quite late form has been influenced by the
common name Arnold. On the excrescent d see p. 81. Cf.
Dom. Arnodestorp, now Arnoldstoft, N. Riding. See -toft.
Arnsedb (Camforth). ' Eagle-slope,' cf. above. Side, O.E. side,
here has the sense of ' the slope of a hill or mountain.' Cf.
Ambleside.
Arrad Foot (XJlverston). Prob. W. aradiad, 'tillage,' fr. aradr,
* a plough '; L. aratrum.
Arram (Beverley). Dom. Argun. The Arg- is Norse G. argh, ' hut,
shieling ' ; see Anglesark. The -un is a loc. ; see Arkholme.
Arreton (I. of Wight). Sic 1285. Not in Dom. Hants, but in Sffk.
Are-, Aratona; 'town, hamlet of Ara,"" or 'Are,'' names in Onom.
Arrlngton (Royston, Camb.). Dom. Erningetone, chart, ^rninge-
tune, 1270 Aiington, 1307 Arnington. ' Village of the sons of
Erne or Mm,^ O.E. earn, cern, ' an eagle.' Armiagford, also in
Cambs, has the same origin. Skeat thinks the change to Arring-
ton arose through association with Barrington near by.
Arrow R. (Warwksh.), Arrow Brook (Wirral, Chesh.). A. River
a. 800 chart. Aro. Prob. same root as W. aru, ' to plough.'
The river seems nowhere like ' an arrow,' O.E. arewe.
Arthtngton (Otley). Not in Dow. 1204 Arthigton. Further old
forms needed. May be ' village of Earthegn or Ertein.'' The
name is in Onom. Cf. Hartiagton, Buxton.
Arthog (Barmouth). Dimin. of W. arth, ' a height '; ' little hill.'
Arthuret (Carlisle). Wh. Stokes thought this the same as Ver-
teris in c. 400 Notit. Dign., which is prob. of same root as W.
gwerthyr, ' fortification.' But K. Arthur was a real Keltic King
none the less, and his name prob. influenced the form of this.
The name is first found in Juvenal Sat. 3, 29, Artorius. This,
says Rhys, is early Brythonic Artor, gen. Artoros.
ARUN R. HI ASHBURY
Artjn R. (Sussex). Perh. named fr. a neighbouring hil], W. aran,
' a peaked hill.'
Aetjndel (Sussex). Dom. Harundel; 1097 O.E. Chron. Arundel;
c. 1175 Arandel. ' DeU, dale (O.E. dcel) of the ARim.' Very
early the Arundel family had on their arms the swallow or
hironddle. a Fr. word found in Eng. c. 1600 as ' arrondell.' Of
course, this is only heraldic etymology.
AsooT (Berks), a. 1300 Escot, also Ascote; AscoT-under-Wychwood
(Oxford; see Wychwood), Ascote (Southam) a. 1300 Astanes-
cote. AscoTT (Shipston-on-Stour), no old forms. Ascot or
Escot may be east cot — cf. A'stley; but is prob. = Ashcott, Bridge-
water, ' cot, cottage made of ashwood,' O.E. cbsc — cf. Asheobd,
Dom. Asford. Ascote is ' cot of Mfstan,' a ' faithful man ' re-
ferred to in a grant by Oswald, Bp. of Worcester, in 991> Dow-
Bucks has an ' Achecote.'
AsFORDBY (Melton Mowbray). Not in Dom. ' Dwelling of Asford,'
bailifE at Croyland. See Onom., and -by.
ASGARBY (Lincolnsh.). 1154-66 charts. Asgerbi, Ansgesbia; a. 1200
Asgerebi. 'Dwelling of Asgar or Asgaer'; so in Onom. Cf.
Askerswell, and see -by.
Ash R. (Wilts). 712 chart, ^sce, which is O.E. for ' ash-tree.' But
almost all our river names are Keltic, and so this is prob =Ax
or ' water.'
Ash (Aldershot, Sevenoaks, Sandwich), Prob. O.E. ^sce, 'ash-
tree.' The c has remained hard in Aske, Yorks; Dom. Hasse.
Ashbourne (Uttoxeter and Derbysh.). Der. A. Dom. Esseburne,
1162-65 chart. Essebuma; ' ash-tree stream,' bourne =Sc. hum ;
O.E. buma, Icel. hrunn-r, 'a brook, a stream.' Ash, the tree,
is given as 3 asse and 5 esche.
AsHBRiTTLE (Wellington, Som.). Not in Dom'., and old forms
needed. The origin of the Eng. brittle is doubtful; see Oxf. Diet.
But prob. this has nothing to do with brittle ; prob. it is ' j^sc-
beorht's hill.' Cf. B.C.S. 624 iEscbyrhtes geat, and Astle,
a. 1300 Asthulle.
ASHBURNHAM (Battle). K.C.D. 930 Ashbornham, 'home at the
Ashbourne.' There is also an ' Esburneha ' in Dom. Bucks.
AsHBURTON (S. Devon). Prob. Dom. Essebretone. ' Burton,
fortified hamlet, by the ash-tree ' ; or, ' of ' a man ' Msc ' or ' Mse ';
the names are in Onom. Cf. next and Ashdown.
AsHBURY (Berks and Okehampton). Ber. A. c. 931 chart. ^Escses-
byrie, 953 chart, ^scesburh, 960 ^scesburuh. O.E. for ' burgh,
fort of Msc' perh. he who was the son of Hengist. j^sc rueans
' an ash,' and Ash(e) is still a common surname. There is an
' Asseberga ' in Dom. Wore, which is prob. ' burgh of Asa,^
a name common in Onom. Cf. Ashdown.
ASHBY 112 ASHMANSWOETH
AsHBY (Doncaster) and Ashby de la Zouoh. Don. A. 1179-80
Essebi, Do la Z. A, c. 1300 Eccleston Esseby (the E. Anglian
pron.; cf. Ashwell). * Dwelling of ^sc ' or ' Asa,' see above;
and afterwards of the Nor. family La Zouch. See -by.
Ashby Pueborum (Homcastle). [Prob. 1292 Parva Askeby.]
' Ashby of the boya ' ; L. puer, ' a boy.'
Ashby St. Ledgers (Rugby). See above. St. Ledger, in Fr. St.
LSger, is Leodegarius, a famous Fr. saint and martyr, Bp. of
Autun in France; d, 678. Cf. the Doncaster St. Leger, which
already, in 1567, had reached itB popular corrup. ' SeUinger ' or
* Selenger.'
ASHDOWN (Berksh.). 673 chart. 'In Escesdune LV in loco qui
vocatur Earmundeslea.' O.E. Chron. ann. 661 -.Escesdune, ann.
871, .^scesdun; also sic in a. 910 Asser, who (or an interpolator)
explains the name as mons fraxini. ' hill,' or ' hill-fort of the ash-
tree.' But, on the analogy of i^scses byries Sudgeate or
* South gate of Ashbury ' (c. 931 chart.), this may be ' hill ' or
' fort of ^sc' There are 3 called JEsc and one jEsca in Onom.
Cf. Ashbtjby.
AsHELDHAM (Southminster). Not in Dom. Prob. ' Home of
Ashild,' a Norse female name. But Ashelworth (Glouc),
Dom. Esceleuuorde, 1260 Asselworth, is either * farm of Mscelf,^
one in Onom.; or else fr. the common Aschil, Ascil, or Ascytel.
See -ham and -worth.
AsHEY Down (Ryde). The only adj. in Oxf. Diet. fr. ash,
the tree is ashen ; yet this Ashey is prob. fr. it also. See
-down.
AsHEORD (Kent, Laleham, etc.) and Ashford Carbonel (Ludlow).
Lai. A. Dom. Exeforde; also old Echeleford, Eckleford, fr. the
little R. Exe or Echel here.. As. Carb. Dom. Asford. Prob. they
all mean * ford on the river.' See Ash R., and cf. Ashbourne.
A Sir John Carbonell is mentioned in Norfolk, 1422, in Paston
Lett.
Ashtngton (Morpeth and Pulboro'). Pul. A. Dom. Essingetune
{cf. 1298 * Johannes de Asshendene '). Prob. ' town, village of
the Askings ' ; on this family or dynasty see Bede, ii. 5. See, too,
ASSINGTON.
Ashley (many). E.g., in Dom. Ascelie (Chesh.), Esselie (Cambs
and Staffs), Achelei (Bucks). ' Ash-tree meadow.' Some may
come fr. a man JSsca, as we have Ashley (Staffs), a. 1300 Assinge-
legh. Cf. Dom. Wore, Escelie. See -ing and -ley.
Ashmansworth (Hunts), a. 1200 chart, ^scmeres weorth, which
is ' farm beside the mere or lake of the ash-tree ' ; a curious cor-
ruption. But there is both an Asman and an .Mscm^nn in Onom.
Cf. Rickmans WORTH, and see -worth.
ASHMORE 113 ASKWITH
ASHMORE (Salisbury and Lichfield). Li. A. c. 1300 Estmeresbrok,
Asschmorebroke, Ashmeresbroke. Prob. ' brook of ^scmcer.'
Cf. B.C.8. 1227 on iEscmseres hammas. Sal. A. may be ' ash-
tree moor.'
AsHORNE (WarWick). 1196 Hasshorne, 1370 Asshorne. Perh.
* ash-tree nook.' O.E. oesc, M.E. asse, esse, ' an ash,' and O.E.
hyrne, hern, ' nook, comer.' But -horn in Whithorn (Sc), etc.,
represents O.E. erne, ' house.'
AsHOVER (Chesterfield). Dom. Essovre. ' Ash-tree bank,' fr. O.E.
ohr, ofr, M.E. overe, ' border, bank of a river.' Cf. Bolsover,
etc., also Asher.
AsHow (KENrLWORTH). Dom. Asceshot (-shot prob. error, but cf.
Aldershot), a. 1300 Ascesho, Ashyho, Asshisho. 'Hoe, out-
stretching point of land, with the ash-tree.' See above, and
ASHBTJRY.
Ash Parva (Whitchurch). ' Little Ash,' L. parvus, ' little.' Of.
AsHBY Magna, etc.
ASHREIGNEY (Chulmleigh). Not in Dom. E-eigney seems to be the
S.W. dialect reen, reene, rhine, ' a ditch, an open drain.' prob.
fr. O.E. ryne.
AsHRiDGE (Bucks). Prob. 1376 Assherugge. Ridge in the N. usually
takes the form rigg., O.E. hrycg, Icel. hrygg-r. Cf. Askrtgg.
AsHTON (Northampton, etc.). c. 955 chart. iEsctune, Bristol. 963
O.E. Ohron. ^sctiin, ? which. ' Ash-tree village.' Ashton in
Dom. is sometimes Estun as well as Essetone, but that will here
mean the same.
AsHTJRST (Southampton). {Dom. has Eisseburne.) ' Ash-tree
grove,' O.E. hyrst, Sw. hurst, ' a wood.' Cf. Chiseuhtrst, etc.
AsHWELL (Herts), a. 1300 Eccleston Assewelle (for this spelling cf.
AsHBY DE LA Zoughe). ' Well by the ash-tree.'
AsKAM (Camforth). O.E. cesc-hdm, ' dwelling, village by the ash-
tree,' the hard c being retained in North. Eng. Of Asksam.
The ^sc may well be a man's name here. Cf. Ashbury.
AsKERN (Doncaster). Not in Dom. O.E. cesc-erne, ' house built
of ash-wood.' Cf. Whithorn (Sc).
AsKERSWELL (Bridport). Not in Dom. * Well of Asgar '; several
named Asgar, Asgcer, Esgar, in Onom. Of. Asgarby.
AsKHAM (Penrith and Yorks). Yorks, more than one, Dom. Ascam,
Ascha'. =AsKAM.
AsKRiGG (Bedale). North, form of Ashridge.
Askwith (Westmld. and Yorks). Dom. Yorks, Ascuid, -vid; 1201
Ascwith. O.N. ask-r vi'6-r (Dan. ved). ' Ash wood or forest.'
Of. Ask AM and Beckwith. This is, of course, the same name as
Asquith.
ASLACKBY 114 ASTLEY
AsLACKBY (Folkinghani) and Aslacton (Long Stratton). Dom.
Aslachesbi. ' Dwelling of Aslac '; several in Onom. Cf. next
and Aislaby; and see -by.
AsLACOE (Lincoln). Dom. Aslacheshou. ' Hoe or how or moct-
hill of Aslac ' ; see above. Hoe, as in Morte Hoe, also means
' an island,' as this may once have been.
ASLOCKTON (Nottingham). Dom. Aslachetone. ' Aslac'^ village.'
See above.
AsPATBiA (W. Cumberland). Local pron, Spatry. 1224 Patent R.
Estpateric, Said to be fr. As- or Gos- patrick, first lord of
Allendale, or fr. As or St. Patrick, predecessor of Kentigern,
and patron St. of the church here. In time of K. John we find
a ford near here called Wath-Patrick -weth. Ass in O.N. means
a sort of demi-god, one under the patronage of a god, usually
Thor. But possibly the iirst syll. is the obs. Eng. este, O.E.
est, O.N. dst, ' delight, good pleasure, favour ' ; so the name
would mean 'The delight of St. Patrick,' which is more in ac-
cord with analogy than to caU a place after a man alone.
AsPENDEN (Buntingford). c. 1280 Apsedene, Feud. Aids Aspedene,
O.E. oespe denu, ' aspen-tree vale.' See -den.
AsPLEY (Huddersfield, and 2 in Staffs; Dom. Haspeleifi, 1227
Aspeleg, Eccleshall; and 2 in Warwk., both 1272 Aspeley;
but one a. 1300 Apsele), and Aspley Guise (Woburn), 1232
Aspel'. ' Lea, meadow (O.E. leak) of the asps or aspens,' O.E.
cespe. Of. Apsley, and Asps, 1196 Aspes (Warwk). Guise
may or may not show connection with the well-known ducal
family of Lorraine; at any rate Guises held property here.
AspULii Moor (Wigan). Prob. =' asp-hill ' or 'aspen-tree hill,'
O.E. (Bspe, ' an aspen '; hill is found spelt 2-5 hull. Gf. Aspen-
den and Solihull.
Asselby (Yorks). Dom. Aschilebi. ' Dwelling, village of Aschil
or Ascytel,' a common O.E. name. Gf. HAiSTriORPE ; and see -by.
AssiNGDON or AssiNGTON (Colchester). 1016 O.E. Chron. Assan-
dun; c. 1115 Henry Hunt. Esesdun. This place-name is cor-
rectly translated by Flor. Wore. c. 1097, ' mons asini/ ' hill of
the ass,' O.E. assa, gen. assan, ' a male ass.'
AsTBUEY (Congleton). Not in Dom. Prob. ' burgh, town of Ast,*
given as ' 956 regulus Wore' in Onom. However, O.E. ast is
' an oast or kiln.' Cf. next.
AsTLE Hall (Macclesfield), a. 1300 Asthulle. ' Ast-hill,' O.E. ast,
' an oast or kiln ' : hill is spelt 2-5 hull. Gf. Aspull and
Solihull.
AsTLEY ^5 in P.G.). Nimeaton A. Dom. Estleia, a. 1300 Est(e)ley.
1327 Astleye. Stourport A. Dom. Eslei, a. 1200 ^stlege,
a. 1300 Estley, Astle, Estele. The Oxf. Diet, gives no spelluig
ASTON 115 ATTLEBRIDaE
of East as ast, yet old forms show that many names m Ast-
must come fr. East. See below. So this name is, ' East lea '
or ' meadow.' See -ley.
Aston (Herts, Bucks, Stafis, Warwk., Yorks, and Nantwich). All
Dom. Eston or Eastun(e) — i.e., 'east-town.' It may at times
be ' ash-tree-town.' Of. Ashford, in Dom. Asford. Duignan says
one Aston was in O.E. jEsctun, but does not say which.
Aston Magna (E. Worcestersh,). Prob. K.C.D. 616 Eastune,
1275 Estone. ' Magna ' is ' great.'
Aston Tibbold (Wallingford). Dom. Estone — i.e., ' East-town.'
Cf. Aston. Tirrold ? fr. Walter Tirel or Tirrold, who shot
Wm. Rufus in New Forest. Tirweald was a common O.E.
name; it is the same as the mod. Eng. name Thorold.
AswARBY (Folkuigham). Dom. Asuuardebi. 'Dwelling of As-
ward.'' Owom. has only one^sweri. See -by.
Atcham (Shrewsbury). Dom. Atingeham; later Attingham.
' Home of the sons of Atd' 2 in Onom. For the present form
cf. Whittingham, now pron. Whittinjem.
Athelney (Taunton). 871 O.E. Chron. .ESelinga eg or eigg— i.e.,
' island of the Athelings,' or princes or noble-born men, fr. ceSeZ,
' noble ' and -ing, ' belonging to.' M'Clure thinks the name
purely personal, and meaning ' descendants of some man called
iEthelbeorht, -^Ethelrsed,' or the like. See -ey.
Atherstone (Nuneaton, on-Stour, and Somerset). Nun. A. Dom.
Aderestone, 1246 Edrideston; also Aldredestone. Stour A. Dom.
Edricestone, 1248 Athericstone, 1249 Athereston. The former
is either ' Eadred's ' or perh. ' Ealdred's town ' ; it may be
' stone," see -ton. The latter is fr. a man Mthelric or Ethric.
Atherton (Manchester). Sic 1258-59; but 1265 Aser-, Adserton,
1320 Athyrton. This must have been orig. 'town of Asser';
• or, in its O.N. form, ' Atser.' Cf. Azerley.
Attenborough (Trent). Not in Dom. c. 1200 Adigburc, c. 1240
Hadinbur, 1291 Addingburg, c. 1500 Addyngborough. 'Burgh,
town of the sons of Ead[d)a.' See -ing and -borough.
Atterclute (Sheffield). Dom. Ateclive. 'Cliff of Ata.' The
letter r tends to insert itself, as in Kidderminster, etc. Here
it has been influenced by otter, which is found m M.E. as atter.
Attleborough (Norfolk and Nuneaton). Nun. A. 1155 Attele-
berge, a. 1400 Atleborowe, Attilburgh. Nor. A. Dom. Atlebure,
c. 1456 Attylburgh. Perh. ' Burgh, town of Athulf or Mthelwulf' ;
several in Onom. of that name. But there is a known AttiU in
Dom.
Attlebridge (Norwich). Dom. Ate-, Attebruge, c. 1465 Attyl-
brigge. 'Bridge of Athulf ; see above. O.E hrycg, North,
and Sc. hrig, ' a bridge.'
ATWICK 116 AUSTREY
Atwick (Hull). Not in Dom. Seems to be ' at the dwelling-house,'
O.E. wic. Of. Atcombe, Atlow (Derby), 1285 Attelawe, ' at
the law ' or ' hill,' Atworth, Melksham, not in Dom. and Atte-
well, now only a surname, but 1281 Close B. Ettewell, Notts.
Dom. often has Adewic, but always for Ad wick.
AuBOUBNE (Liucohi). Dom. Aburne, 1208 Audeburn. Prob. ' old
burn or brook ' as in Audlem ; presumably an old channel super-
seded by a newer one. There is also an Auburn or Awburn
near Bridlington ; Dom. Eleburn, ' brook of Ealla ' ; a liquid
sound like al easily slurs into aw. Cf. next.
Auckland. See Bishop Auckland.
AucKLEY (Doncaster). Dom. Alcheslei, Alceslei, Alchelie.
' Meadow of Aha.' Cf. Awkley, Notts, 1278 Alkelaye. See
Alkborough, and -ley.
AuDENSHAW (Manchester). 1190-1212 Aldenshade, Aldensawe,
1240-59 Aldensagh, later Aldwynschawe, 1523 Aldewynshaw,
' Wood of Alda ' or ' Ealdxi ' ; O.E. sc{e)aga, ' a wood.' Shaw
is still common in North, dial, and Sc.
Audlem (Nantwich). Dom. Aldelime. Prob. O.E, aid elm, ' old
elm -tree '; elm is found in dial, as elem, ellum ; whilst old is 4-6
aulde, awld, dial, awd, aud, aad. Cf. next, and Thorp Audlin,
W. Riding, not in Dom. except as Torp.
AuDLEY (Newcastle, Stajffs, and Saffron Walden). New. A. Dom.
Aldidelege, 1217 Aldidelee, 1218 Aldithelee. 1223 Alvithelegh,
1280 Aldithel'. ' Meadow of Aldgith ' or ' Ealdgyth.' See -ley.
AuGHTON (Ormskirk and Rotherham). Orm. A. Dom. Acketun,
1285 Aghton. Roth. A. Dom. Actun. O.E. dc-tun. 'Oaks'
town.' Cf. Acton.
AusT (Tockington). 691-2 chart, set Austin, 794 ib. set Austan,
Dom. Austreclive (' cM '), c. 1100 Augusta, 1285 Awste, Hawste,
1368 Augst. Not ' East,' as often thought, but the Roman
Augusta, name also given to Caerleon by Bav. Geogr. Cf.
Aosta, Piedmont and Eastburn.
AusTERFLELD (Bawtry). 702-05 Ouestrefelda, Eostrefeld. 'East
field,' O.E. easier feld ; easter being compar. of eastan, ' East.'
Cf. 1156 Pipe Austurcarii, and 1166 ib. Austerbi, both Linos.
But the AusTRELLS, Aldridge, is a. 1300 Asterhull, ' hill of the
hearth ' (forge or furnace), M.E. astre, O.Fr. astre, aistre, mod.
Fr. dtre. Cf. Aisthorpe, 1233 Austorp.
AuSTERSON (Nantwich). Old Alstanton — i.e., ' Athelstan's town,'
a curious study in liquids. Cf. Athelstaneford (Sc).
AusTREY (Atherstone). 958 chart. Alduluestreow, later chart. Aldul-
festreo — i.e., O.E. for ' Ealdwulf's tree ' ; Ealdwulf is a common
name m Onom., also found as Aldwulf, Aldulf ; and cf. Oswestry.
A name like this shows how hopeless it often is to guess, with-
out old forms to guide. As late as 1327 it is Aldulvestre.
AUSTWICK 117 AWSWORTH
AuSTWiCK (Settle). Dom. Oustewic, 1202 Austwic. ' Eastern
dwelling,' O.E. eastan (O.N. aust-r) mc. Cf. Austeefield.
AuTHORPE (Louth). Dom. Avetorp. Prob. ' village of Eawa,' 2 in
Onom. Cf. 1155 Pipe Auton, Hants; and see -thorpe.
AvEBTjRY (Calne). Peril. Dom. Avereberie, 1740 (and ? still)
Abury. If orig. Avereberie it may be ' burgh of JSlfhere,' a
very common O.E. name, found once as Mlfuere. More old
forms needed; it may be 'burgh of . JS/^a ' or '-^^e,' also a
common name. Cf. Aveton. See -bury.
AvELEY (Purfleet). Dom. Auileia, 1285 Alvetheley. ' Meadow of
Mlfgyth,'' a common woman's name. One was abbess of Bark-
ing in 11th cny. See -ley.
AvENAGE (Bisley, Glouc). 1337 Abbenesse. Prob. ' Ahla'^ ash-
tree.' AvENHAM (Preston), not in W. and H., may be fr. the
same man, or else fr. JS^e, -en. To-day Avenage is called
Avon Edge. Cf. next and Ashton.
AvENiNG (Stroud). 896 cMrt. to -Meningum (dat. pi.). Dom.
Aveninge, 1221 Evening. On R. Avon, with -ing or -inge here
as a river-ending. Cf. Twyning, etc.
AvETON GiFFOED (Klingsbridge). Dom. Afetone. ' Town, village
of Afa ' or ' J5^e.' Cf. Affpiddle, Avebury, etc.
AviNGTON (Alresford). 961 chart. Afintune; 1316 Aventon. Prob.
' Town of Afa,'' 2 in Onom.
Avon R. (7, 3 tribs. of R. Severn, also Aeon Wrangon, S.
Wales). Sev. A. Tacitus Avona, 704-9 chart. Afen; 793-6 Al3en,
a. 1196 Gir. Camb. Avenina, Avenna; Wilts A. c. 380 Ant.
Itin. Abone; c. 650 Bav. Geogr. Abona; a. 910 Asser Abon;
O.E. Chron. ann. 653 Afene, Afne; also charts. Afene, Auena,
Eafen, Hafene. W. afon, G. ahhuinn, 'river.' The name is
found in Sc. both as Avon and Almond. Cf. Ravenglass or
yr afon glas.
AvoNMOUTH (Bristol). 918 O.E. Chron. Aftena muSa, 1067 ib.
into Afenan mu6an.
AwLiscoMBB (Honiton). Dom,. Avlescome, 1282 Haulescumbe.
Prob. ' Valley of Eawulf ' or ' Mthelvmlf,'' a very common name.
Cf. Alton, c. 880 ^weltun. See -combe.
AwRE (Newnham). Dom. and 1223 Aure, 1160-61 Fife Aura.
Dom. Devon has Avra. W. awr means ' golden ' ; but this
scarcely seems to satisfy. Oxf. Diet, gives awre as var. of
OWHERE, ' anywhere.' But the Old English never made jokes
with their names !
AwswoRTH (Nottingham). Dom. Eldesvorde, 1316 Aldesworthe;
' farm of Ealda.' The change is quite according to rule, so far
as phonetics go. See -worth.
AXE R. 118 AYLSHAM
Axe R. and Axmouth (Somerset), c. 708 Orant Axa; O.E. Chron.
755 Asca; 944 chart. Exa, 1049 O.E. Chron. Axamntha. Keltic
for 'water, river' =Ex, UsK, etc. Cf. Ashford. We prob.
have the same name in the Fr. R. Aisne, L. Ax -ona, the-ona
being the common Kelt, ending for ' stream.'
AxHOLM (N. Lincoln), c. 1180 Bened. Peterh. Axiholm. For Ax-
see above; this was a very marshy region. A holm is properly
' an island in or near a river ' ; see -holm. Possibly it is ' holm of
Mcci,'' a known name.
AxMEsrsTER. O.E. Chron. 755 Axan-, Ascanmynster, Dom. Axe-
minstre, * Monastery on the R. Axe ' ; O.E. mynster, ' a monas-
tery,' then ' a (cathedral) church,' fr. L. monasterium.
Aycleffe (Darlington), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Heaclif — i.e., O.E.
hedh clif, ' high cliff.' But School Aycliffe is 1183 Boldon Bk.
Sculacle, -ley, and 1130 Acheleia, 1211 Aclai — i.e., O.E. dc leah,
' oak meadow ' ; this looks as if there had been a transition
form, aik lee, and the meaning of aik being forgotten, it was
' improved ' into Aycliffe. But the existence of the double old
form is puzzling.
Ayubhrton (Lydney). 1224 Aylbricton, 1288 Close R. Albrith-
ton. Prob. 'Albert's town' or 'village'; O.E. Ealdbeorht or
Alberht, of whom there are many in Onom. Cf. Elberton
(Thornbury), Dom. Eldbertone, 1175 Pijte Alberton, 1346 Ayl-
berton.
Aylesbeare (Exeter). Dom. Eilesberge. ' jEgiVs wood,' O.E.
team. See Aylesbtjby, and cf. Beer, Larkbeare, and next.
The -berge ( = Barrow) of Dom. is prob. an error for -here.
Aylesbury. O.E. Chron. ann. 571 iEgelesburh, ^Eglesbyrig;
1154-61 chart. AeOesbiria. ' .^Egil's burgh ' or ' fortified place.'
Mgil is the sun-archer of Teutonic mythology. See -bury, and
cf. Aylesbeare and Ailsbury (Warwk.) 1272 Ayllesbury.
Aylesford (on R. Medway). O.E. Chron. 455 ^gelesford, also
iEgelsthrep ; c. 1120 ^glesforda, jEUesforda; Sim. Dur. ann.
1016, Eagelesford, 1160 Fife Ailesfort, ' MgiVs ford.' See
Aylesbtjry.
Ayleston (Stratford, Wwk.) and Aylestone (Leicester). Str.
A. Dom. Alnodeston, 1095 Elmundestone, a. 1200 Alvodestone.
Either ' JElfnoth's,' later ' Alnod's town,' or ' Ealhmund's town.*
For Leic. A. old forms needed. Cf. Aylesbtjry; and on -stone,
see -ton. Aylworth, Glouc, Dom. Eleurde, Baddeley would
derive fr. the name Mthel.
Aylmerton (Norwich). Dom. Almartune. 'Town, village of
Aylmer.'' There are several called Mlfmcer or Elmer in Onom.
Aylsham (N. Norfolk). 1157 Ailesham, 1443 Aylesham. ' Home,
of Mgil '; see Aylesbury, and -ham.
AYLSTON 119 BAB WELL
Aylston (Hereford), c. 1030 chart. iEgilnothes stane— ^■.e., ' stone
of jEgilnoih or jEgil.'' See Aylesbury.
Aymestrey (N. Herefordsh.). Dom. Eiminstre. Prob. 'island-
minster ' or ' church.' See -ay and -minster. Cf. Mbnstrie
(So.) fr. G. mainistreach, ' belonging to a monastery,' in 1263
Mestreth. Aydon, Corbridge, is 1285 Close B. Eyden.
Aykho (Banbury). Dom. Aienho. 'Hoe or hill of Egon' or
' ^ga ' ; cf. B.G.S. 226 ^ganstan; there is also a Bp. ^ine in
Onom. Cf. AsLACOE and Eynsham.
Ayot St. Laurence and St. Peter (Welwyii, Hatfield). Ayot, ait,
eyot is ' a small island,' prob. a dimin. of O.E. ig, ' island.' See
Oxf. Diet. S.V. AIT.
Ayr, Point of (Wirral). O.N. eyri, ' tongue of land, gravelly
bank ' =Aire.
Aysgarth (Bedale). Dom. Echescard, 1202 Aikeskerth. ' Garth,
enclosure, court, yard of JEcce or ^cci.^ names in Onom.
Aythorpe Roding (Dunmow). Not in Dom. Old forms needed.
The Ay- may mean ' high ' as in Aycliffe, or it may mean ' egg-
place, egg farm,' fr. O.E. CB3, M.E. ay ' an egg.' See -thorpe,
and Roding.
Ayton (Cleveland, Pickering, etc.). CI. A. 1202 Haitone. Pi. A.
1208 Aton. There are several Aytons in Yorks; in Dom. all
are Aton, Atun, or Atune. This is prob. ' river-town,' O.E.
ea, M.E. cb, ' river,' ruim.uig stream. But cf. Eyton.
Azerley (Ripon). Dom. Aserla, Asserle, 1281 Close R. Atherley,
Azarlay. 'Meadow of Atser' (O.N.) or ' Asser^ (O.E.), as in
Atherton. Onom. has the forms Adser, Azer, Azor, all as var.
of the common Atser. See -ley.
Babe A- Babbicombe (Torquay). ' Valley of Babha ' or ' Behha, '
several in Onom. Cf. Bablake, Coventry, 1344 Babbelak, and
Bablocklithe, Oxon, which mean ' Babha' s pool ' (O.E. lac, see
Oxf. Diet, lake s&* 2), and ' the landing stage ' or ' Hythe '
beside it. See Babwell and -combe.
Babcary (Somerton). Exon. Dom. Babakari, Babba cari, Dom.
Babecari. Prob. ' Babbd's forts,' W. caer, pi. -rau (pron.
-ray), ' a fort, a castle.' See Babbacombe, and cf. Castle-
cary (Sc).
Babraham (Cambridge), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. and 1166 Pi'pe
Badburgeham, Dom. and 1286 Badburgham, 1450 Baburgham.
This must be fr. a woman Badburh, gen. -wge, not in Onom.
See -ham.
Babwell (Bury St. Edmunds). Dom. has only Babenberga.
1289 Contin. of Gervase. Balbewelle. ' Well of Babba: There
are 5 Babbas and one Baba in Onom. In form 1289 lb h ai
BACKBAREOW 120 BADGEWORTH .
common scribe's error or ' trick ' for hh. Cf., too, Babthorp
(Yorks); Dom. Babetorp,
Backs AREOW (Ulverston). Barrow is O.E. heorg, 2 beoruh, 6 harow,
' a mount, a hill,' then, ' a grave mound, a tumulus.' The
Back-, as in Backford, is doubtful; it may be Icel. haJcki, Dan.
hakke, Sw. backe, ' a hill-ridge,' and so the name will signify
' long, ridged hill.'
Backtord (Chester). The meaning of back- here is uncertain.
It may just be ' back ' ; less likely =' hill-ridge,' as prob. above;
very possibly =hach or heck as in Sandbach, Dom. Sanbec, and
so, ' ford over the beck or stream.' Cf. Bacton and Backworth,
(Newcastle-on-T . ) .
Baconsthorpe (Holt, Nfk,). Dom. Baconstorp, 1346 Baconthorpe.
' Place, village of Bacon,'' a name which seems not otherwise
recorded in England till 1200. It is an O.Fr. accus. of a Ger-
manic Bacco. See -thorpe.
Bacton (N. Walsham and Stowmarket). N. Wal. B. Dom. and c.
1150 Baketun(e), a. 1310 Baketon. St. B. Dom. Baohetuna.
Prob. ' village, town of Bacca or Becca.' Cf. Dom. Essex,
Bacsteda, and Baxby, Yorks, Dom. Backesbi. But also cf.
Backford.
Bacup (Lanes). Local pron. Baykop. c. 1200 chart. Ffulebachope,
c. 1470 Bacop, 1507 Bacope, 1579 Baccop. c. 1200 clearly is
' foul bach hope,' or ' enclosed valley of the foul, dirty brook ' ;
see -hope. Bacup stands at the centre of four valleys or
' hopes.' Bach or bache (see Oxf. Diet, s.v.), is a rare var. of
beck, O.E. hcece, bece, O.N. bekk-r, ' brook, rivulet,' which also
becomes batch, as in Comberbatch. Sandbach (Cheshire), is
Dom. Sanbec. Cf. Eccup and Fulbeck; 'foul' is O.E. /tiZ,
2-5 fule.
Badbury (Berks), chart. Baddanbyrig, and Badby (Daventry)
Dom. Badebi. ' Burgh ' and ' dwelling of Bada ' or ' Badda,"
a name common in Onom. See -bury and -by.
Badcox (Erome). Not in Dom. Perh. W. bedd cock, ' red grave '
or ' grave mound,' with Eng. plur. s {cs =x).
Baddesley Clinton and Ensor (Atherstone). Dom. Bedeslei,
1327 Baddesleye Endeshover. ' Badda's meadow.' Cf. Badby
and Badenhall, Eccleshall, Dom. Badenhale. See -ley. Ensor
is contraction of Edensor. The ' Ednesovre ' family owned
the Warwk. manor a. 1300. Clinton is fr. the De Clintons of
Coleshill.
Badgeworth (Cheltenham). S12chart. Began wurtha, Dom. Beiwrde,
c. 1150 Begeword, and Badgeworthy (Lynmouth) local pron.
Badgery. Dom. .Bicheordin, 1167-68 Pipe Badewurth. The
man's name is a little uncertain, but prob. both mean ' Boecga's
farm.' Bicca is also a fairly common 0.^ nan^e; and the
BADINGIHAM 121 BAGLEY
phonetic change fr. Biche- to Badge- is exactly illustrated in
BuRBAGE, also found as Burbidge, now a personal name. The
endings are in root all the same, O.E. worth, with its extended
forms worthig and worthign, ' farm ' ; see -worth and -wardine.
Cf. Bageridge, Wolverhampton, 1286 Baggerugge.
Badingham (Framlingham). Dom. Badincha. [Cf. 902 O.E.
' Chron. ' Baddanbyrig,' near Wimborne, and a. 1100 chart.
' Badingtun ' near Melton,] ' Home, dwelling of the sons of
Badda.' Of. Baddesley ; and see -ing.
Badlesmere (Faversham). Sic 1363, but Dom. and 1283Badeles-
mere. ' Mere, lake of Badela.' Cf. K.C.D. 714 Badelan broc.
Badminton (Gloucester). 972 chart. Badimjnacgtun, Dom. Mad-
mintune [M an error) ; ' town, village of Beadumund or Bade -
mund,^ names in Onom. It may be a patronymic; Baddeley
thinks it is fr. Beaduhelm, a very rare name. See -ing.
Badsey (Evesham). 709 chart. Baddeseia, 714 ib. Baddesege, Dom.
Badesei; and Badsworth (Pontefract). Dom. Badesworde.
' Isle ' and ' farm of Badda.' Cf. Baddesley; and see -ey and
-worth.
Bad WELL Ash (Bury St. Edmunds). (709 chart. Badeswelle,
? Wore). Not in Dom. Prob. ' Badda's well.' Cf. above; not
likely fr. had adj. Cf. Barkston Ash.
Bagborough (Somerset). 935 chart. Bacgingberghe, ' burgh,
fortified place of Bacga.' Cf. Bagley and Bagendon, Ciren-
cester, Dom. Benwedene, a. 1300 Bagindon. See -burgh and -don.
Bagby (Thirsk). Dom. Bagebi. ' Hamlet, town of Bacga ' ; cf.
above and B.C.S. 924, ' Bsegan wyrth ' ; See -by. But,
Baggaby Bottom, Pocklington, not in Dom., is 1202 Bagothebi,
where Bagoth seems a corrupt form of Beagnoth, a common
name in Onom. ; or else it is fr. Bagot, a surname prob. fr. O.Fr.
Bottom, O.E. botm, is found with the meaning of ' valley, dell
low-lying land,' from c. 1325.
Bagden (Reigate). Not in Dom. Prob. ' Bacga' s den,' or else
' dean ' — i.e., (wooded) valley. Certainly nothing to do with
badger, as some imagine. Cf. Bagborough and Bagley.
Bagillt (Holywell). A difficult name; evidently a W. corrup. of
some Eng. name. The oldest sure form is Bagilde. By some
it is identified with the Cheshire Dom. Bachelie, later Bakley.
But it is not certain that this is the same place, and the identi-
fication is phonetically difficult. Bachelie would prob. repre-
sent * Bacga's lea,' as in next. Quite possibly the name is W.,
bach gallt (pi. gelltydd), ' little cliff.'
Bagley (Berks), a. 1100 chart. Bacganleah, O.E. for ' Bacga' s
meadow.' Cf. Bagden and Bagworth. There is also a
Baqnor (Donnington). ' Bacga's bank or edge ' ; O.E. ora.
9
BAGNALL 122 BALDOCK
Bagnall (Stoke on T:). a. 1200 Baggenhall, a 1300 Bagenholt
Baghinholt, a 1400 Baknold. There has been a mingling here
of ' Bacgd's hall ' and ' B.'s holt,' O.E. holt, ' a wood ' See above
and -hall.
Bagshot (Camber] ey), Prob. ' Bacga's shot ' or ' glade through a
wood ' See Bagden and Aldershot. The old forms are
numerous — Baggeshott, Bagshat, etc ; but also Bagshet, Bake-
shet, Bakset, Baggeshete, which Skeat says must be, O.E. hcBC
sceat, ' back nook or comer.' A wood near Winkfield is called
Bac-sceat in Chron. Abingdon, temp. Wm. I.
Baguley (Stockport), c. 1320 Baggulegh. ' Bago'B lea ' or
' meadow.' There is a Bago in Onom. See -ley.
Bagworth (Leicester). O.E. chart. Baeganwyrth, 1442 Bagge-
worth. ' Bcega's or Bacga's farm.' Of. Baglby and Bayworth,
also 1155 Pipe Bagewurda, 1160-1 Beggewurda, Somerset, and
1158-9 ih. Beggewurda, Wilts; and see -worth.
Baildon (Shipley). Dom. Beldone. Prob. O.E. heel dun, ' hill of
the fire or funeral pile.' In later Eng. it is 4-&aZe, 4 haile,
5 belle, 6 bde; see Oxf. Diet. s.v. baIjE s6.^ and bale-fire.
Bailey Gate (Wimbome). Bailey is found in Eng. a. 1300 as
hailly. It is O.Fr. bail, ' wall of the outer court of a feudal
castle.' Cf. the Old Bailey.
Bainbridgb (Bedale). Not in Dom. Perh. ' Straight bridge,'
O.N. beinn, ' straight, direct,' M.E. bayn (though not in this
sense). North, dial, bane, Whitby Gloss. ' That way's the
banest ' — i.e., the shortest. But perh. fr. a man Baga, as in
next.
Baxnton (Driffield and Stamford). Dr. B. Dom. Bagentone.
' Town of Baga, Bacga, or Becga,' gen. -an. Cf. Baynhurst,
Cookham, and 1157 Pipe Lines, Baenburc.
Bakewell (Derbysh.). 924 O.E. Ghron. Badecanwylla, v.r. Bade-
can wiellon; 1280 Close R. Bathekewell, 1287 ib. Bauquell, 1297
Baukwelle. ' Beadecd's well,' O.E. willa, wylla, ' a fountain, a
well.' There is one Beadeca in Onom. Birch says 949 chart.
Badecanwell is Bucknall cum Bagnall, Staffd. Cf. Baginton,
Coventry, Dom. Badechitone.
Bala. W. hala, ' a shooting-out,' bala llyn,' ' the outlet of a lake.'
Balby (Doncaster). Dom. BaUesbi. Prob. ' village, hamlet of
Bald, Beald, or Bealda ' ; here already seen in its more mod.
form. Ball. Cf Bald on, and Balcombe, Hay ward's Heath.
Baldersby (Thirsk) and Balderton (Newark). Dom. Baldrebi.
The original Balder was son of Odin, and hero of one of the
most beautiful myths in the Norse Edda. See -by and -ton.
Baldogk (Herts), a. 1200 Baudac, -oc, 1287 Baldak, Baudak.
An amazing name, given as a fancy name by the Knights
BALDON 123 BAMBER BRIDGE
Templars, its founders — Ital. Baldacco, the Eng. Baghdad !
Cf. Eng. baldachin, older haudekin, a fine embroidered stuff also
named fr. Baghdad.
Baldon (Oxford). 1054 chart. Bealdan hama. ' Bealda's home.'
Note the contraction, and cf. Balby and Beedon.
Bale (Holt, Norfolk), Not in Dom. O.E. heel, O.N. bdl, ' a funeral
pyre, a bale-fire.' Cf. Baildon.
Balking (UflSngton, Berks). 948 chart. Bedalacing; 963 ib.,
Badalacing, Bathalacing; later Bethelking. The Onom. has only
the names Badeca and Badela. But this seems to be a patro-
nymic, denoting the ' place of the descendants of some man
Bedalac,' or the like. See -ing.
Ballestgdon (Sudbury). Not in Dom., but cf. 704-709 chart.
Balgan dun, Shottery. This last is ' hill ' or ' hill-fort of Balga.'
But the name as it stands means ' hill of the sons of Ball,^ a
known Eng. name; in O.E. Beald or Bealda, the 'bold,' not
'bald,' man. (7/. Balby and Ball's Cross, Petworth. See -don.
Balmeb (Sussex). Dom. Burgemere; later, Bormer. A curious
example of the easy interchange of liquids, and the result of
' Cockney ' pronunciations. The orig. name would mean ' mere
or lake beside the burgh,' or fortified place.
Balne (Doncaster). Not in Dom. Possibly a loc. of O.E. bM, or
O.N. bdl. ' at the funeral pyres or bale fires.' Of. Hoxne,
formerly Hoxon, and Baildon.
Balsall Heath (Birmingham) and Balscott (Banbury). 1226
Belessale, 1327 Balesale, Dugdale Balshall ; prob. ' Ball's nook '
and ' cottage.' Of. Bram(h)all, Cheshire, Dom. Bramale, and
Balby, and see -hall.
Balsham (Cambridge). 974 chart. Bellesham, Dom. Belesham,
c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Balesham. ' Home of (prob.) Ball.' See
Balltngdon, and -ham.
Balterley (Newcastle, Staffs). 1004 Balterytheleage, Dom.
Baltredelege, a. 1300 Balterdeleye, Baldridele, -trydelegh.
' Meadow of Bealdthryth ' ; she of this lea is the only one in
Onom.
Baltonsborough (Glastonbury). 744 chart. Baltersberghe, Dom.
Baltunesberge, 1610 Balsboro'. Another case of the inter-
changeableness of the liquids r and n. The orig. name was
' burgh, fortified place of Baiter,' a name found in Onom. as
Baltherus or Baldred or Baldhere. They are .all the same name.
See -borough.
B amber Bridge (Preston). Omitted by Wyld and Hirst. Old
forms needed. Cf. Baumber, Horncastle, not in Dom., and
next. Bamber is also found as a surname. The -ber may be for
BAMBOROUGH 124 BANKYFELIN
-burgh or -bury q.v., O.E. hurg, hurh, and herig, dat. herie, ' a
fort, castle, or fortified town ' ; as it is in Dom. Caldeber.. now
Caldbergh, N. Yorks.
Bamborough (Belford). Founded O.E. Ghron. ann. 547; 709 Eddi
Bebbanburg; 1119 Bawmburgh. a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Babban-
burch; c. 1175 Fantosme Banesburc; 1197 Banburc; 1213 Baen-
burc; 1221 Bamburg; 1281 Baumburgh. Bede, iii. 16, says the
place was called ' ex Bebbae quondam reginae vocabulo.'
Bebbanburh is O.E. for * Bebba's burgh or castle ' ; and Behba
was perh. wife of K. Ida, its founder.
Bamford (Rochdale and Sheffield). Roch. B. sic 1228, 1282
Baumford. Bam- will either be O.E. hean, ' bean,' or beam, ' a
tree.' Cf. Bampton, and next. The Sheff . B. is not in Dom.
Bamfurlong (Wigan). 1205-23 Bonghefurlong, Bonke-, Banc-
furlong, 1200-20 Benfurlong, 1200-68 Benefurlong. The latter
forms are ' bean-furlong,' lit. furrow-long, properly the name of
an unenclosed field of indefinite size. But the earUer forms
seem to be fr. hank,, M.E. banke, Icel. bakki, ' a ridge, eminence,
or bank of a river,' first in Eng. in Ormin, c. 1200 ; in 4 bonke, bone.
Cf. Ashfurlong, Sutton Colfield, 1242 Hasfurlong.
Bampton (Oxford, etc.). O.E. Chron., ann. 614, Beandun; 1155
Pipe Bentune; 1298 Bamptone. Bean-dun is O.E. for ' bean
hUl.' For change of n to mp, cf. Sampton, 833 ' Sandtun.'
See -don and -ton.
Banbury. Dom. Banesberie; 1155-62 chart. Bannebiria; 1298
Bannebury. ' Burgh, fortified town of Bana.' Cf. B.C.S. 1219
Banan wyl. See -bury.
Bandon (Croydon). Not in Dom. Prob., like BaMpton, O.E.
bean-dun, ' bean hill.' Cf. Banstead and Banham, Attle-
borough.
Bangor. Sic 1250 Layam., but c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Banchor, Sim.
Dur., ann. 1102, Bancorensis, a. 1196 Gir. Camb. Bangorensis
ecclesia; also see next. There are several in Wales, two in
Brittany, and more than one in Ireland. Ir. benn-chor, ' a row
of points or peaks,' either a circlet of rocks or a row of hills, as
Joyce has shown. W. bangor now means * an upper row of
rods,' then ' a coping, a battlement ' ; W. bann, ' high ' ; Bret.
ban, ' an eminence.' It so happens that several Bangors are
lofty sites of churches or monasteries, but this is accidental ; and
the common derivation, ' high choir,' is now abandoned. Cf.
Banchory (Sc), the same name.
Bangor Isycoed (Wrexham). Bede Bancornburg. See above.
W. iscoed means ' under the wood.'
Bankyfelin (Caermarthen). Might be W. banc y Ffelin, 'table of
Felin or Velyn.' Cf. Stirling (Sc), orig. Ystrevelyn, and Hel-
BANNINGHAM 125 BAEBY
VELLYN. But simpler is the derivation ' bank, slope of the mill/
melin, aspirated /elm.
BAimnsTGHAM (Aylsham). ' Home of the Bannings.' ' Banningas
nomen populi,' in Onom. See -ing.
Banstead (Epsom). 727 cJiart. Benstede; Dom. Benestede; 1280
Banstede. O.E. hean-stede, ' bean place or store.' ' Bean ' is
O.E. Man, 3-6 ben, 4-6 bene. Cf. Bampton and Bandon.
Banwell (Somerset). Chart. Banawell, Banuwille, Dom. Ban-
welle. Prob. O.E. bdna-wcel, ' pool of the bones.' M'Clure
thinks hena-wille, ' prayer- well.'
Banwbn (three in Glamorgan). J. B. Bury thinks one of these
represents Bannauenta or Vicus Banna vem, the home of St.
Patrick. See his Confessions, c. 450 a.d. This is very doubtful.
W. ban gwen is ' fair, clear hill.'
Bapchild (Sittingboume). Not in Dom. Said to be a. 716 chart.
K. Wihtred Baccancelde, which is ' Bacca's spring ' ; O.N. kelda,
' a spring, a well.' See keld in Oxf. Diet. There is no likely
name with a p in Onom., and that letter remains unexplained.
But celde here must be genuine O.E., and not Norse, as M'Clure
thinks. Cf. Dom. Bucks, Celdestane, ' stone at the well.'
Barbon and B. Fells (Kirby Lonsdale). Dom. Berebrune. Prob.
O.N. barr or ben brunn-r, ' bare-looking bum or stream.' Liquid
r is easily lost. Or the Bar- may be O.N. barr, O.E. bere,
' barley,' Cf. Barbridge and Barford. The ' Barebones'
Parliament,' 1653, was called after ' Praise God Barbon,' a
Fleet Street leather-seller, reputed to have sprung from this
district.
Barbridge (Nantwich). Most of the names in Bar- are doubtful.
The sb. ' bar,' O.Fr. barre (origin unknown), occurs in Eng. as
early as c. 1175, but it may not enter into any of them. Some-
times Bar- may represent a man's name, a corrup- of O.E.
Boerht or Beorn or Beam, as in Barthorpe Bottoms, Yorks, 1208
Barkesthorp; sometimes, especially where Norse influence is
likely, as in Barby, it will be O.E. beer, O.N. berr, Dan. bar,
' bare.' Then sometimes it may be for O.N. bar-r, O.E. bere,
' bear or barley,' as in Barford; sometimes, too, for O.E. beor,
bear, ' beer,' as in Barham. Old forms are always needed to
ensure certainty.
Barbury Hill (Ringwood, Hants). Prob. O.E. Chron., ann. 556,
Beranbyrg; also Byranbyrig, Berin Byrig. ' Burgh, fort, af
Berin,' perh. Berinus, in Bede, a foreign bishop who came to
Wessex a.d. 635. But see also Burbury Hill ; and -burgh.
Barby (Rugby). Dom. Berchebi Is^Barkby. But Bard en,
Yorks, is Dom. Bernedan, ' valley of Bjom,' or ' the Bear.' See
-dean.
BARDNEY 126 BARKING
Bardney (Lincoln). Bede Beardeneu; O.E. Chron., ann, 642,
Bardanige, Bart5anig; 1230 Bardenay. ' Bardd's or Bardi's isle,'
O.E. ig, ige, M.E. ey, ay, 'island.' Cf. Barnstaple, also a
' Bardunig ' or ' Bart5anig,' in chart, c. 680, and B ardsley,
Ashton-under-Lyne.
Bard ON (Leicester, Haltwhistle). Leic. Dom. has only Bar tone,
see Barton. Perh. O.E. hcer dun, ' bare hill.' ' Bare ' is
3 har, 4-5 haar. But Duignan says Bardon Hill, Stratford,
Wwk., is 704 chart. Baddan dun, ' Badda's hill.' For intrusion
of r, cf. Kidderminster.
Bardsea, -sey (Leeds, Ulverston). Le. B. Dom. Berdesei, ' Isle of
Bardi.' See Bardney. Cf. 1387 Trevisa Higden I. 'At
Nemyn in North Wales a litel ilond . . . hatte Bardeseie,' which
may be 'isle of the bard,' not found in Eng. till 1449. But
M. B. is Dom. Berretseige, ' isle of Berred, Beorred, or Burgred,'
names in Onom. See -ea, -ey. For B ardsley (Glouc), see
Barnsley.
Bare and Bare Lane (Morecambe). Dom. Bare, (1) 1094 and
a. 1200 Bar. Prob. W. lar, 'top'; Corn, har, hor, 'summit';
G. barr, ' a height.' It can hardly be O.E. bee?, ber, ' a bier.'
Baregain (farm, Cornwall, etc.). This may simply indicate a
small holding. For other conjectures, see M'Clure, p. 272.
Barford (Warwick, on Tees, etc.). War. B. Dom. Bereford; Tees
B. 1183 Bereford. 'The barley ford.' See Barbridge.
Barqoed (Cardiff). See Aberbargoed.
Barham (Canterbury and Linton, Cambs). Cant. B. is 805 churt.
Beorahame, 809 Bereham, Dom. Berham; O.E. beor-hdm, ' beer-
house ' or 'brewery'; O.E. beor, bear, 3-4 ber, 'beer.' It is
urged that Barham or Berham Court belonged to the Fitzurses,
or ' sons of the bear,' O.E. bera, 2-7 bere. But, of course,
they come in far too late here. Camb. B. is c. 1080 Inquis.
Camb. Bereham, Dom. Bercheham, 1210 Berkham, 1302 Berg-
ham, 1346 Berugham, O.E. beorh-hdm, ' home on the hill or
Barrow.' Earmoor, co. Durham, is iii chart. Beyrmor, (1) ' bare
moor.'
Barkby (Leicester). Dom. Barchebi, ' dwelling of Beorc or BercJ*
See next, and cf. Barkham, Wokingham, 952 chart. Beorcham,
Dom. Bercheham. which could mean ' home by the birch-tree ' :
but Birch, like Ash, Beech, etc., is certainly also a personal
name.
Barking (Essex). 693 chart. To Bercingon, Bede Bercingas,
Bercingas, Dom. Berchmges, a. 1100 Wm. Poitiers Bercingis.
Patronymic, ' place of the descendants of Berc' the modem
name Birch. In Onom. the only forms found are Bercta, Beorga,
Beorht. Cf. Birkin, and see -ing.
BAEKSTON 127 BARNBY
Barkston (Nottingham), Barkstone (Grantham), and Barkston
Ash (Yorks). Yo. B. Dom. Barcheston, ' town, village of
Beorc.'' See Baekeng.
Barkway (Royston), Not m Dom. 1450 Berkewey. Prob.
'road laid with larh' found in Eng. a. 1300, O.N. hork-r, Dan.
harh.
Barlaston (Stoke-on-Trent). 1004 Beorelfestun, Dom. Bemulve-
stone, c. 1200 Berlaston, Berlewston. ' Town, village of Beom-
wulf or Bemulf ('brave wolf). Barlestone, Nuneaton, is
the same name, Dom. Berulvestone.
Barlboro' (Chesterfield). 1287 Barleburgh, and Barley (Selbjr).
Dom. Bardulbi. ' Burgh, fort,' and ' dwelling of Bardolf,' "in
O.E. Bardvmlf. See -borough and -by.
Barling (Shoeburyness) and Barlings (Lincoln). B. Line. 1233
Barling. Patronymics, ' place of the descendants of 1 ' See
above and -ing.
Barlow (Selby, Manchester, etc.). Man. B. 1259-60 Berlawe, 1325
Barlawe, Dom. Bucks, Berlaue, 1183 BoldonBk., Berleia, Durham.
Man. B. seems here-lawe, ' barley-covered hill.' Cf. Barton.
But all the names may not be the same. See -low.
Barmbgroitgh (or Barn-, Doncaster) and Barmby Moor and on
the Marsh (Yorks). Don. B. Dom. Bameburg, Berneborc.
Marsh and Moor B. Dom. Barnebi (this name is eleven times in
Dom. Yorks). ' Burgh, fortified town,' and ' dwelling of Beam,
Beorn, or Beorm.^ Cf. Barney and BirminghIam; and see
-borough and -by.
B arming (Maidstone) and Barmingham (on Tees). 1214 Bermige-
ham. Patronymics, ' place of Bearm^s or Beorm's descendants.'
Cf. above and BrRMiNGHAM, also Bermintona in Dom. Devon;
and see -ing and -ham.
Barmouth. In W. Abermaw. Eng. corrup. (adopted in 1768) of
Abermawddach, ' mouth of the R. Maw.' For loss of the initial
a, cf. old forms of Abergavenny, also Berriew. Mawddach is
fr. W. mawdd, ' that which fills or spreads out.' Colloquially
the name at times gets clipped down to Bermo.'
Barnack (Stamford), a. 1100 Grant of 664 Bernake. O.E. heme-
dc, ' barn oak.' ' Barn ' is O.E. her-ern, a. 1000 heme, ' barley-
house.' Barnacle, Nuneaton, is Dom. Bernanger, ' barn in the
hanging wood,' O.E. hangre. See Clayhanger, etc.
Barnard Castle. 1200 de Castello Bernardi; 1305 Villa de Castro
Bernardi. Built, 1112-32, by Bernard Baliol, ancestor of John
Baliol, King of Scotland . Bernard in 0 .E . is Beornheard . There
is a ■ Biornheardes lond ' in 808 chart (Kent).
Barney (Beccles, etc.). Newark B. Dom. Barnebi =Barmby.
BARNES 128 BARNWELL
Barnes (London). Dom. Berne; also old Bernes. 'Bams,' O.E.
heme, ' a bam.' Cf. Babnace.
Baenet (N. of London). [1199 chart. Bergnet is spurious] c, 1200
chart. Barnette, 1278 La Bemette, 1428 Barnette. This is Nor.
Fr., and a dimin. of bez-ne or herme, ' a narrow space, a ledge,
a berm,' prob. cognate with O.N. harm-r, ' brim, edge.' A very
rare name for England.
Babnetby (Lines). Dom. Berned-, Bernetebi. Prob. ' dwelling of
Beornheard ' or ' Bernard.'' See -by.
BabnSam (Bognor, etc.). Bo. B. Dom. Bemeham. * Home of
Beam or Beom,^ though possibly ' house with the bam.' O/.
Babnack and Babnwell.
Babnoldswiok (Colne), Dom. Bemulfeswic. ' Dwelling, village of
Beomwulf or Bamulf,^ a common O.E. name. See -wick.
Babnsbuby (N. London). It is said to be Bemersbury, fr. Juliana
Berners, prioress of Sopwell Nunnery, near St. Albans, c. 1400.
This is for several reasons doubtful. Otherwise it might be
* baron's burgh or fort,' fr. baron, a. 1200 barun, 6 barne.
Babnsley (Yorks and Cirencester). Yor. B. Dom. Berneslai.
' Meadow of Beorn '; eo regularly becomes a. But Ci. B., also
spelt Babdsley, is c. 802 chart. Bearmodeslea, 855 ib. Beorondes-
lea, Dom. Berneleis, a. 1300 Bardesle otherwise Barnsley, and
must be fr. a man Beommod. See -ley;
Babnstaple. 930 chart. Beardastapole, 1018 chart. Beardestaple,
Dom. Barnestaple, c. 1160 Gest. Stefh. Bardestapula, 1167-68
Fife Berdestapl', c. 1200 Gervase Bernestapele. As early as 1397
contracted Barum (m and n commonly interchange). The orig.
name was ' Barda^s market,' O.E. stapel, ' a prop, a post ' ; then
' a fixed market.' Cf. Babdney. But in some abnormal way
it was early changed into ' Beam's or Beam's market.' perh.
because it is in the hundred of Branton (Beam -ton). Cf. Babm-
BOBOTJGH. There is also a ' Berdestapla ' in Dom. Essex.
Baenston (Birkenhead and Dunmow), Babnstone (Nottingham),
and Babnton (Northwich). First three in Dom. Bemestone, -tuna.
Perh. all mean ' Beam's or Beorri's town or village.' Cf. above.
But Bamton, not in Dom., may come fr. barn. Cf. BabnUam.
Babnt Gbeen (Birmingham). ' Burnt Green,' fr. burn, O.E.
beornan, beaman, past t. 1 beam, bam, 3 bamde, bearnde, mod.
burnt. Cf. Barnhurst, Wolverhampton, a. 1400 Bamthurst,
also BUBNTISLAND (Sc).
Babnwell (Oundle and Cambridge). Oun. B. a. 1100 Grant of 664
Bernewell, which might be ' well beside the barn,' O.E. berne,
earlier ber-ern, ' bear or barley house.' But Camb. B. is 1060
chart. Beornewell, c. 1250 Bernewell, ' well of Beorna or Beom,^
O.E. for ' warrior.'
BAER BEACON 129 HARTLEY
Barras (Kirby Stephen) and Barrasford (Wark). O.Fr. larras,
M.E. c. 1375, barras, ' a barrier or outwork in front of a fortress ' ;
then ' the lists for knightly tournaments ' ; fr. Er. harre, ' a bar.'
Cf. Barrassie (Sc).
Barr Beacon (Walsall), c. 1200 Barr(e). W. bar, bor, bur, ' top,
summit '; G. barr, ' a height '; Beacon, O.E. beacn, is a common
name for a commanding hill — Worcestershire Beacon, Dunkery
Beacon, Exmoor, etc. — but Oxf. Dict.'s earliest quot. is
1597.
Barrington (Cambridge), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Barentone, 1210
Barntone, 1428 Baryngtone. ' Village of Bara, -an.' But B.
(Glostrsh.) Dom. Bernin-, Bernitone, c. 1245 Bernington, is prob.
* village of Beomwine.' There are two others. Cf. Berring-
TON and the surname Baring. See -ing and -ton.
Barripper (Camborne). Not in Dom. There are elsewhere in
Cornwall also Bereppa, Brepper, and Borripper, which good
authorities think all come fr. Fr. beau repaire, ' fine haunt or
lair.' Cf. Bebepeir, HaresHeld, c. 1220 Bewper, a. 1470 Beau-
repaire; and see p. 64.
Barrow (nine Barrows in P.G.), also Barrowden (Stamford) and
Barrowford (Nelson). Chesh. B. Dom. Bero. Wore. B. 1275
Barew. O.E. biorg, beorh, ' a hill '; after 1576 harrow is often
applied also to a grave-mound, a tumulus. It is a common
name of hills in the S.W. — Bull Barrow, Dorset, etc. In the
N. usually it is a long, low hill — e.g., Barrow near Derwent-
water, Barrow Hill, Chesterfield, etc. Cf. Berrow and next,
and Burrow.
Barrowby (Kirkby Overblow, Yorks, and Grantham). Yor. B.
Dom. Berghebi, ' dwelling by the hill,' or ' tumulus.' See above.
' Berghebi ' in Dom. is often Borrowby. See -by.
Barry (Cardiff). In W. Y Barri, ' the Barry.' The island be-
longed to the family of Giraldus de Barry, lords of the island.
The du Barry family is well known, or rather notorious, in later
Fr. history. There is also a Barry, sic 1603, in Pembk.
Barston (Birmingham). Dom. Bereestone, Bertanestone, a. 1300
Berstonestun, 1327 Berstanston. * Town, village of Beorhtstan '
or ' Beorkt.' See -ton.
Bartestree (Hereford). Dom. Bertoldestreu. ' Tree,' O.E. treow,
' oi' Beorhtweald,' a very common O.E. name. Cf. Oswestry.
Bartherton or Batherton, Nantwich, is 1283 Close R. Bercher-
ton, prob. fr. a man Beorhtheard or Berehthart, names in Onom.
Barthomley (Crewe). Dom. Bertemlea. ' Lea, meadow of Bert-
ram or Beorhthelm,' a very common O.E. name. See -ley.
Bartley (Southampton and Birmiagham). ' BeorJiVs meadow.'
Cf. Bartestree. Duignan omits. See -ley.
BARTLOW 130 BASSALEG
Bartlow (Cambridge). 1303 Berklawe, 1316 Berkelowe, 1428
Berklowe, * Hill of Beorht, Beorh, or Beorc,^ all the same name.
Cf., too, Barham (Cambs.) See -low.
Barton (16 ia P.O.). Leicetser B. Dom. Bartone ; Dom." SfEk.
Bertune. Barton-on-Hnmber is thought to be Bede, iv. iii.
ad Barve, which Bede renders * at the wood.' Barton Regis
is Dom. Bertune apud Bristou; and Barton - on - the - Heath
(Warwk.) is Dom .Bertone. Barton-under-Needwood is the same.
But Barton le Street (Yorks) is Dom. Bartun(e), and so is Barton
le Willows. Barton is O.E. lere-tun, ' grange or enclosure for
bear or barley or other com, farmyard.' Cf. Barwick.
Barton Bendish (Norfolk), Barton-in-the-Clay (Ampthill), etc.
There are forty-five such names compounded with Barton in
P.O. Bendish is said to be for fen-ditch, but phonetically that
is very unlikely. It is prob. a family name.
Barwick-in-Elmet (Leeds). Dom. Berewich. O.E. here-ivic,
' house for here or barley ' = Berwick and Barton. Elmet, sic
Nennius, Bede and Dom. Elmete, a. 800 cTiart. Elmed ssetna
(' dwellers in '), was a British kingdom, now the W. Riding of
Yorks. Origin unknown.
Baschttrch (Shrewsbury). Dom. Bascherche. * Church of Bassa.''
See Llywarch Hen's elegy. Bassa or Bassus, a valiant soldier
of K. Edwin of Northumbria, is mentioned in Bede. {Cf., too, the
mod. surname Bass, though it may be fr. Le bas.) Similar is
Bascote, Southam, sic a. 1300, and the 2 Basfords, Dom. Notts,
Baseford.
Basildon or -den (Wallingford). Dom. Bastedene; 1241-42 Bas-
tilesden ; also Basteldene. Cf. B.C. 8. 565 Bestles ford. ' Dean,
(wooded) valley of Bcestel or Beetle.^ Cf. Bisham.
Basingstoke (Hants). 871 O.E. Chron. Basingas; Dom. Basinge
8toch(es), 1238 Basyng. Patronymic, 'Place (O.E. stoc — lit.
* stake '), 'of the Basings,' or 'descendants of Bass.' Cf. Bas-
chttrch. But Old Glossary Basincge, melotae, ' in goat-skins.'
Bessingby (Yorks), is Dom. Basingebi.
Basingwerk (Flint), sic 1277, but a. 1196 Gir. Camb. Basingeworc —
i.e., ' outwork, fort of the Basings.' See above, and Basohurch.
There is a ' Basingewerc,' 1160, in Pi'pe Notts and Derby.
Baslow (Chesterfield). 1156 Bassalawa. ' J5a55a's hill.' See Bas-
CHURCH and -low.
Bassalbg (Newport, Mon.). Thought to be c. 800 Nennius Campus
Elleti {t common scribe's error for c), and so =the mod. W.
name Maesaleg, ' plain ' (W. maes) ' of ^lloc ' or * Aloe,' names
of men in Onom. Close by is maes Arthur, ' plain of Arthur.'
But it is c. 1130 Lib. Landav. Ecclesia de Bassalec. Kuno Meyer
derives this fr. L. basilica, Gk. (Saa-tXiK-j, ' royal residence, court-
BASSENTHWAITE 131 BATCH WORTH HEATH
house,' in L., after 4th cny. a.d., ' cathedral, chiirch,' found
in O.Ir, as haisleac. But there seems no sure evidence or
analogy for this, and it contradicts the evidence given above.
Moreover, the church here is dedicated to St. Basil, and the
-lee or -leg might easily represent the common O.E. leak, Ikb^,
see -ley, and so the name be ' Basil's meadow.' Only, Eng.
names so early as 1130 in this region are very unlikely. The
present W. pron. varies between Maesaleg, Mashalyg (' field of
willows '), and Maeshalog (said to be ' salt-field '), showing that
the natives are all at sea ; and the rest of us are not much better !
Bassenthwaite (Keswick). ' Place of Bassa ' (the -en is a gen.).
See BASCflUKCH:, and -thwaite.
Bassetlaw (a wapentake of Notts). Dom. Bernedeselawe, ' Hill
of Beomheard ' or ' Bernard,' a common O.E. name. But 1155
Pipe Desetlawa, 1189 ib. Bersetelaw. a. 1199 Basselaw {d or t
prob. omitted in error). As Mutschmann says, the orig. name
prob. was, O.E. bearu-scetena-hldw, 'mound of the forest-
dwellers'; cf. DoESET, and see next. In 1155 D is an error
for B. See -low, -law.
Bassett (Southampton). Dom. Bessete. Difficult. Perh. ' heath
of Besa, Bassa, Bass, or Ba^so,' all names in Onom. The ending
-et is generally puzzling ; but for the suggested origin here cf.
the forms of Hatfield, Herts, and Hodnet. The Bassetts
were Nor. lords of Drayton Bassett, Tamworth, and elsewhere,
for several generations. So possibly the name is O.Fr., though
not probably. Fr. basset means ' of low stature,' and gave
name to a Nor. family very early in Notts.
BASSiNGBOiniN (Royston, Camb.), also Bassestgham (Newark).
1202 Bassingbum; 1298 Bassingbum, -borne; a. 1300 Eccleston
Bissingbume (Norfolk pron.). ' Bum or brook of Bass's de-
scendants.' Cf. Baschtjech and Basingstoke. See -bourne
and -ham. ,
Baston (Market Deeping). Sic in chart, of 806. 'Town, village
of Bass.' See BASCHUncfl, etc.
Bastwell (Blackburn). 1288 Baddestwyssel, 1329 Battistwyssel,
1322 Batestwysel, 1594 Bastwell. A remarkable contraction —
' the Twizel,' or ' confluence of Badda.' Cf. Haltwhistle and
Dom. Norfolk, Bastwic.
BATCHWOETBt Heath (Rickmansworth). 1007 cAari. Baecceswyrth.
Prob. ' Place of Bacca or Becca,' both names in Onom. Cf.
BetchIworth:, and Bletchley fr. Blecca. But possibly fr.
batch, var. of bache, ' a river- vale.' See Oxf. Diet. It is the
same root as beck, cf. Comberbach and Plilverbatch, Salop.
Skeat inclines to the meaning, ' farm in the river- valley.' The
sign of the gen. in the chart, is against that. See his own
PL Names of Berks, p. 35. Cf. The Batche, Forest of Dean.
BATCOMBE 132 BAWDLANDS
Batcombe (Bath, etc.). a. 900 chart. Batancumb, 940 chart. Bate-
combe. Gf. 1298 ' Thomas Botencombe.' ' Valley of Bata' a
name m Onom. See -combe.
Bath. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Aquse Solis. 781 ' at Beathum; 796 chart.
' Celebri vico qui Saxonice vocatur set BaSum'; 1088 O.E.
Chron. (Peterb.) Baf^on, 1130 ib. Bathe, c. 1160 Oest. Steph.
Batthentona, also ' Batta quod Bahieum interpretatur.' O.E.
&£bS, ' a bath.'
Batsealton (Somerset). Dom. Badeheltone, Batheaston [ib.),
(?) Dom. Estune, 'east town,' and Bathwick, 'dwelling near
Bath.' See -wick. In all three cases, of course, the first part
is Bath. The -ealton may be O.E. eald tun, ' old town.' Cf.
Eltham. But it may be ' town of Ela, Eli,' or ' Ella,' all names
in Onom. Cf. Elton.
Batley (Dewsbury). Dom. Bateleia, Bathelie; 1202 Battelege;
1298 Bateleie. ' Pasture lea or meadow,' fr. O.N. beit, ' pas-
ture ' ; beita, ' food, bait ' ; or else ' Bata's lea.' Cf. Batcombe
and Dom. Norfk. Bathele, Notts, Badeleie (now Bathley).
Batley Caee. (Dewsbury). See above. Carr is North. O.E. carr
(c. 950 in Lindisfarne Oosf.), ' a rock.' Cf. the Carr Rocks,
Berwick, and Redcar.
Battersby (N.E. Yorks). Dom. Badresbi. ' Dwelling of ' some
Norseman, prob. Beaduheard or Badherd, common in Onom.
Cf. Bttttermere, and see -by.
Battersea (London). 693 chart. Batriceseye; Dom. Patricesy;
1308 Badricheseye. ' St. Patrick's ' or ' St. Peter's isle ' ; Peter
and Patrick are often interchanged. See -ey. It belonged to
the Abbey of St. Peter of Westminster, Cf. Padstow. Change
fr. P to jB is not common, and M'Clure suggests ' Beadurich's
isle,' and compares Beadorices Uurthe, old name of St. Ed-
mund's Bury in Ethelwerd's Chronicle.
Battle Abbey (Hastings). Begun 1070, four years after the battle
of Hastings. Dom. Ecclesia de labatailge (O.Fr. bataille, ' battle ').
1297 R. Glouc. ' Ycleped in Engelond abbay of ])e batayle.'
Battyeford (Normanton). Not in Dom, Prob. fr. some man.
The surname Batty is well loiown, and there is Beata in Onom.
Baughtjrst (Basingstoke). B.C.S. 624 Beaggan hyrst. ' Wood
of Beagga.' See -hurst.
Bawdeswell (Dereham). Dom. Baldereswella. ' Well, spring of
Bealdhere,' 5 in Onom. The change to Bawde- is quite accord-
ing to phonetic law. Cf. Bawdsey.
Bawdlands (Clitheroe), not in W. and H., and Bawdsey (Felix-
stowe). Old forms needed for the first; prob. fr. bawd sb.^,
' a hare.' The second is Dom. Baldereseia, Baldeseia. ' Isle
oi Bealdhere.' Cf. Bawdeswell, and see -ey. •^"'
BAWD RIP 133 BEACHAMWELL
Bawdrip (Bridgewater). Dom. Bagetrepe. 'Drop of Baga,'' or
' BcBga.' There is The Drip near Stirling; the So, verb is
dreep, ' to drop down from a height.' It occurs in Id.E. as
dripe, and in O.E. as dry pen, but is not found in either as a 56.
Cognate with drip, droop, and drop. Cf. Bawtry, Yorks, not in
Dom. ? ' Baga's tree.'
Baxenden (Accrington). 1332 Bakestonden; also cf. B.C. 8. 917
Beaces hlaw, and B.G.lS. 906 Bacgan broc. A somewhat rare
combination — 'town of Beaca,' + -den, q.v. Cf. Baxby, Cox-
wold par., Yorks, Dom. Baohesbi, 1201 Baxeby.
Baxterley (Atherstone). 1327 Baxterleye. A unique name.
' Meadow of the baxter,^ still a common Sc. surname. O.E.
hcecestre, M.E. haxter, ' a baker.'
Baydon (Lamboume). Prob. O.E. Beagan dun, ' Beaga's (or
Bacga's) hill,' cf. B.C.S. 882 Beagan wyl. Cf. Bayton and
BaywortA. Bay =' bay-coloured,' is O.Fr. hai, and is not found
in Eng. till 1374. Bayford (Hereford) will have a similar
origin.
Baylham (Ipswich). Dom. Beleham, 1453 Beylom, 1456 Boylom.
Prob. O.E. Bcel'Mm, 'home, house of Bsel ' or 'Bayle'; cf.
B.C.8. 1316 BseUes wseg. Not so prob. fr. O.E. heel, O.N.
hdl, 5-9 bail, ' a blaziug pile, a bonfire, a funeral pyre.'
Baynards Castle (Horsham). Said to be fr. Bainiardus, Bai-
nardus, or Baignardus, tenant of the abbot of Westminster,
named in Dom. Cf. Bayswater. The final -ard in personal
names, like Bernard, Reynard, etc., is usually O.E. heard,
O.H.G. hard, ' strong (in counsel).'
Bayston Hill (Shrewsbury). Dom. Begestan. ' Town, village
of Begha or Baega' same name as St. Bees. Cf. Bayworth;
-stan i.e., -stone often interchanges with -ton, q.v.
Bayswater (London). 1653 Grant, ' At Paddington, near to a
place commonly called Baynard's Watering.' But in 1720
clipped down to Bear's Watering.
Bayton (Cleobury Mortimer). Dom. Betune, a 1200 Bertune,
1275 Beyton, 1339 Baynton. Some confusion here, but
Duignan is prob. right in making it O.E. Bcegan tun, ' Baega'e
town.' Cf. Baydon and next.
Bayworth (Abingdon). 956 chart. Beegen weorthe; Bsegan wyrthe;
Dom. Baiorde; a. 1200 Hist. Abindgon Baigeuuortha. 'Farm
of Baega or Begha,' same name as St. Bees. Cf. Bayston
and Bagworth, and see -worth.
Beachamwell (Swaffham). Dom. has Becheswella, ' well, spring
of Bcecca, Beac' or ' Beocca," all in Onom. Dom. also has
Becham, Bicham, which is prob. ' home on the beck,' O.E.
heSce, bece, cf. Bacup, but may also be ' Beac's home.' This
BEACHY HEAD 134 BEAUFORT
Beacham can hardly be the same as Beauchamp (pron. Beecham)
Court, Wore, Dom. Bello Campo, which is Fr. and L. for
'fine field '= Belch AMP. Beachley, Tewkesbury, is old
Betesle, fr. a man Beta or Betti.
Beachy Head (Sussex). Fr. heau chef, ' fine head or headland.'
There is a Beauchief near Sheffield.
Beaconsfield (Bucks). Old forms needed. Cf. Baconsthorpe.
Dom. has only Bechentone and Bechesdene, fr. Becca or Beco,
names in Onom.
Beadlam (Helmsley). Dom. and 1202 Yorhs Fines Bodlum. -lun.
Older forms needed. See -ham. But Bodlum suggests corrup.
of O.E. hotlon, loc, ' at the dwellings.' Cf. Hallam, Kilham,
etc. O.E. hotl is O.Fris. bodl. Cf. Harbottle. etc.
Beadnell (Bedford). [Cf. B.C.S. 936 Beaden heal.] Prob.
' Beadd's nook ' or ' hall,' as in charter cited. Cf. Bednal and
Bed WIN, and see -hall.
Beal (Northbld.). chart. Behil, Beyl. Prob. O.E. be, hi. Ml or
hyl, ' by the hill,' as in Biddick, Durham 1183 Bedyk, Bydyk,
' near the (Roman) Wall,' and Biwere, ' by the weir,' Inquis.
Eli., p. 190, ' Hec sunt piscaria monachorum . . . Vttrewere
('outer weir'), * Landwere . . , Biwere, Northwere, etc' Bea-
ford, Torrington, may also mean ' by the ford ' ; old forms are
wanting, but we have Dom. Wore. Beford. On the other hand,
see Beaworthy in the same county. The ending in Beal may
be -hale (see -hall). Beall (Knottingley) is Dom. Begale,
which is prob. ' Bega's nook.' Cf. Baydon and Brill.
Bealings, Great and Little (Woodbridge). Dom. Belinges, and
B. parva. Patronjrmic; ' place of the sons of Bella ' or ' Beola,^
both in Onom. Prob. = Billing.
Beane R. (Hereford), c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Beneficia. This yields
a curious conundrum.
Bear- Bersted (Maidstone). 1005 chart. Berhamstede, and so
same name orig. as Berkhamsted; or else as in Bersham,
' stead, place, farm of Ber.'
Bearley (Alcester). A changed name. Dom. Burlei, 1327
Burlege, a. 1600 Byrley. ' Burgh on the lea '; see -burgh and
-ley.
Beaudesert (Henley -in -Arden and Cannock). Hen. B. c. 1135
Beldesert, a. 1400 Beaudesert. Can. B. a. 1300 Beaudesert,
a. 1400 Bellum Desertum. This is Fr. for 'beautiful wild';
desert in Eng. is often used for ' wild, mountain or forest land.'
Henley B. was in Dom. Donnelie.
Beaufort (Brecon). Fr. beau fort, ' fine fortress.' Called after
the Fr. Beaufort, near Angers. It belonged to the Lancaster
family in the 14th cny. and from them the Dukes of Beaufort are
BEAULIEU 135 BECKENHAM
descended. Beauprb House, Cowbridge, Fr, for ' fine meadow,'
is on the site of a Norman fortress. See also s.v. Beaumaris.
Be AULiETJ (Southampton). Pron. Bewly. c. 1246 deBello Loco Regis
. {i.e., John), 1289 Contin. Gervase Bellum-locum. Fr. beau lieu,
'beautiful place'; founded by K. John for the Cistercians
in 1204. Cf. Beauchief (Sheffield), Beatjly (Sc), and Bewdley.
Beaumaris (Anglesea). Old forms Bumaris, Beumarish, Byw-
mares. The old W. name was Rhosfair, ' moor of Mary.' In
1293 Edward I. built a castle on the low-lying land by the shore,
that so the castle ditch might communicate with the sea.
Because of this suitability of site the King called it Beau marais,
(O.Fr, mareis), which is Fr. for ' fine marsh ' or ' low-lying,
swampy ground.' Cf. Beaudesert. In W. to-day it is pron.
Bliwmaris, just as Beaufort, (Mon.) is pron. Bluefort. Maresden
(Glouc.) is also fr. mareis. But Beamish, Co. Durham, is old
Beaumeis, 'fine dwelHng,' fr. O.Fr. mes, 'a manse, a mansion.'
Beaumont (Lanes., Colchester, and Jersey). La. B. 1230 Bello
Monte, 1316 Beahnont. 1494 Fabyan, ' The castell of Beaw-
mount.' Fr. beau mont, ' fine hill ' = Belmont. But Bowmont
Water, Cheviots, is a. 1000 Bolbend, of doubtful meaning; it
cannot be fr. bend sb*.
Bbausale (see Beoley).
Beaver (Ashford). Old forms needed. It may be = Belvoir (pron.
beever). Fr. for 'fine outlook' or 'view,' = 6ea% voir. Cf.
BeacSy Head.
Beaworthy (N. Devon). Dom. Bicheordin. ' Farm of Bica '
{i=ee). The ending is O.E. wor'Qige, a dat.; see -warden and
-worthy. Cf. Beaford (Devon), old forms needed.
Bebington (Birkenhead). \Gf. 1298 Willelmus de Bibington.]
' Town, village of Bebba,'' or of his descendants. Cf. Bam-
BOROUGH, and see -ing.
Becolbs (Lowestoft). Sic Dom. 1157 Pipe in Becclis, 1298 Bekles,
1443 Bekelys. An abnormal name. Possibly O.E. bi, be
EccLES, ' by, beside the church,' Of. Beeford, Bix, etc.
But prob. one of those rare cases of a man's name in the gen.
standing alone for a place-name, as in Beedon, Brailes,
Coven, etc., and so ' (place of) Beoccel.' Cf. B.C.S. 1117
Beocceles put. Dom. Suffk. has also Abecles, and Dom. Nfk.
Breckles, Breechles.
Beckenham (Kent). O.E. chart.- Beohhahamme, -hema, Dom.
Bacheham, a. 1200 Text. Roff. Becceham. A little doubtful;
prob. not. 'Mecca's home,' as in Beckbury (Shifnal), nor ' enclosure
on the bach or beck, as in Bacup; but prob. 'enclosure of
Beohha,^ though we should have expected some sign of the gen.
Cf. Dom. Essex, Bacheneia; and see -ham, ' enclosure.'
BECKlfiEMET 136 BEDINGFIELD
Beckeemet (Egremont and W. Riding). Eg. B. 1189 Pipe Bekir-
met, a. 1200 Becchiremond. W. Rid. B. not in Dom., but old
Beckermond; O.N. hekJcjar mu'S-r, ' mouth of the beck or brook.'
Beck occurs again in Albecq, Guernsey; prob. O.N. dll-bekkr,
'ed brook.' ' Mouth ' in O.N. is munn-r, mu^-r. Dan. mund ;
and N. nd regularly becomes th or t in Eng. names. Cf.
Amotherby, Osmotherley, and Mite. Also cf. 1183 Boldon
Bh. Becchermore, ' moor of the brook,' in Durham.
Beckeord (Tewkesbury). 803 chart. Beccanforda — i.e., 'ford of
Becca'; 1158-59 Pipe Becheford. Cf. Beckbury (Shifnal) and
Becesworde, Dom. Surrey.
Beokestgham (Gainsboro' and Newark). Dom. Notts Beching(e)-
ham, [Liacs Bechebi]; and Beckestgton (Bath). Dom. Beching-
tone. ' Home ' and * village of Beca's, descendants.' Cf. above;
and see -ing, -ham, and -ton.
Beckwithshaw (Harrogate). Dom. Becvid. It seems a tautology.
' Wood on the beck or brook.' Cf. Beckermet. For -with is
Icel. vith-r, ' a wood, shrubs ' {cf. AskwitS); and -shaw is O.E.
scaga, ' a wood ' (cf. Atjdenshaw).
Bed ALB (Northallerton). Sic in Dom. It is on R. Ure. Analogy
would make this, O.E. he dal, ' by, near the dale.' Cf. Beal
and Bbeford. Of course, it might be ' bee dale,' O.E. beo ;
prob. not.
Beddgelert (Carnarvon). W.=' grave of Gelert,'' the famous
and faithful dog of Prince Llewellyn, in the legend, killed by
him by mistake. Some, however, say the orig. name was
Bwth Cilarth or Bethcelert, and say it orig. was ' housC; booth
of Celer,' patron saint of Llangeler.
Beddingham (Lewes). 810 Grant Beadyngham, ' Home of the
Beadingas.' Cf. Beeding, BedingSam, and next.
Beddington (Croydon and Hants). Croy. B. c. 905 Beddrnctun,
Dom. Beddintone. Prob. patronymic like the above, and so
' town, village of the Beadingas.^ Cf. 854 cMrt. Beaddingbroc.
But both this and the above may be fr. a man Bedda.
Bedfont (Middlesex). Dom. Bedefunde, -funt. ' Bedd's font,'
O.E. font, 2-6 funt{e). Cf. Bedfield, Framlingham, and Chal-
FONT.
Bedford. There is also a Bedford near Manchester. The Bed-
ford is in W. Rhydwely, which prob. means ' ford on this
torrent,' W. gweilgi. O.E. Chron. 577 Bedecanford; 1011 O.E.
Chron. Bedanfordsclr, 1016 ih. Beadaford scire, c. 1150
Bedefordia. ' Ford of Bedeca.' Cf. B.C.S. 1307 Bedecan lea.
The Man. B. is 1296 Bedeford, ' Bosda's ford.'
Bedingfield (Eye and Notts). Eye B. Dom. Bedinge-, Bedinga-
fielda, Bading-. Not. B. Not in Dom., a. 1199 Bedingefeld.
BEDLINGTON 137 BEER
Prob. both patronymics like BEDDmoHAM. But Bedingham
(Bungay). B.C. 8. 81, Beddenham, is ' home of Bedda.^ See -ing.
BEDLiNaTON (Northumberland). Chart. Betligtona, Bellintona,
c. 1155 Bellingtonesir (-shire). 'Town, village of Bedling,^ a
name found in Onom., prob. a patronymic. Cf. Bidlingtojst,
Sussex, a. 1100 Bedelingstone. See -ing.
Bbdlinog (Glamorgan). W. hedd llwynog,' grave of the fox';
but T. Morgan thinks rather, hedw llwynog, ' place with a grove
of birch -trees ' ; they are plentiful here.
Bedminsteb (Bristol). Dom. Betminstre, 1155 Bedmenistre.
' Beda's minster ' or ' church.^ Cf. Bedfont, and see -minster.
Bedmont (Herts). Not in Skeat. ' Beda's mount ' or ' hill.'
O.E. munt, L. mons, -tis, ' a mountain.'
Bednal (Stafford). Dom. Bedehala, 1271 Beden huUe ( = 'hill'),
a. 1300 Bedan- Baden hale. ' Bede's nook ' or ' hall ' =Bead-
NELL. Cf. Bethnal Grben, and 1160-01 Pipe Nthbld.
Bedehal.
Bed WAS (Cardiff). O.W. bed gwas, ' grave of the servant.'
Bed WIN, -WYN, Great and Little (Hungerford). • 778 chart.
Bedewind, Dom. Bedvinde, 1155 Fife Estbedewind, As mnd in
O.E. simply means ' wind,' this would seem to be W. hedd
gwynn, ' fair, beautiful grave.' Though it is said to be O.E.
Chron. 675 Bedan- or Biedenhafod— t.e., ' Bieda's head' or
' headland.' But the two names cannot be the same.
Bedwobth (Nuneaton). Dom. Bedeword. ' Beda's farm ' Cf.
Bedminsteii, etc., and see -worth.
BEEDiNQ(Steyning). Dom. Bed(d)inges (nom. plur.). Patronymic.
See Beddestgham.
Beedon Hill (Newbury). Chart. Bedene, Bydene; Dom. Bedene;
1316 Budeneye; 1428 Budene, Bedene. Skeat thinks this must
be simply O.E. Bedan, ' Byda's or Beda's,' 'home ' to be sup-
plied. Cf. Biddenham. This is a rare type of name, but see
Baldon, Benson, and Wigan.
Beefobd (Driffield). Dom. Biworde. ' Beside the farm or estate ' ;
O.E. bi worth ; -worth and -ford often interchange. Also cf.
Beal and Bidbford.
Beenham or Benham (Reading). 956 chart. Bennanhamme; Dom.
Benneham, Beneham . ' Home of Benna ' ; see -ham. In Calend.
Inquisit. I. we find ' Benham manerium ' among lands held by
Adomarus de Valencia or Aymer de Valence; hence the full
name B. Valence.
Beer (Axminster), Dom. Bere, Beer Alston, and Beer Ferris
(Devon). Dom. Bere, Bera. O.E. hearu, 'a wood'; and see
Alston. The other name is better written Bere Ferrers. F.
was a crusader, whose tomb is in the church here.
10
BEESBT 138 BELLBUSK
Beesby (Alford). Dom. Besebi. 'Village, dwelling of Besa.''
One in Onom. See -by.
Bbeston (Leeds, etc.). Leeds B." Dom. Bestone, 1202 Bestona.
Notts B. Dom. Bestune. Chester B. Dom. Buistane. Perh. Bovis
in Ant. Itin. The Ches. B. looks as if fr. N. hui, ' a goblin ' ; but
the others are prob. fr, the name Begha or Bees. Cf. above.
Beetham (Westmorland). Dom. Biedun, which may be ' Bede'a
hill ' ; it is very rare for dun to become -ham.
Beetle Y (Dereham). Dom. Betellea. Doubtful, mpre old forms
needed. Prob., as above, fr. a man Beta. But perh. ' beet-
root meadow,' fr. O.E. hete ; whilst Betel- might also stand for
Bethild or Betweald, names in Onom.
Begelly (Pembksh.). Old Bugeli. It is thought to be a tribal
name, fr. W. hugail, G. huachail, ' a shepherd ' ; or perh. a
man's name, Bugail ; cf. Merthir (' martyr ') Buceil in Lib.
Land., once near Bridgend, Glam.
Beighton (Rotherham and Norwich). Ro. B. not in Dom. Nor.
B. Dom. Begetona, 1450 Beyton, Boyton. ' Begha' b town,'
Cf. St. Bees.
Bekesboubne (Canterbury). Not in Dom. ' Beca's' or ' Becca'a
brook. See -bourne, and cf. Beckbuky.
Belbroughton (Stourbridge). 817 chart. Belne, et Brocton^ Dom.
BeUem, Brotune, a. 1200 Beolne, 1275 Belne-Bruyn, Brocton,
a. 1400 Belne-Brocton, -brotton, Bellenbrokton. A curious
compound. Bboughton is plain enough ; but ' Belne ' seems
at present insoluble.
Belchamp St. Paul and Belchamp Walter (Suffolk). Dom.
Belcamp. O.Fr. bel champ, ' fine field or plain.' Same name
as Beauchamp or Beacham. Cf. Dom. Bucks, de Belcamp,
1160 Pi'pe ' Belcap,' Hereford, and Beachamwell; also 1281
Close B. Belcham, Essex.
Belch- or Belsheobd (Homcastle). Dom. and 1281 Beltesford.
Prob. 'ford of Bealda,' two in Onom. But cf. Dom. Essex
Belcham. Onom. has one Balchi.
Beley (Glostrsh.). 972 chart. Beoleahe, =Beoley.
Belfobd (Northumberland), c. 1175 Fantosme Belefort; there
is in B.C.8. 454 Bellan ford. Perh. O.Fr. ' bel fort, ' fine fort,'
as in Belfort, Alsace. But prob. ' ford of a man Bella ' ; cf.
Bellingham,
Belgrave (Leicester). Old forms needed. Not in Dom. Prob.
* Bella's grave,' O.E. graf. Cf. above. From this comes
Belgbavia, London.
BELLBUriK (Leeds). Not in Dom. ' Bell-bush,' referring to an
inn sign. ' Good wine needs no bush,' which is M.E. busk,
O.'N. busk-r, 3-7, and still in Nthn. dial., busk.
BELLEFOED 139 BENEFIELD
Bellepoed (Dartmoor). Old forms needed. ? Dom. Boleborde
(b for /, or else v, and so = -worth, with which -ford often inter-
changes). ? 'ford of Bola,' two in Onom. cf. Bolsoveb and
Belfobd. All Dartmoor names in -ford are said by some
to be fr. W, ffordd, ' a road, a way.' This is doubtful.
Bellebby (Bedale). Dom. Belgebi, 1166-67 Pipe Beleg'ebi, Berle-
gerbi ; perh. ' dwelling of Bealdgcer/ one in Onom. More old
forms needed. The name may still survive in the surname
Bellairs. See -by.
Belle Vue (Manchester). Mod. Fr. =''fine view.' Cf. Bel-
vom and Belvedere, Erith, which is Ital., with similar meaning —
' fine to see,' or ' fine view.'
Bellingham (N. Northbld., Notts, and Kent). Notts B. sic 1230
Close R., ' Home of Belling ' or 'of the sons of Bella.' Cf.
Inquis. Camb. Belincgesham, and BrLLiNGSGATE. Also Bel-
LiNGTON (Worcestrsh.), Dom. Belintones, 1275 Belinton. See
-ing and -ham and -ton.
Belmont (Bolton and Surrey). Fr. =' fine hill.'
Belpeb (Ambergate). Not in Dom. Cf. Belbepeie, Haresfeld,
c. 1220 Bewper, c. 1450 Beaurepaire, which last is Fr. for ' lovely
haunt'; O.Fr. bel., Fr. 6ea%, 'fine, beautiful.' Cf. Babbipper.
Belsay (Newcastle). ' BelV^ or Bella's island. Cf. Belfobd,
and see -ay.
Bei^tgne (Okehampton). Dom. Bellestham. Here the ending has
changed fr. ham to tun or -ton. The name of the man intended
by the first part is a little doubtful, but is prob. Bella. Cf.
Belfobd and Dom. Beleslei, Salop. Dom.'s form may be a
scribal error.
Belton (Doncaster, etc.). Prob. not 'town with the bell,' O.E.
belle, but 'Bella's town.' Belthobp, Helmsley, is Dom.
Balchetorp {cf. Belchfobd); but Belby, York, is Dom. Bellebi.
Cf. Belfobd.
Belvgib Castle (Grantham), pron. Beever. c. 1540 Leland
Beavoire, Bever. O.Fr. =' fine to see/ or 'fine view.' Cf.
Bellevtje and Belvedebe.
Bembbidge (Ryde). Old forms needed. Bem- may be O.E. beam,
a tree, a ' beam.'
Bemebton (Salisbury). Dom. Bimertone. 'Town, village of the
trumpeter,' O.E. beamere, by mere.
Bempton (Flamborough). Dom. Bentone. Prob. =Bampton —
i.e., O.E. bean-dun, ' bean hill.' It is 3-6 ben. See -don and -ton.
Benefield (Oundle). a. 1100 Grant of 664, Beinfelde, c. 1200
Gervase, Benigfelde. Doubtful. Possibly ' field of Beonna,' or
Benna,' a common O.E. name, in one case Latinized Benignus.
It might even be O.E. bean-feld, ' bean field.'
BENENDEN 140 BENTON
Benenden (Staplehurst). Dom. Benindene. 'Den or dean or
haunt of Benna or Beonna,^ gen. -an. Cf. above and Bidden-
DEN, close by.
Benfleet, N. and S. (Essex). 893 O.E. Chron. Beamfleot (c. 1120
Hen. Hunt. Beamfled), which is O.E. for ' tree river,' ? river
lined by trees. It is Dom. Benflet, 1166-67 Pipe Bemflet.
See Fleet.
Bengeo (Hertford). Dom. Belingehon, 1210 Beningeho, Benigho,
1291 Beningho. ' Hoe, hoo or high ground of the Bennings,*
or 'sons of Ben{n)a^; O.E. hoh, ho, 'high ground, hill,' Gf.
Bletsoe and next. As to Dom.'s form, cf. Bennestgton.
Dom. is always confusing the liquids.
Bengewoeth (Evesham). 709 cMrt. Benigwrthia. 714 ib.
Benincgworthe, 780 ib. Benincwyrthe, Dom. Benningeorde,
Bennicworte. ' Farm of the sons of Ben{n)a.' Cf. Benefield,
Bengeo, and Benniworth; and see -ing and -worth.
Benhall Green (Saxmundham). Dom. Benehal(l)a, ' Benna's
or Beonna^a nook.' Cf. Beenham and Benson, and Dom,
Benehale, Salop. See -hall.
Benhilton (Sutton, Sussex). Not in Dom. Old Benhill Town.
Prob. ' Bennd's or Beonna^s hill.' Cf. above.
Benington (Boston), Bennington (Stevenage), and Benniworth
(Lines.). Bos. B. Dom. Beninctim, Beningtone, c. 1275 Benig-
ton. St. B. Dom. Belintone. ' Town ' and ' farm of the
Bennings,^ a patronymic. Cf. Bengeo and Benton; and see
-ton and -worth.
Ben Rhydding (Leeds). ' A modem coinage.' Ben is G. beinn,
" a mountain, a hill,' W. penn. W. rhydd is ' red.'
Benson, more fully Bensington (WaHingford). O.E. Chron. ann.
571 Baenesingtun, 1155 Pipe Bensentun. ' Town of the
Bensings.' There is a Dan. chief Benesing in 911 O.E. Chron.
For the contracted or dropped ending, cf. Bald on and Beedon;
and see -ing and -ton.
Bentham (Lancaster and Badgeworth). La. B. Dom. Benetain
(scribe's error). ' Home among the bennet or bent-grass,' O.E.
beonet, c. 1325 bent. Cf. next and Chequerbent; and see -ham.
Bentley (Doncaster, Walsall, Atherstone, on Severn, Suffolk, etc.).
Don. B. Dom. Benedlage, -leia, Benelei, 1298 Bentele, Wa, B.
a. 1200 Benaetlea, Benetlegh. Ath. B. Dom. Benechelie, a.
1300 Bentley. Sev. B. 962 chart. Beonet laeage, 1017 ib.
Beonetleah. Suff. B. 1455 Bentele. ' Meadow of the bent-
grass or bennet,' see above. Cf. Bentworth, Hants. In some
cases perh. fr. Benet for Benedict. See -ley.
Benton (Newcastle). 1311 Durham Reg. Benton, Benington. This
is clearly a contracted patronymic, ' Town, village of the
BENWELL 141 BERKSHIEE
Bennings^; cf. Benengton. Other 'Bentones' have become
Bampton or Bempton.
BEifWELL (Newcastle), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Bynnewalle — i.e.,
' within the (Roman) wall.' O.E. binnan, 2-4 hinne ' within,
inside of.' Cf. Binbeook, and the So. ' ben the house,' where
ben iSi says Oxf. Diet., var. of binne.
Benwick (March). Ramsey Chart. Benewick. Prob. ' Ben{n)a''s
or ' Beonna'e, dwelling.' See -wick.
Beoley (Redditch). 972 chart. Beoleahe, Dom. Beolege, 1327
Beleye, ' Meadow of the bees,' O.E. beo. Cf. Beley, Beobridge,
Claverley, Salop, and Beausale, Warwk., Dom. Beoshelle or
' bees's nook,' see -hall; also see -ley.
Berden (Bp's. Stortford). Dom. Berdane. Prob. ' barley dean '
or ' den ' or ' glen.' O.E. bere ' bear or barley.' Cf. Berwick;
and see -den,
Berea (Haverfordwest). Fr. Acts xvii. 10. Welsh Nonconformists
love to name their chapels^ and the villages around them, so.
Hence we also have Bethel, Beulah, Horeb, etc.
Bereppa (Cornwall). See Barripper.
Bere Regis (Wareham). O.E. bearu ' wood.' L. regis ' of the
king.' Cf. Beer and Lyme Regis.
Bergh Apton (Norwich). Dom. Bere, Berch. Merc, berh., O.E.
beorh, beorg, ' hill, grave, barrow.' Apton is ' town, village ' of
' Apa, Ape, Appa, Appe, or Appo ' ; all these forms are
found in Onom. Baddeley derives La Berge, Glostrsh., fr.
beorg also.
Berghholt (Colchester). Dom. B'colt, Bercolt. See above.
Holt is O.E. and Icel. holt, ' a wood, a grove.'
Berkeley (Sharpness), 824 chart. Beorc-, Berclea, 1088 O.E.
Chron. Beorclea, c. 1097 Flor. W. Beorchelaum, a. 1142 Wm.
Malmes. Bercheleia, 1297 R. Glouc. Berkele. Prob, ' meadow
of the birch-trees,' O.E. beorc, byre. Cf. Dom. Wore, Berchelai.
B. Herness, in same shire, Baddeley derives fr. O.E.
hyme, M.E. hiime, 'corner, district'; it is Dom. Berchelai
hernesse.
Berkhamsted. 1066 O.E. Chron. Beorhhamstede; 1155 Berk-
hamstede, a. 1200 chart. Berhamstead; 1501 Will Gret Berke-
hamstede. Prob. O.E. beorh-hdm-sted, ' sheltered-home-place,'
or fortified farm. Perh, 'home-place of Beorht,^ a very
common O.E. name. Cf. Berstead,
Berkshire. 931 chart. Be(a)rruc-scire; 1011 O.E. Chron. Bearruc-
scir; Dom. Berrochescire, Berchesira; 1297 Barcssire; c. 1325
Barkschyre (which is still the pron,). 'Box-tree-shire,' O.E.
bearroc ; though some, without sure evidence, would derive fr.
the tribe Bibroci, Caesar B.G. v. 21 ; or even say it is ' bare oak
BEEKSWELL 142 BERSHAM
shire ' ! Bearruc is a dimin. of hearu, which means simply ' a
wood, a grove ' ; the meaning ' box-tree ' is a later and perhaps
mistaken idea.
Bekkswell (Coventry). Dom. Berchewelle; a. 1400 Bercleswelle.
It seems 'well of BeorJit or Beret,'' but form a. 1400 points to
an earlier Begrcol, 4 in Onom.
Bermondsey (London). ? a. 715 Vermundsei, ' isle of Fcermund or
Pharamond.' But Dom. Bermundesye ; c, 1180 Ben. Peterh.
Bermundsheia. ' Bermund's ' or ' Bermond^^ isle.' Cf. ' Bear-
modes lea.' Worcestersh. in Grant, c. 802; and see -ey.
Berney Arms (Yarmouth). ? fr. the Fr. Bemay near Evreux.
Villages called after public - houses are common all over
England, and not less so in Wales.
Bernwood Forest (Bucks). 921 O.E. Chron. Bymewudu —
i.e., O.E for ' Beom's ' or ' Byrne's wood.' O.N. hjorn means
' a bear.'
Berriew (Montgomery). =Aber-Rhiw, ' confluence of the R.
Rhiw ' with the Severn. In W. rhiw is ' a break out ' ; also ' a
slope.' Of. Barmouth.
Berrington (Tenbury and Shrewsbury and Glostrsh.). Te. and
Sh. B. Dom. Beritune. Te. B. 1275 Beriton. Gl. B. 1273
Byrton. Possibly =BT7RT0]sr; quite as likely, 'town of BcBra,'
-an, now become Berry. Cf. Barren gton and Burbxjry; and
see -ing.
Bbrrow (Bumham and Ledbury). Var. of Barrow.
Berry Brow (Huddersfield). Berry, like the above, is perh. a
variant of Barrow, ' a hill, a mound/ M.E. herghe, herie.
But Berry or Btjuy Hill, Stone, is a 1300 Leburi; see -bury.
Brow, O.E. bru, is found used for ' brow or edge of a hill ' as early
as c. 1435. In North, dial, it commonly means ' a slope, an
ascent,' as in Everton Brow and Shaw's Bro\*-, two steep
streets in Liverpool. Cf. Dom. Warwk. and Wore, ' Beri-
cote.' The Yorks Dom. Berg has now become Baragh and
Barugh.
Berrymead Priory (Acton, Middlesex). ' Mead or meadow with
the mound or hillock.' See Berry Brow and Barrow.
BerrynIrbor (Dfracombe). Old forms needed. Not in Dom.,
and all is doubtful. The first part is prob. O.E. biorn, beam,
4^5 beryn, ' a hero, a warrior.' As to -arbor, it might quite
possibly be for harbour, the M.E. herberg, in 6 harbor, which
means orig. ' any kind of place of shelter or sojourn.' Not so
likely fr. arbour, which is fr. Fr. and first in Eng. c. 1300
herber.
Bersham (Wrexham). Old forms needed, cf. Dom. Sffk., Barsha;
but prob. ' home of Ber,' a man named in Chesh. Dom,
BERSTED 143 BETTISFIELD
Beested (Sussex). 680 chart. Beorganstede, O.E, for ' Beorgd's
place ' ; 2 Beorgas in Onom.
Berwick (on Tweed, etc.). 700-15 chart. Wihtred Bereueg (Kent);
1060 chart. Uppwude cum Ravelaga berewico suo ' ; Ber. on Tw.
1097 Berwick, a. 1150 Berewic, Berwich, 1187 Suthberwyc (as
contrasted with North Berwick, Sc). Shrewsbury B. Dom.
Berewic. O.E. berewic ' a demesne farm,' fr. here, ' barley,' and
wic, ' dwelling, village.' Cf. Barton, also Berwick St. James
and St. John, Salisbury.
Berwyn (Llangollen) and Bbrwyn Mtn. W. aher gwyn, ' clear,
bright confluence.' For loss of a- cf. Abergavenny and Berriew.
Beryan (Cornwall). Sic 1536. Called after Buriena, pretty
daughter of Aengus, K. of Munster, time of St. Patrick.
Besoar Lane (Southport). Old forms needed. Not in Wyld and
Hirst. Possibly it is = Bess agar, Cantley, Yorks, 1202 Besacre,
which, though it might be ' Bead's acre ' or ' field,' is prob.
' Besa'a rock,' Anglian O.E. carr. But Bes- may represent
many things. See below.
Bescot (Walsall) . Dom. Bresmundes cot, a. 1300 Ber (e)mundescote,
Bermondscote, Bermonscot, a. 1400 Berkmondescote, Berkes-
cote. This is an extraordinarily contracted form, fr. O.E.
Beorhtmundes cot.
Besthorpb (Attleborough and Newark). At. B. Dom. Besethorp,
Ne. B. Bestorp. * Bead's village.' Cf. Beeston and Bescar,
and see -thorpe. Bessingby, Yorks, was Dom. Basingebi.
Beswick (Manchester and Beverley). Man. B. 1327 Bexwyk,
' jBecc's dwelling.' But Bev. B. is Dom. Basewic, which is prob.
' Bassa^e dwelling.' Cf. Baschurch and Bastwell. See
-wick.
Betchley (Tiddenham). Old Bettisley, 'lea of Betti.^ Cf.
BeacbCley, Batchworth, and Betchworth, Surrey (? fr. Becca).
Bethania (B1. Festiniog), BetbCel (Carnarvon), BetSbsda (Bangor),
and Beulab: (Brecon) are all Bible names for villages called
after Nonconformist chapels. Cf. Berea.
BethInal Green (London), a. 1600 Bednall Green. Said to be
' Bathon's hall,' fr. the famOy Bathon, who had lands in Stepney,
temp. Edw. I. But Bednal is Bedanhedl or ' Bede's nook or
haU.' See -hall.
Betley (Crewe). Dom. Betelege, a. 1200 Betteleg. 'Veto's
lea or meadow.' O.E, bete also means 'beet root'; but this
would give Beetley. Cf. Bitton.
Bettisfield (Whitchurch). Dom. Beddesfeld. 'Field of Beta^
Betti, or Bettu,' all names found in Onom. Cf. Dom. Bucks,
Betesdene
BETTWS 144 BEXLEY
Bettws (8 in P.G.). W. hettws, ' a place of shelter and comfort,'
' a (prayer) house.' Common in Wales, and there are two in
England, B. Y Cbwwyn (O.W. crewyn, ' pen, sty, hovel '), S.W.
Salop, and B. Newydd (' new '), Newport, Mon. It seems now
agreed that W. hettws phonetically and actually represents Eng.
head-house, c. 1160 hed hus, ' prayer-house, almshouse.' Bettws
is said to have been first applied to a W. parish church in 1292,
Taxat. of Benefices. But how is it that Wales has so many
' bead-houses ' among her place-names, and England none ?
Bettws Cedewen (Montgomery). Cedewen is prob. Gedwyn, a
Welsh sixth cny. saint.
Bettws Gabmon (Caernarvon). ' House of St. Oarmon^ or Oermanus,
twice a visitor of Britain, and perh. the man who sent St. Patrick
to Ireland. Of. Capel Garmon and Llanarmon.
Bettws-Gwebftjl-Goch (Corwen). ' House of Red Gwerfid' who
must have been a W. saint. Cf. Ffynon gwerfil, ' Gwerfil's well,'
a farm, Cardigansh.
Bettws-y-Coed (N. Wales). W. ' house in the wood.'
Bevere(ge) (island in Severn). Chart. Beverege, a. llOOBeverie.
O.E. heofer-ige, ' beavef-isle.' The beaver was not extinct in
England till c. 1100. Ige as an ending in Eng. names has usually
become -ey, q.v.
Beverley. Dom. Bevreli, Beurelie; c. 1180 Bened. Peterh. Bever-
lacum; 1387 Trevisa, ' Beverlay . . . the place or lake of bevers.'
O.E. heofer or hyfere-leah, ' beaver- meadow ' ; though both Bened.
and Trevisa seem to think the ending may be O.E. lac, ' pool.'
Cf. FtLEY. Beverley is also the name of a brook at Wimbledon,
693 chart. Beferith, where rith is ' stream.' Cf. above.
Beverstone (Tetbury), 1048 O.E. Chron. Beofres stan. — i.e., ' the
beaver's rock,' Dom. Beurestone.
Bewcastle (Carlisle). O.Fr. heau castel, ' fine castle.' Cf. Beau-
lietj pron. Bewley, and next.
Bewdley (Eadderminster). 1304 Beaulieu, c. 1440 Bewdeley.
Fr. heau lieu, ' beautiful spot,' as in Beaulieu. Hants, pron.
Bewly. Also cf. Bewsboro', Kent, 1228 Close R. Beausbergh.
BewSolme (Hull). Dom. Begun, 1202 Beighum. Prob. ' Begha's
ham,'' or ' home.' The endings -ham and -holme, ' meadow,'
q.v., often interchange. Possibly hegun may be loc. of O.E. heg,
' at the rings.' This loc. is common in Yorks. See -ham.
Bexhell (Hastings). Dom. has only Bexelei. ' Becca's hill.' Cf.
next, B.C. 8. 309 Beccanford, and Dom. Bucks, Bechesdene.
Bexley (Kent). Dom. Bix; a. 1200 Text. Roff. Bixle; later Bekes-
ley; also cf. Dom. Hants, Bexeslei. ' Bica's, Biccd's, or Becca's
lea or meadow.' All these names are found in Onom. Cf.
Bexhill and Bix.
BEYTON 145 BICKLEIOH
Bbyton (Bury St. Edmund's). Dom. Begatona, 1288 Beyton.
' Begha's town.' Cf. Bay worth.
BiBURY (Fairford, Glostr.). c. 740 chart. Beagan byrig, Dom.
Beche-, Begeberie. This must be as above, ' burgh, fortified
town of Begha.' See -bury.
Bicester (Oxon). Dom. 1307 Berneoestre, ? 1149 Burcetur,
1216 Bumecestr', 1414-31 Burcestre, 1495 Bysseter, 1612 Bisceter,
1634 Bister, the present pron. ' Camp of Beorn,' in N. Biom.
A fine study in the disappearance of liquids ! See -cester.
BiokenHill (Birmingham). Dom. Bichehelle a. 1200 Bychen hulle,
Bigen-, Biken hull, O.E. Bicanhyll, ' hill of Bica: 3 in Onom.
Of. BiCKMARSH, Alcester, 967 chart. At Bicanmersce. It is
just possible it is ' beacon-hiU,' O.E. becen, hecun, Wyclii
bikene, S.W. dial, bick'n. This is not confirmed by BiokmarsA,
Honeyboume, Dom. Bichemerse, 1608 Bickemershe.
Bicker (Boston). Dom. Bichere. Doubtful. Prob. not M.E. biker
(1297 R. Glouc), origin unknown, ' a bicker, a skirmish'; nor
O.N. bikarr, ' a beaker, an open cup or goblet,' used here to
describe the shape of the site ; but prob. var. of O.N. bekk-r,
' a brook.' Also cf. next.
BiOKERSTAFFE (Ormskirk). c. 1200 Bikerstat, 1230 Bykstat,
c. 1260 Berkerstat, c. 1280 Bekirstat, 1292 Bykerstath. 1267
Bikerstaff. The Bicker- is a little uncertain. The Eng. bicker,
' a quarrel,' is of unknown origin, and not found till 1297, so is
unlikely here. The o\d forms seem to waver between 0.1J5,
hekkjar, ' of the brook,' cf. Beckermet, and bjarkar, gen. of
O.N. bjork, 'birch.' The ending is curious; it also wavers
between O.N. sta^-r, ' place,' and O.E. stcB]>, ' shore, river-bank ' ;
this is still preserved in the personal name Bickersteth. Cf.
Bickershaw, Wigan, and Bycardyke, 1189 Bikeresdic, Notts.
BiCKBRTON (Wetherby and Cheshire). Weth. B.Do?n. Bickretone,
Bichreton. Ches. B. Dom. Bicretone. As bicker is not found in
Eng. till 1297, prob. ' brook-town.' See above and Bickerstafee.
BiCKERY (Glastonbury). 971 chart. ' In insulis ' {i.e., the low
lands often forming islands in flood-time) . . . Beheria, which is
called ' parva Ybernia,' or 'little Ireland'; fr. O.Ir. bee Eriu,
' little Erin,' Erinn being gen. of Eriu. Off Wexford is Beggary-
island, really the same name; M'Clure, p. 205.
BiCKiNGTON (Barnstaple and Newton Abbot). Dom. Bichentone.
' Town, village of Bic{c)a,' gen. -an. See above. Cf. Bexley,
and 1167-8 Pipe Devon, Bichingbrige. See -ing.
BiCKLEiGH (Tiverton) and Bickley (Kent). Both in Dom. Bichelei.
' Bicca's ' or ' Bica's meadow.' Cf. Bickford, Penkridge, Dom.
Bigeford, 1334 Bikeford, prob. fr. Bica too; also Dom. Chesh.
Bichelei, and Devon Bicheford.
BICKNACRE 146 BIGGIN
BiOKNACEE (Chelmsford). ' Field of Bica,'' -an. Acre is O.E. cecer,
acer, 'a plain, open country'; L. ag&r, 'a field.' Gf. BiCken-
HliLL, and next.
BiCKNOLLEB (Taunton). Dom. has only Bichehalle. ' Bicd's
alder'; or else perh. 'Beacon-alder-tree/ O.E. alor, aler, air,
olr, ' an alder.' See above and Bickenhill. Bicknok. on
Wye, Dom. Bicanofre, 1298 Bykenore, is clearly ' Bica' 8 bank.'
See -or, -over.
BiOKTON Heath (Shrewsbury). Dom. Biqhetone, also ib. Biche-
done (Bucks). [Cf. 1298, 'Thomas de Bikebury.] ' Bicca's
town or village.' Of. Bexley and Bickleigh.
BiDDENDEN (Staplehurst) and Biddenham (Bedford). Old Biden-,
Bedenham. ' Biddd's ' or ' Byda'a wooded valley ' and ' home.'
Cf. Beedon, and Bidboro', Tunbridge Wells; and see -den and
-ham.
BiDDESTONE (Qhippenham) . Dom. Bedestone, ' Bedda's' or
' Bidda's stone' or 'town.' See -ton; and cf. Bidston, Dom.
Chesh,. Bedesfeld, and above.
BiDDLE R. (Congleton). Doubtful, as so many Eng. river names
are. ? W. bedw-dol, ' birch-tree meadow.'
BrDDULPH (Congleton). Dom. and later Bidolf. This is an O.E.
personal name, Beadulf or Beaduwulf. Such are very rarely
applied to places without a suffix; but cf. Cbantock, Snitter,
Northbld., Tydd, etc.
BrD]s;roBD. Dom. Bedeford, a. 1300 Bydyford, Budeford. The
form ' Bythef ord ' is also found early ; but this is mere ' popular
etymology.' The name is ' ford of Bede, Buda,' or ' Byda.'
Cf. BiDDESTONE and next. Possibly -ford may be for fjord, as
in Haverfordwest, Waterford, Wexford, etc. The Norsemen
came all round the Bristol Channel.
Bidford (Stratford-on-Avon). 710 cTiart. Budiforde, Dom. Bede-
ford, a. 1600 Bidford. ' Ford of Buda,' 3 in Onom., wjiich has
also 2 Bydas. Cf. above, and Bidfield, For. of Dean, old Bude-
field.
Bidston (Birkenhead), and Biel. See Biddestone and Beal.
BiERTON (Aylesbury). Dom. Bertone. Prob. ' bear ' or ' barley
-town.' O.E. here, 6-8 beer. Hardly fr. O.E. beer, ber, ' a bier
for carrying a corpse.' North Bierley (Yorks), Dom. Birle, looks
as if Eng. -ley h,ad been attached to O.N. by-r, ' house, hut, byre.'
BiGBTJRY (Kiugsbridge). Dom. Bicheberie. Notfr. ' big,' adj., which
is unknown in Eng. till c. 1300, but ' Bica's or Biga's burgh,'
or ' fort.' Cf. BiGSWEiB on Wye, 1322 Bikiswere. See -bury.
Biggest (Coventry and Rugby) and Biggest Hill (Westerham, Kent).
The only old form we have met is Cov. B. 1 327 Buggiuge. Biggin
is North, word for ' building, house,' O.N. byggja, ' to dwell, to
BIGGLESWADE 147 BILLINGTON
build,' already found in 1153 Newbigginghe, Oxnam, Roxbgh.;
but prob. it only filtered late South into Warwick. In Kent it
seems most unlikely; there biggin may be Fr. heguin, 'a
child's cap,' found in Eng. fr. 1530, whose shape might easily
be thought like that of the hill; or else fr. a man Biga, -an.
Biggleswade (Beds). Dom. and 1132 Bicheleswade, -da., 'Ford,'
lit. ' wading-place of Bichel' or ' Beccel.^ Perh. he who was
servant of St. Guthlac of Croyland; -wade is O.E. weed, M.E.
wath, ' a ford.'
BiGHTON (Alresford). Dom. Bighetone. ' Bigha's, Biga's, or
Begha'8 town or village.'
BiGN ALL End (Staff ordsh.). Not in Duignan. Prob. ' J5^Va's' or
' Bigo's nook ' or ' hall.' Cf. Beadnell and Bednal. The n is
the sign of the gen. See -hall.
BiGRiGG (Carnforth). Possibly 'Big ridge'; see -rigg. Big is an
adj. of unknown origin, and does not come into Eng. imtil
Havelock, a. 1300, The hig may also be O.N. hygg, 'barley,'
found in Eng, and Sc. fr. c. 1450.
BiLBEOUGH (York). Ini)om.Mileburg(?fr.amanlf^7o). 'Burgh,
fortified town of Billa,^ as in Bilham and Bilton also in Yorks,
Dom. Bileham and Bil(l)etone. Cf. BilsborougH, Bilborough,
Notts, Dom. Bileburg(h), and Dom. Essex, Bilichangra, ' steep
slope of Bila.' See -burgh.
Billesdon (Leicester). ' Billa's dune' or 'hill,' or 'fort.' Cf.
BiLBOROTJGH, and BiLLESLEY (Warwk.), 704 chart. Billes Iseh,
Dom. Billeslei, 1157 Pipe Bileslega; and see -don.
Billing (Wigan). Patronymic. There are two Billings in Onom.
It may mean ' descendant of Belin.^ On ' bhssful King Belyn '
see c. 1205 Layamon, 4290 seq. Cf. Billiagford, Dereham, Bil-
lingham, Stockton, and next; also Bealengs,
Billinghay (Lincoln). 1285 ' Waltero de Billingeye' (found in
Norfolk). See above; -hay is O.E, haga, Icel. hagi, ' an enclosed
field,' same root as hedge.
BiLLiNGLEY (Yorks). Dom. Bilingeleia, 1178-80 Pipe Billingslea,
and BiLLiNGSLEY (Bridgnorth). Perh. 1055 O.E. Chron.
Bylgesleg. ' Billing's meadow.' Cf. a. 1100 ' Belnesthorpe,'
Lines. See -ley.
Billingsgate (London) and BtLLiNGSfiuRST (Sussex). 1250 Laya-
mon, Belynes jat. See Billing, and -hurst, ' a wood ' ; also cf
1155 Pipe Bilingete, Hants.
Billington (Stafford), Dom. Belintone, and Billington Langho
(Whalley). Sim. Dur. ann. 798 Billmgahoth. 'Town of the
Billings,' see Billing. The -both in Sim. Dur. may represent
the -ho in Langho. Hoe, as in Plymouth Hoe, is O.E. hoh, ho,
' a hill, high ground.'
BILNEY 148 BINSTEAD
BiLNEY, East (Dereham). Dom. Bilenei, 1298 Bilneie. 'Isle of
BiUl)a' Cf. BiNLEY, and see -ey.
BiLSBOBOUGH (Preston), and Belsby (Alford). Dom. Billesbi.
=Bilbe.oxjgh:. ' Billa'a burgh or fort,' and ' dwelling.' See
-borough and -by.
BiLSTON. 994 Bilsetnatun, -netun, Dom. Billestune, a. 1300 Biles-
tun, -tone. ' Billd's town' or 'village.' See Bilbbough and
BiLLESDON. In 994 -setna is gen. pi. of scstan, ' a settler,
dweller in.' Cf. Dorset, Somerset, etc.
BiLTON (Knaresboro' and Rugby). Knar, B. Dom. Billetone, Bile-
ton. 'Billa'a town.' See BilbbougS. But Rug. B. is Dom.
Beltone, 1236 Belton, 1327 Beultone. Duignan says this is
O.E. Beolantun, ' town of Beola,' only one in Onom.
BmBBOOK (Market Rasen). Dom. Binnebroc. Prob. ' within the
brook.' O.E. binnan, M.E. byn, ' within, inside.' Cf. Ben well,
BiNFiELD, etc. But Binneford (Stockleigh, English) is 739 chnrt.
Beonnanford, ' food of Beonna' perh. he who was father of St.
Sativola of Exeter.
BmcHESTEB (Bp. Auckland), c. 380 Anton. Itin. Vinonia. Here
the Bin- or Vin- prob. represents W. gwyn ,' white, clear'; in
1183 Boldon Bk. it is Byn cestre, -chestre, 1197 Bincestr'. Cf.
Benwell. See -Chester, ' camp.'
BiNEGAB {Shepton Mallet). Old forms needed. Not in Dom.
Perh. corrup. of bin acre, ' within the field.' O.E. cecer, acer,
L. ager, a' field.' Cf. Bicknacbe, Binfield, and Bessaoab.
BiNFiELD (Bracknell). 1316 Benefeld; but earlier Benetfeld, Bent-
feld. This is ' field of bent or bennet ' — i.e., a coarse grass,
O.E. beonet. Cf. Bentley. But by temp. Hen. VIII. it had
become Bynfeld, which by analogy should mean ' within the
field.' Cf. Benwell, Binbeook, etc.
Bingham (Notts). Dom. Bingheha, Bingehamhou Wap., 1230
Close R. Bingeham. It seems hardly to be fr. O.N. bing-r,
* a heap,' found in Eng. c. 1325 as ' bing,' and though there
seems no name in the Onom. which suits, form 1209 in next
suggests a man Binge or Binga. Cf. Bengewoeth. Mutsch-
mann derives fr. Benning ; see Bennington.
Bn^^GLEY (Keighley). Dom. Bingheleia, Bingelei, 1209 Bingelege.
Doubtful. See above; -ley is O.E. ledh, ' meadow,' and Binge- is
prob. some man's name.
BiNLEY (Coventry). Dom. Bilnei, Bilueie, 1251 Bilney. Prob.
O.E. Billan ige, ' isle of Bil{l)a.' See -ey. Cf. Bilney. Change
fr. In to nl is uncommon.
BiNNEFOBD. See Binbeook.
Binstead (Ryde and Sussex), and Binsted (Alton, Hants). Suss.
B. 1280 Close B. Benested. Ryde B. Dom. Benestede, which
BINTON 149 BIEKDALE
may either be ' bean place ' or, less likely, ' prayer place,' fr.
O.E. bean, 3-6 hen, 4-6 bene, ' a bean,' or ben, 2-4 bene, ' a prayer,
petition, boon ' ; and stede, ' farm-yard, steading.' Cf. home-
stead. Not fr. bin or binne, O.E. binnan, ' within.' This never
seems spelt with a central e.
Benton (Stratford, Wwk.). 710 chart. Bunintone, Dom. Benintone,
Benitone, a. 1200 Buvintone, 1325 Bunynton. 'Town of
Buna,^ 3 in Onom.; but the form Bynna is much commoner.
Dom. Yorks, Binneton, is now Binnington.
BmCHAM (King's Lynn). Dom. Brec^am, 1489 Brytcham. Cf.
Dom. ' Bercham,' Warwick. Prob. ' house, home built of birch.'
O.E. beorc, berc, byrce, birce ; though the first part may be the
name of a man Beorht or Berh, as in Dom. Yorks, Berceworde,
now Ingbirchworth.
BmCHANGER (Bp's. Stortford). ' Birch-slope.' O.E. hangra, angra,
once said to be ' a meadow ' ; but M'ClurS thinks ' the slope of
a hill,' and Duignan, more exactly, ' a wood growing on a hill-
side.' Cf. CiiAYHANGER, Aldcrhanger (Worcestersh.), Hunger-
roBD, and Rishangles.
BmcHiLLS (Walsall), a. 1600 Birche leses, Burchelles, Byrchylles,
Byrchells. ' Birch hills.' O.E. berc, beorc, 5-6 byrche.
BniCHOVEK (Matlock). Dom. Barcoure. ' Birch brink or bank,'
O.E. ofr, obr, ' brink.' See Bercham, and -over.
BiBDfiAM (Chichester). Dom. Brideha, and Birdholme (Chester-
field). ' Bird home ' and ' bird meadow.' See -holme. Bird
may be a man's name, cf. next. Bird ia O.E. is brid, Northumb.
bird ; and Brid is a name in Onom. Cf. Bebdsall.
BiEDiNGBUiiY (Rugby). Pron. Birbury. 1043 chart. Burtingbury;
K.C.D. 916 Birtingabyrig juxta Aven, Dom. Berdingberie,
Derbingerie (blunder) a. 1300 Burdingbury. ' Burgh, fort of
the sons of Beorht,^ or ' Birht." Patronymic. See -bury.
Berdlip (Gloucester). Not in Dom., 1221 Bridelepe, 1262 Brudelep.
Prob. 'bird's leap,' O.E. hlyf{e), 3 leef, Up, 4-6 lepe. Cf.
HiNDLiP and Islip. Here, again, Bird may be a man's name.
W. H. Stevenson points out, hlyp must sometimes mean not
' a leap,' but ' an enclosed space.' Cf. Lypiatt (Stroud), old
Lypgate, Lupeyate, ' gate into the enclosure.'
BiEDSALL (York). Dom. Briteshale, Brideshala, 1208 Brideshale.
' Nook of Brid, Briht, or Beorht,' all names on record, and prob.
all the same name too. Change of r is common, as in board
and broad, etc. Cf. Bdrkby and Bebtley, and see -hall.
Bebkby (Co. Durham and Huddersfield). Dom. Yorks, and 1197
R. Bretebi, Durham. ' Dwelling of Beorc ' or ' Beorht,' of
which Bret {t) is a later form. Cf. Bebdsall; and see -by.
BiRKDALE (Southport). Birk is N. Eng. and Sc. for birch, O.E.
beorc, byrce, birce, berc. Cf. Birkacre (' field '), Chorley.
BIRKENHEAD 150 BISHOP AUCKLAND
Birkenhead. Sic 1282, but a. 1100 Byrkhed. ' Head, promon-
tory covered with birch,' O.E. beorc, here, byrce, birce. The adj.
birchen, JiioTth.. birken, is not given in the Oxf. Diet. a. 1440; so
that this name, in 1282, seems the earUest known instance of it.
BiRKENSHAW (Leeds) . ' Birch wood,' O.E. scaga, a wood ; see above.
Now a personal name in this district.
BiRKiN (Normanton), Dom. Berchinge, Berchine. A patronymic.
' Place of the descendants of Beorht.' Cf. Barking ; and see
-ing.
BiRLiNG (Maidstone) and Biblingham (Pershore). 972 Byrling-
hamme, Dom. BerHngeham, 1275 Byrlyngham. ' Place of the
descendants of the cup-bearer or butler,' O.E. byr{e)le. The
-ham, q.v., in this case means ' enclosure.' Cf. Burlingham.
Birmingham. Dom. Bermingeha', 1168 Brimigham, 1166 Breminge-
ham, 1255 Burmingeham, 1333 Burmyncham, c. 1413 Bry-
mecham, c. 1463 Bermjmgham, 1538 Bermigham, also Bro-
mieham. ' Home of the Beormingas/ or ' sons of Beom.'
Duignan makes the original family Breme, ' illustrious,' and
connects with Bromsgrove; see his full art, s.v. For the mod.
pron. Brummajem cf. Whittingham, pron. Whittinjem, and
' Nottingham ' is also heard.
BiRSTALL (Leeds). Dom. thrice Beristade (? -ade, error for -ale)
Berist- seems to be for ' Beorhtsige's' or ' Byrcsige's,' a very
common O.E. name; and -ale is 'nook,' see -haU. Close by is
BiRSTWiTH, fr. O.N. vith-r, 0. Dan. wede, Dan. ved, ' a wood.'
Cf. AsKWiTH, etc.
BiRTLET (Herefordsh., Chester-le-Street, and Wark.). Ch. B. 1183
Britleia, Birdeia, ' Meadow of Brid/ or ' Bird/ or ' of the birds.'
Transposition of r is common ; cf. Birds all and Birtwistle (see
TwiZEL). BiRTS Morton, Glostersh., is a. 1350 Morton Brut,
1407 Bruttes, -tis, fr. Walter le Bret, known as living here, 1275,
or some one earlier. The name means ' the Breton.'
BiscovEY (Par.) Not in Dom. Might be Eng., ' Biso's cave ' ;
the names Besa, Besi, Bisi, and Biso are all found in Onom. ;
whilst the O.E. for ' cove or inlet ' is cofa. But Bis- looks like
Corn, bes, bis, bys, ' a finger.' Cf. Bissoe.
BiSHAM (Marlow). Dom. Bistesham; 1199 Bistlesham; later Bes-
tlesham, Bustleham. ' Home of Bestel,' cf. B.C.S., i. 108,
ii. 206, Bestlesford, Bsestlsesford, near Bradfield, also Basiuden.
BiSHAMPTON (Pershore). Dom. Bisantune, a. 1100 Bishamtone.
' The home-town or village of Bisa,' see Biscovey. The mod.
-hampton may here be a corrup. of -antune.
Bishop Auckland, also North and West Auckland (Co. Durham).
1183 Boldon Bk. North Alcland and Aclet, West Aclet, Alclet-
shire, v.r. Aukelandschire, 1305 Auke-, Aucland. Auckland is
BISHOP BURTON 151 BISHOPSTON
O.E. dc land, 'oak land'; but the form Alclet is puzzling.
M'Clure thinks it is O.E. hah clet, ' haugh, river-meadow rock';
but klett-r, ' a rock/ is O.N., not O.E. at all, nor even English,
save late in Scotland. The -let may be a var. of O.E. hlith,
' a slope/ c/. Yarlett, and so the name be ' river-meadow slope.'
But this is doubtful. The Bishop is, of course, the Bishop of
Durham. Also c/. Atjckley.
Bishop Burton (Beverley). Dom. Santriburtone, ' Bishop's burgh-
town,' or ' fortified village ' ; ? fr. St. John of Beverley, Bishop of
Hexham and York. The Santri- in Dom, must be a corrup. of
sanctuary, O.Fr. saintuarie, spelt in Eng. in 6 santuary ; but not
given in Oxf. Diet, as Eng. till a. 1340.
Bishop Monkton (Ripon). Dom. Monuchetone. O.E. monuc,
munuc, munec, fr. L. monachus, ' a monk.' Cf. Monkton.
Bishop's Canntng (Devizes), Sim. Dur. ann. 1010 Canninga merse
{cf. Mersey). Canning is a patronjrmic, fr. Cana or Cano, in
Onom.
Bishop's Caundle or Caundle Bishop (Sherborne). Dom. Candel,
-dele, -delle. Caundle is O.E. cendel, 1-4 condel, ' a candle.'
Of., too, Fhrio, 1611, ' Fungo . . . that firy roimd in a burning
candle called the Bishop.'
Bishop's Cleeve (Cheltenham). Bede and c. 780 cJiart. CHfe,
Dom. CUve. Cleeve is M.E. cleve, var. of cliff, O.E. clif. Cf.
Cleveland. It is called ' Bishop's' to distinguish it fr. Prior's
Cleeve.
Bishop's Fonthill (Salisbury). Dom. Fontel; but chart. Funt-
geall; O.E. font, fant, (L. fons, -tis), O.Fris. and in Eng. 2-6
funt, 'a font, a fountain'; but in Diets, gealla has only the
meaning of ' bile ' or ' a gall in the skin,' so it may be an error
in the charter, perh. for heal, ' hall.' Cf. Fontley, Fareham.
Bishop's Hull (Taunton). Hull is west midl. for ' hill.' See
ASPULL.
Bishop's Itchington (Learning-ton). 1043 chart. Ichenton, 1111 ib.
Yceantune, Dom. Icetone. ' Town on the R. Itchen.' It
belonged formerly to the Bps. of Lichfield and Coventry.
Bishop's Lydeard (Taunton). See Lydiard.
Bishop's Nympton (S. Molton). Dom. Nimetone, 'Town of
Nima.' Onom. has only Numa and Nunna. On the common
intrusion of jp, cf. Bampton.
Bishopstoke (Southampton). 'Bishop' (of Winchester's) 'place/
See Stoke.
BiSHOPSTON (Stratford, Warwick, and Glam.), also Bishopstone
(5 in P.G.) . Str. B. 1016 chart. Biscopesdun— i.e., ' bishop's hill '
— but c. 1327 Bisshopeston. See -don and -ton.
BISHOP'S STOETFORD 152 BLABY
Bishop's Stortford. Dom. Storteford. Skeat thinks the R. Start
may mean ' pourer/ Cf. Dan. styrte, ' to rush, to spring/ cognate
with start.
Bishop's Waltham (Hants). 1001 O.E. Chron. Wealtham. The
Bp. of Winchester's ' home in the weald or forest.' See
Waltham.
BiSHOPSwoRTH, contracted Bishport (Bristol). 'Bishop's farm.'
See -worth.
BiSHTON (Rugeley, Tidenham, Newport, Mon.). Ru. B. Dom.
Bispestone, a. 1300 Bissopestune, Ti. B. 956 chart. Bispestune.
' Village of the bishop ' of Lichfield or Llandaff, O.E. biscop,
though possibly fr. a man Bisp, found a. 1200. Cf. Bishport
and Bispham.
BiSLEY (Stroud, Coventry, Woking). St. B. 896 chart, (late MS.)
Bislege, Dom. Biselege, 1156 Bisselega. Co. B. a. 1200 Bisselei.
Skeat thought there must have been an O.E. bisse, 'a bush';
cf. Bushwood (Stratford, Wwk.), a. 1300 Byssewode, 1404 Bis-
wode. But this is prob. ' mead of Bisi ' or ' Biso,' both in
Onom. Cf. Dom. Wore, Biselege, and Bisham. See -ley.
Bispham (Preston). Dom. and c. 1141 Biscopham— ;4.e., 'bishop's
home.' Cf. Bishport. '
BissoE (Perranwell, Cornwall). Doubtful. Dom. has a ' Be veshoe,'
which may be this, and may stand for ' how, hollow of Beffa,*
2 in Onom. It may be fr. a man Bissa. Cf. Biscovey and
Bengeo.
Bitterne (Southampton). Perh. c. 380 Anton. Itin. Clausentum.
' Bitta's or Bitto's house,' O.E. erne, ' a house.' Cf. next, and
Whithorn (Sc).
Bitteswell (Lutterworth). ? Dom. Betmeswelle, [Cf. c. 1200
Gervase ' Bittesdene,' Northants.] ? ' Bitta's well.' Cf. above.
BiTTON (Kingswood, Glos.). Dom. Betone, 1158-59 Pipe Bettune.
Prob. ' town, village of Beta/ 2 in Onom., or ' of Betti/ also
2 in Onom. Cf. Betley.
Bix (Henley). Dom. Bixa, 1216-1307 Bixe, -a, 1300 Buxe Jelwyni
(fr. the Gelwyn family). Doubtful. Alexander compares Box,
Herts, not an exact parallel, and derives fr. O.E. bixen, byxen,
' (place) of the box-tree ' ; this is far from certain. The form
bixen is very rare, and for the 56. there seems only 60a;. Nor
does there seem any good analogy. Bexley (Kent) is also Bix
in Dom., and seems to mean ' Beca's ' or ' Bica's lea.' As likely
as not Bix is bi Ex, ' by the river.' Cf. Beeford, Beal, etc.,
and ExE.
Blaby (Leicester). Sic 1298. O.N. bld-r bi, 'blue, blae-looking
hamlet.' Cf. Bladon, and see -by.
BLACKAWTON 163 BLAENLLECHA
Blackawton" (Dartmouth). {Dom. has Blache-berie, -grave, -pole,
etc.). Old forms needed. Perh. ' Blaca'a Haughton ■* or
' village on the haugh or river-meadow.'
Blackboys (Uckfield). Not in Dom. Old forms needed. One
may conjecture ' Blaca's boss ' or ' knoll.' Boss is found in
Eng. a. 1300 meaning ' a hump/ and in 1598 meaning ' a hump-
like hill '; whilst it is spelt in 5-6 boysis). But all this is quite
doubtful. Of. Blaehestela, Dom. Surrey.
Blackburn. Dom. Blacheburne; also chart. Blagborn. 'Black
brook/ O.E. blaec, blac, c. 1190 blache ; and see -bourne. Cf.
833 chart. ' Blakeburnham/ Kent.
Blacker (Bamsley). Old forms needed. Not in Dom. As a
rule -er is contracted fr. -over, ' bank.' Cf. Ashover, Hasler,
WooLEB, etc. ; so this is prob. ' black, dark bank.'
Blackheath (London, etc.). Lend. B. c. 1420 Lydgate, Blakeheth.
Cf. Blachefelde, Dom. Surrey.
Blackpill (Swansea). Pill here is corrup. of Eng. pool, W. pwl.
In S. Pembrokesh. 'pill is quite common for ' a little bay, a
creek.' Cf. next.
Blackpool. Modern. Cf. B.C.S. 834 Blssccanpol — i.e., ' Blacca'a
pool.'
Blackrod (Chorley). 1199 Blackeroade, 1292 Blakerode. Either
' Blaca's road,' or ' dark, black road,' O.E. rod, North. Eng. and
Sc. rodd. Cf. Blackburn.
Blackwall (London). 1377 Blakewale, 1480 'the wall called
Black Wall,' along the bank of the Thames.
Bladney (Somerset). Not in Dom. Prob. c. 712 chart. Bledenithe.
' Bleda'a ' or ' Blcedda's Hythb.' A hithe is ' a landing-rise.'
Bladon (Woodstock, both river and village). O.E. chart Blsedene,
Bladaen, Dom. Blade, 1216-1307 Bladen(e), 1272 Bladone.
Cannot be ' blae hill,' because blae or blue-looking is O.N. bid.
But it may be contr. for ' Blcedda's hill.' Cf. K. CD. 121 Blsed-
dan hlsew. See -don. Baddeley thinks that this, as a river
name, must be pre-English.
Blaenau Festiniog. W.= ' highlands of Festiniog.' Of. next.
Blaenavon (Monmouth). W. blaen afon, 'source, hill source of
the river ' — i.e., the R. Avon, Glamorgan.
Blaengarw (Glamorgan). W.= ' rough fore-part,' blaen means
both ' source ' and ' fore-part,' whilst its plur. blaenau means
' highlands.' W. garw or geirw, ' rough,' is the same as G.
garbh, so common in Sc. names; whilst in Sc. we also have
Blantyre.
Blaenllecha (Pontypridd). W. = ' projecting rocks or stones.'
Cf. Blaengarw.
11
BLAEN-Y-FFOS 164 BLAXHALL
Blaen-y-ffos (Pembroke). W.= ' source of the ditch' or 'little
brook/ W. ffos, L. fossa.
Blagdon (Bristol and Taunton). Dom. Blachedone. O.E. hlac
dun, 'dark hill'; c/. Blagborn, old form of Blackburn.
Blaisdon, Glostr., is 1200 Blechedun, prob. ' hill of BlcBcca/
which may be the origin of Blagdon too.
Blaina (Monmouth). W. blaenau, 'highlands.' Cf. Blaengarw.
Blaxedown (Kidderminster and Kenilworth) . ' Black down ' or
'hill'; O.E. blcec, blec, bloc. Duignan has no authority for
saying that black here means ' uncultivated, running wild.'
Blakenall (Walsall) and Blaelenhall (Nantwich, Wolvermptn.).
Nan. B. Dam. Blechenhale, Wo. B. c. 1300 Blakenhale,
' Blecca's or Blaca'a nook.' Cf. next and Bletchley, and see
-haU.
'"Blakeney (Newnham, Glos., and Norfolk). Not in Dom. Ne. B.
c. 1280 Blacheneia, ' Blceca's ' or ' Blaca's isle.' Blceca is the
mod. surname Blake, which may either be fr. O.E. blcec, blac,
' black, dark man,' or fr. O.N. bleik-r, in Eng. c. 1205 blake,
' pale, wan.'
Blakenham, Great (Ipswich). Sic 1298, but Dom. Blacheha.
' Blaca's or Blceca's home,' Cf. Dom. Surrey, Blachingelei, a
patronymic, and Blakesley, Towcester.
Blanchland (Corbridge). Land paid for in 'white' or silver
money, Fr. blanc, blanche, ' white.' ' Blanch farm ' or ' blench
ferme ' is a common legal term.
Blandeord. Dom. Blane-, Bleneford. Difficult to say what the
Dom. forms stand for; whilst O.E. bland is ' a mixture, a blend,'
and our adj. bla'iid is quite mod. Blandsby (Pickering), Dom.
Blandebi, must be ' dwelling of a man Bland ' ; Onom. has only
Blandmund and Blandwinus. More light needed for Blandford.
See -by.
Blankney (Lincoln). Dom. Blachene. 'Isle of Blaca,' here
nasahzed Blanca, gen. -can. See -ey.
Blatchington (Brighton). Prob. Dom. Bechingetone {I omitted
in error). The present name represents an O.E. Blceccan tun,
' Blaecca's town.' Cf. Bletchtngley.
Blatherwyck (Kingscliffe). 1166-7 Pipe Blarewic, c. 1350 chart.
Blatherwyk. ' Dwelling of Blithgcer, Blithhere, or Blithmcer.'
All these names are in Onom. For omission of th in 1166-7 cf.
' Brer Babbit ' for ' Brother R.' See -wick.
Blawith (Ulverston). O.N. bid vith-r, 'dark blue, blae-looking
wood.' Cf. ASKWITH.
Blaxhall (Tunstall). ' Blcecca's nook ' or ' hall.' Cf. Blatching-
ton ; and see -hall.
BLAYDON-ON-TYNE 166 BLEWBUEY
Blaydon-on-Tyne. Prob. ' dark blue, blae-looking dune or hill/
O.N. bid, North. Eng. and Sc. blue. Cf. next.
Bleadon (Weston-s.-m.). ? 975 chart. Bledone and a. 1100 WincTir.
Ann. Bleodona. Prob. ' coloured hill/ O.E. Bleo dun, fr. bleoh,
' hue, colour.' Cf. Blewbury, Blofield, and Dom. Bucks,
Bledone,
Blean or Blee (Canterbury) . Dom. Blehem, c. 1386 Chaucer Ble(e) .
Prob. ' Blih's home,' one Blih in Ononi. For the contraction
cf. Beal ; but it is rare to find the unstressed final syll. f aUing
quite away. See -ham.
Bleasdale (Garstang). 1228 Blesedale, 1540 Blesedale. Possibly
fr. a man, but seemingly ' dale, valley of the blaze or beacon-
fire,' O.E. blase, blcese, 3-6 North, blese.
Blea tarn (Westmld.). 1256 Assize R. Blaterne. ' Blae, bluial^
moimtain lake,' O.N. bld-r; and see Tarn.
Bleddfa (Radnor) . Perh. W. blaiddfau, ' wolf's cave.' But the old
form is Bleddfach; where the ending is doubtful. Bledd is ' a
plain,' and the latter part may be ffag, ' what unites or meets in
a point.'
Bledington (Chipping Norton). Dom. Bladintone, 1221 Bladyn-
tone. ' Town on R. Bladon.' See -ing, as river-ending.
Bledlow (Bucks). K.C.D. 721 Blaeddan hlgew; Dom. Bledela,^^
? 1297 Scot. Chancery Roll ' Johannes de Bledelawe.' ' Bkedda'fi^
or ' Bledda's hill.' Bledisloe, Awre, Dom. BUteslau, is prob.
fr. a man Blith. See -low.
Blencow (Penrith) . ? W. blaen cu, ' dear source or promontory ' ;
cf. Blaengarw and Glasgow (Sc), also 1210 Blenecam,
Cumbld., ' headland with the cairn.'
Blennerhassett (Aspatria). 1189 Pipe Blendherseta, 1354 Carlisle
will Alan de Blenerhayset, 1473 Paston Lett. Blaundrehasset
and Blenerhasset (as a personal name). This seems to be
' seat, dwelHng of Blandhere ' or ' Blender,' an unknown man.
Cf. Dorset, etc. But this leaves the -hass ill-accounted for.
Bletchingley (Red Hill), Bletchtngton (Oxford). Dom. Bleces-,
Bhcestone, 1139 Bleche-, Blachedon, 1216-1307 Blecchesdon
(see -don) ; and Bletchley. ' Meadow ' and ' village of Blecca,'
or his descendants. Cf. Blatchington; and see -ing and -ley.
Bletsoe (Bedford). Dom. Bleches-, Blachesou, a. 1199 Blacheho.
' Blecca's mound.' Cf. Thingoe; and see -how.
Blewbury (Didcot) and Blewbury Down. 944 chart. Bleobyrig.
Dom. BUtberie, a. 1450 Bleobery. One would expect this to
be fr. some man; but there is no name in Bleo- in Onom. So
the first part may be as in Bleadon, ' bright borough,' lit., as
Skeat puts it, ' show-borough.' Cf. Fairfield, etc.
BLICKLING 156 BLUNDESTON
Buckling (Norfolk). Dom. Blikelinga, 1450 Blyclyng. A patro-
nymic ; but it is not easy to give the root. Onom. gives no help.
Blldwoeth (Mansfield). Dow. Blideworde, -vorde. ' Blcedda's
farm.' Cf. Bledington; and see --^orth.
Bldstdley Heath (Red HiU). Old forms needed. Not in Dom.
? ' bhnd lea ' or ' meadow ' ; blind being here used in its meaning
of ' obscure, dark, concealed." A place ' Blindsyke ' is found
in a Dumbartonsh, charter as early as c. 1350.
Blisland (Bodmin) and Bliswobth (Northants). Dom. Blides-
worde, 1158-9 Pipe BUeswurda. ' Land ' and ' farm of Blida '
(or Blih'). See -worth. Pike o' Bhsco, Westmld., will be
' peak of BUda's or Bhh's wood ' ; -sco or -scough for Shaw, cf.
BUUSCOUGH.
Blocjkley (Moreton-Henmarsh). 855 cliart. Bloccanleah, Dom.
Blockelei. ' Blocca's lea." Cf. Bloxham .
Blobield (Norwich). Dom. Blafelda, 1157 Blafeld, 1452 Blofield.
'Leaden-coloured, bluish field.' M.E. c. 1250 bio, O.N. bid,
' Hvid,' cognate with blae and blue. Cf. Bleadon and Blowick.
Bloomsbuby (London and Birmingham). Lo. B. c. 1537 Lomes-,
Lomsbury. The history of this name is very obscure, and more
evidence is needed. Possibly the Lome- represents Leofman,
a fairly common O.E. name. See -bury.
Blobe Heath (Staffs). Dom. and later Blora. Blore is an ono-
matopoeic word meaning ' a violent gust or blast ' ; not found in
Eng. a. 1440.
Blow Gill (Helmsley). 1200 Blawathgile. O.N. bid wath, ' leaden-
coloured, bluish ford,' in the ravine. See -giU. Cf. JjAHG-
WATKBY.
Blowick (Southport) . ' Leaden-coloured, bluish dwelling.' See
Blofield and -wick, which must be Eng. here and not N., as
Blowick is inland and can have no ' bay.'
Bloxham (Banbury). Dom. Warwk., Lochesham (error), 1155
Pipe Blochesham, 1231 Blokesham. ' Home of Blocca.' Cf.
Blockley.
Bloxwich (Walsall) and Bloxwobth (Bere Regis). Dom. Bloches-
wic, a. 1300 Blockeswich, Blokeswyke. ' Blocca's dwelling '
and ' farm.' See -wich and -worth.
Blundell Sands (Liverpool). Perh. fr. Randulph de Blundevill,
Earl of Chester in 1180. Blundell has been a common Lanca-
shire name from at least the 17th cny. Cf. next and -hall,
which the -ell may represent.
Bltjndeston (Lowestoft). Not in Dom. ^ Blunda's town or
village.' The name is now Blunt, Fr. blond, Nor. Fr. blund,
* fair, flaxen.' Cf. next, and Dom. Essex, Blundeshala.
BLUNTISHAM 157 BOCKLETON
Bluntisham (Hunts). Dom. Bluntesham. 'Home of BlunW or
' Blunt/ which last is still a common surname. Cf. Dom. Wilts,
Blontesdone, K.C.D. 666 Bluntesige, and Bluntington, Wore.
Blunham, Sandy, prob. represents the same name.
Blyborotjgh (Kirton Lindsay). Dom. Bliburg. Prob., as in
Blisworth, ' burgh, fort of Blida,' but it may be ' of Blih*
Of. 1157 Pipe Norfk. BHeburc, See -borough.
Blymhtll (Shifnal). Dom. Brumhelle {r for I, one liquid confused
in sound with the other), a. 1200 and later Blumonhull. Prob.
' hill of the blooms,' or molten masses of metal, O.E. hloma,
-an, then, curiously, not found till 1600 bloom; but 1584-5
blomary, or bloomer y, a forge for making blooms. One must
have stood on this hill, which is in an iron-producing district.
Blyth(e) (Northumbld., Warwk., Notts, and Rotherham), Blythe
Bridge (Stoke-on-T.). Roth B. c. 1097 Flor. W. Blida; Notts,
B. Dom. Blide, 1146 Blida, c. 1180 Blya, 1298 Blythe. The Eng.
blithe never refers to places; so this may be connected with
W. blytlmir, ' a belching,' blythach, ' a bloated person,' and
blwth, ' a pufE, a blast.' There are two rivers in Northbld., and
one each in Staffs, Notts, and Suffk., all called Blyth(e), and
nearly all Eng. rivers are Kelt, in origin; though what that
was is now lost. On the Staff. Blythe are Blithbury, a. 1200
Blith(e)burie, and Blithfield, Dom. Blidevelt. In Northbld we
find 1208 Snoc de Bliemus — i.e., ' snout, projecting headland
of Blythmouth ' — 1423 Blythe-snuke, a. 1800 Blyth-snook,
fr. O.N. snoh-r, ' a mark stretched out,' hnuTc-r, ' a little moun-
tain, a rock ' ; cf. ' The Snewke or Conny-warren ' in Blaeu's
map of Lindisfarne.
BoARSTALL (Bucks). Popular etymology. See Borstal.
Bobber's Mill (Nottingham). Bobber in mid. dial, means 'a
chum.'
BoBBiNGTON (Stourbridge). Dom. Bubintone, a. 1200 Bobintune;
cf. 798 chart. ' Bobing-saeta,' Kent. ' Town, village of Bobba '
(or his descendants), mentioned in a Worcester chart, of 759.
BocKHAMPTON (Lamboum and Dorchester). Both a. 1300 Boc-
hamton. 'Beech-built Hampton,' or 'home-farm'; O.E. boc,
O.N. bok, ' a beech.' Cf. Btjckland and Great Bookham;
also Dom. Norfk., Bocthorp.
BocKCNG (Braintree). Dom. Bochinges. Patronymic, 'place of
the sons of Bocca '; cf. 806 Bokenhale, ? near Croyland. Onom.
gives only Bacca and Bacco. See -ing.
BocKLETON (Tenbury and Salop). Te. B. Dom. Boclintun, 1275
Boclinton, a. 1400 Bocklington, Bokehnton. Sa. B. 1321
Bochtone (an error), 1534 Bucculton. ' Town of Boccel.' Onom.
gives only one Beoccel.
BODEDERN 158 BOLLINGTON
BoDEDERN (Anglesea). W. bod edyrn, 'residence of sovereignty/
or ' royal house ' ; but T. Morgan says, ' abode of Edern/ son of
Nudd, warrior and poet.
BoDELWYDDAN (Flintsh.). W. hod-el-gwyddan, 'residence of the
wood-spirit ' or ' satyr/
BoDENHAM (Leominster and Salisbury). Sic 1202. ' Boda'8
home.' O.E. boda, 2 bode, is ' a herald, a messenger/ one who
' bodes ' or forebodes. Dam. Wilts, has Bodeberie, and Dom.
Nfk., Bodenham. Cf. Boddington on Chelt, Dom. Botintone.
BoDFARi (Denbigh). Perh. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Varis. But now W.
bod Fari, ' house of Mary,' the m being aspirated.
BoDFFORD (Anglesea). W. bod jfordd, ' dwelUng by the road or
passage.'
BODHAM (Holt, Nfk.). Dom. has both Bodha and Bodenham.
' Home of Boda ' or ' Boddus.' See -ham.
BoDicoTT (Banbury). Dom. Bodicote, 1216-1307 Bodicot. ' Boda'&
cottage.' Cf. above.
BoDMEsr. Dom. Bodmini, Exon. Dom. Bodmine; c. 1180 Ben;-
Peterb. Bothmenia; c. 1200 Gervase Bomine; 1216 Bodminium.
1294 Bodmin. Com. bod or 6o is ' a house,' the second half is
more uncertain; it may be ' house of stones,' Com. min, myin
{cf. next), or ' on the edge,' min, or ' on the hill,' mene.
BoDVEAJsr (PwUheli). W. bod faen, 'house of stone.' Cf. cist faen,
' a stone coffin.' As houses in Wales and Cornwall usually are
of stone, the reference will prob. be to some ' Druidical ' erection.
BoGNOR. Not in Dom., but 680 chart. Bucgan ora — i.e., ' Bucga's
edge ' or ' brink ' or ' shore ' ; three Bucgas in Onom. In 1166-7
Pi^e it is Begenoura. See -or.
BoLDON (Jarrow). 1183 Boldona. Prob. O.E. botl-dun, ' hill,
dune with the dwelling on it.' Cf. Bolton and Bole.
Bole (Gainsborough). Sic 1316, but Dom. Bolxm. [Dom. Lines has
Bolebi, ' dwelling of Bola.') This may be O.N. bol, ' house, dwell-
ing ' (with -un an old loc), if not bol-r, ' bole, trunk of a tree.' Cf.
BoLroBD, Kendal, Dom. Bodelforde, 'ford at the house '; see
Bolton. Also cf. next, and Dom. Salop and 1157 Pipe, Northbld.,
Bolebec. 1160-1 Pi'pe, Sussex, Bulebech, may not be the same.
Bole Hill (Wirksworth) . Oxf. Diet, bole s6*, ' a place where miners
smelted their lead.' Not found a. 1670, and origin unknown.
Bolingey (Truro). Prob. * isle of the Bolings,' or ' descendants of
Bola,' a name in Onom. We have ' Bulluigbrooke ' already in
the time of Wm. the Conqueror, 1166-7 Pipe, Billingeburc and
Bull-, 1233 Bulingbroc, Lines, hence the name Bolingbroke.
BoLLiNGTON (Macclesfield and Altrincham). ' Town, village on the
Er. Bollin,' which may be connected with same root as W. bol,
boly, ' the belly,' and so ' swollen river.' See -ing as river-ending.
BOLNEY 159 BONCHURCH
BoLNEY (Hayward's Heath) and Bolnhtjest (St. Neot's). Not in
Dom. ' Isle ' and ' wood of Bola,' -an. Of. Dom. Bucks,
Bolebech (= bach, ' brook '), Devon, Bolewis, Yorks, Bolesford;
also Bollesdon (Newent), old Bolesdone, Bullesdone, whilst
Dom. Yorks, Bolebi is now Boulby. See -ey and -hurst.
BoLsovER (Chesterfield). Dom. Belesovre, 1166-67 Pipe Bolle-
shoura, 1173-74 ih. Castella de Pech et de Bolesoura, c. 1180
Bened. Peterb. Boleshoveres. ' Sola's bank or brink"; O.E.
ofer, obr ; M.E. overe, ' border, bank of a river/ Cf. Ashover,
and see Bolney, etc.
Bolsterstone (Sheffield). Not in Dom. Not likely to be fr. Eng.
and O.E. bolster, but prob. a tautology, fr. O.N. bol-sta^r,
' dwelling-place ' or ' farm ' ; so common in Sc. names as -bister,
-buster, and -bster ; Scrabster, Ulbster, etc. Bolster will have
been taken for a proper name, and -ton added; for the final e
cf. Johnston and Johnstone, both meaning ' John's town.'
BoLTBY (Thirsk). Dom. Boltebi, 1209 Bolteby. 'Dwelling of
Bolt,' a name not in Onom. Hardly fr. bolt sb^ ; but perh. a
tautology, fr. O.E. bold, 'house, dwelling,' and -by.
Bolton (nine in P.G.). Dom. Boletone, 1208 Bollton (on Swale).
Other B's in Dom. Yorks and Lanes are Bodeltone. We get
an interesting set of forms for the Sc. Bolton (Haddingtonsh.),
c. 1200 Botheltune, Boteltune, Boweltun, 1250 Boulton, 1297
Boltone. O.E. botl-tun, ' dwelling-enclosure, collection of houses,
village'; influenced by O.N. bol, 'a house, a dwelling-place.'
It is according to its rule for Dom. to spell Both- or Bot- as Bod-.
Cf. BOOTLE.
Bomer(e) Heath (Shrewsbury). Earlier Bolemere. *Mere or
lake,' O.E. mere, ' of the bull/ not in O.E., but O.N. bole, boli ;
in Eng. c. 1200 bule, 3-5 bole. Cf. Dom. (Yorks) Bolemere,
1166-67 Pipe Bulema, now Bulmer; also The Bolmers, Castle
Bromwich, and the Bullmoors (Shenstone), and Boll Bridge
(Tamworth), 1313 Bollebrigge.
BoKBY (Hull) . Either a man ' Bonda or Bondo's dwelling,' or ' dwell-
ing of the peasant ' ; O.E. bonda ; O.N. bonde; d readily disappears.
But Dom. (Yorks) Bonnebi (twice) is now Gunby. See -by.
BoNCATH (Pembroke). W. boncath means 'a buzzard'; but bon
cath is ' tree stump of the cat.'
BoNCHURCH (Ventnor). Dom. Bonecerce. Bone- must be O.N.
bon, ' a prayer, a boon ' ; in Eng. 2-7 bone, 3-4 bon. Cf. Bunwell.
There is no man named Bona or Bonna, in Onom. The O.E. for
a prayer is ben, so that, curiously, this must be a Norse name,
the indication of a forgotten early N. settlement here. This is
confirmed by Dom.'s ending -cerce, the hard c's having quite
a N. look. Dom. nearly always has -cherche, chirche, ' Alvieve-
cherche,' ' Bascherche,' etc. Dom.'s form is also our earhest
Eng. example of boon ; the earhest in Oxf. Diet, is c. 1175 bone.
BONINGTON 160 BOEOUGHBRIDGE
BoioNGTON (Notts and Kent). Sic 1297-98, but Dom. Bonintone
(Kent), Bonnitone (Notts), 1296 Bonigtone (? where). Doubtful.
It should mean ' Bona'8 town," but there is no such name in
Onom. Cf. BONNINGTON (Sc).
BoNSALL (Derby). Perh. Dom. Bunteshale. Prob. 'nook, corner
of Bunda or Bonda/ both in Onom. But cf. Dom. (Bucks)
Bonestov, ? ' place of Bone/ stiU a surname. Cf. Bunny, and
see -hall.
BoNTDDtr (Dolgelly). W. pont du, 'black bridge.'
BoNTNEWYDD (Caernarvon). W. ' new bridge '; W. pont.
BoNviLSTON (Cardiff). Bonville, Fr. for 'good town,"" as well as
Melville, ' bad town,' occurs as a surname in Britain. In W. it
is Tresimwn, ' house of Simon Bonville,' chief steward of the
Norm. Sir Robt. Fitzhamon. There is a Hutton Bonville
(Yorks). We find -ville common in the Channel Isles.
BoosBECK (Yorks). NotinjDom. Prob. ' brook with the cow-stall
beside it '; O.N. bass ; M.E. boose, ' a cow-stall.' See -beck.
Boot (Ravenglass). O.N. but) ; Dan. and Sw. bod, ' a hut, a dwel-
ling.' Cf. G. both or bot, ' a house.'
BooTHBY (Grantham). 1298 Bothebi. Prob. ' dwelling of Botha
or Bota.' Booth is still a common surname. Cf. Bootham
(York). See -by.
BooTHROYD Lane (Dewsbury). Called after a man Boothroyd,
where -royd is prob. fr. rod 56,^ 6 roid, ' a path, a way.'
BooTLB (Liverpool, Cumbld.). Li. B. a. 1540 Bothul. Demi, for
N. Lanes, has Bodele and Fordbodele (now washed away).
O.E. botl, ' a dwelUng, a house.' Of. Bolton andNEWBATTLE (Sc).
BoKDEN (Sittingbourne). Not in Dom. 'Boar's den'; O.E. bar,
3-7 bor. The wild boar was not extinct in England till at least
the 17th century.
BoRDESLEY (Birmingham). 1156 Bordeslega, 1158 -lea, in 1275
also Bordeshale. ' Borda's lea ' or ' meadow.' Cf., too, B.C.S.
739 Bordeles tun. See -ley.
BoREHAM (four in P.O.). Dom. (Surrey) Borham. 'Boar's
home.' See Borden. Boar may here be a proper name. Cf.
Borley Green (Sudbury). But Borley House (Upton-on-
Severn) is Dom. Burgeleye, or ' fortified place in the meadow.'
See next, and Btjrley. Borefleet is the old name of Bright-
lingsea Creek, earlier found as Bordfliet, Berfliet, and Balfleet;
prob. Fleet or 'river of the boar'; O.E. bar, 3 ber, 4-7 bore.
Dr. Diekin postulates an O.E. bord, ' border,' which does not
exist; and bore, ' tidal wave,'. is not found till 1601.
Borougkbridge (York). 1380 Ponteburg. ' Fort -bridge ' or
' fortified bridge,' fr. O.E.- burh, ' a fort, castle, or burgh.' Cf.
Pontefract, 'or broken bridge,' and Borough Green (Cambs).
BOKKODAIL 161 ' BOSTON
BoRRODAiL (Cumberland) . N. borg-dal-r, ' dale, valley with a fort
in it/ Cf. next and Borrowstonness or Bo'ness (Sc).
Borrow ASH (Derby). Not in Dom. ' Burgh ash-tree/ Cf. above
and next.
BoRROWBY (several in Yorks). All in Dom. Berg(h)ebi. ' Fortified
dwelling-place/ fr. O.N. borg or O.E. borh, borg, burh, ' fort,
burgh." Cf. Barrowby, Borwick, and Borrodail; and see -by.
Borstal or Bostal (Rochester) . Dom. Borcstele, Borchetelle ;
a. 1200 Text. Bqff. Borestella, Borgestealla. O.E. beorh-steall,
'seat, place, stall on the hillside.' Or Bor- may be O.E. borh,
borg, burh, *fort, burgh.' Cf. Pipe 1157 Burchestala, prob. in Beds.
BoRTH (Cardigan). W. bordd, burdd, ' a board or table.'
BoRWiCK (Carnf orth) . Dom. Borch and Bereuuic (second e an error) .
O.E. borh-wic, ' fort-dwelling, fortified house.' Cf. Borrowby.
BosAHAJsr (Falmouth). Pron. Bow-sane. Corn, bod, bos, bo, ' house,
dwelling,' G. both, common in Com. names, as in Boscawen,
' house beside the elder -tree,' scawen, Boslowick, Bosistow, etc.
The latter half is often now uncertain, but Bosahan may be fr.
sawan, ' a hole in a cHfE beside the sea.' None of these in Dom.
BosBURY (Ledbury). Flar. Wore, and Sim. Dur. re ann. 1056.
Bosanbyrig, ' Burgh, castle of Bosa.'
BoscASTLE (Cornwall). Prob. ' Bosa's or Boso's castle '; names in
Onom. But Corn. 60s also means ' moor.' Cf. Bosahan.
BoscoMBE (Bournemouth and Sahsbury). Sal. B. Dom. Boscumbe.
' Bosa's valley.' See above and -combe.
BosHAM (Chichester). Bede Bosanham, 1048 O.E. Chron. Bosen-
ham, 1167-68 Pipe Boseham. ' Bosa'a home.' Cf. Bosbury.
BosHERSTON (Pembroke). Modem. Bosher is an English surname,
prob. fr. Fr. boucher, 'a butcher.'
BosLEY (Macclesfield). Dom. Boselega. 'Bosa'a lea or meadow.'
Cf. Bosh AM.
Boston. Not in Dom. 1090 chart. Ecclesia sancti Botulphi,
a. 1200 Hoveden Sti Botulphi, c. 1250 Dame Siriz Botolfston in
Lincolneschire, Leland Botolphstowne, and Boston. Linking
forms seem curiously lacking. The copious Hist, of Boston,
1856, by Thompson, mentions none; but the name was, St.
Botolph's in Eng. or in Latin, rather than Boston, till after
1400. We have found ' Boston ' first in 1391, Earl Derby's
Exp. (Camden), 23. Of the origin there can be no doubt, as
O.E. Chron. ann. 654 says, the hermit Botwulf (L. Botulphus)
built the minster at Icanho, the earlier name of Boston. A
similar contraction is perh. seen in Boss all (Yorks), whose
church is also dedicated to St Botolph. But here Dom.'s forms
are puzzling — Boscele and Bosciale. The ending is certainly
BOTHAMSALL 162 BOURTON
-hall, q.v. ; but Bosc- does not suggest Botulph. The only name
near it in Onom. is one Bascic. Cf. Dom. (Hunts) Botulves-
brige.
BoTHAMSALL (Newark). Dom. Bodmescel(d) , 1180 Bodemeskil,
1278 Bodmeshill, 1302 Bothemeshull, 1428 Bothomsell. Now
'Bothelm's nook' or 'hall/ Cf. Bonsall, etc., and see -hall.
But the orig. ending was either late O.E. cell, ' a small monastery
or nunnery/ Med. L. cella ; or, more prob., O.N. kelda, ' a spring,
a well.'
BoTLEY (Hants and Henley -in- Arden) . Han. B. Dom. Botelei.
Hen. B. Dugdale Botle. Prob. ' Botta's ' or ' Bottoms lea or
meadow.' Possibly O.E. botl-Uah, 'meadow with the hut or
house on it.' Cf. Botlob (Dymock), Dom. Botelav (see -low) ;
also Dom. (Cambs) Botestoch (O.E. stoc, ' a place ').
BoTTiSHAM (Cambridge). Dom. Bodichesham, 1210 Bodekesham,
1372 Bodkesham, 1400 Botkesham, 1428 Bottesham. ' Home
of Bodeca.' See -ham.
BoTTLESFORD (Pewsey, Wilts). Not in Dom. [c. 1190 chart.
' Botlesford,' Notts.]. ? 'Ford of Botvmlf or ' Botweald.'
Only, in 796 chart. (Wilts), we have a Butlesleye, which must
represent a name Butela, or the like.
BoTUSFLEMiNG (Cornwall). Corn. = ' parish of the Flemings' or
men from Flanders. Cf. Flushing opposite Falmouth. Botus
may be=W. bettws, corrup. of Eng. bead-house, 'house of
prayer ' ; but this is uncertain, c. 1175 Lambeth Hom. has bode,
beode, for bede, ' prayer, petition.' Cf. Bacchus (Glostrsh.),
1304 Bakkehuse, ' the back house.'
SouGHTON (nine in P.G.). Dom. (Notts, Nfk., Northants) Buche-
tone, -tuna. 1179-80 Pipe (Yorks) Bouton. Some conceivably
might be ' town at the bend,' M.E. bought, same root as bight,
' a bay.' But B., Notts, 1225 Buketon, is fr. a man Bucca.
Boughton (Wore.) is 1038 chart. Bocctun, 1275 Boctone,
which is certainly ' town of the beech-trees, O.E. boc' The
phonetics here are as in Broughton.
Boughto(u)n-tjndeb-Blee (Canterbury). Sic Chaucer, c.^1386.
See above and Blee.
Bourne (Cambs and Lincoln) . Cam. B. Dom. Brune, 1171 Brunne,
1210 Bume . B . Line . c . 1 200 Gervase Brunne . 0 .N . brunn-r, ' a
brook ' ; O.E. burn{a), ' a spring, a well, a stream,' the Sc. ' bum.'
Bournemouth. Perh. c. 1150 Gaimar, re ann. 1066 Brunemue.
See above.
BouBTON (seven in P.G.). Glos. B. 949 chart. Burgtune, Dom.
Bortune. Rugby B. Dom. Bortone. Bath B. c. 1160 Burton;
also B.C.S. i. 506 Burgton (Berks). -Burton, 'fortified
town.' See -bury and -ton.
BOVERTON 163 BRACEBOROUGH
BovERTON (Cowbridge). Prob. O.E. bi-ofer-tun, ' town, village, by
the brink or edge/ Cf. ' Bovreford ' (Hants) in Dom.; also
Beefobd, Bolsover, etc.
BovEY Tracey (S. Devon). Pron. Buvvey. Dom. Bovi. Prob.
' Bofa's isle ' ; see next, and -ey. On Tracey cf. Wollacombe
Tracy.
BoviNGTON (Hemel Hampstead). 1298 Bovyngton. 'Bofa's
town/ or else ' Botwine's town/ This last is a common name
in Onom. Cf. Dom. Bouinton, 1205 Buvintone (in YorkS), now
Boynton; and Dom. (Wilts) Boientone. Boving may be a
patronymic. See -ing.
Bow (London). Early often called ' De Arcubus,' fr. a bridge
arched or ' bowed,' built here in the time of Q. Maud, the first
in England.
Bowes Castle (Yorksh.). c. 1188 Gir. Gamb. Beoves. Prob. fr. a
man Bofa or Beofa ; several Bof as in Onom. The s will be the gen.
BowNESS (Cumberland), c, 1200 Bowenes. 'Ness or naze (O.N.
and O.E. nces, ' cape, nose ') at the bow or bend ' ; O.E. boga.
BowNHiLL (Stroud). Not in Dom. Some think this is Bede's
Mons Badonicus. But old forms are needed; meantime doubt-
ful. Baddeley can throw no Hght.
BowTHORPE (Menthorpe, Yorks). Dom. and 1199 Boletorp. ' Vil-
lage of Bola/ two in Onom. Cf. Bolney; and see -thorpe.
BoxFOBD (Newbury and Colchester). New. B.B.C.S.i. 506 Boxora,
Dom. Bovsore, Bochesome. The present -form seems quite
mod. Box-ora is O.E. for ' edge, river -bank lined with box-
trees.' Cf. Windsor, etc. Box Hill (Surrey) was early famed
for its box-trees. Close by is Box Hurst or ' box wood.'
BoxLEY (Maidstone) . ? Dom. Bogelei, 1155 Pipe BoxeF, c. 1188 Gir,
Gamb. Boxletha, 1289 Boxleya. Prob. O.E. box-ledh, ' box-tree
meadow.' There are no names in Onom. like Boc or Bocca; but
cf. next. The -letha might be for O.E. hlv^, c. 1200 li^e, ' a slope.'
BoxwoRTH (Cambridge). Dom. Bochesuuorde, 1228 Bukeswrth,
1256 Bokesworth. ' Farm of the he-goats.' Icel. bokk-r, Sw.
bock ; also O.E. buc, ' a buck, a he-deer,' fr. which comes form
1228. Cf. BoxwELL (Charfield), Dom. Boxewelle, 1316 Bockes-
weUe.
BoYNTON (BridUngton). See Bovington".
BoYTON (Launceston) . Dom. Boye-, Boietone. ' Boia's town
or village.' Several of this name in Onom. Cf. Boythorp
(Yorks), Dom. Buitorp.
Brabourne (Kent). Dom. Bradeburne. O.E. brad burna, ' broad
stream.' See -l3ourne.
Braceborough (Stamford). Dom. Braseborg, and Bracebridgb
(Lincoln), Dom. Brachebrige, 1298 Bracebrigge. Prob. ' burgh.
BRACKLEY 164 BRADSHAW
fort/ and ' bridge of Bracca, or Breca, or Brece.' But as to the
latter note also 1483 Caihol. Angl. ' A brace of a bryge or of a
vawte, sinus, arcus,'= ' span/ Cf. next, and Bracewell
(W. Riding), JDom. Braisuelle.
Brackley (Northampton), c. 1188 Gir. Cambr. Brakelega,
Bracheleia. ' Bracca's lea or meadow/ Cf. Brackenthwaite
(Cockermouth), 1202 Brakinthweit ; see -ley and -thwaite.
Bracknell (Winkfield). 942 chart. Braccan heal. There can be
little doubt this means ' nook of Bracca.' There is no word like
the mod. bracken in O.E., and in any case ' bracken nook ' is
not the Hkely meaning according to analogy, though it is sup-
ported by Skeat. See above and -hall. There is also a Bracken
(Yorks), Dom. Brachen, which must be ' Bracca's place.' Cf.
Beedon, Coven, etc.
Bradbury (Durham), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Brydbyrig. Broad,
O.E. brad, never takes the form bryd or brid, so this is prob.
'Burgh or castle of the bride'; O.E. bryd, 3-4 bryd. See
-bury.
Bradden (Towcester). 1221 Braden is 'Broad valley.' See
Bradon, and -den. But for Braddn see Vraddan (Lizard).
Bradenham (Thetford and High Wycombe) . B.C.S. 877 Bradan-
ham. [Cf. c. 672 Grant ' Bradanfeld ' (Berks), and 1298 ' Thomas
de Bradenston.'] ' Brada's home.' The name is common in
Onom. But Skeat holds that Bradanfeld, now Bradfield, is
a weak dative fr. O.E. brad, ' broad.'
Bradeston (Norfolk). {Dom. has only Bradeha.) 1298 Braden-
ston, 1422 Breydeston, 1450 Brayston, 1451 Braydeston.
' Brada's town.' Cf. Bradenham. Form 1298 will then show
a double gen.
Bradford, Dom. Bradeford; and Bradford -on-A von (Wilts).
O.E. Chron. 652 Mt Bradanforda be Afne. ' Broad ford.' Cf.
Bretford, and Dom. (Yorks) Bradfortun, Bratfortone, now
Bralferton.
Brading (I. of Wight). Dom. Berarding. This must be 'place
of the descendants of Beorhtweard,' later Beorhward, Berard.
See -ing.
Bradley (Keighley, and 7). Dom. (Yorks) several, Bradeleia;
Bilston B. Z)om. Bradeley; Stafford B. Dom. Bradeleia. 778
chart. Bradan lea3e (? which), ' Broad lea or meadow,' or pos-
sibly ' Brada's meadow.' Cf. Bradeston,
Bradon (a district W. of Swindon). Sic O.E. Chron. 904. O.E.
brad dun, ' broad hill.' Cf., too, ' Bradene,' Dom. Somerset —
i.e., ' broad dean ' or ' valley.'
Bradshaw (Bolton and Halifax). Not in Dom. Bol. B. 1313
Bradeshagh. O.E. brad scaga, ' broad wood.'
BR AD WELL 165 BRAMHAM
Bradwell (5 in P.G.). Dom. Bradeuuelle (Bucks)., Braintree B.
a. 1300 Bradwall — i.e., ' broad well or spring/ Cf. 1160 Pijpe
Bradew'h, in the same region. But Dom. Bradewell (Yorks), is
Braithwell (Doncaster).
Bradyair (Cumberland), c. 1141 Bradjere. O.E. brad '^eard,
' broad yard.'
Brapferton. See Bradford.
Br AFIELD (Northampton). Dom. Bragefelde. a. 1130 Brau-
field. ? ' Field on the brae or brow or hill slope/ O.N. bra,
O.E. brdew, breaw; lit. 'the eyeUd.' But Dom. suggests
' field of ' an unrecorded ' Braga.' Onom. has only Broga.
Brailes (Banbury). Sic in Dom. and 1248. A unique and puzzling
name. Prob. some man ' Brail's ' (village), as in Brailsford
(Derby). The name is otherwise unknown; it might be contr.
fr. Breguweald, 2 in Onom, We have similar names, only with
O.E. gen., in Beadon, Coven, etc.
Braintree (Essex). Dom. Branchtreu; later Branktry, Brantry.
This must be ' tree of Branc,' the same name as in Branksome
(Bournemouth), Branxton (Coldstream), and Branxholm
(Hawick); a. 1400 Brancheshelm. The ch in Dom. and in this
last are due to the habitual softening of Norman scribes. Cf.
Oswestry.
Braithwaite (Keswick). 1183 Boldon Bk. Braitewat, Braithe-
wath, perh. in Durham. ' Brae-place.' See Brafield and
-thwaite. But Braithwell (Doncaster) is Dom. Bradewell.
See Bradwell.
Bramber (Shoreham). ? Dom. Branbertei, which suggests an un-
recorded ' Brandbeorht's isle.' See -ey. Old Brymmburg ; also
cf. Grant of 672 Brember wudu (Salisbury). The first part is
doubtful. It may be O.E. brom, ' the broom,' cf. next, or
brime, 3-6 brem, ' famous.' The -ber seems to be for burh, cf.
Bamber, and see -bury. Cf. Eark Bramwith (Doncaster),
1201 Bramwith, where the ending is O.N. vith-r, ' a wood.'
Bramcote (Nottingham and Nuneaton). Not. B. Dom. Bron-,
Brunecote, c. 1200 Brancote. Nun. B. Dom. Brancote, a. 1300
Brom(p)cote, a. 1400 Bramkote. Duignan says ' cot in the
broom ' or ' gorse,' O.E. brom. Mutschmann thinks of brand
cote, ' cot on the place cleared by burning.' Neither is certain.
Cf. the other names in Bram-; also Castle Bromwioh.
Bramham (Tadcaster); sic 1202, and Bramham (S. Yorks). Dom.
Bramha, Brameha. See above and next. The Bram- here is
doubtful. Bramshall (Uttoxeter) is Dom. Branselle, a. 1200
Brumeshel, a. 1300 Bromsholf, -sulf. Both look certainly as
if fr. a man Bram, Brom, or Brum. The Onom. has Brand,
Bron, Brum, and Brun, the last common. For the present
ending see -hall; but -sholf, and -sulf point to O.E. scylfe, 'a
shelf, a shelving piece of land.'
BRAMPTON 166 BRAWDY
Brampton (7 in P.G.). Nfk. and SufEk. B. Dom. Brantuna. Hants
B. 1121 O.E. Chron. Bramtun, 1149 Brantona; 1238 Close R.
Brampton, ? which. Prob. 'town of Brand or Brant.' Brand
is common in Onom. Cf. B.C.S. 712 Brantes wyrth. But
Branton Green (Aldborough) is 1202 Brankstona. Cf.
Bampton for common intrusion of p.
Brancaster (N.W.Norfolk), a. 4:50 Notitia BT&nsdnnnm. 'Castle,
camp of Bran.' Ir. and O.G. bran, 'a raven'; in Breton 'a
crow.' A chief Bran is found in Bk. of Taliessin, while Nant
Bran, vale of Glam., is c. 1130 Lib. Land. Nant Baraen.
Brandeston (Wickham Market). Dom. Brantestuna. 'Town of
Brand ' (common in Onom.), or ' Branti.' Cf. Bransburton,
(Yorks), Dom. Brantisburtune, and Branston.
Brandon (Hereford and Durham, Coventry, Salop, and on Little
Ouse). May be same name as Eav. Geogr. Branogenium.
Gov. B. Dom. Brandune, 1227 Brandon, 1273 Braundon.
Another, a. 1200 Brandune. ' Hill of Brand,' a common O.E.
name. See -don. Brancot (Stafford), is often Bromcote in
the 14th cny — i.e., ' cot among the broom.' See Brampton
and Brancaster.
Branscombe (Axminster). Chart. Brancescumb. Dom. Branches-
come. ' Branca' s valley.' Cf. Brantin Green (Aldborough),
1202 Brankstona, and next. See -combe.
Branston (Burton, Grantham, Lincoln). Bur. B. 771 chart.
Brantistun, 978 Brantestun, Dom. and later Brantestone.
' Town, village of Brant or Brand ' ; the names are the same.
Cf. Brandeston. Bran(d)sby (N. Riding), has been identified
with 910 0.^. C^ron. Bremesbyrig. This cannot be. See rather
Bromsberrow. This is Dom. Branzbi, 'dwelhng of 5raw<.' See -by.
Brant Fell and Brant How (Bownegs). O.E. brant, bront, ' high,
steep, sheer'; while How is O.N. haug-r, 'mound, cairn.' Cf.
Great How, and Maeshow (Sc). See -fell.
Brantin GHAM (Brough, Yorks). Dom. Brentingeha', Brentingham,
Brendingham. c. 1180 Ben. Peterb. Brentingeham. ' Home of
the Brentings,' or descendants of Brent. Branting, Breniing,
and Brant are all in Onom. Cf. E,. Brent.
Branton (Alnwick). Cf. 1157 Pipe Brantona (Devon). ' Town of
Brant.' See above.
Braunston (Oakham and Rugby). Not in Dom. 1298 Brauntes-
ton. Cf. B.C.S. 712 Branteswyrth. ' Town of Brant or Brand.'
Cf. above and Branston.
Brawby (Malton). Dom. Bragebi. 'Dwelling of ?' See -by.
Brawdy (Pembroke), c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Breudi. Prob. W.
brwyd, ' full of holes.' T. Morgan conjectures O.W. brawd dy,
' judgment house ' or ' court.' ■
BRAY 167 BRENT R.
Bray (Maidenhead). Dom. Brai; later Braie, Broy, Bray. Perh.
= Sc. brae. See Brafield. Skeat agrees with this, and
connects with O.E. brdw; Mercian breg, ' an eyebrow/
Brayton (Carlisle and Selby). Sel. B. Dom. Bretone, Brettan.
Perh. ' Brae-town.' See Bray.
Breage with Germoe (Helston). Fr. St. Breaca and her com-
panion who landed forcibly, as missionaries from Ireland, at
the mouth of the Hayle R., c. 500.
Brean Down (Weston-s.-M.). Tautology. W. bre, ' a hill, a brae ';
pi. 'breon. The R. Breamish, Northbld., prob. contains this
root, or else bryn, a' slope ' ; w. so easily changes into m, and will
mean ' slope, brae, with the stream ' or ' water.' Cf. G. uisge,
pron. iishge, ' water.' There is also The Bream, For. of Dean,
old Le Breme. Eng. Dial. Diet, gives for bream ' an elevated
place exposed to wind,' which quite suits breon.
Brecknock or Brecon. 916 O.E. Chron. Brecenanmere, 1094
Brut y Ty. Brecheniauc, a. 1100 Brechennium, c. 1188 Gir.
Camb. Brecheniauc, Brekenniauc, c. 1540 Leland Brekenock,
Brecknock. These last are just Eng. spellings of the orig.
W. name as seen in 1094. The name comes fr. Brychan, son
of Anlac — i.e., ' the speckled ' or ' tartan-clad.' He was an
Ir. prince who conquered all this region c. 430. The town is
called both Brecknock and Brecon in 1606; but the town's
W. name now is Aberhonddu, being at the confluence of Honddu
and Usk. One of K. Arthur's battles in c. 800 Nennius was
Cat Bregion, near the mountain Breguoin. Some hold that these
are the same names as the above. The -ock prob. represents a
W. dimin.
Bredon (Tewkesbury) and Bredon Forest (Wilts) . Bede Briudun,
781 Breodune, Dom. Breodun, c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Briodun.
Tautology, W. bre, and O.E. dun, ' hill.' But B. Forest is
905 O.E. Chron. Bradon, Braeden; which may mean ' hill with
the brow or brae or cUfif.' See Brafield.
Bredwardine (Hereford). 'Farm of Brid,' 2 in Onom. See
-war dine.
Breedon-on-the-Hell (Ashby-de-la-Z.) . a. 1100 Bredun. A triple
tautology, for W. bre, O.E. dun, and Eng. hill all mean the
same.
Bremhill (Calne) . 940 chart. Brembelwerna must have been quite
near here, fr. O.E. bremel, brembel, ' the bramble or blackberry,'
and Bremhill might be corrup. of this. Only it is prob. Dom.
Breme, for which see Bramber.
Brent R. (Middlesex) and Brentford. 705 Lett. Bp. Waldhere,
Breguntford ; 918 O.E. Chron. Braegent forda ; 1016 ib.
Brent forda. This first half is W. bre, a ' hill,' a ' brae '; the
second may be gwyn, gwen, 'clear, bright'; but perh. more
BRENT KNOLL 168 BRIDSTON
prob. fr. W. gwantu, ' to sever/ or gwant, ' a butt, a mark/
The name of the tribe Brigantes, who dwelt N. of Humber,
looks Hke the same name.
Brent Knoll (Axbridge). c. 708 Grant K. Ine Mons qui dicitur
Brente. O.E. brant, hront, 'high, steep, sheer'; and cnol,
' knoll, knowe, hill/ Not the same as next. But Brand or
Brent Ditch (Cambs), is the same word. Rhys inclines to
connect the Brents with O.W. hreni, ' a prow.'
Brentwood (Chelmsford). Not in Dom. Prob. 'burnt wood,'
fr. burn vb, 4-6 brenne. Of. Brandwood (Rossendale), c. 1200
Brendewod, and Burntwood.
Brepper (Cornwall). See Barripper.
Brereton (Rugeley and Sandbach). a. 1300 Breredon. 'Brier,
bramble hill,' O.E. brer, brcer, 3-9 brere. See -don.
Bretford (Coventry). Sic 1180, and Breteorton (Honeybourne) .
709 chart. Bretferton, 714 Brotfortun, 860 Bradferdtun, Dom.
Bratfortune, 1275 Bretforton. A little doubtful; it may be
= Bradford -ton. But quite Ukely ' Ford of Bret ' or ' Briht.'
Brett is still a common, personal name. (7/. Brettell, sic 1614,
Kingswinford. It ma^ simply mean ' Briton.' C/. Brapferton
and Britford.
Brettenham (Suffolk). Dom. Bretenhame, and Bretton (Wake-
field). Wa. B. Dom. Brettone. 'Home' and 'town of the
Briton,' O.E. Bret. Cf. Britain.
Brewood (Stafford). Dom. Brevde, a. 1200 Breo-, Brewude,
' a. 1300 Brewode. Hybrid: W. bre, 'a hill,' and -wood. The
Sc. brae is fr. O.N. bra ' (eye) brow.'
Bridgenorth. 912 O.E. Chron. Bricge, c. 1120 Hen. Hunt.
Bruge; a. 1145 Orderic Brugia, all meaning 'bridge.' North
prob. added c. 1090 by Robert of Bellesne, to distmguish this
place from his father's castle at Quatbridge, 3 miles to S.
We have c. 1350 chart. Brugenorth.
Bridgertjle (Bude) . Not in Dom. Old Lan Bridget, or ' church of
St. Bridget, or Brigida, or Bride,' of Kildare, a.d. 453-523. It
was granted at the Conquest to one Raoul. Cf. Abbotrule, (Sc.)
Bridlington. Dom. Bretlinton (4 times); Sim. Dur. contin. ann.
1143 Brellintun; 1200 Bridlinton. Prob. named fr. a man,
but his name is doubtful. Prob. O.E. Bretelan tun, ' town of
Bretel,' one such in Onom. See -ton.
Bridport. 1156 Bridep't. ' Harbour on the R. Brit,' which is
prob. W. brith, 'spotted, parti-coloured.' Connexion with
Britain is imcertain. We get the root again in Little Bredy,
near by. Dom. Litelbride.
Bridston (Herefordsh.). Not in Dom. 'Town, village of St.
Bridget.' See Bridgertjle.
BEIGfG 169 BRIMPSPIELD
Brigg (Lincolnsh.). Not in Dom., but ' Bruge ' (Cheshire). O.E.
brycg, So. brig, ' a bridge.' Cf. Briggate (Leeds and Knares-
boro').
Brigham (Cockermth. and E. Eiding). E. Rid. B. Dom. Bringeha*.
Prob. ' home of Brine.' Cf. Bbiningham.
Brightlingsea (Colchester). Local pron. Bricklesey. 1223
Patent R. Brichtlingese ; 1521 Bryghtlyngsey. 'Isle of Beorht-
ling,' not in Onom., where we have only noted B.C.S., 1282
Brihtulfing tun; whilst Dom. has Brictriceseia, fr. the common
Beorhtric. The r here has changed into its kindred liquid I, and
the patronymic -ing has been added, after Dom. No less than
193 variants of the name are said to have been enumerated.
See -ea.
Brighton and Brighthampton (Oxon) and Brigkhampton
(Gloster). All three practically the same name ! Brighton is
Dom. Brichelmestone, Bristelmeston (on the st see p. 26),
' Stone of Brihtelm/ var. of the common Beorhthelm. There was
a Brithelm, Bp. of Chichester, in 956. Called Brighthelmstone
as late as 1834, and Brighton as early as 1660. B. Oxon is
old Brighthelmstone, and B. Gloster is c. 1230 Brithelmetim.
But Breighton, (E. Riding) is Dom. Bricstune Briston, fr.
Bricsi or Beorhtsige, cf. Brixton. See -ton which often inter-,
changes with -stone.
Brightw ALTON (Lamboum). 939 chart. Beorhtwaldingtune ; 1086
Bristwoldintona ; Dom. Bristoldestone ; also Brictewalton. 'Town
of the descendants of Beorhiweald,' very common in Onom.
Brisiwoldv^, is known var. of Beorhtweald. Cf. next. Dom.
regularly writes st for a guttural.
Brightwell (WaUingford and Oxon). Ox. B. 947 chart. Beorhtan
wille; also seb Berhtanwellan, which chart, translates ' declara-
tam fontem ' — i.e., ' clear, bright weU.' O.E. beorht, berht,
' bright.' Wa. B. Dom. Bristowelle {Dom. always avoids
gutturals and usually has st for gh). Later Brictewell.
Brigstock (Thrapston) . 1160 Pi^e Brichestoc. ' Place of Brica ' ;
one in Onom. Cf. Brixworth, and Dom. (Bucks) Bricstoch;
and see -stock.
Brell (Thame). . 1155-57 Pipe Bruhella, -bulla; 1231 Brehull.
' Hill,' or else ' nook' (see -hall) 'on the brow or brae '; lit. the
eyelid, O.E. brdew, breaw. Cf. 1158-59 Pipe Northbld. Brie-
helle, Dom. Essex, Bruheleia, and Beal.
Brimham Rooks (Harrogate). 'Brim's home.' Cf. B.C.S. 64
Brimes die. Locally, brim means ' a high place exposed to
weather,' cognate with Eng. brim, first found c. 1205 brimme;
origin doubtful. Cf. next.
Brimpsfield (Glostrsh.) and Bremscombe (Stroud). Dowi. Brimes-
felde. Old Brimmescombe. ' Field ' and ' valley of Brim.'
12
BEIMPTQN 170 BRINSCALL
Cf. a. 1000 chart. Brimhirst (Leicestersh.), Brimstage (Chesh.),
BooMSBEREOW, and above. The man's name is a little uncertain.
See -combe.
Brimpton (Reading). 944 chart. Bryningtune, Dom. Brintone,
a. 1300 Brimpton. ' Town of the sons of Brini.' Cf. Brington.
For interchange of n and m-p cf. Bampton.
Brindle (Chorley) . 1227 Brimhill, 1228 BurnehuU, 1254 Brunhull,
1356 Burnhull, 1584 Brindle. The d is thus quite late, and the
name is ' hill of the bum ' or ' brook/ 0. E. bryn, var. of burna.
Cf. -bourne. There is also a Brindle Heath (Salford). Brine-
ton (Shiffnal) is Dom. Brunitone; a. 1300 Bruneton, which is
prob. ' town of Brun ' or ' Brown.' Mom. Yorks, Brinitun and
Brinnistun is now Burniston.
Brington (Hunts). Dom. Breninctun. 'Town of the sons of
Brini ' or ' Brine,' Cf. Brempton and next ; and see -ing.
Briningham (Norfk.). Dom. Bruningaha. 'Home of Bruning *
or ' of the sons of Brun'; both names common in Onom., which
also has Brine, and Brin as var. of Beorn. Cf. Brigham ; and
see -ing.
Brinkburn (on R. Coquet) and Brinkworth (Chippenham).
1150 Brink(e)burne, 1183Brenkbuma; 1065 chart. Brinkewrtha.
' Brook ' and ' farm/ at the edge ' or ' brink/ a N. word. See
Oxf. Diet. s.v. The above are the earHest instances of it in
Eng. There is no name hke Brink in Onom., though there is a
Brica, -an. But Brink is a Du. quasi- personal name, as in the
well-known Prof. Ten Brink; brink in Du. has the same meaning
and root as the Eng. word. Thus the above names might mean
' brook ' and ' farm of Brink.' However, the 1183 form Brenk-
leans towards O.N. brekka, ' hillside, slope/ Dan. brink,
' steepness, precipice, dechvity.' See -bourne and -worth.
Brinklow (RrUgby). Cf. above, a. 1200 Brinchelau, 1251 Brinck-
lawe; also thought to be the ' Bridelawe,' c. 1188 in Gir. Camb.
If so the form will be corrupt, and also nasahzed since that time.
Brink is Norse, and means, ' edge, border of a steep place ' ; here
a huge tumulus or burial-mound, O.^.hlcBW. See -low, and above.
Brestscall (Chorley), Brinscar (Lanes), 1228 Brunesgare, Brins-
EORD (Wolvermptn. and Lutterworth); Wol. B. 994 Bruns-,
Brenesford; 1227 Bruneford; 1381 Bruynesford. Lut. B. old
Brunesford; Brinsley (Notts); Dom. Bruneslei, and Brins-
WORTH (Rotherham), 1202 Brinesford. Prob. all fr. men
named Brun or ' Brown,' a common O.E. name. One Brun
was Dom. tenant of Brownsover ('bank'), Rugby. Brins-
caU's ending, without old forms, is uncertain, but -car is
O.N. kjarr, ' copsewood, brushwood '; or N. kjcerr, kjerr, ' marsh,
wet copse.' Wyld and Hirst omit both Brinscall and Brinscar,
but give Brindle in the same district. For the other endings
see -ford, -hall, and -worth ('farm').
BRISTNALL 171 BROCKLESBY
Beistnall (Smethwick). a. 1300 Brussenhulle, which is prob.
' bursten ' or ' broken hill/ O.E. berstan, '.;to burst,' past tense
4-6 briste, brust, pa. pple., 4-5 brusten, brosten; dial, brossen.
Cf. BuRSTwiCK. See also -hall.
Bristol. 1052 O.E. Chron. (Wore.) Brycgstow, Dom. Bristou.
a. 1142 Wm. Malmesb. Bristow, c. 1160 Gest. Steph. Bristoa;
c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Bristollum. Brycgstow is O.E. for ' bridge-
place.^ It is interesting to see the -ow change into the liquid -ol.
Britain. 345 b.c. Aristotle at (SpeTaviKol {v. r. IIpeT-) vrja-oi, 55 e.g.
J. Gcesar Britannia, c. 50 B.C. Diod. Sic. BpiTxavla, a.d. 43.
Lett, of Claudius Kara Bperavvwv. O.E. Ghron. ann. 495 Bretene,
ann. 755 Bryttisc (= British). W. inis Prydain, ' isle of Britain.'
Prydain is the Brythonic form of Ir. Cruithni, usual Ir. name of
the Picts; but whether this is really connected with the name
Britain, and what that name means, is doubtful.
Britford (Salisbury). 1065 O.E. Chron. Brytforda, Brytan
forda; a. 1100 Brethevorde. 'Ford of the Briton '; the th in
the latest form cited is a common Norm, softening. Cf. Bret-
ford.
Brixton. K.C.D. 940, Brihtricestan, ? which. Surrey, is Dom. B
Brici-, Brixistan, ' stone of Beorhtsige/ a common name, found
also as Byrcsige, Brehtsig, Bryxie, and Brixius. Plymouth
B. Dom. Brictricestone, Bedricestone. ' Stone of Beorhiric,'
another common name, found also as Brychtrich, Brihtrig, and
Bricxtric. The endings -stone and -ton, q.v., often interchange.
Brixton Deverill (Warminster), is not in Dom., but see
Deverill. Cf. Dom. Bricsteuuelle, near Wallingford, ' Beorht-
sige's well.' In Dom. we regularly have st for guttural h or ch.
Dom. Yorks Brix5stune, Briston, is now Breighton.
Brixworth (Northampton). Dom. Briclesworde. This is prob.
' farm oiBeorhtel ' or Berhtel, or else Beorhtgils, all found in Onom.
1160 Pipe Northants has Brichestoc. Cf. Brigstock; and
see -worth.
Broadwas (Worcester). 779 chart. Bradeuuesse, -wasse, K.C.D.
iii. 386 Bradewasan, 1218 Bradewas. O.E. for ' broad, stagnant
pool.' O.E. wase, mod. ooze. Cf. Alrewas.
Broadwater (Sussex). Dom. Bradewatre. O.E. brad, 'broad.'
Broadway. (Wore, and Ilminster). Wore. B. 972 chart. Bradwege
and Bradanwege (a dat.). Dom. Bradeweia. It is on the road
between London and Worcester.
Brochurst (Warwksh.) and Brockenhurst (Hants). War. B.
1327 Brochurst, Han. B. 1157 Pipe Brocheherst. ' Wood of
the badger.' O.E. broc. Cf. next; and see -hurst.
Brockxesby (Lines). Dom. Brochesbi, ' dwelling of Brocwulf.*
Dom. is very careless of the Hquids. Cf. Broxted ; and see -by.
BROCKLEY HILL 172 BRONDESBUET
Brookley Hill (Edgeware). O.E. Broc- leak, ' badger meadow/
Cf. 674 grant Brocces broc and Broxburn (Sc). Similar is
Brockton, Much Wenlock, Dom. Broctune, Brochetune, and
three Broctons (Staffs), all Dom. Broctone. In all 3 Duignan
prefers O.E. broc, ' a brook/ Only the o here is long. Cf.
Brockhill Dingle, Alvechurch, 1275 Brochole, Brockhampton
(Glostrsh.), old Brochamtone, Brechampton (see Hampton), and
Brockworth, ib. Dom. Brocowardinge, Brockwordin; see
-worth and -wardine, ' farm/
Brokenborotjgh (Malmesbury). [737 chart. To brocenan beor^e.]
1298 Broukenbmy, 1324 Brokeneberwe. 'Broken' — i.e., pre
sumably 'rugged hill.' O.E. beorg. Cf. Barrow.
Bromfield (Wigton and Salop). Wig. B. c. 1215 chart. Brunefeld;
1610 Brumfield. Fr. O.E. brom, ' broom, gorse,' rather than
brun, ' brown.' Cf. next; m and n freely interchange.
Bromley (Kent, Stafford, etc.) . 862 chart. Bromlea3 (near Langley) .
Staf. B. 1004 chart, and c. 1097 Flor. Wore, Bromleage, -lege.
Dom. Brunlege. Kent B. Dom. Brunlei, Bronlei. As above,
' broom meadow ' and not ' brown meadow/ There is also
King's Bromley (Lichfield), 942 chart. Bromlege, Bromli,
Dom. Bromelei.
Brompton (London and Northallerton). Lon. B. a. 1016 Ordi-
nance Ethelred I. Bromdun. Nor. B. a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Bromtun.
' Broom, gorse village,' or else ' hill.' For intrusion of p cf.
Bampton and Hampton. See -don and -ton.
Bromsberrow (Ledbury). 910 O.E. Chron. Bremesbyrig; Dom.
Brunmeberge; c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Brimesbirih; v.r. Brunes-
birih, Brismesbirith ; 1284 Brommesberewe. Confusion here
in both halves. The man's name in the first may either be
Brunman, a fairly common name, or Brem{e) ; also in Onom .
The ending is either what is now -bury — i.e. ' (fortified) town,'
or O.E. beorg, ' hill,' now represented by -berrow or Barrow;
Cf. Berry Brow and Bromsgrove. Brom's Ash (S. Herefd.)
is 1228 Close R. Bromes heff, where heff is ' accustomed pasture-
ground of sheep,' same root as heft. See Oxf. Diet. s.v. heaf,
where the earhest quot. is c. 1525.
Bromsgrove. 830 chart. Bremes grafa, 1156 Bremes-, Brimes-
graua, 1166 Bromesgrava. ' Br em's grove/ O.E. grdf. Cf.
above and Birmingham.
Bromwich. See Castle Bromwich.
Bromyard (Worcester). Chart. Bromgeard, O.E. for ' field
covered with broom.'
Brondesbury (London) . 1766 Entick Bromesbury . Prob. ' burgh,
castle of Brom or Brem.' Cf. Bromsgrove. M and n often
interchange. Cf. Dum- and Dunbarton, etc.; and d often
intrudes.
BRONGWYN 173 BROYLE
Beongwyn (Caermarthen) . W. for ' fair, clear breast/ or ' breast-
like hill.' Cf. W. hron goch, ' Robin redbreast/ The W. for
' hill ' is bryn, but both hron and hryn are used in Cornwall.
Beook (Ashford and Godalming). c. 1290 8. Eng. Legend Robert
de Brok. O.E. broc, 'a rivulet.' Brookwood (Woking).
1289 contin. Gervase Brokwode.
Beoomfield (Bridgwater, Salop, etc.). Sal. B. a. 1196 Gir. Camb.
Brumfeld, Brid. B. 1297 R. Glouc. Brumefeld, 'broom-clad
field/ Cf. 909 chart. Brombricge, which will be called after a
man Brom. or Brem. Cf. Bromsgrove.
Broseley (Salop). Not in Dom. Old ' Burhweard's lea,' still seen
in full in Burwardsley (Chester). Cf. Burslem.
Brotherton (Ferrybridge, Yorks). Not in Dom.; but cf. Dom.
(Norfk.) Brodercros, ' town of Broder or Brother/ ' brother '
being used as a surname.
Brotton (Yorks). Sic 1179-80; but Dom. Brotune. Prob. O.E.
broc-tun, ' badger village.' Cf. Dom. Bucks Brotone.
Brougham Castle (Appleby). Thought to be c. 380 Ant. Itin.
Brocavo or Brovonacae. But more old forms are needed. Prob.
like Brough (Yorks), Dom. Burg, tr.O.lS.borg; O.^.burh, 'castle,
fort, ' a broch,' with the common transposition of the r, and so
= ' castle home. Cf. Brough Ferry (Elloughton), 1202 Burgum.
Broughton (14 in P.G.). Broughton Hacket (Pershore), 972 and
Dom. Broctune. Edinburgh B. 1128 Broctuna. Prob. aU
like that in Warwk., 1285 Brocton, ' badger town.' O.E. broc
is ' badger,' broc is ' brook.' Duignan seems certainly wrong in
deriving from brook, a word never used in Sc, though we have
two Sc. Broughtons as well as Broxburn and Broxmouth.
Broctune occurs 14 times in Dom. Yorks, and represents several
Broughtons. Of course Broc may be a man's name, now
Brock. However, Broughton (Eccleshall) is Dom. Hereborge-
stone, plainly a contraction fr. ^ Hereburh's (gen. -burge's)
town.' Cf. K.C.D. 710 and 1298 Hereburgebyrig.
Brown Willy (Camelford) . Said to be Corn, bron geled, ' con-
spicuous hill.' Cf. Brongwyn. Perh. WiUie is for Corn, gelli
or celli, ' a grove.' Yet another guess is ' hill of shackles,'
W. huel or hual. Names in Brown — like Brownshill (Stroud,
Glouc), and Brownsover (Rugby), pron. Brownsor; see -over)
— will all come fr. a man Brun. Cf. Brinsford.
Broxted (Bunmow) and Broxstowe (Notts). No. B. Dom.
Brocholvestou, Brochelestou, 1457 Brocholwestouwa, also
Broweston. Both prob. ' place (Stead and Stow both mean
that) of Brocwulf.' Cf. Brocklbsby.
Broyle, Forest of the (W. Sussex). 1399 laBroile. O.Fr. bruill,
broil ; Mod. Fr. breuil, ' an enclosed piece of brushwood or matted
underwood.'
BKUE K. 174 BTJCKNELL
Brtte R. (Somerset). ? Cognate with W. bru, 'womb, belly"; as
likely fr. a similar root to G. bruith, ' to boil/ Cf. Bruar (Sc).
For old forms see Bruton.
Bruen Stapleford (Tarvin, Cheshire). Prob. Dom. Brunhala, or
' Brun's nook/ or ' hall/ See -hall. But said to be called after
the Le Brun family, settled here in 1230. There is a ' Brunhelle '
in Dom. Bucks.
Brundall (Norfolk). Dom. Brundala, 1460 Brundehale.
? ' Brand's ' or ' Brond's nook.' See -hall. But cf. Dom.
Cheshire, Brunford, prob. 'ford over the bourne or burn,'
and Brundala may be ' dale with the bourne ' — O.N. brunn-r
dal-r. Horsfall Turner seems to identify all the numerous
Brxhsttons or Brunetonas in Dom. Yorks with Bromptons.
But one Brunton (Yorks) is 1166-67 Pi^e Birunton, 'town of
Birun ' oi' Byron.' The Buruns, or Biruns, held lands in Notts,
Derby, and Lanes as early as Dom.
Brtjton (Somerset). Dom. Breuutona, 1471 Brewton. 'Town
on the R. Brue.'
Bryncoch (Neath). W. = ' red hill.' W. bryn, O.G. brun. Com.
bron, bryn, ' a hill.' Cf. Brongwyn, and Brynmor, ' hill slope
by the sea.'
Bubbenhall (Kenilworth). Dom. Bubenhalle. 'Hall of Buba'
or ' Bubba.' See -hall.
Buckerell (Honiton). Not in Dom. 1166-67 Pipe Bucherel.
More old forms needed, Perh. ' nook of Bucard,' one in Onom.
The -el could be fr. hale or -hall, q.v.
Buckingham. 915 O.E. Chron. Buccingaham, 1154-61 chart.
Buchingham, 1297 Bukingham. ' Home of the Buccings.'
Patronymic, fr. Bucca or Bucco, both in Onom. Cf. 1179-80 Pipe
Parva et Magna Bukesbi (Yorks).
BucKLAND (9 in P.O.). Faringdon B. B.C.S. iii. 205 Boc land,
1292 Bokeland. Devon B. Dom. Bochelanda. Betchworth B.
Dom. Bochelant; also Dom. Glostr. and Bucks, Bocheland.
O.E. boc-land, ' book land,' land granted by a ' book ' or written
charter to a private owner. Cf. Bockhampton.
BucKLEBURY (Reading). Dom. Borgedeberie, 1316 Burghldeburg,
' burgh of Burghild'; perh. daughter of Cenwulf, King of Mercia,
796-819. The old Icknield St., between Saintsbury and New-
comb, and also N. of Bidford, is called now Buckle Street,
709 chart. Buggildstret, 860 ib. Buggan stret, ' road of Burg-
hild.'
Bucknell (Oxford and Salop). Ox. B. Do7n. Buchehelle, 1149
Buckenhull (=hill), 1216-1307 Bikehell, Buckehull. Sal. B,
Dom. Buche -hale, -halle. O.E. Buccan hale, ' nook, corner of
Bucca ' — i.e., the He -goat. Cf. Buckingham. Bucknall cum
BUDE HAVEN 175 BUNGAY
Bagnall (Staffs) is not 949 chart. Badecanwell, as Birch says,
but Dom. Buchenhole, a. 1300 Bukenhale, Bokenhowe, a. 1400
Buchenhole, and so the same as above. Only here the ending
varies between -hale (see -hall) and -hole, softened into -howe.
O.E. hoi, holh, ' a hollow/
BuDE HAVEiiT (N. Cornwall). Not Budecaleeh (see Butleigh).
Prob. same root as W. bwth, ' a hut/ G. both, ' a house '; Eng.
booth, first found c. 1200 as bode.
Btjdleigh Salterton (Devonsh.). Dom. Bodehe, ^ Boda'B lea*
or ' meadow/ See -leigh. Cf., too, 693 Grant Budinhaam, prob.
in Essex, Budbrook (Warwick), Dom. Budebroc, and Dom
Essex, Budcerca. Btjdby (Notts), Dom. Butebi, and 1166-67
Pipe Butebroc (Essex) are fr. a man Butti, a N. name.
BuDOCK (Falmouth). Sic 1536. Prob. a Keltic dimin. =' little
hut.' Cf. BuDE.
BuGSWORTH (Stockport). ' Bugga's farm.' Bugga is said to be a
pet contraction of St. Eadburga. Of. Bugthorp (E, Riding),
Dom. Bughetorp, 1166-67 Pipe Buit-, Buttorp, also Bugbrooke
(Weedon). See -thorpe and -worth.
BuiLTH (Llandrindod) . a. 1000 Buelt, c. 1100 Ir. Ninnius Boguelt,
a. 1196 Gir. Camb. Bueld, a. 1600 ByeUt. In W. Llanfair Ym
Muallt. W. buw-allt, ' steep place, chff (L. altus, ' high ') of
the cattle.' The Nennius form will be fr. W. gallt= allt. Buelt
was that part of Powys between Wye and Severn. Of. BuHiD-
WAS (O.W. gwas, ' a servant '), Abbey, Wroxeter. This abbey
dates fr. 1135.
BuLEXNGTON (Nuucatou). Dom. Bochintone, 1232 Bulkintone.
Doubtful ; but prob. ' town of Bulca.' Cf. B.C.S. 225 Bulcan pyt.
BtTLL Gap (Derbysh.), Thought to be a tautology. Bull= W.
bwlch (G. bealach), ' a gap, a pass, a broken cut.' Gap is an
O.N. word, not recorded in Eng. till c. 1380, which makes the
idea of a tautology decidedly doubtftd. Bull How (Westmld.)
is thought to be fr. a Norseman, Bol—i.e., 'The Bull'; O.N.
bole, boli. How is ' mound, hill.' See -how.
BuLLiNGDON (Oxford and Hants). Ox. B. ? c. 1097 Flor. Wore.
ann. 1053 Bulendun, 1216-1307 Bulen, -Buhngden, Bolinden.
Han. B. ? Dom. Bolende. ' HiU of Bula.' Cf 1233 Close
E. Buleworthy (Devon) and Bulley (Glostrsh.), Dom. Bule-
leye. See -ing and -worthy.
Btjlmer (York and Suffk.). See Bomere.
Bungay (Suffk.). Not in Dom. 1460 Bowunggey. Prob. Skeat
is right in deriving fr. Icel. bunga, ' a round hill, a bing,' and
ey, ' island, peninsula.' The site supports this. Certainly it
is not Fr. bon gue, ' good ford.' 1460 might suggest derivation
fr. some unknown man, perh. a nasaHzed form of Buga. Of.
Dom. Sussex, Bongetune. See -ay.
BUNHILL 176 BURLEY
BuNHiLL (London). Old Bonhill. Doubtful. Cf. Bonchubch,
- BoNSALL, and BowiraiLL.
BuKNY (Nottingham). Dom. Bonei, 1228 Close R. Boneya, 1284
Boneye. Might be O.N. ftdw-ey, ' prayer isle.' • Cf. next. But
perh. fr. O.E. bune, ' a reed, the stem of the cow-parsnip' ; it
is only once given with an o, in 1388. See bun sb^. However,
we have 1166-67 Pipe Boueneia (Oxon), which must be ' isle
of Bofa,' gen. -an, a fairly common name. See -ey.
Btjnwell (Norfolk). Not in Dom. 1444 Bonewell, 1477 Bonwell.
' Prayer-weir ; O.E. ben, O.N. bon, 'a prayer'; in Eng. 2-7
bone, 3-4 bon. Cf. Bonchurch and above.
BuBBAGE (Buxton, Hinckley, and Marlboro'). Hin. B. Dom.
Burbece (also in Dom. Sussex). Mar. B. 961 chart. Burhbece;
O.E. for 'burgh, castle on the beck' or 'brook'; Dom. Bur-
betce. The more regular form would be Burbeck, still a surname ;
but Oxf. Diet, gives beck as a name found only in those parts of
England once in Danish or Norse occupation. See -bach, -beck.
BxJBBUBY Hill (Swindon). O.E. Chron. ann. 556 Beranburh or
-byrig (see Baebuby Hill), which is perh. meant. May be fr.
a man, Beorga or Berga, or Boera. But Bxjbcote (Bromsgrove)
is Dom. Bericote, 1275 Byrcote. Prob. O.E. bere-cote, ' cot
for storing here or barley.' Cf. Bebwick.
BuBDEN (Durham), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Byrdene, 1197 Bireden.
' Dean, (woody) valley,' O.E. denu, ' with the house,' O.E.
bur, the mod. Eng. bower, and Sc. byre.
BuBEOBD (Oxford). O.E. Chron. ann. 752 Beor-, Beorgford; chart.
Bergford; c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Bereford, 1231 Bureford. O.E.
burg, burh, O.N. borg, 'a shelter-place, fort, burgh'; fr. O.E.
beorgan, ' to protect.' See -burgh.
BuBGH (Lincoln, Westmld., etc.). Lin. B. Dom. Burg. West B.
c. 1175 Fantosme Burc, c. 1180 Bened. Peterb. Burgus. ' Castle,
fortified dwelling.' , See above. Cf. Dom. Surrey Berge,
? ' the Borough '; and ib. Essex, Burghstede.
BuBGH Castle (Gt. Yarmouth). Bede Cnobheresburg id est,
' Cnobher's Town.' See Bitbfobd.
Btjbghclebe (N. Hants). B.C.8. 674 Clere, and Dom. often Clere.
These may represent this place, or Highclere or Kingsclere near
by. The Eng. adj. clear is fr. Fr., and is not found till 1297.
This must be W. clegr, clegyr, ' a rock.'
Bubgh-on-Sands (CarUsle). c. 1175 Burc; 1356 Scalacronica
Burch sure le Sabloun (Fr. sablon, ' sand '). Now pron. BrufE.
Thought to be Sim. Dur. ann. 792 Aynburg. Cf. Aintbee.
Brough (Yorks) is Dom. Burg.
BuBLEY (Leeds, Oakham, Hereford, Ringwood). Le. B. Dom.
Burghelai. He. B. Dom. Burlei. 'Meadow with the burgh or
castle.' See above and -ley.
BURLINGHAM 177 BURSTON
BuRLiNGHAM (Norwich). Dom. B'lingaha, 1452 Byrhyngham, 1454
Suth birlyngham. ' Home of the jBirZmgrs/ SeeBiBLiNGand-ham.
BuRMiNGTON (Shipston-on-Stour) . Dom. Burdintone, 1413 Bur-
mynton. Doubtful. Duignan thinks ' Burhman's town.' A
burh- or burgman was one who lived in a burgh or town.
BuRNHAM (Chiltern). Sic c. 1018 chart., Dom. Burne-, Berneha.
Prob. O.E. burna-hdm, ' house, home beside the spring, well/
or ' stream.' See -bourne.
BuRNTWOOD (Lichfield), a. 1600 Brend-, Brandwood. Brand,
brent, etc., are M.E. pa. tense of burn. Cf. Brentwood and
Barnhurst. In 1262, says Duignan, a Forest jury find ' a
certain heath was burnt by the vills of Hammerwich (Burnt-
wood's parish), to the injury of the King's game.'
BuRRAGB Town (Plumstead). 1355 'Bartholomew de Burghest,'
1370 Burwash; also Burrish, Borage. The first syll. is prob.
O.E. burh, 'fort, burgh'; but the ending is quite uncertain.
Earlier forms are needed.
BuRRiNGHAM (Doucastcr) and Burrington (Bristol and Chum-
leigh). Old forms needed. Chu. B. Dom. Buretone. Done.
B. (not in Dom.) might be fr. Ralph de Burun (now Byron),
who had lands in Notts in Dom. In Onom. we also find the
names Burwine or Beornwine, and Burro, which are all possible
origins; so is Burga, gen. -an. See -ham and -ton.
BuRROUQH (Melton Mow.). Dom. Burgo. Prob. burgh-hoe, or
' castle hill.' See -burgh and Hoe. Burrow (N. Lanes) is
Dom. Borch= Barrow.
BuRRY Port (Carmthn.). Possibly the Eng. burgh or -bury, q.v.
But it might easily be W. bur gwy, ' wild, frothy water ' ; whilst
W. bur is var. of bar, ' top, summit.' Indeed, it is close to
Penbre, ' head of the hill.'
BuRSCOFGH (Ormskirk). Sic. c. 1200, but 1189-96 Burscogh, 1292
Burskew, 1306 Burscow. ' Wood of the burh ' or ' fort ' ; O.N.
shog-r, Dan. sJcov, ' a wood.' See Shaw. For ending -scough
cf. Swinscoe (Ashbourne), a. 1300 Swyneskow, -eschoch. See
-burgh.
BuRSLEM. Dom. BarcardesHm (scribe's error), a. 1300 Bur-, Bore-
wardeslyme, a. 1400 Tunstall R. Borewaslym. O.E. Burh-
weardes hlimme, 'Burward's stream.' Cf. Bxjrwardsley and
Lyme.
BuRSTALL (Ipswich). Cf. 1157 Pipe Burchestala (? Beds.). ' Place
of the burgh ' or ' castle '; O.E. steall, steel, ' place, stall.' See
-bury. BuRSTON (Diss), Dom. Burstuna, has presumably a
similar origin. Or it may be fr. a man, Burh or Burg.
BuRSTON (Stone and Diss). St. B. a. 1200 Burweston, a. 1300 Bur-
ceston, Buregeston, Bureweston, a. 1400 Bureston. Dom. h
BUESTWICK 178 BUTLEY
Burouestone, almost certainly this place, though in the wrong
Hundred. It must mean ' town of Burga,' one in Onom. ; or
Burege-, Burwe-, may be a contraction of Burgweard, or some
other of the many names in Burg-. Old forms needed for the
Diss name.
BuRSTWicK (Hull). Dom. Brostewic, Brocstewic. 'Burst or
broken dwelling." See Beistnall and -wick.
Burton (23 in P.G.) Warwk. B. Dom. Bortone, Salop. B. Dom.
Burtune. Pembroke B. c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Bertune. There
are 29 instances in Dom. Yorks, all Burtone, or -tun. Also
Btjrton-on-Trent. c. 1180 Bened. Peterb. Burtona; monas-
tery founded here, 1004. They are all O.E. burh-tun,
' fortified dwelUng-place." Cf. Bo'ness (Sc.) and Btjrgh.
Burton Agnes (Yorks) is 1281 Close E. Anneys-burton.
However, Burton, Bamboro', is originally Bumulfeston.
BuRWARDSLEY (Chester) . 1280 Close R. Borewardesleye, ' Meadow
of Burhweard.' Cf. Bueslem and Burwarton (Bridgnorth);
and see -ley.
BuRWELL (Cambridge). Dom. Burewelle, 1346 Burgewelle, 1521
Bury Wells Berwill. Prob. 'burgh well'; with form 1521
cf. Bertune, old form of Burton. It prob. stands where K.
Stephen afterwards built a castle; burge is gen. of O.E. burh.
Bury, also Bury St. Edmunds. 1066 O.E. Chron. Byrtune
(= Burton). Dom. ' In Beccles villa abbatis sanctiEdmundi,'
also, ' burgo ht abb. sci edmundi '; 1450 Bury Seynt Edmond,
1480 Bury Wills Bury. Bury is O.E. burh, ' castle, burgh.'
St. Edmund is Edmund the Martyr, K. of the East Angles, slain
at Hoxne by the Danes in 870. Cf. Brougham.
BuscoT (Lechlade). Dom. Boroardescote, c. 1540 Burwa,rdscott.
' Cot, cottage of Burgweard.'
BusHBURY (Wolverhmptn) . 994 Biscopesbry, Dom. Biscopesberie,
(Warwk.), c. 1300 Bishbiri, Bischbury, ' Bishop's burgh,' a
curious corruption. It is still pron. Bishbiry. See -bury.
BusHEY (Middlesex). Dom. Bissei. ' Byssa's isle ' or ' peninsula.'
Both Byssa and Bisi are found in Onom. See -ey.
BuTCOMBE (Wrington, Somerset). Not in Dom. 1298 Buten-
cumbe, which is O.E. for ' without the valley.' O.E. butan,
M.E. buten, bute, ' without.' Cf. Binbrook. No But{t)a in
Onom. See -combe.
BuTLEiGH (Glastonbury), c. 725 chart, and c. 1130 Wm. Malmes.
Budecalech, 801 Bodecanleighe, Dom. Bodech-, -uchelie, Exon.
Dom. Bodecaleia. ' Bodeca'a lea or meadow.' See -leigh.
BuTLEY (Tunstall, Suffk.). Dom. Butelea. This may be ' outside
the meadow.' Cf. Butelege, Dom. Cheshire, and Butcombe.
BUTTERBY 179 BWLCH
BuTTERBY (Durham). Butterknowlb (Co. Durham, O.E. cnoll-
' hill-top, hillock, knoll,' 7-9 knowle), Buttermere (Cocker,
mouth), BuTTERSHAW (Bradford). We have grouped the
names in Butter- in two sets, and give first those which almost
certainly have nothing to do with butter sb., but come fr. some
Danish or N. settler. Butter or Buthar {Onom. gives only one
Buterus); he may even have been sometimes a Saxon, as we
have already in 931 chart and in Dom. a Butermere (Wilts).
Or some of these names, if late, may come fr. M.E. bitoure, O.Fr.
butor, the bird bittern, in Sc. butter, as in Butterdean (E.
Berwicksh.). Buttergask (Dunkeld), however, is G. bothar
gasc, ' causeway-hollow ' ; whilst Butterstone near by is plainly
fr. a man. Butterton, there are 2 in StafEs, stands in de-
batable ground. It is a. 1200 Buter-, Boterton, Buterdon,
1200 Buter-, Boterdon, 1223 Butterdon, Buterden, a. 1300
Botredon, a. 1400 Butterton. The endings -don and -ton often
interchange, but it is more than likely that -don is the original
here. If so, a hill would jnuch more prob. be caUed after a man
than after butter. See -by and -shaw.
BuTTERLEiGH (Cullompton), Butterley (Derby), Butterwick
(Boston, Penrith, etc.) ; also Butterton. See previous article.
Boston B. Dom. Butruic, 1216 Butterwyck, 1274 Boterwyke,
c. 1275 Boturwyk, 1410 Boterwick. Dom. Yorks Butruic, 1183
Buterwyk (Co. Durham). There is also a Bijtterworth
(Rochdale). These aU prob., though not certainly, mean
' meadow, dweUing, farm or village where they made butter.'
O.E. butere, 3 buttere, 4 boter{e), botter, 5 buttyr, botyr, 4 -butter.
See -ley, -ton, -wick, -worth, and above. With Butterwick
c/. Chiswick, and with Butterworth c/. Cheswardine.
Buttington Tump (Montgomery). 893 O.E. Chron. Buttingtiin.
c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Budingtun. Cf. K.G.D. 746 Bottanige. Prob.
patronymic ; ' town of the descendants of Botta or Butta.'
Tump is W. turnip, ' mound, barrow.'
BuxHALL (Stowmarket) . Dom. Bukessalla, a. 1200 chart. Bucysheal.
Cf. Dgm. Buchehalle (Salop) and Bucknall. ' Buca's nook.'
See -hall.
Buxton. 1572 Buckstones. Enc. Brit, says prob. Dom. Bee-
tune (3 times); if so. Bee- must be error for Buc-. The
Enc. also gives as old forms Buestanes (where again Bue-
must be error for Buc-) and Bawdestanes, a form which
cannot represent Buxton. Prob. ' stone of the buck,' O.E.
buc, bucca; and see -ton for -stone. But more evidence is
needed.
BwLCH (Breconsh.). W. for 'pass, gap,' G. bealach or Balloch.
BwLCH GwYNT (Pembk.) is ' pass of the winds,' in old charter
Windy yete, where yet or gate also means ' pass, gap.' Bwlch-y-
ITRIDD (Newtown) is ' gap in the forest.'
BYFLEET 180 CAEELEON-ON-USK
Byfleet (Weybridge). 727 chart. Byflete, O.E. for ' by the river/
Cf. Beeford and Fleet.
Byland with Wass (Coxwold, Yorks) . Dom. Begeland, 1156 Pi-pe
Beland, 1199 Beilande, 122^ Close R. Begheland, 1242 ibid. Bey-
land. ' Land of Bcega'; cf. Bayton, etc. Wass is O.E. wdse,
' a marsh, a fen.' Cf. Albewas.
Byley-cxjm-Yatehguse (Middlewich). Old Biveley. Doubtful.
Perh. ' meadow of Beoba,' 3 in Onom. Cf. Bevington, Alcester,
1316 Byvinton, a. 1400 Beovynton. Bive- suggests connexion
with O.E. bifian, O.N. bifa, M.E. bive, 'to shake, to tremble.'
See -ley. Yate- is Gate-. Cf. Yetholm (Sc).
Bytham Parva (Lines). Dom. Bitham, 1228 Close R. Bi-, By-
hamel, 1292 Parva By ham. Prob. ' by the home/ O.E.
7idm. Cf. Byfleet, Beeford, etc.; also Attewell = ' at the
well.' Parva is L. for ' little.'
^ Cad AIR Idris (mtn., Central Wales) . W. = * seat of Idris/ a Welsh
hero and a great astronomer. W. cader, cadair, is ' a chair/
but in O.W. and Com. 'a cradle, a framework.' The c has
become g in Llyn-y-Gader hard by.
Cadbury (Crediton and Wincanton). Cr. C. Dom. Cadebirie, c.
1540 Cadburi. Win. C. Dom. Cadeberie. ' Fort, burgh of Cada,
Cadda, or Ceadda'; several so named in Onom. Cf. Dom.
Cadenho V (Essex) and Cadnam (Hants) . See -bury.
Cadney (Brigg). O.E. Chron. 675 Cedenac (late MS.), ' Isle of
Ceadda/ gen. -an, or ' Chad.' See -ey.
Cae Athraw (Caernarvon) . W. = ' Field of the master or doctor ' ;
cae, ' a field, an enclosure.' Cf. Caeglas, and the curious Cae
Llwyn Grydd, Carnarvon, which is ' field of the bush of the
red wall,' y gaer rudd, referring to an old castle now in ruins.
Caerau (Bridgend, S. Wales). PI. of W. caer, ' fort, castle '; O.W.
also gaer, Bret, ker, G. cathair, ' a fort.' Cf. Caerleon and
Carew.
Caergwrle (Flintsh.). An old castle here, and perh. once a Rom.
station. Said to be W. caer gwr lie, ' castle, fort at the boundary
place ' ; cwr or gwr, ' a boundary ' ; but the ending is decidedly
doubtful.
Caerleon-on-Usk, pron. Karleen; in W. Caer Llion ar Wysc. c.
800 Nennius, ' city of Leogis ' or ' Cair Lion,' Dom. Carleion'
Castell; prob. c. 1145 Geoffr. Mon. Civitas Legionum, 1167-68
Pipe Carliun, c. 1205 Layamon Kair-luine and Kair Uske, in
edit. c. 1275 Ceyr-lyon, 1241 Karlyim. From early times
thought to be W. caer lleon, ' camp of the (Roman) legions ';
and the second legion, the Augusta, is said to have been stationed
here. But the true ' city of legions ' is Chester, which Nennius
CAEE-, CAKMAETHEN 181 CALDECOTT
calls Cair ligion. So this name is 'fort on the streams'; W.
lli, pi. llion, ' a flood, a stream/ There is also a Caer Leon, St.
David's. The present surname Carlyon is pron. Kar-lion. Cf.
Caerdon (Sc).
Caek-, Caemarthen". In W. Caerfyrddin, c. 150 Ptolemy MaptSvvov,
c. 800 Nennius Cair merdin, 1158-59 Pipe Cairmerdin, c. 1188
Girald Kairmardhin, -merdhin, c. 1205 Layam. Kair MerSin,
1240 Close R. Calverdin, 1242 ih. Kaermerdin, c. 1330 R.
Brunne Kermerdyn. In W. II has the soft ih sound; hence the
idea which arose early that the name is ' fort of Merlin,' the
famous wizard at K. Arthur's Court. The L. form Merlinus
is found as early as 1148; the Mod. W. is Myrddin. The orig.
name of Merhn's Bridge, S. of Haverford W., was Mawdlen's
or Magdalen's Br. It is doubtful what this name meant in
Ptol.'s day; perh. ' castle by the sea.' The dun is certainly =
caer, and mari may be Kelt, for ' sea '; in W. mor, but in G.
muir', gen. mara.
Caernarvon or Car-. Also in Cumberland, Beckermet, with the
same meaning. In W. Caernarfon, a. 1196 Gir. Camb. Kair-,
Kaerarvon; in his Itin. Camb. ' Dicitur Arvon, provinicia contra
Mon ' (or, Monia insula) ; 1307 Carnaruan, a. 1340 Kaernervan,
Llywelyn's Survey Caer yn Arvon. W. caer 'n arfon, 'fort
opposite Mona ' or ' Anglesea ' ; but in the Cumbld. case the
Mona is the I. of Man.
Caer Rhun (Camar vonsh.) . W. = ' fort of Rhun,' son of Maelgwyn
Gwynedd, a prince of the 6th cny.
Caerwent (Chepstow), c. 380 Ant. Itin. Venta Silurum. The
-went may be W. gwant, ' a butt, a mark.'
Caistor (Norwich and Lincoln). Dom., both, Castre, also Castra.
Li. C. c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Castrum apud Lindeseiam. The root
is, of course, L. castra, neut. pi., ' a camp.' But this in Bede is
always caestir, and in Mercian cester. Mr. Anscombe has shown
this impUes origin rather fr. late L. castra, fem. sing; the
Wessex ceaster, the Merc, cester, and Northumb. caestir all
coming normally from the inflected form castrae through an
unrecorded caestri.
Calbournb (I. of Wight). Pron. Kaalboum. 826 chart. Cawle-
burne, Dom. Cauborne. O.E. for ' burn, brook of the fish-
baskets or creels'; O.E. cawel, cawl, 'a basket'; still used in
Cornwall as cawell or cowel. Cf. Porthcawl. See -bourne.
Caldecott (Cambs) and Caldicot(e) (Newport, Mon., and 2 in
Wrwksh.). Dom. Cambs., Bucks, Wrwk., and Chesh., Calde-
cote, which is O.E. for ' cold cot ' or ' dwelling.' Skeat
says Calde- is a remnant of the dat. of O.E. cald, ceald.
Dom. Yorks Caldecotes is now Coldcotes. Cf. Cauldoots (Sc),
and Dom. Norfk. Caldanchota.
CALDER R. 182 CAMBERWELL
Cald.br R. (Chimbld. and Lanes). Prob. O.N. kald-r, ' cool, cold/
Cf. CAiiDBEBGH (N. Yorks), Dom. Caldeber; see Barrow.
Caldy (Tenby). In W. Ynys Pyr. 884 Wrmonoc Insula Pyrus.
c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Caldei; also a. 1196 ih. Enis Pir, Insula
Pirri. This Pir must be some man. Cf. Manorbieb. But
Cald-ei is Norse or M.E. for ' cold island.' See -ey. There, is
also a Caldy in Cheshire, which may be Dom. Calders, which
may be connected with Calder.
Calf Heath (Cannock.). 994 chart. CaKre heie, O.E. for ' Calves'
hedge.' Caldon, (Cheadle) in the same shire, is 1004 Celfdun,
' calf hiU.' Cf. 940 chart. Chealfa dune (Wilts.).
Callington (Cornwall), c. 988 chart. Csellwic, Dom. Calwetone.
Ex. Dom. Caluuitona. 'Town of ? The nearest names in
Onom. are Caldewine and Calwinus. The charter form seems
to mean ' dwelHng of Codl.' Callebton (Nhbld.) is 1073
Calverdon, 1242 Cauveredon. See Calverton and -don.
Calltngwood (Burton-on-T.) is an unique word. c. 1280 Calynge-
wode, Chalengwode ; in L. deeds Boscum calumpniatum ; a.
1600 Challengewood. O.Fr. calenge, chalenge, -onge (fr. L.
calumnia), 'a reproach, an accusation, then a challenge.' In
Eng. a. 1300 Cursor Mundi, ' chalange.' Cf. Threepwood (Sc.)
and in Northumbld. and Cheshire, fr. threap, 'a (scolding) contest.'
Callow Hill (Blithfield, Staffs, Chippenham, etc.). Bli. C. a 1300
Calu-, KalewhuU, a. 1400 KalughuUe. O.E. calu, calwe, L.
calvus, ' bald, bare.' Cf. Caludon, Coventry, 1327 Calwedone.
There are also 3 places called Callow (Wirksworth, Hereford,
and Worcestrsh. (more than one).
Calne. c. 996 Cahia, 1387 Cahie. Doubtful. Possibly fr. W.
calen, ' a lump, a whetstone ' ; or even calon, ' heart, centre/
Colne (Lanes) is the same. Cf. Caunton,
Calsthorpe (Louth). Dom. Caletorp, 1233 Kaltorp. 'Farm,
place of a man Calla or Ceolla,' the latter a common name.
See -thorpe.
Calverton (Nottingham and Stony Stratford). Dom. Notts and
Bucks, Calvertone. ' Town, village of Ceolweard.' But Mutseh-
mann prefers O.E. calfre tun, 'calves' town.' See -ton. But
'' Calverley (W. Riding) is Dom. Caverleia, -lei ; it may, how-
ever, be fr. the same name ; or else f r. what ? Cf. Callerton,
and 1160-61 Pipe Nhbld. Calualea. See -ley.
Camallan R. (Bodmin). Corn, for ' crooked Allan '; the Allan
and Camallan unite to form the Hayle. Cam is ' crooked ' in
W., Com., and G. ; in W. the fem. is gam. But R. Cam is quite
different. See Cambridge.
Camberwell (London). Dom. Ca'brewelle; thereafter 6 is rare till
17th cny ; 1 199 Camwell ; Camerwell, Cambwell, and Kamwell are
CAM R. 183 CAMEL R.
also found. Doubtful ; camber, ' slightly arched/ is impossible.
See Oxf. Diet. W. cam her, 'crooked pike or spit/ might be
possible, if Kelt, names were not so very rare hereabouts.
Prob. it is ' well of Coenbeorht,' a common O.E. name; and this
is phonetically quite admissible. Cf. Alberbuey fr. Eald-
beorht.
Cam R. and Cambridge. Possibly c. ^SO Ant. Itin. Ca,mboxico;
prob. 0. Kelt, camb or, 'crooked river' {cf. Cameo and Orr,
Sc), with ic- adjectival. No doubt this Rom. name influenced
scholars long after to fix the name as it now is — Cambridge.
But orig. they had no connexion, c. 700 Felix Growland
Gronta flumen, Bede Grantacastir (the mod. Grantchester is
2| miles fr. Cambridge) ; prob. a. 810 Nennius Caer Grauth (for
Grant), O.E. Chron. 875 Grantebrycge, 1011 ib. Granta-
brycgscir, a. 1145 Orderic Gruntebruga, 1142 Cantebruggescir,
a. 1153 Hist. Eli. Cantebrigia, 1150-61 Cantabrigia, 1436 Can-
brigge, 1449 Kawmbrege, 1462 Cambryge, 1586 Camden Camus.
Granta is the old name for the stream now called Cam. The
two names have gradually become assimilated, Gr having orig.
become G through Norm, mispronunciation. Granta may be
cognate with G. grdnda, 'ugly.' Cf. Allt Grand (Sc), also
Grantown (Sc.) ; or it may perh. be connected with W. grwnan,
' to hum, to drone.' Cf. Grantley There is also a little
R. Cam, trib. of Severn, Dursley (Glostr.), 1177 Camme, 1221
Kaumne, which is Keltic cam, ' crooked ' ; and on it there is a
Cambridge, too.
Cambo (Morpeth). 1298 Cambhou, Camou. Cf. Cambo (Sc), 1327.
Cambou. Keltic camb ou, ' crooked stream ' ; the ou is same
root as in L. Awe (Sc), and in Eu (Normandy), c. 1110 Owe.
Cf. next.
Cambois (Blyth), pron. Kamis. 1183 Boldon Bk. Camboise, -bous,
Camhus, Cammus; later Commes. This is not Fr., but G.
camus, ' a bay,' as in Cambus (Sc). fr. G. cam, O.G. camb
' crooked.' Cf. above and Aldcambus, (Cockburnspath) 1212
Aldchambos, Aldecambus (ald=G. allt, 'bum').
Camborne. Sic. 1536. Prob. Corn, cam bron, ' crooked hill.'
Transposition of r is a common phenomenon.
Camden Town (N. London). Called, after 1791, fr. Baron Camden
of Camden Place, Chiselhurst (Kent), where Wm. Camden,
b. 1551, author of Britannia, resided. The name may be Keltic,
cam din, ' crooked hill ' ; but where was the original Camden ?
Perh. Staffs, to which W. Camden's father belonged.
Camel R. (Cornwall, and name of village, Somerset.) and Camel-
roRD (N. Cornwall), c. 1145 Geoffrey Hon. Cambula, c. 1205
Layamon Camelforde. Camel is perh. Kelt, for ' crooked
stream,' in G. cam allt. Cf. Cambo, and Gamescleuch (Sc).
But prob. fr. a Kelt, god, C amnios, a deity found both in Gaul
CAMERTON 184 CANNOCK CHASE
and Britain, and giving name to Camulodunum, or Colchestee.
Keltic rivers are much associated with deities. Cambula,
' crooked river/ suggests a quite possible origin for the much-
disputed name Campbell. Cf. Campbeltown (Sc). With
CameLford cf. Galford. Near the Som. C. lay Camelot, c.
1440 Lancelot Kamalot. Here the final syll. is perh. W. Hoed,
' a place.' It seems first mentioned c. 1170, in Chretien de
Troyes' Chevalier de la Charrette. Cf. next.
Cameeton (Bath). Dom. Camelerton, 'town on the R. Camelar'
{sic in 961 chart). See Camel. The -ar is quite uncertain.
But the first part is almost certainly the god Camulos.
Campden (Glostr.). Dom. Campdene. 'Wooded vale with the
battle site.'' Camp is an early loan fr. L. campus, ' a plain.'
Cf. Eynsham Cart. ' To Campsetena gemsera.' See -den.
Camrose (Pembksh.). 1324 Kameros. W. cam rhos, ' crooked
moor.'
Candover (Hants). Prob. 707 chart. {K.C.D. v. 40) Cendefer,
1238 Close R. Candevre. W. cefn dwfr, ' ridge by the stream.'
Cf. Cenarth and Condover.
Can^wdon (hiU, S. Essex). 1240 Close R. Canewedon' (and
Calewedon), but Dom. Carendun, which Freeman thinks must
be an error. The name is prob. ' Canute' & hill ' or dun. It Hes
close to the site of K. Canute's or Cnut's victory at Assandun,
1016.
Canklow (Rotherham) and Cank Thorn (Cannock). 1595 Canck
Thorne, Cannock Thorne. The Cank- in both cases must be
the same, one would think, as Cannock. If so, Canklow (not
in Dom.) is a tautology; Kelt, and Eng.= ' hiUock ' or ' mound.'
See -low. In Midi. dial, cank means 'gabble or cackle,' as of
geese.
Cannington (Bridgewater). Dom. Candetona. Prob. named fr.
some man, but both his name and the present name must be
much corrputed. There is nothing in Onom. nearer than
Coenheard.
Canninq Town (Plaistow). So named from the former principal
employer of labour there.
Cannock Chase (Staffs). Dom. Chenet, 1130 Chnoc, a. 1200 Canot,
Chenot, Chnot, Cnot, 1238 Canoe, a. 1300 Canok, Kannock,
a. 1500 Cank. Dom. regularly spells O.E. en as chen; and in all
old MS. c and t are constantly confused. So this must be that
rarity a Goidelic Eng. place-name, G. and Ir. cnoc, gen. cnuic,
* a hill, a knoll,' so common in Sc. and Ir. names. Eng. and
W. place-names in Knock- are very rare, perh. only Knockin.
There are also Knock and Knucklas, but they are fr. W. cnuc
rather than G. cnoc. There is no trace of u in all the many old
forms of Cannock. Cf. Canklow x Qhase 'm Q.^r, chace^
CANTERBURY 185 CARDIFF
'chasing, hunting, a hunting-ground, wild park-land/ not
found in Eng. in this sense till 1440. Of. Chevy Chase.
Canterbury. [In Bede iv. 5 Rochester is also called Castellum
Cantuariorum, O.E. versn. Cantwaraburhge.] a. 810 Nennius
Cair Ceint [also Cantguaraland] ; O.E. Ghron. 754 Cantwareburh,
ib. 1011 Cantwaraburh ; Dom. Cantorberia, c. 1100 Anselm
Cantuarberia, 1258 Kant'bur', c. 1330 B. Brunne Canterbirie,
' Kent men's burgh/ wara meaning ' dweller in.' C/. Lindiswara,
Mersewara (dweUers in Romney Marsh) and Wihtwara. See
-bury. In Rom. days it was called Durovernum (W. dwr gwern,
' river with the alders ').
Canwell (Birmingham), a. 1200 Canewelle; later Cane-, Canwall,
Kanewall, -well. The name may be ' well of St. Cain ' or
' Keyne ' or ' Keigwin/ There was a priory and a spring
here, the latter dedicated to St. Modan; but there is no note
of any connexion with St. Cain. Cf. Keynsham. W. can, cain,
' beautiful, clear,' seems impossible here. But the first syU.
may be O.E. canne, a ' vessel for liquids, a can.' Oxf. Diet.
gives only one quot. fr. O.E., and then nothing till c. 1375,
'a vatir-cane.' The name must thus be left doubtful; prob.
it is fr. can.
Capel Curig (Bettws y coed). Chapel dedicated to Curig, son of
IHd or Juhtta; the mother shares the dedication with her son.
The form Capel, O.N.Fr. capele, ' chapel,' late L. cappella, orig.
' a Little cloak or cape,' reappears in Capel St. Maby and St.
Andrew (Suffk.). There is also a Capel (Dorking), as well as
a Dom. Herefd. Capel. In Pembk., 1603 Owen gives Capell
Castellan and C. Colman (Irish Bp. of Lindisfame, 661).
CabAdoc or Caer Caradoc (Salop) . W. caer Madoc, or else Cadoc
* fort of St. Madoc/ or ' of St. Cadoc' Either MorC must have
been lost by aspiration. Madoc or Modoc was a disciple of St.
David in Wales, and Hved 558-625. Cf. Kilmadock (Sc).
Cadoc, Cadocus, or Docus, another Keltic saint, Hved some
years in Central Scotland, and is also commemorated in Landoc
(Cornwall).
Carden (Malpas). Old Carwarden; the personal name Carwardine
is still found. ' Farm of Gar ' or ' Cari,' both in Onom. For
a similar contraction cf. Hawarden, now pron. Harrden. See
-warden.
Cardew (Dalston, Cumbld.). c. 1080 CarSen. W. Caer Dewi,
' fort of David ' ; or possibly fr. Tiw, the Northern god of war.
Cardief. 1126 Kardi, 1158-59 Pipe Cardif, a. 1150 Kardid, Cairti,
a. 1196 Gir. Camb. Kaer-, Kerdif, 1218, Kaerdif, 1298 Kerdife,
dyf, c. 1450 Cayrdife. Usually said to be ' fort on R. Taef ';
but early forms make this more than doubtful. In Mod. W.
it is Caerdydd, pron. Kaerdaeth. This suggests ' fort of
13
CARDIGAN 186 CARLISLE
Didius/ general of the Romans against the Silures, the British
tribe of this region, a.d. 50. This is confirmed by the fact that
we now know Cardiff was a Rom. fort. The form Caer Daf
(Taff) is found only in Leland, c. 1550, though Caer Dyv does
occur. However, there are 2 Cardeeths in Pembroke; and
the learned editor of Owen's Pembroke dechnes to suggest any
etymology either for these or for the plainly cognate Cardiff.
Cardigan, c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Ceredigion, Kerdigaun; Brut y
Tywsy. ann. 991 Ceredigion ; 1218 Kaerdigan, 1298 Writ
Cardygan. Said to be fr. Garedig or Ceroticus, a Welsh prince,
to whom St. Patrick wrote, denouncing him for his cruelty in
Ireland.
Caedington (Church Stretton). Dom. Cardintune. 'Town, vil-
lage of Carda.' Cf. B.C.S. 877 Cardan hleew.
Cardurnock (Bowness, Cumbld.). G. cathair, W. caer, ' fort,' and
G. dornag, ' by the pebbly place ' ; a pebble being a stone easily
held in the ' fist,' G. dom, gen. dibirn. Cf. Dornock (Annan, Sc.) .
Carew (Pembroke), c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Kaereu, Kerreu. The
same name is pron. Carey in Cornwall, because this is for
W. caerau, pi. of caer, ' castle, fort,' where the au is pron. ay.
Carham (Kelso), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Carrum, prob. O.E. loc. 'at
the carrs ' (O.E. carr) or 'rocks.' Cf. Harlow Car, Harrogate.
But see -ham.
Carisbrooke (Newport, I. of Wight). 1217 Patent R. Carebroc,
1218 Kaerbroc, 1224 Carrebroc, c. 1350 Caresbrok; but O.E.
Chron. 530 Wihtgarsesbyrg, or -garabyrg, which means ' Wight-
dweUers' burgh ' or ' castle.' It does look as if the Wiht had
been dropped, and the rest transformed into Carisbrooke ; but
this is contested by Stevenson in his Asser, and by M'Clure.
In Dom. the name seems to be Bovecombe. There is in 1199
chart, a ' Carsbrok ' near Launceston — i.e., ' brook of the fort.'
Possibly the first syll. is carr sb^, or carse, O.N. Jcjarr, ' copse-
wood ' then ' bog or fen,' and not Keltic caer, ' fort.'
Carleton (Pontefract and Skipton) and Carlton (22 in P.G.).
K.C.D. iv. 288 Carlatun, ib. 300 Carletun. Dom. Carlentune
(Cambs.), Careltune, Carentune (Notts), Cerletune (Chesh.),
Cerletone (Salop), Ceorlatona (Devon); and in Yorks, 16 times,
Carletun. a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Carltun, Stockton, 1189 Karlatun
(Cumbld.). O.N. harla, or O.E. ceorla tun, ' carls', churls', serfs'
village.' Cf. Carleton (Sc). Cearl or Ceorl is also a personal
name.
Carlisle, c. 380 Anton. Itin. Luguvallum, Bede Lugubalia, a.
810 Nennius Caer Ligualia, Taliessin Caer LHwelydd (so in W.
still), 1092 O.E. Chron. (Peterb.) Carleol, c. 1120 Hen. Hunt.
Carleol quae a populis Anglorum corrupte Luel vocatur, Sim.
Dur. ann. 1122 Lingua Britonum Caklel quae nunc Carleol
CARMEL 187 CARSWELL
Anglice appellatur, 1129 Chaerleolium, a. 1145 Order. Vit. and
Waverley Ann. Cardeol, c. 1175 Fantosme Karduil, 1330 B.
Brunne Carlele, 1617 CarlielL W. Stokes says, Luguvallum is
' wall of the god Lugus/ See Ltjgg. And Llewellyn, of which
Luel or Leol is a contraction, is prob. mod. W. for Lugu-belinos.
The same name is seen in Lugdunum or Lyons. Carlisle is, of
course, ' castle of Leol.'
Caemel (Holywell and 2 others, Wales). Presumably all W. caer
moel, 'fort on the bare, round hill." T. Morgan gives none.
1160-61 Pijpe Herefd, Cormel (o error for a) is almost certainly
the same name.
Garn or Corn Cavall (mtn., Builth). W. cam Cabal, ' cairn of
Cabal,' K. Arthur's dog.
Caenaby (Bridlington). Dom. Cherendebi. ' DwelKng oi' some
unknown person. The nearest in Onom. seems Ceolwen, a
widow; eo regularly becomes a, and liquid I easily turns into
its kindred r. Another possible name is Carthegn or Carthen.
See. -by.
Cabnforth (N. Lancashire). Dom. Chreneford. a. 1250 Kerne-
ford. Prob. ' ford of Crina ' or ' Grin/ names in Onom. See
-ford, -forth.
Carperby (N. Yorks). Dom. Chirprebi. 'Dwelling of some
Norse man unknown. His name may perh. be represented by
the mod. surname Capper, the liquid r having vanished; though
Prof. Weekley does not think so. Very Hkely the orig. name is
the common Geolheorht, which would suit phonetically. Cf.
Carnaby. See -by.
Carrington (Manchester and Nottingham). No. C. Dom. Caren-
Caretune; 1179-80 Pijpe Carenton. Seems to be ' village of Car
or Cari ' ; both forms in Onom. See -ing and -ton.
Carshalton (Mitcham). Pron. Casehalton, Casehorton. Dom.
Aultone, c. 1200 Crossalton; also Kresalton, Kersalton, Case
Horton. Orig. ' old town,' O.E. aid tun, then ' Cross old
town '; r continually gets transposed. With this case c/. Bean
cross for Bean corse or Bean carse (Falkirk). Carse (Sc), ' low-
lying land beside a river,' is found in Scotland c. 1200, but not
. in Eng. till much later, if really at all. Oarsington (Wirks-
worth) c. 1460 Karsynton, must be fr. some unrecorded man,
Carsa, or the like.
Carswell (Newent and Gower). Ne. C. Dom. Crasowel, 1221
Karswelle, 1303 Cassewalle; plainly =Crasswell, Cresswell,
'water-cress well.' Go. C. is also spelt Caswell, and is prob.
the same. Dr. G. Henderson, however, thinks this name to be
N., with the ending N. voll-r, ' field/ cf. Scatwell (Sc), and the
former part presumably= Carse (Sc). In face of the evidence
above this is doubtful. There is also Karswell (Dursley).
CARTER PELL 188 CASTLE RISING
Oaetee, Fell (Cheviots). Sic a. 1540. Contract, fr. G. cearta-
chair, ' a regulator, an adjuster/ fit name for a lofty hill, fr.
ceart, 'right, just.' Prob. also the origin of the Dhu Heartach
lighthouse, Colonsay. See -fell.
Cautmell (Ulverston). Sic a. 1130 Sim. Dur., 1224 Kertmel.
Cart is prob. connected with G. caraid, ' a pair ■* (c/. Cart, Sc.) —
because Cartmell Fell stands in the triangle between the two
streams which unite to form the R. Winster, just as the Black
and White Cart unite to form the Cart in Renfrewshire. The
-meU is Norse for a ' sand dune ' or ' sandbank.' See Mellis.
If Cart- be Norse too — O.N. kart-r, ' a cart ' — it may refer to
a sandbank found firm enough for a cart to cross. However,
Cartworth (W. Riding) is Dom. Cheterwrde, or * farm of
Kater.' Cf. Kettering, and see -worth.
Gary R. (Somersetsh.). 725 chart. Kari, c. 1160 Carith. Prob.
W. earth, ' scouring ' river, the root which Dr. M" Bain suggested
for R. Cart (Sc.) . Of. Castle Gary.
Cassop Colliery (Coxhoe, Durham). 1183 Gazehope, ' enclosed
vaUey of Casa'; one in Onom. See -hope. But Dom. Salop
Cascop will be ^Casa'a cop '; O.E. cop, copp, 'top, summit, crest
of a hill.' 1160-61 Pipe Devon has a Cassewell, ^Casa's weU.'
Casterton (Kirby Lonsdale), c. 380 Antin. Itin. Galacum; pos-
sibly Dom. here and Chesh. Castretone. Hybrid fr. L. castra,
O.E. ceaster, ' a camp.' But Casterne (Ham) is 1004 chart.
Coetes thyrne, ' Coet'a thorn.'
Castle Bromwich (Birmingham). Dom. Bromwic (under
Northants), a. 1200 Bramewic, Bromwich, a. 1400 Castel Brom
wych; O.E. brom wic, ' dwelling among the broom.' See -wich.
Castle (sic) is found in Eng. as early as 1137 O.E. Chron. (See
also p. 61.
Castle Carey (Somerset), c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Castellum de Cari,
c. 1160 Gest. Steph. 'Duo castella, Carith videHcet et Harpebren.'
The personal names Carey and Carew, prob. derived from this,
are interchangeable. In Cornwall Carew is pron. Carey; and
we find in Berks a. 1300 a Nicholas Carew or Cary. See Gary.
The Sc. Castlecary is a tautology.
Castle Carrock (CarHsle). 1222 Patent R. Castel Kayroc. Prob.
= Carrick (Sc). G. and Ir. carraig, ' a rock, a sea-cliff.'
Carrick (Ayrsh.) is in Taliessin Carrawg.
Castleford (Yorks). Prob. 948 O.E. Chron. Ceasterforda. O.E.
ceaster, L. castra, ' a camp.' Cf. Castley (Yorks), Dom. Castelai.
Castle Rising (King's Lynn). 1224 Patent E. Castra de Risingis,
1450 Rysyng. Rising sb. is not found in Oxf. Diet., with the
meaning of ' rising ground, hill-slope, hill/ until 1565. So prob.
this is a patronymic, like Barking or Reading, ' place of the
descendants of Rhys,' a well-known British name. Cf. Risby.
Its Eng. form is Rice.
CASTLETON 189 CAWSAND
Castleton (I. of Man). Manx Balla Chastal, which means the
same thing. Balla is G. and Ir. bail, baile, ' farm, village/
Caston (Attleborough) . Dom. Cas-, Kastetuna. Difficult to say
what Caste- represents, unless it be that the liquid r has dropped,
and it is -caster, q.v. This would be abnormal. No likely name
in Onom.
Castor (Peterborough). Dom. Castre, 1154-61 chart. Castra. See
Caistor.
Caterham (Croydon), c. 1210 Katerham, 'Home of Kater.' Still
found as a surname. Cf. Kettering, and Catterton (Yorks),
Dom. Cadretone.
Catshtll (Bromsgro ve and Walsall) . Br. C. 1275 CatteshuU, a. 1400
Gates-, KateshuU. Wa. G. a. 1300 Cutteslowe (see -low), a. 1500
Gatteslowe alias Gattshill; also c. 1220 Elect. Hugo. Kateshill
(Bury St. Edmunds) . ' Hill of Catt, Gatta, or Ceatta.' Cf. Cat-
Eoss (Yorks), Dom. Catefoss, ' ditch of Gatta/ ' Cattestone,' sic
c. 1200 in Norfolk, Catton and Chatham.
CA^TAii, Magna and Little (Yorks). Dom. Cathale, Cathala, Catale.
' Nook of Gatt.' See above and -hall. Magna is L. for ' Great.'
Gatterick (Yorks). c. 150 Ptolemy Katouraktonion, c. 380 Anton.
Itin. Cataractone, Bede Cataracta, L. for ' cataract, waterfall ' —
' juxta Gataractam usque hodie cognominatur ' ; a. 900 O.E.
vers. Bede Cetrehta, Dom. Catrice, 1241 Gheteriz.
Catton (Allendale and E. Riding). E.R.C. Dom. Cattune, Caton,
1179-80 Pipe Catton. ' Village of Ceatta or Gatta.' Cf. Chat-
ham, and 1238 Close R. Catteshal' (Suffolk).
Gatjnton (Newark). Dom. Calnestone, Carleton (an error), 1166-7
Pipe Calnodeston, 1241 Close R. Calnedon. Clearly, 'town of
Geolnoth/ a fairly common name. Caitston (Rugby) is Dom.
Calvestone, fr. a man Ceolf. See -don and -ton.
Cavendish (Suffk.). Dom. Kauanadisc, Kavanadis. O.'E.Ceofan,
Gafan edisc, ' park, enclosure of Gafa.' Cf. Standish.
Caversham (Reading). 1219 Gaveresham, 1238 Gavresham. From
some unknown man. Gavbrswall (Stoke) is Dom. Cavreswelle,
a. 1200 Chavereswelle, which seems clearly ' Ccefer's well.' In
O.E. we have cafer-tun, ' a hall, court, or mansion '; but this is
not likely to be the origin. Gf. Caversfield (Oxon). Dom.
Yorks, Caverlei is now GaIjVERLEy. See -ham.
Cawood (Lanes and Selby). La. C. 1230 Cawude, 1346 Kawode.
Sel. C. not in Dom. (but Dom. Notts Cauorde, ? ' Cawe's farm ').
Doubtful; but prob. either, as in Cawthorne, 'cold, cauld
wood,' or as in Gawton, Ceolf's. wood.' Gf. 1233 Close R.
'Calwodeleg' (Devon).
Cawsand (Plymouth), more correctly Cosdon. Might be 'hill
(O.E. dun) of Gasa,' the only prob. name in Onom.
CAWSTON 190 CHACOMBE
Cawston (Norwich) and Caxton (Cambridge). No.C. Dom.
Cauestuna, Caustituna, Caustuna, 1167-68 Caustona. Cam. C.
Dom. Caustone, 1238 Close R. Kaxston, 1245 Caxton. The great
printer's name is often spelt Canston. Difficult. Skeat con-
jectures, ' village of Cah,' gen. Cages. Cf. K.C.D. ii. 137 Cahing
ls9g. But the Nor. name at least surely comes fr. Caua (3),
Cawe, or Cawo, all names in Onom. See -ton.
Cawthornb (Barnsley). Dom. Caltorne, 1202 Kale-, Kaldthorn.
Prob. 'cold thorn tree'; O.E. cald, 'cold'; col, 'cool.' But
Cawton (Yorks) is Dom. Caluetun, which is prob. ' town of
Ceolf.' Cf. K.G.D. 816, Ceolfestun. It may be fr. O.E. cealf,
' a caK.'
Cefn Coch (Newtown). W.= ' red ridge.' Cefn Llys (Radnor).
1246 Patent R. Keventhles (see p. 82). W.= ' ridge with the
hall or mansion.*
Ceiriog R. (Oswestry). W.= ' abounding in trout.'
Cemais, incorrectly Cemmaes (N. Pembroke, Maehynlleth, and
Anglesea). Pe. C. 1222 Patent R. Kammeis, 1298 Kemmeys, c.
1550 Ldand Kemes, 1603 Owen ' Kemes head called Pen Kemes
pointe.' W. cemmaes is ' a circle for games, a circus,' said to
be fr. camp, ' a feat, a game ' ; and maes, ' a field.' But this whole
derivation is disputed.
Cenarth (Caermarthen). c. 1130 Lib. Land. Cenarth Maur, c. 1188
Gir. Camb. Canarth maur. O.W. can arth, ' white hill or height.'
Centtjbion's Copse (Brading). Corrup. of 'St. Urian's copse.'
Cf. POLURBIAN.
Ceri (Montgomery). 1298 Kery. W. ceri, 'medlar-trees.' For
other suggestions see T. Morgan.
Cerne Abbas (Dorchester). Sim. Dur. ann. 1102 Cemel, c. 1114
O.E. Chron. Cemel, c. 1160 Gest. Steph. Cemei, 1237 Cern'.
Cerney or Cernel is also var. of R. Churn, c. 800 chart.
Cymea, c. 1130 Cirnea. Doubtful. There is an O.Nor. Fr.
kernel, ' an embrasure in a battlement, a battlement,' which
has prob . influenced the Cernel forms. But the root of Cerne Ab .
is the R. Cerne, which is prob. W., as there is a R. Cemiog
(Montgomerysh.) which flows into the R. Camo. W. cam is
' a cairn, a heap of stones,' but this can hardly be the root here ;
perh. it is pre-Kelt.
Cerridge, The (Macclesfield). W. cerrig, 'a rocky ridge. Cf.
Carrick (Sc).
Cevnon (Cardiff), c. 1550 Leland Kevenon. W. cefn onn, 'ridge
of the ash-tree.'
Chacombe (Banbury). Sic 1373. Not in Dom. or Alexander.
Prob. ' valley of Ccec, Cec, Cecca' a fairly common O.E. name.
CHADDEETON 191 CHALLOW
C/. Checkley. See -combe. Possibly it maybe 'cMZA; combe.' The
hard O.E. c as a rule becomes the softer ch in Southern names.
Chadderton (Oldham). 1190 Chaderton, 1278 Chadreton. There
is no name in Oyiom. like C(h)ader, so this is perh. a case of a
N. gen., Chad-r, ' of St. Chad.'' Such a gen. is very rare in an
Eng. place-name, but in this case it seems confirmed by Chat-
TERLEY, which a. 1300 is both Chadderlegh and Chaddendelle
(or ' dale '). Cf. Chadkirk. However, Catterton (Yorks) is
JDom. Cadretone; so that Chader may be var. of Kater, as in
Caterham and Kettering.
Chaddleworth (Wantage). 960 chart. Ceadelanwyrth, Dom.
Cedeneord, 1291 Chadelew'rth. ' Ceadela's farm.' See -worth.
Cf. Chadshunt (Warwksh.), 1043 Chadeleshunte ; Chadbury
(Evesham) 714 chart. Chadelburi, 860 ib. Ceadweallan byrig;
also Chaddleton and Chaleont.
Chadkirk (Stockport). [Cf. Dom. Cheshire, ' Sco Cedde tenuit
Estun.'] ' Church of St. Chad,' Bp. of Lichfield (d. 672). Kirh
is the North, form of church, and is here near its South, limit.
But Chadwiok (Birmingham) is a. 1200 Chadeleswi^, while
Chadwick (Worcstrsh.) — there are two — are both a. 1300
Chadeleswick or Chadleswick; the Bromsgrove one is Dom.
Celdvic. But Chadsmoor (Cannock Chase) is fr. ' the blessed
St. Chad.' Cf. Chadderton.
Chagford (Dartmoor). Dom'. Chageforde, and still so pron.
' Geagga's ford.' Cf. B.C.S. 762 Ceaggan heal.
Chale (Ventnor). Dom. Cela. Perh. ' cold place.' Cf. O.E. cele,
' cold, coldness '; 2-4 chele, mod. ' chill '; also O.E. cald, ceald,
2-4 southern cheald, ' cold.'
Cfalfont (Slough). O.E. chart. Ceadeles funtan, D(ym. Cel-
funde, 1292 Chalfount sancti Egidii (St. Giles), 1298 Chalfhunte.
' Ceadela's font, fountain, or spring ' ; Jj.fons, -tis. Cf. Chaddle-
worth and Bedfont, and next. But Chalford (Gloucestersh.)
is 1297 Chalkforde.
Chalgrove (WaUingford). 1232 Close R. Chaugrave, 1240 ib.
Chalf grave. ' Grave/ O.E. groif, ' of Ceolf,' one in Onom. In-
mod, name endings -grove often supersedes -grave.
Chalk Farm (N. London) . Originally ' Chalcot farm ' ; and Upper
Chalcot mansion house survived near here till recently. Chalcot
is prob. chalk cot. 1746 Rocque's Map of London has ' Upper
Chalk House Lane.'
Challock (Ashford). 835 chart. Cealf-loca. ' Calf -enclosure ' or
' lock.' Cf. PORLOCK.
Challow, East and West (Wantage). Chart. Ceawan hlsewe,
1291 Westchaulawe, 1316 Estchaulo, c. 1540 Westchallow.
' Ceawa'a mound, or burial-mound.' See -low.
CHALTON 192 CHARLTON
Chalton (Homdean, Hants). Dom. Celtone, and perh. K.C.D. 722
Cealhtune, for O.E. cealc tun, ' chalk town.'
Chapel-en -le-Frith (Stockport). 'Chapel in the wood' or
' forest.' Frith is some kind of a wood. See Fbith Bane: and
Oxf. Diet., s.v.
Chapmanslade (Westbury). ' Lade ' or ' watercourse of the chap-
man/ or ' pedlar.' Gf. 1155 Pipe Hants, Chepmanneshale,
1160 -essele (see -hall), and Chepstow.
Chard (Axminster). Not in Dom. Perh. W. cardden, ' a wild
place, a thicket,' fr. cardd, ' exile.' Possibly fr. a man Carda,
one in Onom., but it is rare for a place-name to be of this pattern.
Gf. Goodrich and Tydd; also Chardstock, a little to the S.,
Dom. Cerdestoche. See Stoke.
Charford (Salisbury). O.E. Chron. 508 Cerdigesford. The Saxon
ealdorman, Gerdic or Geardic came to England in 495. But
Charford (Bromsgrove) is 1275 Cherleford, 1327 Charleford.
O.E. ceorlaford, ' ford of the churl ' or ' hind ' ; whilst Charfield
(Wotton-under-Edge), Dom. Cirvelde, c. 1250 Charfelde, Badde-
ley derives fr. O.E. ceart, ' rough, fern-growing ground.'
Charing (Ashford). 799 chart. Ciornincge, 940 ib. Cirringe, Dom.
Cheringes. This may be ' place of the sons of Georra, -an, only
likely name in Onom. Gf. Cherrington (Shipston-on-Stour), no
old forms. But the earliest form suggests a river -name, formed
with -ing, q.v., fr. a stream called Ciorn, which would be akin to
Cerne, Chtjrn, and Ciren-cester (? any such name still here.
Could it be an old name of the Len, on which Charing stands ?).
We also have 940 chart. Cyrfringhyrst (Kent). Charingworth
(Ebrington) is Dom. Chevringaurde, c. 1320 Chavelingworth,
which Baddeley thinks may be ' farm of the sons of Geafhere,' an
unrecorded name.
Charing Cross (London), c. 1290 Q.Eleanor's Executors Crucem
^ de la Char-rynge. Popular etymology says, ' Ghere reine,' K.
• Edward I.'s tribute to his Q. Eleanor; but this is absurd. Prob.
it is simply a patronymic like the above.
Charlbuby (Oxford). Die Heilige Engl. Ceorlingchmh, 1197-1208
Churlebiry, 1238 Cherlebir. ' Burgh, castle of (the descendants
of) Georl or Gearl,' a common O.E. name — i.e., ' the churl '; eo
regularly becomes a in mod. Eng. Gf. next.
Charlcombe (Bath). ' Valley of Gearl or Georl,' lit. ' of the churl,
or carl, or bondman.' See -combe.
Charlgote (Stratf ord-on-Avon) . Dom. Cerlecote; in Salop, too.
' Cot, hut of the peasant or bondman.' See above.
Charlton (15 in P.G.). O.E. chart. Ceorlatun, Dom. Cerletone
(Berks), etc. ' Village of the churls or carls.' See Charlcombe,
and cf. Chorlton. We also have a Dom. Bucks Cerleslai.
CHARMOUTH 193 CHAWTON
Chabmouth (Dorset). O.E. Chron. 833 and Hen. Hunt. Carrum.
- R. Char is perh, the same Kelt, root as in Carron (Sc), and so
either 'rough' or 'crooked' river. 1160-61 P^;pe Kent, has
a ' Charho.'
Charney Bassett (Wantage). B.C.S. i. 506 Ceornei, Dom. Cernei,
1291 Cernee. ' Island on R. Cerne.' See -ey. The Bassets
were a Norman family who owned lands hereabouts. But
Chabnes (Eccleshall) is Dom. Cervernest, a. 1200 Ohavernesse,
1227 Chaunes, a. 1300 Chavemes, Charneves, Chaunes. O.E.
ceafor, cefer, 5 chauer, ' a beetle ' ; and nest, ' nest/ or nces,
' promontory, headland, ness ' — a very curious corruption.
Charnwood Forest (Leicestersh.). Not in Dom., but it has
Cemelega. Prob. same as Carnwath (Sc), which is c. 1165
Charnewid, W. cam gwydd, ' cairn, cairnlike hill, covered with
shrubs or woods ' ; influenced, too, no doubt by the O.Dan, wede,
Dan. ved, Eng. wood. No name like Cam or Gem in Onom.
Chart Sutton (Maidstone). 838 chart. Cert. Chert, a kind of
quartz, is not found in Eng. a. 1679, so this name is doubtful.
It seems httle use to compare Chertsey. However, Chartley
(Uttoxeter) is Dom. Certehe, c. 1300 Certelea, which must be
' Certe's ' or ' Ceort's meadow.' We have in O.E. charters
Certsecer, Ceortanstapol, etc., as well as Certham, now Chartham
(Canterbury). Thus the name Certe or Ceorta, though not in
Onom., is well estabHshed.
Chatburn (Chitheroe). 1241-42 Chatteburn. Prob. 'brook of
Ceatta ' or ' Ceatt,' as in next and in Chetham, sic 1235. But
both this and Chat Moss may be fr. O.W. c{h)et, W. coed, 'a
wood,' as in Chetwode.
Chatham. O.E. chart. Ceattham, Dom. Ceteham, c. 1150 chart,
Csetham. ' Home of Ceatta,' a Jute. Cf. Catton.
Chatteris (Cambridge), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Cateriz, Catriz,
Chetriz, Dom. Cetriz, Cietriz; chart. Ceatrice, Chaterik; c. 1120
Hen. Hunt. Chateric ; a. 1153 Lib. Eli. Chateriz. The forms in Ch
and z are all Norm. Difficult. Possibly it contains the personal
name -K'afer. C/. Kettering. Skeat and Stevenson think not,
and think it may be a Kelt, river-name, which is doubtful.
Chatterley (Newcastle, Staffs), a. 1300 Chadderlegh, Chadden-
delle. This may be ' meadow ' or ' dale of St. Chad.' The -en
is the O.E. gen. -an, whilst the.er is a trace of the N. gen. in -r.
Norse influence is coramon in N. Staffs. Cf. Chadeirk. Great
and Little Chatwell in the same shire, a. 1200 Chattewelle,
are also fr. Chad. But cf. Catterton, s.v. Chadderton.
Chawton (Alton) . Not in Dom. It has a Caudevre {cf. Michel-
dever). Old forms needed. Perh.= CHAUS0N (Droitwich),
Dom. Celvestune, 1108 Chalvestone. O.E. Cealfes tun, 'town of
Calf,' or ' the calf.'
CHEADLE 194 CHliLPORD
Che ABLE (Stoke-on-Trent and Cheshire), also C. Hulme and
MosELEY (Cheshire). St. C. Dom. Celle (error for Cedle; Dom.
continually has felle for felde), 1166 Chelle (repeating Dom.'s
error), 1194 Chedele, a. 1300 Chedle, Dogge-Chedile. Ches. C.
1194(jhedle. This must beN. Jcvidal, ' f old- valley '; N. influence
is common in N. Staffs. Cf. Katewell (E. Ross-shire), in G.
Ciadail, the same name. For -dale slurring into -die, cf. Rodil
(Harris), and the ending of Marple ; whilst for N. k becoming ch,
cf. -caster and -Chester.
Hulme is O.E. holm, ' a piece of low, flat land by a river.'
Cf. Hume (Sc), 1250 Home. The origin of ' Dogge-Chedile ' is
unknown. Though Celle and Chelle are clearly errors here,
Chell (Burslem) is 1313 Ceolegh, or ' Geol's lea.' But Kiddal
(W. Riding), Dom. Chidal(e), is manifestly the same name as
Cheadle; plainer still is Chee Dale, Millersdale (Derbysh.). It
is worth adding as to the Celle forms that the sb. needle, O.E.
nidi, whilst 3-6 nedle is also 3-7 nelde.
Cheam (Sutton). 1018 (or later) chart. Cheyham. 'Home of
Ceahha,' or some such name. Cf. B.C.S. 1230 Ceahhan mere.
See -ham.
Chebsey (Eccleshall). Dom. Cebbesio (o for e), a. 1250 Chebbesey.
' Isle of Ceobba ' or ' Ceob,' 3 or 4 in Onom. Cf. Dom. Suffk.
Cebbenhala. See -ey.
Chbokley (Cheadle, Herefordsh., Essex, and S. Cheshire). Che. C.
Dom. Cedla (error), 1227 Chekkesleye, Checkele. Ches. C.
c. 1190 Boll Chekelee, later Chackleigh. He. C. 1252 Chackileg.
' Meadow of Ccec, CcBcca, Cec ' or ' Cecce,' all forms in Onom.
Cf. Checkendon (Reading), ' hiU of Cecca,' and Kekewich.
See -ley.
Cheddab (Somerset). Exon. Dom. Cetdre, Chart. Cedre, a. 1142
Wm. Malmesb. Ceddren; later Chedare. Kelt, cet der, W. coed
dwr, ' wood on the stream.' 1158-59 Pi'pe Cedresfeld (Somerset)
seems to imply a man Ceder, of whom we would have the patro-
nymic in 1160-61 Pipe Gloucstr., Chedringwurda, ' farm of Ceder 's
sons.' C/. Chetwode.
Cheddleton (Leek). Dom. Celtetone, 1200 Chetilton, 1204
Cheteleton, a. 1400 Chetelton. Prob. not ' town of Geadel ' or
' Ceadela,' as in Chaddleworth, but ' town of Cetel or Cytel,' a
. common O.E. name. Change of t to d, or vice versa, is common.
Cf. Catterton (Yorks), Dom. Cadretone, Chatterley, and
Chedworth (Gloucstrsh.), 872 chart. Ceddanwyrde, fr. Cedda,
but also 1190 Chedeleswarde, ' farm of Ceadel.' Caddel is still a
surname.
Chelford (Cheshire). Dom. Celeford, also in Bucks, Celforde.
'Fold of Ceolla' or ' Cella.' Cf. Chelsfield. Chellow
(Bradford) is fr. the same name, Dom. Celeslau, ' Cella's hill.'
See -low.
CHELLASTON 195 CHEPSTOW
Chellaston (Derby). Prob. Dom. Cellasdene. Cf. 939 chart.
Ceolan hyrst (Kent). Now 'town of Ceolla/ but the ending
seems to have been formerly -dean, q.v.
Ohelmarsh (Bridgnorth). 1179 Cheilmarsh, 1255 Cheylmerse.
Prob. contract, for ' Ceolmund'a marsh.' Cf. Chelmick in the
same shire, 1232 Chehnundewyk; but Cheylesmore (Coventry) is
a. 1300 Chisihnore, O.E. ceosel mor, ' shingly moor.*
Chelmondiston (Ipswich). Local pron. Chimston. Not in Dom.
' Village of Chelmond or Ceolmund/ a very common O.E. name.
Cf. Cholmondestone (Chesl^re), Dom. Chelmundestone ; also
Cholmondeley.
Chelmsford. Dom. Celmeresfort, 1160 Pipe Chelmesford, 1161 ib.
Nord chelmeresford. 'Ford of Ceolmcer' or 'Celmar/ 3 in
Onom. Liquid r easily disappears. The name of the river
Chelmer is thus a back formation fr. the ford.
Chelsea. O.E. Chron. 785 Cealchype, 1465 Chalchithe, a. 1600
Chellsaye. The name has changed. Orig. it was ' chalk-
hithe ' or ' landing-rise.' See Hythe. But the present form
represents O.E. ceosel-i^e, 'pebble-bank isle'; O.E. ceosel,
'pebble or shingle.' Cf. Ger. kiesel, and Cheselhanger
(Berkeley), 1368 Chisulhanger, 'shingly wooded slope.'
Chelseleld (Chiselhurst) . Possibly by dissimilation Dom. Ciresf el.,
1298 Chelesfelde, 'Field of Ceolla,' a fairly common name.
Cf. ' Chelesbergh ' in chart, of 935, near Shaftesbury, Dom.
Surrey, Celesham, and Cheleswurda, 1159-58 Pipe Wilts. But
Chelsworth (Bildeston, Suffk.) is 962 chart. Ceorlesworth,
'farm of Ceorl' — i.e., the churl or carl — common name in
Onom. See -worth.
Cheltenham. 803 chart. Celtanhom, Dom. Chinteneham, 1158-59
Chilteham. ' Enclosure on R. Chelt,' prob. a Kelt, word, pos-
sibly the same root as Celtce. The ending here is hamm, not
ham. See -ham.
Chelwood (Bristol). Old forms needed. {Dom. has only Ceol-,
Celflede, fr. Ceolf or Ceolvmlf.) May be ' Ceolla's wood,' or perh.
' cold wood,' fr. 4 cheld, cheald, South, form of cold, O.E. cald.
Chenees (Rickmansworth). ? 1131 O.E. Chron. (Laud.) Chinni,
1297 Cheyny. Prob. O.E. cine, cyne, 3 chine, 4-6 chene, chyn,
' a fissure, a crack, a chine.' Cf. Kempton. The ending is the
commonly suffixed Eng. pi. But Dom. Yorks Chenehall is now
Killinghall.
Chepstow. Li W. Casgwent {cas for castel). Dom. Estrighoiel,
1228 Close B. Striguill; also Straguil. The Dom. form looks like
' dwelling, abode, W. ystre, of the Goidel or Gael.' But the
present name is O.E. ceap-stow, ' market-place> place for bar-
gaining,' as in Cheapside.
CHEQUERBENT 196 CHESTER
Chequekbent (Bolton), c. 1574 M.8. Checkerbent. This must be
' checkered, variegated bent grass.' The vb. chequer is rare so
early in Eng., so this seems to be formed fr. chequer sb. ' chess-
board/ or ' chessboard pattern '; O.Fr. eschequier ; in Eng. 1297
chekere. See also Bentley; and cf. Chowbent (Lanes), 1641-42
Cholbent, ? ' bent of Ceol'
Cherhill (Calne). Dom. Cheurel, 1158-59 Pipe Ceriel. Doubtful;
first part prob. as in next; -el is a very rare representative of
-hill. It is conceivable that the root is O.E. ceafor, cefer, 4 chauer,
' a chafer, a beetle '; O.H.G. chevar.
Chebiton (4 in P.G.). Dom. Ciretona (Devon). Hardly fr. the
cherry, O.E. ciris, cyrs, and then not found till c. 1350, cheri,
chiry. Perh. ' village of Ceorra ' or ' Gyra' one such of each in
Onom. Cheeeington (Warwicksh.) is the same name, 1327
Chirytone. Here, and also in the case of the two Chirtons,
Duignan votes for cherry. But Cheriton (Abesford) is prob.
Dom. Cerewartone, fr. some man of doubtful name, (?) Ceorl-
weard, a name not recorded, or, by dissimilation, Ceolweard, a
fairly common name. The Kent Ch. is not in Dom. Cf.
Churston. However, Cherington (Tetbury), Dom. Cerintone,
c. 1120 Cherintone, later Chederintone, Baddeley thinks is, ' ton,
farm-enclosure of the Ceadrings ' or ' sons of (?) Ceadhere.'
Chertsey. Bede Cerotsesei, id est insula Ceroti, v.r. Ceoroti {grant
ofQ15 Cherteseye]. 1084 O.E. Chron. Ceorteseye, Dom. Certesy.
' Isle of Gerot.' See -ey.
Cherwell R. (Oxford) . 681 chart. Flumen quod appellatur Ceruelle.
864 ih. Cearwellan, 1005 Cearwylle, Cyrwylle. Possibly con-
nected with O.E. cyrran ' to turn,' but prob. pre-Keltic.
Chesham (Bucks). K.G.D. 658 Cissanham. O.E. for ' home of
Gissa.' Gf. Chessington, Keswick, and Dom. Essex, Cesse-
worda, Cishelle. The names Gis, Gisi, and Giss also occur.
Cheshunt (Waltham Cross). Dom. Cistrehunt, a. 1300 Cesferhunt,
1402 Chesthunte, ' camp's hunt ' or ' hunting-ground.' See
Chester. But Chesford (Kenilworth) is c. 1422 Chessford, of
quite uncertain origin; perh. O.E. ceosleg, ' shingly.' We get the
personal name Ghesney in Sezincote (Glouc), Dom. Che(i)snecote,
' cot of Ghaisne ' or ' Ghesney,' O.Fr. chesnaie, ' an oakwood.'
Cheslyn Hay (Walsall), a. 1300 Hay of Chistlyn, -ling, ChistHng,
Ches-, Chystlyn. Duignan takes this to be a dimin. of chest,
Sc. hist, O.E. cest, cist. Gf. Chestal (Dursley), 1374 Chystelay.
Hay is O.E. hege, ' a fenced or hedged enclosure,' here perh.
round an ancient cromlech or burial-mound.
Chessington (Surbiton). Dom. Cisendone. * Gissa' a fort'; O.E.
dun. Gf. Chichester. See -don and -ton.
Chester. Bede, ' Civitas Legionum, which by the English is called
Legacestir, but by the Britons more rightly Carlegion,' in c. 810
CHESTEKPIELD 197 CHETWODE
Nennius Cair Ligion (W. caer, 'fort, castle') and Urbs legionis,
894 O.E. Chron. Anre waestre castre, Dom. Cestrescire, c. 1097
Flor. Wore. ' Civitas quae Carlegion Britannice et Legeceaster
dicitur Saxonice.' L. castra, ' a camp ' ; O.E. ceaster, ' a fortified
place/ then often 'a town'; cf. A.S. Gospels (Luke x. 11). In
mod. W. Caerlleon Gawr, ' great fort of the legion ' (? the 20th).
Cf. Caebleon and Leicester; and see Caistor.
Chesterfield (Derbysh. and Lichfield). De. C. 955 Cesterfelda,
1162-65 Cestrefelt. Li. 0. 1262 Cestrefeud, Chestrefewde. See
Chester. Field is O.E. f eld, 3-5 feU{e) . In 1262 the liquid I has
become w, as it often does, esp. in Sc, but Oxf. Diet, gives no
examples under field.
Chester-le-Street. a. 1130 Sim. Dur.; also R. of Hexham Cuncha
Chester; 1183 Cestria. The street implies a Roman road.
Cuncha is also found in the form Cununga, which suggests Icel.
honung-r, ' king.'
Chesterton (Cambridge, Cirencester, Bicester, StafEs, and War-
wicksh.). Ci. C. c. 1100 Cestretone. War. C. 1043 cJmrt.
Cestretune, Dom. Cestretone, Cestedone, O.E. ceaster-tun, ' town
of the fort, castle-town.' See Chester and -ton. Also cf. Dom.
Bucks Cestreham.
Cheswardine (Market Drayton). Dom. Ciseworth, a. 1200 Chese-
wurda, Cheswordyn, Chesewardyn, Chesew'rthin. ' Cheese-
making farm.' O.E. cese, cyse, ' cheese,' and -worth or its var.
-wardine, q.v. Similar is Cheswick (Northumberland), c. 1100
Cheseuuic, 1631 Cheswick, lit. ' cheese-house.' See -wick. Also
cf. Butterwick and Chiswick.
Chetnole (Sherborne). {Dom. has Chenolle and Chenoltone and
CnoUe.) Hybrid. 0. Keltic chet ; W. coed, ' a wood ' ; and O.E.
cnoll, ' a rounded hillock, a knoll.' Cf. Chetwode, Ejstowle,.
and Kits Coity House, name of a cromlech, Aylesford, Kent.
Jos. Colebroke, c. 1800, says Eat was an old shepherd, who fed
his flocks here ; and Coity must be f r. coed.
Chettle (Blandford). Dom. Ceotel1(o prob. error). 1238 Close R.
Chetel. O.E. cytel, cetel ; O.N. cetel, 'a kettle,' hence a valley
shaped like a kettle, a ' corrie.' Cf. Kettle or Kingskettle
(Fife).
Chetton (Bridgnorth). ? Dom. Catinton. ' Town of Ceatta,' 2 in
Onom. Cf. Dom. Bucks, Cetendone.
Chetwode (Bucks). 949 chart. Cetwuda, Dom. Cetevde, 1248 chart.
' Forest of Chett,' 1270 ' in Bosco (wood) de Cett,' 1290 Chet-
wood. Hybrid tautology; O.W. coit ; W. coed, ' a wood.' Cf.
Chute and the personal name Chetwynd (W. coed gwyn) ; also
Dom. Cornw. Chilcoit (Corn, for ' neck of the wood '), and Bucks,
Cetedone, though this last may be fr. O.E. cete, ' cot, hut.' Cf.
Datchet. Also cf. Chetnole.
. CHEVELEY 198 CHIDDINGSTONE
Cheveley (Newmarket), c. 1080 Inquis. Camh. Cauelei, Chauelei,
Cheuelei, Dom. Chavelai, a. 1200 chart. Cheaflea, Cseafle, 1346
Chavele, 1426 Cheveley. ' Chaff -meadow ' ; O.E. ceaj, 2-4 cheue,
4 chaue, ' chaff." See -ley.
Chevenagb (Avening). Not in Dom. 1626 Chavenedge. Prob.
Cheven- is O.E. Cifan, ' Cifa's/ with the usual Norm, softening.
Cf. Chevening, Che vest gton, Chieveley, and Dom. Surrej''
Civentone. But it may be fr. Ceen. -age, q.v., is usually a late
ending, and needs old forms to interpret it.
Chevet (Barnsley) Dom. Cevet ; and Cheviot Hills, c. 1250 Montes
chiueti, a. 1300 Mons chiuioth, c. 1500 Chevet, 1596 Cheuott.
Possibly G. c{h)iabach, ' bushy place," fr. ciabh, ' hair,' which
may also be the root of Chevy Chase. For -ach becoming -iot,
cf. Elliot |Sc.). There is also Caville (Yorks), which is Dom.
Cevetle (see -ley). The name is very doubtful. Fr. chevet, ' a
pillow,' seems impossible. But the Chevin (Otley) is plainly W.
cefn, ' a hill ridge.'
Chevington (Ackhngton, Bury St. Edmunds, and Pershore). Bu.
C. Dom. Ceuentuna. Pe. C. 972 chart. Civincgtune, Dom. Civin-
tone, 1275 Kyvin-, Chyvintone. 'Town of the sons of Cifa.'
Cf. Chevenage. See -ing and -ton.
Chevy Chase (N. Northumberland). Sic c. 1650, but a. 1500 ballad.
' The hunttis of Cheuet." See Cheviot and Cannock Chase.
Chewton Mbndip (Bath) . Dom. Civetune, 1280 Close B. Chiweton,
1238 ib. Chyweton. Onom. has no Ciwa, only one Ceawa, which
may be the name here, and also in Chew Magna and Stoke
(Bristol). Dom. Chiwe. There seems no Hkelier origin, though
it is rare for a place to be called after a man alone; but cf.
Goodrich, etc. Magna is L. for ' Great.'
Chichester. 891 O.E. Chron. Cisseceaster, c. 1070 Ecclesia Ci-
cestrensis, c. 1114 Cicestre, 1167-68 Cycestr', c. 1180 Cicestria,
late chart. Chichestra, 1297 B. Glouc. Chichestre. ' Camp, fort
of Cissa/ son of Ella, d. c. 520. See Keynoe, and cf. Cissbury
Camp (Worthing).
CmcH St. Osyth (Colchester), c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Chicce, Sim.
Dur. ann. 1123 Cice, 1157 Pipe Chich. Doubtful. None of
' the words spelt chich in Oxf. Diet, yield a likely origin, and there
seems nothing helpful in O.E. C/. Dom. Devon, Cichet. So prob.
the name is Keltic, meaning some thing or place of concave or
hivelike shape. Cf. W. cychu, ' to cover, to hive.' Osyth was a
virgin martyr, of doubtful date, ? 600-800. Said to have been
granddaughter of Penda of Mercia and pupil of Abbess Mod-
wenna.
Chlddingstone (Eden Bridge). The ' chiding stone,' a sandstone
boulder fr. which fractious wives used to be ' chided,' still stands
at the rear of the village; O.E. cidan, to chide, pa. tense, chid,
CHIEVELEY 199 CHILTON
pa. pple. chidden. But for all that, this is prob. an example
of popular etymology, and the real name will be O.E. Cyddan
Stan, ' stone of Cydda ' ; there are 2 of this name in Kent men-
tioned in Onom. Cf. Kiddington (Oxon), Dom. Chidintone;
but the Kent name is not in Dom.
Chievbley (Newbury). O.E. chart. Cifan lea, 1291 Chivele. ' Lea,
meadow of Ci^a.' Not the same name as Cheveley (Cambs).
Cf. Chevington, and see -ley.
Chigwell (Ongar). O.E. chart Cingwella, later Cinghewella, Chi-
wellia. ' Bang's well," O.E. cyning, 1-2 cyng, cing. Cf. CniNGroBD.
Chiloott (Wells) and Chtloote (Ashby-DE-LA-Z.). Prob., as in
Chilton and Chilwell, ' Gilda's cot'; the adj. chill is inad-
■ missible in all these cases, being recent. But Dom. Comw.,
Chilcoit, will be Old Keltic, or Corn, for 'neck of the wood';
with Com. chil, cf. G. caol, ' narrow,' and caolas, ' a strait, a
kyle.' The Wells name could quite easily be Corn.; it is not in
Dom. Of. Kllcot.
Childeey (Wantage). Chart. Cillan rithe. Cilia rithe, Dom. Celrea,
a. 1300 Celrea, CeLry. Cilia is presumably a personal name.
Cf. B.C. 8. 1242 Cillan hrycg {i.e., ' ridge ') ; prob. Cille, sister of
Hean, first abbot of Abingdon. The letter d often sufl&xes
itself. Cf. Drummond (Sc). Rith is O.E. for ' stream,' cognate
with L. rivus. Cf. Shottery. But Chtlderley (Cambs) is
Cildra-ledh, ' children's ' (Sc. childer's) 'lea.'
Child's Wigkham (Broadway, Worcester). 706 chart. Childes-
wicwon, Wicwone, 972 chart. Vuiguuennan. The present name
is a corruption ; the chart, name may contain W. gwig, ' a thicket,
grove, forest,' or else the name of the tribe Huiccii. See Wor-
cester; also see Wtkttamford. Child is O.E. did, 'a child,'
not found as child till c. 1160, so that the copy of the 706 chart.
must be late. Cild is also early found as a proper name.
Chtt.t.tngham (Bedford). Sic 1595, and Chellington [Kings-
bridge (Sussex), Crewkeme and Brewood (StafEs)]. Ki. and Cr.
C. Dom. Cilletone. Br. C. Dom. Cillentone, a. 1200 Cilderton,
a. 1400 Chilinton, ' Home, village, or town of Cille.' The names
Cild, Cilia, Cille, and Cilli are all in Onom. But Sus. C. is c.
1060 chart. CiUingtun (probably), or ' village of Cilling,' prob.
patronymic fr. above. See -ham, -ing, and -ton.
Chiltern. a. 800 Chilternsaetna, Dom. Cilterne (Somerset), a. 1125
O.E. Chron. ann. 1009 Ciltem, c. 1200 Gervase Chiltre. Cf.,
too, chart Hen. I. a ' Ciltre.' Oxf. Diet, says origin unknown.
The name is also applied to a kind of soil. The -ern is prob.
O.E. erne, ' a house.'
Chilton (5 in P.O.). C. Poldon, Bridgewater, Dom. Cildetone,
Steventon C. 1015 chart. In loco ubi solicolse appellativo usu
Cilda tun nominant, Dom. Cilletone, a. 1300 Chilton, Dom,
CHILVEES COTON 200 CHIPPING NOETON
Bucks Ciltone. Cilda, 1015, prob. is a man's name, as the
proper gen. plu. of O.E. cild, ' child,' is cildra. But Skeat says
that this, like Chilford (Cambs) means ' children's/ Yet KLilton,
(Yorks), sic 1179, is Dom. Chilton, which makes Skeat's asser-
tion doubtful. Cf. next.
CtttTjVEBS Coton (Nimeaton). Dom. Celverdestoche (see -stock),
a. 1200 Chelverdcote, a. 1300 Chilverdescote, Chelverescot.
' Ceolweard's cottages,' coton being an O.E. pi. of cot.
Chilwell (Nottingham). Dom. Cilleuuelle, Cid-, Chide welle. Cf.
Dom. ' Cildewelle ' (Cheshire). Chil- prob. represents a man
Cild, Cilia, or Cille; all these forms are found in Onom. The
Eng. adj. chill is not found till 1513. See, too, above, and
cf. Chilworth (Romsey and Guildford), Dom. Leicr., Chilurda,
and 1238 Close E. Cheleworth (Cricklade), which all must be fr.
a man Cille, or the like. But some think Chil- is same root as
in Bapchtld. See -worth.
Chine (in Blackgang Chine, etc., in S. and S.W.). See Chenies.
The Oxf. Diet, gives no quot. before 1830.
Chtngeord (Walthamstow). The early forms vary much — Dom.
Chilgelford, 1242 Chingel-, also Cinge-, Cinghe-, Echingels-,
Schingelf ord. This seems to be ' Shingle - ford,' N . singl,
' water-worn gravel or pebbles,' M.E. chingle ; but plainly
confused with ' King's ford.' Cf. Chigwell, and 1160 Pipe
Chingeswuda (Eangswood, ? in Surrey).
Cheststock, E. and W. (Somerset). Dom. Cinioch. Prob. Keltic.
Possibly var. of Cannock, fr. W. cnwc, ' a hillock.' But also
cf. G. cianog, ' a small piece of arable land.'
Chinnob (Wallingf ord) . 1234 Close B. Chynhore, Chennor.
' Bank, edge of Cina ' or ' Cyna,' gen. -an. Cf. Chinley (Stock-
port) . See -or.
Chippenham (Wilts, Bp's. Cleeve, Cambs). Wi. C. 878 O.E. Chron.
Cippan hamm, c. 900 chart. C^ppenhamme, 1158-59 Chepeham,
Bp. C. c. 812 chart. Cippanhamme, Ca. C. c. 1080 Inquis. Cam.
Chipenham, Dom. Chipeham. ' Enclosure,' O.E. hamm, or
' home,' O.E. ham, ' of Cippa,' -an, a rare name; Cippan cannot
be = Chipping. Cf. Dom. Essex, Kippedana, the 2 Chipsteads,
and CHipprNGHURST (Oxon), chart. Cibbanhyrst, ' Cibba's wood.'
Chipping Norton, Ongar, Sodbuby, etc. a. 1300 Roll Norton
Mercatoria. Chipping is var. of cheaping, found c. 1200
cheping, ' a market, a market-place,' fr. O.E. ceap, * barter,'
cipan, ' to sell,' same root as cheap, cheapen, etc. Cf. Chep-
stow, and see Norton, etc. The mod. Swede has the
same sound and meaning, though not the same spelling.
He always speaks of Copenhagen as Chippenhavn, ' merchant's
haven,' though he spells it Kjobenhavn or -hamn, whilst a
name like Jonkoping, ' John's market,' he pronounces Yon-
CHIPSTEAD 201 CHOLDERTON
chipping. But Chipping (N. Lanes), Dom. Chipinden, is prob-
' vale of Cipa ' or ' Ceapa,' one in Onom (see -den), and Chip-
PiNaTON (Nthbld.) is oZd Cebbington, ' town of Ceabba/ gen. -ban,
one in Onom. See -ing.
Chtpstead (Red Hill and Sevenoaks) . Not in Dom. Prob. ' home-
stead of Cyppa.' Cf. Chippenham and Dom. Norfk. Chiptona.
Chirbury (Salop) . 913 O.E. Chron. Cyricbyrig — i.e., ' churchburgh '
or ' town.' See the interesting article Church in Oa;/. Z)ici. But
by c. 1120 Hen. Hunt.it is Cereburih, 1236 Chirebir". See -bury.
Chirk (Accrington and Oswestry). Ace. C. 1202 Chirche, or
' church '; but Osw. C. a. 1300 Ciriee, c. 1350 Chirk, which may
not represent O.E. for ' church/ as in Chirbury; but, as Chirk
is on the R. Ceiriog, it may be a corrup. of it. In W. it is
Eglwys y wsen, ' church of the moor.'
Chiselhfrst. 1160Pi^eChiselherst, c. 1380Chesilhurst. 'Woody
place on the shingle,' O.E. ceosel. See Chelsea and -hurst; and
cf. Chesil Bank, Dorset. But Chiselboroxjgh (Stoke-under-ham)
is 1236 Close B. Sidelberg, prob. ' burgh of Cecil.' The original
seat of the Cecils was in Monmouth, where the name is pron.
Seisyl; we see the same name in Isolde or Yseult of the medieval
romances and in Chisholm (Sc). See -boro'. We also have
1240 Close R. Chiselhampt'.
Chisenbury (Pewsey). Dom. Cheseberie. Cf. Dom. Surrey Cisen-
done. ' Burgh, town of Cisi,' one in Onom. Cissa is much
commoner. See -bury. Great Chishall (1597 ChishiU), R.oy-
ston, may be fr. the same name.
Chislet (Canterbury). Chart, and Dom. Gstelet. Possibly O.N.
Fr. castelet, chastelet, dimin, of chastel, mod. Er. chdtelet and
cMteau, ' a little castle.' We have castelet in Eng. c. 1320 and
chastelet in 1494; but the early change fr. a to i is scarcely
explained. Prof. Weekley is quite doubtful.
CHISWIC3K (London). Not in Dom. c. 1230 Chesewycke. O.E. cese,
cyse wic, ' dweUing, hamlet where cheese was made.' Cf.
BuTTERWicK and Cheswardine, and see -wick.
Chitterne (Wilts), a. 675 Grant Cyterene forde. ? Dom. Chetre.
Prob. ' Cyta's house,' O.E. erne. We find both a ' Cytan ford '
and a ' Cittan den ' in early charters.
Chittlehamholt (Chulmleigh) and Chittlehampton (Umberleigh),
both Devon. Dom. Citrametona (though in MS. Curametone).
The first part must be the common O.E. name Cytel, Chitel, or
Ketel ; the r in Dom. is due to the common interchange of
liquids. Dom. also has Chetelescote. Holt is O.E. and Icel. for
' a wood, a grove.' See Hampton.
Cholderton (SaUsbury). Dom. Celdre-, Celdrintone, 1287 Close
E. Childwarton. ' Town of Ceolweard,' var. ' Kilvert.'
U
CHOLLERFORD 202 CHURCHINFORD
Chollerford, and -ton (N. Tyne). c. 410 Notit. Dign. Glurno,
a. 700 Bav. Geogr. Celunno, 1232 chart. Chelreton. Cilurno
suggests W. cilwrn, 'cauldron/ fr. the cavities in the rocky
river-bed here; Sc. Rhys. But the disappearance of the n is
curious. Cf. above.
Cholmondeley (Cheshire). Pron. Chumly. Dom. Calmundelei.
' Galmund's or ' Geolmund's, meadow.' Gf. Chelmondiston.
See -ley.
Cholsey (Berks). 1005 O.E. Ghron. Ceolesige^ Dom. Celsei, Sim,
Dur. ann. 1006 Ceolesegia, c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Coleseige. ' Geola'a
isle ' ; several Ceolas are known. See -ey.
Choppington (Morpeth), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Cebbingtun. ' Geab-
ba's village.' Gf. B.G.S. 282 Ceabban sol. It may be a patro-
nymic. See -ing and -ton.
Chorleton - CUM - Hardy (Manchester). 1296-97 Chorleton=
Charlton.
Chorley (Preston). 'Meadow on the R. Ghor/ a name prob.
Keltic; ? cognate with W. cor, 'a circle, a crib.' Cf. Dom.
Worcr. ' Chure.' But Chorley (Lichfield) is sic a. 1400 and
a. 1600 Chorley alias Charley. ' Meadow of Georl,' or ' of the
carl or churl/ O.E. ceorl.
Chrishall (Royston). Not in Dom. 1298 Cristeshale — i.e.,
' Ghrist'a nook.' Gf. Dom. Worcr. Christetone, and Christen
Bank (Northumbld.).
Christchurch. 1058 O.E. Ghron. Mt Christes cyrcean, a. 1109
Mt Xrescircean, c. 1160 Gesta Steph. Cristiciria {sic).
Christian Malford (Chippenham). 940 chart. Cristemalford,
'Christ's Malford/ or 'ford of the tax or impost/ O.E. mdl,
seen in the Sc. mailing.
Chijdleigh (2 in Devon) . Not in Dom. ' Meadow of Gudd ' or
' Cudda,' names in Onom. See -leigh.
Chtjlmleigh (Devon). Dom. Calmonleuge, Exon. Dom. Chalmon-
leuge, 1242 Glose R. Cha(u)meleg'. ' Meadow of Geolmund/ a
very common name ; eo regularly becomes a, now slurred into
u; and -leuge is scribe's error for -leage, dat. of leah. See -ley.
Churohhtll (4 in P.G.). Kidderminster C. Dom. Circehille, Oxf.
C. 1295 chart. Cercelle, later CherchehuUe, Dom. Bucks Cherche-
helle, also Chirchefeld; in Dom. Surrey it is Cercefelde. Form
1295 is only an early spelhng of ' church hill.' Gf. the forms
under Christchurch. Churchdown (Gloustrsh.), now pron.
Chosen, is already in Dom. Circesdune.
Churcbinford (Honiton). Not in Dom. Perh. 935 chart. Chircel-
ford. The liquids do interchange, but I rarely becomes n. The
early spelhngs in the Oxf. Diet, do not encourage us to derive
CHURCH MINSHULL 203 CIRENCESTER
CEircel fr, circle ; but there is a Med. L. cercella, O.Fr. cercdle,
' the teal duck/ which seems possible.
Church Minshull (Middlewich). See Minshtjll Vernon.
Chxjbohoveb (Rubgy). Dom. Wara, 1257 Waur(e), a. 1300 Church
Waver, 1327 Chirche-Wavre. The -overs of Warwk., Browns-
over, Cester-Over, etc., are all fr. O.E. wafre, wcefre, ' the aspen
poplar.' See Wavertree, etc.
Churn, R. (Cirencester). Prob. found in c. 150 Ptolemy Corinion
and a. 700 Rav. Geogr. Cironium, names for Cirencester,
which stands on this river; it is sometimes called the Corin.
If the name is so old it cannot be O.E. cyrin, ' a churn,' and is
prob. pre-Keltic. There is also a Churnet, trib. of R. Dove
(Staiid.), 1284 Chirnete, which might be dimin. of O.E. cyrin,
dm ; but Duignan is prob. right in connecting it with the other
river. C/. Cerne.
Churston Ferrers (Devon). Prob. 1167-68 Pipe Chirestona,
' Town of Cire,' one Cyra in Onom. Of. Cheriton. On Ferrers,
see Beer.
Chute (Wilts) and Chute Standen (Andover). 1238 Close R.
Cett, 1241 ib. Cet, ? which. Gf. 1248 chart. ' Forest of Chett,'
1270 in Bosco de Cett. Kelt, chet, coit,W. coed, ' a wood.' See
Chetwode.
Chyandour (Penzance). Corn.= ' house on the water,' ti, chi, ' a
house.' The G. tigh, *a house,' also commonly takes the ch
sound. Cf.Ch.ysQ,\\&t&r,CoTn.chy sawstir, ' house on the Saxon
or English land,' and Chyangwail, Lelant, ' house in the field,'
gwel, gweal, rather than ' among the corn-stalks,' gwail. Also
see Tywarnhaile.
CiLSAN (on R. Towy). W. cil is 'the back,* then 'a retreat, a
place of retreat, a comer.' Gf. G. cM and cuil. The -san is
thought to be O.E. segne, L. sagina, Gk. a-ay-jvr], ' a seine (net).'
Cindery I. (BrightUngsea) . 1539 Syndry, 1674 Sinder Isle. Prob.
O.E. sunder ea, ' isle sundered or separated ' from the mainland.
Gf. Sunderland; whilst Cinderford, For. of Dean, is 1281
Sinderford. See -ey.
Cirencester. Prob. c. 150 Ptolemy Corinion, a. 700 Rav.
Geogr. Cironium, O.E. Ghron. 628 Cirenceastre, c. 893 Asser
Cirrenceastre called ' Cair ceri ' in British, which is the south part
of the Huiccii (see Worcester), 1155 Cirecestre, c. 1180 Ben.
Peterb. Cirencestria, Cirecestria, 1298 Cicestre, which last is
near the present pron.. Sister, Sizeter. In W. Caergeri, really
the same name. Usually said to be ' Ciren's camp.' There is
no Giren or Cyren in Onom., though we do find B.C. 8. 349
Cyran leah — i.e., ' meadow of Cyra.' However, the root must be
pre-Saxon, the name being ' camp on the Ciren' or ' Churn.*
See -cester.
CISSBURY 204 CLAVERDON
CissBUBY (Worthing). Not in Dom. ' Burgh, fort of Cissa.' See
Chichestee and -bury.
Claines (Worcester), a, 1100 Cleinesse, a. 1200 Claines. This is
certainly an abnormal name, but it can hardly be aught else
but O.E. clone, cldne nces, ' clear, clean headland '; the orig.
meaning of clean was ' clear." Of course, final -ness, q.v., is
usually sounded ; but it could easily be slurred.
Clandown (Radstock) and Clanfield (Hants and Oxon). Ox.
C. Dom. Clenefelde, 1216-1307 Glanfeld, 1274-79 Clanefeld.
Cf. Dom. Clanedun (Surrey) and Clandone (Bucks). AU fr.
O.E. clcBne, cldne, ' clear, clean, free from dirt or weeds.' See
-don.
Clapham (Westmld., London, and Beds). We. 0. Dom. Clapeham;
Lon. C. a. 900 chart. Cloppaham, Clappenham, Dom. Clopeham;
Bed. C. 1236 Clopham. Some think Lon. 0. is ' Home of the
Osgod Glapa/ d. 1054, where Harthacnut drank himself to
death ; but Skeat prefers to associate both the above, and also
Claphams in Yorks and Lanes, with mid. Dan. klop, 'a stub, a
stump,' prob. allied to clump : so ' house in the stumpy ground.'
Similarly Clapton (Hungerford), 1316 Clopton, and Clapton
(Glostrsh.) c. 1200 Cloptime ; whilst Dom. has a Clopcote (Berks).
Cf. Clopton. Skeat does not seem to have noted the Dom,
Westmld. form, which favours derivation fr. a man. Cf., too,
Dom. Sffk. Cleptuna.
Clarendon (Sahsbury). 1164 Hoveden Clarendonum, 1373 Claryn-
done. The adj. clear is not found in Eng. a. 1297, and there is
only one obscure Clare in Onom., so the origin of this name is
doubtful. W. clavrr, 'surface, cover,' does not seem likely;
' HiU of Clare ' is more so, O.E. dun, ' a hill, a fort.' Cf. next.
CLAiBO (Yorks). Not in Dom., though now name of a wapentake.
May be ' clear, conspicuous how ' O.N. haug-r, or moothill of its
wapentake; only, clear, 3-5 cler, is not found in Eng. a. 1297.
But there is also Clareton (Yorks), Dom. Claretone, which
favours derivation fr. a man Clare. Cf. Clarendon, Greenho
(Norfolk), and Thingoe.
Clatford (Andover). Dom. Cladford. Doubtful. No name in
Onom. like Clad. Perh. fr. O.E. elate, ' bur, burdock, cHvers.'
Claughton-on -Brock (Garstang). Dom. Clactune, 1208 Clatton,
1241 Close B. Clexton, 1288 Claghton. ' Vill&,ge of Clac,' several
in Onom., whilst Brock is O.E. broc, ' a brook.' Cf. Claxton,
Clawton, Holsworthy, and 1160-61 Pipe Clawurda (Notts and
Derby); also Dom. Yorks Clactone, now Clayton West, and
Cloctone now Cloughton.
Claverdon (Stratford, Wwk.). Dom. Clavendone, 1151 Claver-
don, 1326 Clardon. 'Clover hill'; O.E. clcefre. Cf. next, and
see -don.
CLAVE RING 206 CLEE HILLS
Clavering (Newport, Essex). Dom. both Essex and Nfk. Clave-
linga, 1241 Close B. Cluering, 1330 Claveryng. This cannot be
the same as Claverlet (Wolverhmptn.) and Claverhouse
(Sc), fr. O.E. clafre, clcefre, 4-7 claver, * clover/ It must be, by
dissunilation, fr. a man Clavel, prob. he who came over with
Wm. the Conqueror — ' place of the sons of Clavel.' See -ing.
Claxton (Stockton, Yorks, and Norfk.). St. C. sic 1344, Yo. C.
Dom. 3 times Claxtorp (see -thorpe), Nfk. C. Dom. Clakestona.
' Town of Clacc ' or ' KlaTch-r,' a N. name. Cf. Clacton and
Claughton.
Clay (Lincoln). Sice. 1180 Bened. Peterb. The earliest instance
of the form clay, O.E. clde^, in the Oxf. Did. is a. 1300.
Clayhanger (Devon, S. Somerset, Staffs, Essex). Dev. C. Dom.
Clehangre, Glostr. C. Claenhangare; St. C. 1300 Cleyhunger, later
Cleohongre; Ess. C. 1015 O.E. Chron. Clseighangra — i.e., ' clay
slope.' The prob. meaning of O.E. Jiangra is ' slope,' fr. the
ob. hang, or perh. ' wood on a slope.' See Oxf. Diet. HA]<rGER^.
Cf. Birchanger, Hungerford, etc. In Glostr. it has now
become Clinger, 1138 Cleangra.
Clayton (8 in P.O.). More than one in Yorks Dom. Claitone.
Clayton Griffith (Newcastle, Staffs) is Dom. Claitone, «.1300
Clayton Griffyn. O.E. cZceg-Mw, 'town in the clay.' But Dow.
Yorks also has a Clactone= Clayton West. See Claughton.
The Griff yns were lords of the manor in the 13th cny.
Clayworth (Retford). Dom. Clauorde. 1156 Clawurda, 1202
Clawurth. ' Clayey farm.' Cf. above and -worth. The
surname Cleworth is the same name.
Cleasby (N. Riding, Yorks). D&m. Clesbi, 1202 Clasebi, 1298
Cleseby. Prob. ' Dwelling of Clea/ or some such name, not
found in Onom. See -by. Hardly fr. O.E. cleof, later cleo, ' a
cliff, a CLEVE ' {q.v. in Oxf. Diet.). This last is the origin of
Clee and Cleobtjry.
Cleatlam (Barnard Castle), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Clethinga. Doubt-
ful. The -am will be -ham, ' home.'
Cleator (Whitehaven). Old Cletergh. O.N. klett-r, 'a, cliff, a
crag,' and ergh, N. corrup. of G. airigh, 'a shieling, a hut.'
Cf. Angles ARK.
Cleddy R. (Milford Haven). 921 Clet5e mufan, c. 1120 Hen. Hunt.
Glade mouth, c. 1130 Lib. Land. Clediv and Doncledif. Prob.
O.W. cled, 'warm'; perh. W. cladd, 'a trench.' Cf. Clwyd.
But Owen, 1603, spells it Clydagh.
Clee Hills (Salop). Dom. Clee, Cleie. O.E. cleof, later cleo, ' a
chff, a brae,' same word as Cleve-land. Cliff in O.E. is also
clif, N. klif. Cf. Dom. Lines. Cleia, and Cleethorpes
(Grimsby), not in Dom.
CLENCHWARTON 206 CLIFTON
Clenchwarton (K/s Lynn) . Not in Dom. 1234 Close R. Clenche-
wartun. Doubtful. Hardly fr. Eng. to clench O.E. clincan,
which as sb. is late. Cf. Clench Common (Marlboro'), which
may be connected with 941 chart. Clinca leage, Tisted (Hants).
Possibly Kelt., ? W. clyn, ' brake, thicket,' with 2nd syll. half
lost, as in Trunch. See Warton.
Clent Hills (Stourbridge). Sic Dom. Dan. and Sw. Jclint, Icel.
klett-r, ' a hard, flinty rock,' found in Eng. as dint a. 1300 and
as clent a. 1400. Cf. Glentworth, and Clint (Ripley, Yorks),
not in Dom. ; also Dunclent, sic in Dom., near by.
Cleobury Mortimbr (Salop). Dom. Cleberie, 1287 Cleburi
Mortimer, ? 1298 Cluburi. ' Cliff -burgh ' or 'castle.' See
Clee and -bury, and Mortimer.
Clerkenwell (London). Sic E. E.Wills 14:/^. Very likely named
' well of the clerks ' in the time of Henry I. There is a ' Clerche-
welle ' (Kent), in 1158-59 Pipe. Stow, Survey, 1598, says, the
London place ' took the name of the Parish Clerks in London
who, of old time, were accustomed there yearly to assemble and
to play some large history of Holy Scripture.'
Clevedon (Somerset). 1321 Cliveden. ' Cliff -hke, brae-Hke hill.'
See Clee, Cleveland, and and -don. Cleeve Prior (Eves-
ham) is 888 chart. Clife, Dom. Clive. 1160-61 Pipe, Northants has
a CHua. Cf. Bishop's Cleeve.
Cleveland (N. Yorks). Sim. Dur. ann. 1093 Clivelande, 1209
CHveland, 1461 Cle viand. ' CHff-land.' See Clee. Dom. has
only Chve in Yorks, but this 12 times = North and South Cliff, etc.
Clewer (Windsor and Cheddar). Win. C. Dom. Clivore, 1291
Cliwar, Clyfwere, 1316 Clyware. Prob. O.E. cKf-wara, ' home
of the cliff-dwellers.' Such cliff -men are referred to in B.C.S.
1. 318 (Kent). Dom. Somst. has only a Clovewrde, 'farm of
Clofa ' ; this can hardly be Clewer, Cheddar, but ? With it
cf. Clearwell (For. of Dean), old Clowerwall, fr. dower, ' sluice,
mill-dam,' found in 1483 clowre, and still in North dial, door,
but further S. usually clow. See Oxf. Diet. s.v.
Cliffe. Prob. that at Selby, c. 890 Alfred Baeda 772 Clife. O.E.
cUf, ' a chff.' See also s.v. Cleveland.
Clifford (4 in P.O.). Gloucester C. 922 chart. Clifforda, Dom.
CHfort. ' Cliff -ford '—i.e., ' steep ford.'
Clifton (14 in P.O.). Dom. Yorks Cliftun, 14 times,
a. 1100 Hugo Candidus a ' Cliftune,' Rugby C. Dom. Cliptone
{p an error). Clifton Camvtlle (Tamworth) is Dom. Clistone,
another error, but 1100 Cliftun. 'Cliff town.' See above.
The Camvilles were Nor. lords of the manor, who took their
name fr. Canappeville, Eure, Normandy. Their name was also
spelt Campville.
CLIPSHAM 207 COALBROOKDALE
Clipsham (Oakham) and Clipston (Mket. Harboro'). Dom. Clipe-
stone, 1317 Clipston. ' Clip's home ' or ' village ' ; one Cli'p
in Onom. Gf. Dom. CHpesbei, now Clixby (Norfk.).
Clitheroe (Lanes), Sim. Dur. contin. ann. 1138 Clitherhou,
1175-76 Cliderhous, 1230 CHderho, 1241 -erhow, 1501 CUderowe.
Fr. early dial, dithers, mod. dial, clider, for clivers, , ' goose-
grass/ and Hoe, O.E. hoh, ' a height.' \
Clive (Shrewsbury). Sic 1327. O.E. clif, 2-6 cliue, really a
dat., ' a cliff.'
Clopton (Glostrsh., Thrapston, Stratford, Wwk., Woodbridge [or
Clapton]). Gl. C. Dom. Cloptune. Thr. C. c. 1080 Inquis
Camh. Clopetuna, 1210 Cloptune. Str. C. 1016 Cloptune, Dom.
Clotone. ' Town of Glopa ' c/., Clapton, also 1179-80 Ti'pe
Clopton (Yorks). But c/. Clapham.
Closworth (Sherborne). Not in Dom. 1252 chart. Cloveswurthe,
1270 Clovesuude (i.e., ' wood '). Prob. ' farm of Ciovis or Chfa,'
or some such name. The nearest in Onom. is Clofena. Cf. a
' Closley,' 1285 in Salop, and Lowestoft; and see -worth.
Cloughton. See Claughton.
CLOviLLY (N. Devon). Dom. Clovelie. Doubtful; perh. Com.
clog (G. cloch), ' a steep rock ' and velen, ' yellow.' There is also
a Bratton Clovelly, near Okehampton.
Clun (W. Salop). Dom. Clone, Clune. Now in W. Colunwy.
[Cf. 1131 O.E. Chron. ' Prior of Clunni.] W. clyn, ' a brake, a
thicket.' But cf. Clunie (Sc), and G. cluain, ' a meadow.'
Clungunford, near by, will be W. clyn gywn, ' fair, clear thicket,'
whilst Clunbury is Dom. Climeberie. See -bury; and Clttnton
is Dom. Cluton.
Clwyd R. (Denbighsh.). Dom. Cloith, Cloit. W. clwyd, ' warm,*
also ' strong.' Cf. Clyde (Sc).
Clydach (Glam. and Abergavenny). Gl. C. 1207-08 Cleudach.
W. clwyd, ' warm, comfortable, sheltering.' Some say, ach is
' river ' ; it is more prob. a suffix of place. Cf. Clarach, Aberyst-
with.
Clyst (Exeter and Topsham). Ex. C. 1001 O.E. Chron. Glistun,
v.r. Chstun, Dom. CKstone, Glustone. Also Dow. Bucks, Wore,
and Dorset Clistone, -tune. Hybrid. W. glwys, ' a hallowed
place, a fair spot,' and -ton.
CoALBROOKDALE (Salop) and Colebrook (Plympton). Dom.
Colebroche, 1298 Colebroke. O.E. col, 'cool, cold,' does not
suit well phonetically, so it may be fr. O.E. col, 2-8 cole, ' char-
coal, coal'; — brook beside which charcoal was burned. Cf.
Dom.Chesh. Colbourne, 1157P*i3eNorthbld.Colebr'., 1107-28 Lift.
Winton. Colobrochestrel (Winchester), and Coleshill. See
-dale.
COALET 208 COCKSHOTTS
CoALEY (Frocester). Dom. Cpeleye, later Covel-, Couley. Prob.
* Cofa's mead/ See -ley.
COANWOOD (Carlisle). ' Wood of Goen or Goena/ several in Onom.
Cf. B.C.S. 313 ' Cohhanleah/ date 804.
CoATES (Peterboro', Cirencester). Pe. C. Dom. Cota, Cote. O.E.
cot, cott ; M.E. cotes, ' cots, cottages.'
CoBDEN Hill (Elstree). Old Copdene; also cf. ' Coppdene ' 1314 in
Sussex, later Cob den, now extinct. ' Hill at the head of the
(wooded) valley/ fr. O.E. cop, coppe, ' top, summit' (Oxf. Diet.
gives no spelling of the sb. cop with a 6). See -den.
CoBHAM. Surbiton C. Grant of a. 675 Chebe-, Chabbeham, Dom.
Cebeha, 1315 Cobeham. ' Home of Geabba,' one in Onom.
But Gravesend C. 939 chart. Cobba hamme, ' enclosure of Gobba.'
Gf. CoBLEY (Alvechurch), a. 1200 Cobbeslee; and see -ham.
CocKERMOUTH. c. 1310 Cokcrmue, 1317 Cokermuth. Can this
river's name come fr. O.E. cocer, M.E. koJcer, cokre, ' a quiver ' ?
If not, then fr. what ? There is also Cockebham (Garstang),
Dom. Cocreha, 1206 Cokerheim, which must be fr. a man Cocker,
a surname still found. In Eng. cocker is ' a prize-fighter, a
wrangler/ not found c. 1275, or ' a hay-worker,' 1st in 1393.
But in our place-names Cocker- is prob. the inflected form of
the N. name Kok-r. The river name must remain doubtful.
Gf. next and Coker, Somst., Dom. Cocre.
CocKEBTON (Darlington), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Cocertune, 1183
Cokirtona. ' Town of Gocker,' a name not in Onom., but see
above, and cf. Cockebsand Abbey (Lancaster), 1213-15 Cocres-
sand, 1236-'^ Kokersond; also 1225 Patent B. Cokerinton, a
patronymic.
CocKFiELD (Bury St. Edmunds and Durham) . Bury C. chart. Cochan-
feld. ' Field of Gocha ' or ' Gocca: Gf. B.G.8. 246 Coccan burh.
Old forms needed for Dur. C. Gf. 1157 Pipe CochuUa (? Gloster.),
and Dom. Wore. ' Cochesie.' In Pipe Rolls of Rich. I. we also
have ' Cokefeld ' (Oxfd.) and * Cockesfeld ' (Norfk.), which seem
to come fr. cock. See next. Gf. Coxjghton.
CocKLEY Cley (Swaffham). Not in Dom. 1451 Cokely Clay. Gf.
Dom. Cliesh. Code, and 1200 chart. Kokedale. ' Cock's
meadow '; O.E. cocc, coc, kok, ' a barnyard cock.' Gf. next and
Clay, O.E. cIost,, 4-6 cUy ; also Coxley. See -ley.
CocKNAGE (Trentham). 1194 Cokenache. Ache is not a M.E.
form of oak (see Oxf. Diet, s.v.), as Duignan thinks, but is for
hatch, O.E. hoea{c), gen. hcecce, 3-7 hacche, bacche, so this is
* hatch, half-door or wicket-gate of the cock,' O.E. coc; or, of a
man Goc or Gocca, both forms are known. Gf. Stevenage.
CocKBTJP (Glostr.), oZcZ Cocthrop, is ' Gocca's farm.' See thorpe.
CocKSHOTTS Wood (Lanes). 1377-99 Cokeshoteslace, and Cock-
SHUTT (Cakemore, Halesowen, and Ellesmere). Ca. C. 1440
CODNOR 209 COLESHILL
Kockshete. A cockshot is a broad way or glade through which
game {cochs) might sJioot, so as to be caught in nets. There are
many so named in Wore.
CoDNOR (Derby). Dom. Cotenovre. 'Bank, border of Coda' or
' Cota,' both on record. Cf. Codbakbow (Wwksh.), a. 1300
Codbarwe, ' Coda's mound/ and Dom. Kent ' Codeha.' The
n is the sign of the O.E. gen. See -or, -over.
CoDSALL (Wolverhampton), a. 1200 Coddeshal, a. 1300 Codeshale.
' Nook of Codda ' or ' Coda.' Cf. Codnor, and see -hall.
CoEDPENMAEN (Pontypridd). W. for ' wood of the rocky headland
or height.' Coed Rhath (Pembroke) 1324, Coyt rath is W.
for ' wood on the mound or hill.' Coety (? Pembroke) is old
Coetif, O.W. for ' dark wood,' W. dy.
CoGGESHALL (Essex). Dom. Cogghessala, 1298 Coggeshale, 'nook
of Coga or Cogga.' See Onom. Prob. not fr. M.E. cogge, 'a
small ship.' Cf. 1183 Boldon BJc. Cogesalle (Durham). See
-haU.
CoQYROS (Cornwall). Said to be Corn, for ' cuckoo-moor.' Lit. it
is ' cuckoo in the moor,' W. and Com. cog.
Colchester. (? 940 chart. B.C.S. 750, CoUacestr), Dom. and 1160
Pipe Colecestra. The Camulodunum of Tacitus — Camulos was
a Kelt, deity. An inscription shows that the Empr. Claudius
founded ' Colonia Victricensis ' here, and so it may have come
to be called ' Colonia castra,' O.E. chart. Colenceaster, in W.
Caercolun. So Colchester may mean ' colony camp ' or 'city.'
Only it is on E,. Colne, and so quite possibly it means only
' camp, castle on the Colne.'
Cold Aston (Glostersh.). c. 955 chart. iEsctun — i.e., 'ash-tree
town.' Dom. Escetone. Cf. Caldicot.
Cold Coniston (Craven) . Dom. Congehestone, Coningeston ; 1202
Calde Cuningeston= Cold Kingston. Cf. Conisborouqh.
Cold Harbour (Boston, Grantham, Cambs, Glostrsh., Leith Hill).
' Cold shelter,' an ironic name, says Leo of Halle, in Ger. Kalte-
herburg. On harbour, which is lit. ' a place of shelter,' see Oxf.
Diet. Cf. c. 1485 Skelton, ' some say the devil's dead and
buried in Cold Harbour.'
Colesboubne (Cheltenham), c. 800 chart. Colesburna, c. 802 ib.
Collesburna — i.e., ' bum, brook of Colle ' or ' Cola,' a common
O.E. name. Cf. Coleby (Lines), and Coseley, also Dom.
Surrey Colesdone; Nfk. Colebei. Colbotjrn (Yorks) is in Dom.
Corbume by dissimilation. There is a brook Cole (Wilts).
CoLECOMBE (Sevenhampton) is fr. R. Coln.
CoLESHiLL (Swindon, Warwksh., and FHnt). Sw.C. Dom. Coles-
eUe, 1298 Coleshulle. War. C. 799 chart. Colles hyl, Dom. Coles-
hille. Fi. C. c. 1188 Gir. Camb. KoleshuU, but said also to be
COLLINGBOURNE DUCIS 210 COMBE
old Counsylht. ' Hill of Colle ' or ' Cola.' But both the Berks
and War. places are on a R. Cole, whose origin is hard to guess.
It will not be O.E. cawel, cawl, 4 col, ' cole, cabbage '; nor does
O.E. col, 'cool,' suit well phonetically; while col, 'charcoal/
does not seem likely. Cf. Coalbrookdale.
Collin GB0T7E,NE Ducis and Kingston (Marlborough), Dom.
Cohngeburne, 1298 Colyngborn. ' Bourne, bum, or brook of
Colling,' a name in Onom., where also are Collanus and Collinc.
It is a patronymic fr. Goll{a), a fairly common name. Cf.
Dom. Yorks CoUngaworde, now Cullingworth, and Coneyswick
(Wstrsh.), Dom. Colingwic. Ducis is L. for ' of the duke.'
Collin GHAM (Newark). Dom. Cohngeham, a. 1100 Colingham.
' Home of Colling.' See above and -ing.
CoLMWOBTH (St. Neot's). Dom. Colmeworde, -borde (6 for v).
'Farm of Colm.' Cf. Dom. Colmestan (Salop). In Scotland
Colm is short for Columba. Here it may be for Colman.
See -worth.
CoLN R.. (Glostrsh.) and Colne R. (Herts). Gl. C. [c. 740 chart.
Cunugl ae, 855 ib. Cunelga, 962 ib. Cungle] old Culna, Culne,
Colum; He. C. 985 chaH. Colen, 893 O.E. Chron. Colne. Prob.
pre-Keltic. A river would not be named fr. L. colonia, and W.
collen, ' hazel, hazel-wood,' is scarcely likely. In view of the
undoubted early forms of both rivers, confirmed by a Devon
R. Coin, found so early as 670 chart. Culum, it is all but certain
that the Cunugl forms must have been applied to the Glo'ster
river through some Saxon's error. Phonetically they are hard
to identify, and Cunugl is now represented by Knoyle. Coln
St. Aldwyn's, Fairford (Glostr.), corrupt chart, form, dated 681
Enneglan, prob. = Cuneglan, is fr. the hermit monk St. Ealdwine,
prob. he who d. 1085, and was founder of Malvern Priory.
Ealdwine was a favourite name with churchmen. See Onom.
Colne (St. Ives, Hunts, and Lanes). Hu. C. is sic in Dom., and
so prob. = above. La. C. is 1230 Calna, 1241 Close R. Kaun,
1251 Caime, 1327 Cohi, so must be=CALNE. C/. Dom. Nhants.
Calme.
CoLNEY Hatch and Heath (St. Albans). O.E. chart. ColenoE
i.e., ' isle on R. Colne, q.v. and -ey. Hatch means ' a wicket-
gate.' See Aldboeough Hatch.
CoLTON (Rugeley and 6 others). Dom. Coltune, -tone, and so later.
Dom. Yorks gives Coltune, Coletun, or Colletun 15 times. Un-
certain, but prob. O.E. col tun, ' charcoal (or coal) town.' Col-
wiCH (Rugeley), 1166 Calewich, a. 1300 Cole-, Colwych, is also
' coal- village.' Coal is O.E. col, 2-8 cole, 6- coal, but Oxf. Diet.
gives no cale, and it may be an error.
Combe (Coventry and Hungerford). Cov. C. old Cumb, Combe;
Hun. C. Dom. Comba. O.E. cu7nb, ' a bowl, a valley, a coomb.'
COMBEEBACH 211 COMPTON BEAUCHAMP
Of. W. cwm, ' hollow/ and Coomlees (Sc), also Dom. Wore,
' Comble/ or ' meadow, lea, in the valley/ Combrooke, also
in Warwk., is ' brook in the valley/ Combe Martin (N. Devon)
is fr. a Martin of Tours, who received lands here fr. Wm. Rufus.
We have a pi. form in Combs (Stockport and Stowmarket),
the latter 1235 Cambes.
Comberbach (Northwich), Combereord (Tamworth), and Comber-
mere (Nantwich). a. 1200 Cumbreford. 1135 Cumbermere, 1240
Cumbremer. One is tempted to derive Comber- fr. a Keltic root
meaning ' confluence,' as in Cumbernauld (Sc.) and in Quimper
or Kemper (Brittany). Cf. W. cymmer and G. comar with this
meaning. There is a ' Roger de Combre ' in Cheshire a. 1200,
and Comber- or Combre may be O.E. cumbra, gen. pi. of cumb,
' a valley ' — at least in some cases. But Comberton and
Comberworth almost force a derivation fr. Cumbra, a man's
name, lit. ' a Welshman.' The -bach is O.E. bcec, O.Fr. bache,
Nor.Fr. bake, M.E. bache {q.v. in Oxf. Diet.), 'the vale of a
stream,' same root as beck. Cf. Batchworth, Saptdbach, and
PoNTYCYMMER. Mere is Eng. and O.E. for ' lake.'
Comberton (Pershore and Cambridge). Pe. C. 972 chart. Cum-
brincgtune, Dom. Cumbri(n)tune, 1275 Cumbrintone. Ca. C.
Dom. Cumbertone, 1210 Cumbretone. ' Town of Cumbra,' or
' the Welshman,' or their descendants. Cf. Cumberworth and
1157 Pipe Cumbremara (Staffd.); and see above and -ing.
Comberworth (Lines) and Upper Cumberworth (Huddersfd.).
1236 Close B. Comberworth. Cf. Earle Chart. 447 Cumbran
weor3, Pershore. ' Farm of Cumbra,' or ' the Welshman.' Cf.
above and Cumberland.
Combwich (Bridgwater). Dom. Comich. O.E. cww6 mc, ' valley
dwelling or hamlet ' ; wic regularly becomes wich in later Eng.
Cf. Combridge (Uttoxeter), a. 1300 Combruge.
Compton (16 in P.G.). 804 chart. Cumbden, Kent (-den and -ton
interchange), 962 ib. Cumtun (Glostr.), 990 ib. Cumtune
(? which), c. 1020 Cumtune (Guildford or Petersfield ?), Dom.
Cun-, Contone (Warwk.), Contone (Wolvermpton.), Cantune (I. of
Wight); 1298 Cumpton (? which), a. 1400 Comptone (Wolver-
hampton). O.E. cumb tun, ' valley village.' Dom. has 32
manors, always with n — Contone. Cf. Combe.
Compton Beauchamp (Berks) is named fr. Guido de Bello Campo
(in Fr. Beau Champ), Earl of Warwick, and Alicia his wife, who
held lands here 1315-16. C. Scorpion (Shipston), Dom. Con-
tone parva, 1279 Compton Scorfen, which last, thinks Duignan,
may be * track, score over the fen,' but it is quite uncertain.
Scorpion, at any rate, is popular etymology. C. Winyates,
near by, is said to show an old form of ' vineyard.' It is a. 1300
C. Wyniate, Wyndyates, c. 1540 C. Vyneyatis. ^ .
CONBELIN 212 CONaRESBURY
CoNBEUN (Wales). Thought to preserve the name of the early
British Kling Cunohellinus.
CoNDATE (Northwich). Early forms, see Cound. Old Keltic =
' confluence/ fr. con, ' together/ and dJie, ' set/ Cf. Cond6,
(France), in O.E. Chron. Cundoth, and Kind St., mod. name of
the Roman road here. Also see Watson, Place-Names Ross,
s.v. Contin. The streams Dane and Croco join here. Cf. Con-
DOVER and Cunuffe. Congreve (Penkridge) is Dom. Come-
grave, a. 1300 Cune-, Cumgrave, where the Con- is uncertain,
but it may be fr. O.E. cumb, ' valley,' so often in Dom. as Con-
tune.
CoNDERTON (Tewkesbury) . 875 chart. Cantuaretun, 1327 Conterton.
Very interesting proof of a settlement of Kent men here ; for the
name in O.E. means ' Kent -dwellers' town,' as in Canterbury.
But E.. CoKDER (Lancaster), 1228 Gondouere, is, of course =
CoNDOVER. W. and H. absurdly suggest a derivation fr. Gunn-
hildr !
CoNDicoTE (Stow-on-Wold). Dom. Condi-, Connicote, 1169 Cumdi-
cote. Hybrid; cond. O.Kelt, for 'confluence,' see Condate,
and cf. Ft. Conde; and O.E. cot, ' cottage.' Baddeley prefers to
derive fr. a man. There is no Conda, and only one Cunda in
Onom.
CoNDOVER (Shrewsbury). Dom. Conodoure, 1228 Cunedour, 1234
Cunesdour, 1238 Cone-, Cundover. O.W. for ' the joining of
the streams.' See Condate and Dover. Candover is prob.
the same name; Conder E,. certainly is.
CoNEYSTHORPE (Malton). Dom. Coningestorp. 'King's village.'
O.N. honung-r, ' king,' an interesting corrup. See Coningsby
and -thorpe. But Coneybury and Coneybtjrrow Hill
(Wore.) and Conbygar (Gloster.) are fr. cony, M.E. for ' rabbit,'
while Coneys- or Conningswick (also in Wore.) is Dom. Coling-
wic, 1275 CoUingwike, ' abode of Colling,' or ' the sons of Coll.'
Cf. CoLLTNQHAM, and see -wick. Coneygar is for cony-garth. See
Oxf. Diet. s.v.
CoNGERSTONE (Athcrstoue) . ' Stone of Congar,' not in Duignan.
But cf. Dom. Norfk. Congrethorp', and Congresbtjry ; also see
-ton.
CoNGLETON (E. Cheshire). Dom. Cogeltone. One would expect
the jBrst half to be the name of a man, but there is none likely
in Onom. There is a Conall, son of Comgal, K. of Dabriada 563,
which names might suggest an origin ; but more old forms are
needed. Cf. Coln (Glostr.), 962 Cungle; also cogill, found
c. 1400, now dial, coggle, ' a water -worn or cobble-stone.'
Congresbury (Weston-super-Mare). Exon. Dom. Cungresberia,
O.E. chart. Congaresbyrig, which is ' burgh, town of St. Con-
garus,' who is buried here. The monastery of ' Cungresbyri '
CONINGSBY 213 COOKLET
was granted by K. Alfred to Asser. Little seems known about
the saint himself. In 1155 Pipe it is Cungresbi. See -by.
CoNiNQSBY (Boston). Dom. Cuningesbi, 1298 Cunynggesby.
' DweUing of the ELing.' O.N. konung-r, Dan. konge. See -by.
Cf. CoNNiNQSBTTRGH (Sc), CoNiNGTON (Cambs.), B.C.S. ill. 630
Cunningtun, Dom. Cunitone, 1210 Conintone, 1290 Conington,
1426 Conitone, Skeat thinks, may perh. be fr. a man, Cuna,
gen. Cunan. Cf. Connington (Hunts), 1236 Close R. Conninton,
Cunyton, and Cold Coniston. Conisbuegh (Rotherham),
1240 Close R. Cunigeburg, is clearly = Coningsby. See -burgh.
CoNisBOROUGH (Rotherham). Dom. Coningesburg, -bore, c. 1145
Geqffr. Monm. ' Kaerconan, now Cunungeburg,' 1202 Kuning-
bere. ' King's burgh.' See above and -burgh.
CoNisGLiFFE (Darlington), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. CingcescUfe, 1202
Cuniggesclive super Teisam. The name represented in the first
half is perh, doubtful. It may be Cynegyth or Cynesige (Kinsige) .
Prob. it is for King. Cf. Coningsby. On cliffe, see Clee.
CoNONLEY (Keighley). Dom. Cutnelai. Doubtful. Perh. corrup.
of Cutan leak, ' Cuta's meadow.' Cuta and Cutha are both in
Onom. See -ley.
CoNSETT (Co. Durham). 1183 Boldon Bk. Conekesheued. Inter-
esting corruption. Heued is M.E. for O.E, heafod, ' head, height,'
and this must be ' the height of ' some quite unknown man.
There is one Cynech in Onom!
CoNSTANTiNE (Padstow). Fr. Constantinus, King and martyr, a
convert of St. Petrock. He died 590.
Conway (N. Wales). Prob. c. ^%Q Ant. Itin. Conovio, and a. 700
Rav. Geogr. Canubio (the river), a. 1196 Gir. Camb. Cunewe,
Aberkonewe, -coneu; 1295 Aberconewey, still the proper name
of the town. The E,. in W. is Conwi, ' chief river,' fr. Keltic
con, ' together,' and gwy, ' river,' referring to the main stream,
being joined by tributaries. Conway (Sc.) is not the same
word. ,
CooKHAM (Maidenhead), a. 971 will Coccham, Dom. Cocheham,
1238 Cokh', 1241 Cocham, also Cucham. The chief evidence
points to O.E. coc-ham, 'cook's home'; but Cocham and the
like point to O.E. cocc, ' a cock,' ' cock's home.' Cookridge
(Yorks) is Dom. Cucheric, ? ' cook's ' or ' cock's.' Cook Hill
(Inkberrow) is a. 1300 Cochulle, and Cooksey (Bromsgrove) is
Dom. Cochesei, a. 1300 Cokesey. The present phonetic evidence
is all in favour of cook. Cf. Cuxham.
CooKLEY (Eadderminster). 964 cAar^ Culnan clif, 1066 Cullecliffe,
1275 ColecHf . The charter name must be ' Culna's cliff.' The
corrup. to -ley, ' meadow,' is rare. We have it the other way
round in Trottersoliffe.
COOLING 214 COEFE
CooLESTG (Rochester). 805 c^orit. Cinges Culand, or 'King's Cow-
land/ but in other charters it is 774 Colling, 778 Oulinga, and
805 Culingas, as if a patronymic. The name has got mixed.
There are two named Coling and two named Culling in Onom.
This latter personal name still exists. Cf. Cowling.
CoPDOGK (Ipswich) . Gf. 900 in Thorpe Diplom. 145 On Sa coppedan
ac. Copdock is ' copped' — i.e., pollarded ' oak ' — O.E. ac, very
rarely found now as ock. Oxf. Diet, gives only 3-5 oJc. It also
gives only O.E. quots. for this sense of copped, which is fr. cop sb.,
O.E. cop, copp, ' head, top.' But Dam. Surrey has a Copedorne,
which is 1160-01 Pipe Coppedethorn. Cf. Copythobne and the
surname Braddock.
CoPMANTHOBPE (York). Dom. Copemantorp. 'Village of Cop-
man,' N. for 'Chapman, merchant.' One in Onom. Cf. 1242
' Close R. Copmaneford, now Coppingford (Hunts). See -thorpe.
CoPPENHALL (Stafford and W. Cheshire). Dom. both Copehale, and
later Copen-, Coppenhale. ' Nook of Coppa ' or ' Copa,' the
mod. name Cope. Cf. Copgrove (Yorks), Dom. Copegrave ; and
CoPNOE, (Portsmouth), Dom. Copenore, O.E. Copanora, ' Copa's
bank.' See -haU and -or.
CopPLESTONE (Devon). Cf. Dom. Sffk. Copletuna. Prob. ' Town '
or ' stone of Cuthbeald,' common in Onom. ; cf. the surname
Cupples. See -ton.
CoPYTHORNE (Southampton). Not in Dom., but cf. K.C.D. v. 240,
To San coppedan fome ; also Dom. Surrey Copedorne and
Copededorne, 1160-61 Pipe Coppedethorn, ' the pollarded thorn-
tree.' See Copdock. But if this name be late, it will be fr. O.Fr.
cop-, coupp-, colpeiz, ' a blow, a stroke, a copse ' ; in 5-6 copie,
copy ; but in mod. Eng. coppice, ' a wood or thicket of small
trees or underwood.' The earUest quot. in Oxf. Diet, is 1538,
but copy is found in 1486 in Nottingham Rec. iii. 254.
Coquet R. (Northumbld.). c. 800 Hist. St. Cuthb. Cocwuda, a. 1130
Sim. Dur. Coqued. Cf. c. 1250 Matt. Paris Koket insula.
Cocc-wvda is O.E. fr. ' cock's wood.'
CoBBRiDGE (Hexham), c. 380 Ant. Itin. Corstopitum, a. 1130
Sim. Dur. Corebricge, 1150 Corbrig, 1157 Corebrigge. Corstopit-
-um is prob. G. corr stobaeh, ' hill -spur full of stumps ' {stob),
with Brythonic p for b, and t common scribal error for c, G.
corr is lit. ' a snout, a bill, a horn ' ; W. cor is ' a circle, a crib.'
Corby (Carhsle, Grantham, Kettering). Car. C. 1120 Chorkeby,
1222 Korkebi— i.e., ' dwelHng by the oat-field.' N. korki. Cf.
CoRKicKLE. But Gr. C. is Dom. Corbi, and Ke. C. Carbi,
' dwelling of Cor ' or ' Car.' One in Onom. See -by.
CoRFB (Taunton) and Coree Castle (Wareham). Corfe c. 1180
Ben. Peterb. Chorf. C. Castle, 975 E.O. Chron. Corfes Geat (gate),
c. 1160 Gest. Steph. Corfli castellum, 1234 Corf, 1393 Letter
COEKICKLE 215 CORWEN
Notre Chastelle de Corf. Prob. ' a cutting ' in the Purbeck
hills, in which the castle stands, fr. O.E. ceorfan^ ' to cut/
Of. Dom. Corf an (Salop), 1160 Pipe Corfha, and Gorton.
CoBKiOKLE (Whitehaven). Prob. N. korki-keld, 'oat-field well.'
Of. Cockley Beck, also Cumbld. old Korkahth, O.N. Uith, ' a
hill-slope/ and Corby. But there is a Keekle beck near White-
haven, and this raises uncertainty.
CoRLEY (Coventry and Salop). Cov. C. Dom. ComeUe, 1327 Corn-
leye, a. 1400 Corley. Sal. C. Dom. and later Cornhe. ' Corn-
growing meadow.' See -ley. We have a reverse change in
Cornbrough (E. Riding), Dom. Corlebroc, a form of somewhat
doubtful meaning.
CoBNHiLL (London, Sunderland, on Tweed). Lo. C. 1160-61 Pi'pe
CornheUe, 1167-68 ih. Cornhille, 1234 Close R. Cornhull, where
all the endings = ' hill.' But Su. C. is 1183 CornehaU, 1322 Corn-
hale = -hall, q.v.
Cornwall. 1047 O.E. Chron. Comwalon (inflected), Dom. Com-
valge, c. 1110 Orderic Comu Britanniae, id est Cornwallia, 1189
Cornubia, c. 1205 Layam. Cornwaile, -wale. Cf. Cornouaille
{Bom. Rose Cornewaile), Brittany. Earle says, ' Place of the
Walas or strangers of Kernyw.' Cf. Wales. Others derive fr.
O.Fr. corn, L. comu, ' a horn,' fr. the shape of Cornwall.
CoRNWOOD (Ivybridge). Local pron. Kemood. Dom. Cornehude.
Looks like O.E. corn wudu, ' corn wood '; but wherefore such a
name ? No Corn or the Hke in Onom. Cf. Corn worthy, ' corn
farm ' (Totnes), and Corndean (Winchcombe), 1189 Corndene.
But, because of a Come and a Cornbrook, also in Glostrsh.,
Baddeley thinks Corn must be an old stream name, and says cf,
Abercorn. But that Sc. name is in Bede ^bbercurnig.
CoRRiNGHAM (Stanford-le-Hope and Gainsboro'). St. C. Dom,.
Coringe-, 1242 Curingeham. Ga. C. Dom. Currincham. Patro-
nymic. ' Home of the sons of "" some unrecorded Cur a or Cora.
There is one Cyra in Onom. See -ing.
Corse Lawn (Tewkesbury). 1179 Cors. W. cors, 'a fen,' and
llan, 'enclosure, then church.' Cf. Carse (Sc). There seems
no authority for Duignan's assertion that corse is a M.E. form of
causey.
Corsley (Frome) and Corston (Bristol). 941 chart. Corsantune,
Dom. Corstune, ' mead ' and ' village of Corsa. See -ley.
CoRTON Denham (Sherborne). Dom. Corfetone, 1235 Close B.
Corfton and Cortun. See Corfe. Denham is ' home in the
dean ' or ' (wooded) vale.'
CoRWEN (E. Merioneth). Possibly W. cor faen, 'circle of stone/
or, as T. Morgan says, ' stone in a circle.' But, as hkely, W. cor
gwen, ' white, beautiful circle,' or ' choir,' or ' church.' Cf.
COSELEY 216 COTTESBROOKE
Bangor. There is a ' Corf an ' in Salop Dom., but this must be
the Corf ham of 1160 Pipe Salop.
CosELEY (Bilston). 14th to 17th cny. Colse-, Couls-, Colsley, later
Cossley. Prob. ' meadow of Col ' or ' Cola.' Cf. Colesboubne,
and see -ley.
Cosgeove (Stony Stratford) . 1238 Close R. Couesgrave, ' grave/
O.E. grcBJ, ' of Cuja.' Cf. Coveney. The endings -grave and
-grove often interchange. But Cosby (Leicester), Cosford
(Rugby), and Cosham (Hants), 1241 Cosseby, a. 1200 Cosseford,
and Dom. Cose-, Cosseham, are fr. an unrecorded man, Cosa or
Cosse. See -ham.
CosHESTON (Pembroke). 1603 Owen Costeinston. 'Town of Con-
stantine.' K. Constantine is 926 O.E. Chron. Cosstantin.
CossrNGTON (Bridgwater). 1237 Close R. Cusinton. 'Village of
Cusa,' gen. -an. 3 in Onom. Cf. Cosby. See -ing.
CoTHERiDGE (Worcester). 963 c^arf.. Coddan hrycce, hrycge, Dom.
Codrie, a. 1300 Coderugge. 'Ridge,' O.E. hrycge, hrycce, 'of
Codda ' or ' Coda.' One each in Onom. In same shire is
OoTTERLDGB, 1275 Coderugge.
CoTHERSTONE (DarUngtou). a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Cuthbertestun. ' St.
Cuthbert's town,'' an interesting corrup. The great Cudberct or
Cuthbert of Mekose flourished c. 700. Cf. a. 1110 ' Cotherstoke '
(Oundle). But Cotherston (N. Yorks) is Dom. Codrestune, -ton,
' town of Codra.' Cf. B.C.S. 1282 Codranford.
CoTON (Cambridge, 2 Warwk., StafEs, Shrewsbury). Cam. C. 1211
and 1291 Cotes, 1272 Cotun, 1296 Coton. War, C. Dom. and
1287 Cotes, 1327 Cottone. Staf. C. Dom. Cote. Skeat thinks
prob. O.E. cotum, dat. pi. of cot, ' cottage.' But coton, -un, are
regular, and cotes irregular nom. plurals. Cf. Cotton and
Cotham, Notts, Dom. Cotun, Cotes.
COTSWOLD Hills. 780 chart. Monte quem nominant in colse mons
Hwicciorum, c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Montana de Codesuualt, 1231
Coteswold, 1300 Rolls Parlmt. Coteswalde, a. 1500 Cottasowlde,
a. 1553 Udall Cotssold. The present spelling may be, as Oxf.
Diet, thinks, popular etymology ; but the name prob. is ' Code's,
Cota's, or Cotta's wood.' All 3 names are in Onom. O.E. wald,
weald, ' a wood,' is the origin of both weald and wold. Cf. next
and CuTSDEAN, a yet older name.
CoTTERED (Buntingford). Dom. Chodi'ei, 1236 Close R. Codreye,
Coudr'. ' River, stream, brook of Coda,' O.E. rith, ' stream.'
Cf. Rye, Rydb, Childrey, and Cotgrave, Notts, Dom. Godegrave.
CoTTESBROOKE (Northampton). ' CoUa's or Cota's brook.' Cf.
above, ' Coteshala,' and ' Coteslai ' (Bucks) in Dom., and Cot-
TENHAM (Cambridge), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Cotenham, 1283
Cotenhame. This last might mean 'cottar's home.' Dom. Yorks
Cotesmore is now Kedmoor, so t here will be error for c, ' moor
of Coca.'
COTTINGHAM 217 COVENTRY
CoTTiNGHAM (Hull). Prob. O.E. Chron. and Sim. Dur. re ann. 800,
Cettingaham, Dom. Cotingeham, 1135 O.E. Chron. Cotingham.
Patronymic. ' Home of the descendants of Cotta or Cota.' Cf.
above, next, and also Cottingham (Market Harborough) and
Cottingley (Bingley). Cottingwith (E. Riding) is Dom. Cote-
wid, ' Cota's wood.'
Cotton (Chesh., Derby, and Stowmarket). Ch. C. Dom. Cotintone,
St. 0. 1479 Colton (a mistake), a. 1490 Cotton. Some perh.
O.E. coton, loc. plur. of cot, cota, ' a cot, a cottage.' But
Dom.'s form is ' Cota's town.' See above, and cf. Cotok.
Dom. Yorks has Cottun 5 times, representing Cottam, Crosby
Cote, etc.
CouGHTON (Alcester and Ross, Hereford). Al. C. Dom. Coctune,
a. 1200 Cocton. Either fr. a man Cocca or Coche, see Cock-
field, or fr. O.E. cocc, coc, ' a cock.' See Cockley. For oc
becoming ough, cf. Broughton, 1128 Broctuna.
CouND (Shrewsbury). Dom. Cundet, 1240 Close B. Cunitte. ' Con-
fluence,' See CoNDATE and next.
CouNDON (Bp.. Auckland and Coventry). Bp. A. C. 1183 Condona,
Coundon. Cov. C. Dom. Condone, Condelme, 1257 Cundulme,
1327 Cundholme. Cond or cound is O.Kelt, for ' confluence
of two streams.' Cf. Cond ate, Condover, and Cound. The
-don is ' hill,' whilst -elme, -ulme, etc., represent O.E. holm,
' meadow by a river.' Cf. the early forms of Durham.
Courage (Berks). O.E. chart. Cusan ricge, hricge, ' Cusa's ridge ';
Dom. Coserige; 1147 Cuserugia; 1316 Coserugge; 1428 Currygge.
The mod. form is ' a daring respelling after the Norman manner '
(Skeat). It should properly be Curridge.
Courteenhall (Nhampton.). Dom. Cortenhale, -halo; 1235 Close
B. Corten-, Curtenhal. ' Nook, corner of Curda,' the only
name in Onom., and it but once. See -hall. The abnormal
-een- seems a pure freak. Cf. 932 chart. Cyrdan heal (Meon,
Hants) .
Coveney (Ely). Chart. Coveneye, -neie, Coueneia. Skeat is sure
this is ' Isle of Cufa,' gen. Cufan. Cf. Dom. Surrey, Covenha.
Only Coven (Wolverhampton) is Dom. Cove, a. 1200 Covene,
which must be O.E. cofa, gen. cofan, 'a cove, cave, repository.'
See -ey.
CovENT Garden (London). ,The convent garden belonging from
c. 1220 to the abbots of Westminster. Convent is always spelt
covent a. 1550.
Coventry, c. 1043 chart. Cousentree, 1053 O.E. Chron. Cofantreo,
1066 ib. Couentre, Dom. Couentreu, Sim. Dur. ann. 1057
Covantreo, a. 1142 Wm. Malmes. Coventreia. Cofan treo {w) is
O.E. for ' tree by the cove, cave, or chamber,' or else ' tree of
15
COVEEDALE 218 COXLEY
Cofa,' Cf. CovENEY and Covenham (Louth). The word con-
vent, M.E. cement, is impossible here. It is not found in Eng.
a. 1225.
CovERDALB (Yorks). Sic 1202. Cf. 1203 ' Couerlee ' or Coverley.
Cover- here is difficult. The Eng. cover is fr. O.Fr., and the
word is not found in Eng. tiU c. 1275; whilst in the sense of
' covert or shelter for hunted animals ' it is not found till 1719.
There is a W. cyfair, a land measure, two-thirds of an acre,
found in Eng. in 1709 as cover. Possibly Cover- represents
some unidentified personal name, as in Covebham (N. Yorks),
Dom. Covreha'.
CowBEECH (Hailsham, Sussex). Not in Dom. This seems the
same name as Cowbach, now called Clatterbach, near Clent
(Wore), where St. Kenelm^s chapel was. ? a. 1200 Cu-bache,
c. 1305 Coubache, 1494 Cowbacch. See Oxf. Diet., s.v. bache,
which means ' the vale of a stream or rivulet.' Cf. Batchwobth
and CoMBERBACH. With the first syU. cf. Cowick (O.E. wic,
' dwelling, house '), Snaith (Yorks), 1241 Cuwic.
CowBRiDGE (Glam.). Eng. translation of W. Pontyfon, where /ow
is by assimilation for mon, O.W. for ' cow.' Said to have been
called after a cow whose horns stuck in the arch of the bridge
here so firmly that it had to be shot on the spot. It is 1645
Pontyfuwch, with the same meaning. So far T. Morgan. But
there is also a Cowbridge (Boston), c. 1280 Cubrygge, which may
be the origin of the W. place, as the same family of WiUiams,
alias Cromwell, held lands in both places in 16th cny. See
Thompson, Hist. Boston, 616. But Cowthorp (S. Yorks) is
Dom. Coletorp, ' village of Cola,' and similarly Cowsdown
(Upton Snodbury) is c. 1108 Colleduna, 1275 Coulesdon.
CowES (I. of W.). Dates only fr. 1540. It must be a pi. form of
cove, O.E. cofa, coua, ' an inner chamber,' only found with the
meaning ' cove, inlet,' after 1590. The form cowe is called Sc,
and the meaning, ' cave, den,' Sc. and North. The name then
is ' inlets.'
CowLAM (Driffield). Dom. 4 times Colnun, once Coletun. Colnun
is prob. an O.E. loc. ' at the tops or summits.' Cf. O.N. koll-r,
' top, summit,' and Howsham, a loc. too.
Cowley (Gnosall and W. Drayton). Gno. C. Dom. Covelau, a.
1200 Coule. W. Dr. C. Dom. Couelei, 'cow-meadow,' O.E.
cuu, cu, a. 1300 cou. See -ley.
Cowling (SMpton and Suffolk). Skip. C. Dom. Collinghe, 1202
Collinge. Suf. C. 1459 Cowlynge. Patronymic, like Cooling,
' place of the sons of Cola or GoU.' See -ing.
CoxLEY (Wells). Not in Dom. 1231 Cockesleg. 'Meadow of
Cocca,' in Onom., or else ' cock's meadow.' See Cockley, and
cf. Dom. Chesh. Cocheshalle. See -ley.
CRACKENTHORPE 219 CRAVEN
Crackenthorpe (Westrald.) . Old Kreiginthorpe. ' Village of ' ?
There is no name in Onom. like Greaga, but in Lib. Vit. Dunelm.
there is a Craca, gen. -can; also cf. Crayford. See -thorpe.
Cracow or -oe Hill (Craven). 1202 Craho. 'Crow how' or
'mound.' O.E. cmt^e, 'acrow.' C/. Crowthorne, and see -how.
Craddock (Cullompton). Not in Dom. Corruption of Caradoc.
Cf. Cramond (Sc).
Cradley (Stourbridge and Heref dsh.) and Cradley Heath (Staffs)
St. C. Dom. Cradeleie, a. 1200 Crad(e)lega, 1275 Cradeley. He. C.
Dom. Credleia. ' Meadow of Crada ' or ' Creda,' or ' Creoda.'
The two latter only in Onom. See -ley.
Crakehall (Bedale). Dom. Crachele. Prob. 'nook of Craca.'
One such is named in Liber Vitce Dunelm. See -haU (-ele is for
-hele or -hale). Dom. also has a Crachetorp in E. Riding, whilst
Dom. Crecala is said to be Crakehill in Topcliffe.
Cramlington (Northumbld.). c. 1141 Cranlintune. Doubtful.
Perh. O.E. cran-hlinn-tun — i.e., ' village by the torrent or Hnn
frequented by cranes.' Cf. Linton.
Cranage (Congleton). Prob. for an O.E. cranawic, 'crane's
dwelling.' Cf. Swanage, O.E. Swanawic. There is a Crans-
wick (Driffield), Dom. Cranzvic {z= ts), and a. 1241 Close B.
Crendon (Bucks).
Cranborne (Salisbury), 1241 Craneburn, and Cranbourne (V7ind-
sor). Sic 1485. ' Crane's (or heron's) bum or brook.' See
above and Bourne. The crane, now extinct, was once abun-
dant in Britain.
Cranbrook (Kent). It was a haunt of cranes. Cranbrook Castle
(Dartmoor) is said to be corrup. of Cranburh, fr. O.E. burh, burg,
' fort, castle, burgh.' Cf. Cranebrook (Lichfield), 1300 Crone
brouke, Dom. Norfk. Cranaworda, and Cranham (Pains wick),
1190 Pipe Cronham.
Crank (St. Helen's), Crank Hill (Wednesbury), Crank Wood
(Derby). See Oxf. Diet, crank 56^, ' a crook, bend, winding, a
crooked path or channel.' Not found in Eng. till 1552. Duig-
nan identifies this with a number of obscure names in Cronk,
several Cronk Hills in Salop, etc. But crank is never spelt with
0 in Eng., and Cronk is prob. a nasalized form of crook sb, O.N.
hrok-r. See Oxf. Diet., s.v. 6 and 11.
Cransley (Kettering). 956 cAar^ Cranslea. See Cranbrook.
Crantock (Newquay). Fr. St. Carantocus, a Welsh saint who
lived c. 450, and who also crossed to Ireland. Cf. Cradock.
Craswall (Heref d.). 1237 Cressewell= Cresswell.
Craven (Yorks) and Craven Arms (Salop). Yor. C. Dom. Crave-
scire (shire). 1202 Cravene. O.N. kra fen, ' nook in the fen.*
CRAWLEY 220 ORESSWELL
Fen is also O.E. fen, and is found fr. 2-4 as ven or venn{e). The
name must therefore indicate a dry spot in the midst of marshes.
Crawley (Winchester). All names in Craw- are fr. O.E. crawe, ' a
crow.' Cf. Dom. Leicr.^ Crawsho.
Crawtston (Brecon). Perh., says Anwyl, the name of the Keltic
goddess of storage.
Crayford (W. Kent). Chart. Creganford, Creacan-, Creagan-ford.
' Ford of Creaga,' a name not found in Onorfi. Still, as Oxf. Diet.
says, this name has nothing to do with creek, and still less with
crayfish ! Craycomb (Fladbury), however, is 1275 Craucombe,
Crowecombe, fr. O.E. crawe, ' a crow.' See -combe.
Crayke (Easingwold). Dom. Creic, 1197 Rolls Crech; 1236 Creek,
Crek. See Creech. However, this, instead of being W. crug,
' stack, heap,' may be G. crioch, gen. criche, ' boundary, frontier,
landmark.' Only, if so, it is very rare to find a Gaelic name
so far south. Dom. Norfk., Kreic, must be the same.
Crediton. 905 in Eadmer Ecclesia Cridiensis; c. 1097 Flor. Wore.
Cridiatunensis ; c. 1540 Leland Crideton. Also found as Kyrton.
' Town on R. Creedy ' — 739 chart. Cridia, Dom. Oidic, Credie,
by some said to be fr. Crida or Creoda, grandfather of Penda,
K. of Mercia, or fr. Crioda, Creoda, first K. of Mercia, d. 593.
But it is rare to find a river called after a man. Cf. CredenhiU
(Hereford) and Dom. Bucks, Credendone, plainly fr. a man
Creda. The river name may be connected with W. cryd, O.W.
crit, ' to shake.'
Creech (Wareham), a. 1130 cJiart. Crucha; also Creech Hill
(Somst) . 702 chart. Crich hulle. O.W. cruc, W. crug, G. cruach,
'a stack, heap, pile.' Cf. Crich, Crickhowell, Cricexade.
Thus Creech Hill is a tautology. Dom. Somst. has Crice, CJruce,
and often Cruche ; in Norf k., Kreic, Kxeich.
Creech Michael (Somerset) . Chart, of 682, ' The hill which is
called in British speech Cructan, but by us (English) Crycbeorh.'
Cructan is ' heap, pile, hill on the R. Tone,' while Crycbeorh is
' Stack-burgh.' 1167-68 Pipe, Norf k., has a Crichetot ( = toft) .
Cf. EVERCREECH.
Creighton (Uttoxeter). 1241 Cratton, so perh. O.E. crcet, crat tun,
' cart enclosure ' or ' village.' More old forms needed.
Cressage (Much Wenlock). Dom. Cristesache, 1540 Cressege.
Not 'crest ' (only found in Eng. fr. 1325), but ' Christ's edge ' or
border,' O.E. ecg, 1205 agge. It is at the foot of Wenlock Edge.
Cf. 1494 Fahyan, ' in the egge of Walys.'
Crbsswell (Norbld., Stafford, and Mansfield). Nor. C. 1235
Kereswell. Sta. Q. Dom. Cressvale, a. 1300 Cresswalle. This
ending is certainly 'well' or 'spring,' O.E. wella, often in
M.E. wale ; and Cress- is O.E. cerse, ' watercress.' Cf. Dom.
Bucks, Cresselai, ' cress-meadow,' and Craswall.
CEEWE 221 CROCKERTON
Crewe. Dom. Crev, Creuhalle (Crewe Hall). O.W. creu, crau,
Mod. W. crewyn, Com. crow, ' a pen, sty, hovel.'
Cbewkerne (Yeovil). Not in Dom.; perh. 1160-61 Pipe, Devon
Creueq'r. O.E. cruc-erne, ' cross-house,' house with the cross.
Pipes form may refer to the Fr . family of Crevecceur, often referred
to in England. Cf. Crevequer, c. 1330 chart, Kent and Lines.
Criccieth (Portmadoc) . Prob. W. crug caeih, 'narrow hill.' Gj. next.
Crioh (Matlock Bath) , Dom. Crice, and Crick (Rugby and Chep-
stow) . Ru. C. Dom. Crec. W. crug, ' a heap, stack, mound, hill.'
Cf. Creech and Crickhowell and Pbnkridge. Duignan
would derive this group of words fr. G. and Ir. crioch, gen. criche,
' boundary, Umit, frontier/ as in the Sc. Creich. But this is
not found in W., and the evidence given under Creech Michael
and Crickhowell seems practically conclusive; though cf.
Crayke. There are a Crickapit and a Crickley in Cornwall.
Crickhowell (Abergavenny), c. 1188 Gir. Gamb. Cruco-hel. In
W. Crughywel, ' Conspicuous hill,' fr. O.W. cruc, W. crug, ' a
heap, a stack,' and hywel, ' conspicuous.' Hewell Grange
(Warwick) always found sic, may be the same word. Baddeley
thinks Crickley (Birdlip), old Cruklea, contains O.W. cruc.
Cricklade (Wilts). 905 O.E. Chron. Crecca-gelade, Cricgelad;
c. 1097 Flor. Wore. Criccielad; c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Crikelade,
Cricalade; c. 1160 Gest. Steph. Crichelada. Gelad is O.E. for
' passage,' same root as lead and lode; but the first half is doubt-
ful. The Eng. creeJc is not found till c. 1250 crike, and Oxf.
Diet, does not favour it here. M'Clure conjectures W. craig,
' a rock,' or crv^c, ' a mound ' ; the latter is quite possible. Cf.
Creech and next. There is a Craca, but no nearer man's name,
in Onom. 1160-61 Pipe, Surrey, has a Crichefeld.
Cricklas (Caermarthen). c. 1188 Gir. Gamb. Cruclas. O.W. cruc
glas (Mod. W. crug), ' bluish or greenish mound or stack.' Cf.
Creech.
Cricklewood (Middlesex). 1525 Crekyll Woddes, 1553 Crekle
Woods. Doubtful; older forms needed. Prob. fr. a man
Grecel, otherwise unknown. Gf. 1241 Close R. KJrikeleston.
Crocken Hill and Crockham TTttt. (Kent). Prob. ' pot-shaped '
hill, fr. W. crochan, O.Ir. crocan, G. crogan, O.E. crocca, -an, ' a
crock, a pot, an earthenware dish.' Cf. a. 1000 ' Crocford ' in
K.C.D., V. 17. The -ham may be a quite late corrup. ; old forms
needed. JDow. has only Croctune.
Crockern Torr (Dartmoor), c. 1630 Crocken Torr. See Crocken
Hill. Torr is a ' tower-like rock or hill,' W. tor, Corn, twr, tor.
Crockerton (Warminster). Not in Dom. ' Town of the potter ';
Crocker is first found c. 1315 in Shoreham. Gf. ' Crokerbec,'
Egremont, Cumberland.
CKOCKFORD WATER 222 CROPREDY
Crockford Water (Lymington). a. 1000 chart. Crocford, ?thi8
one. Prob. hybrid. W. crug, O.W. cruc, 'a tumulus, a low
hill'; cf. Cruckbarrow Hill (Worcester), 1275 Cruckberew,
Crokeborow, a double tautology. See Barrow. It can hardly
be fr. crook, O.N. kroJc-r, as in Le Croc du Hurte, Channel Is.
Cromer (Norfolk). Not in Dom. 1351 Crowemere. 'Crow(O.E.
crawa) mere ' or ' lake.' Cf. Bomer Pool (near Shrewsbury) —
i.e., ' bull lake,' and Cranmer.
Cromford (Derby), Dom. Crunforde (m and n easily interchange),
andCROMHALL(Glouc.). Dom. Cromhal. O.E.crom6,crwm6,'bent,
crooked, curved,' cognate with W. crwm, cram, G. and Ir. crom,
O.G. cromb, with same meaning. Cf. Croome d'Abitot, Pershore,
972 Cromb, 1275 Crombe Dabitoth, ' Crook of the D'Abitots,'
found in Dam., who took their name fr. St. Jean d'Abbetot, E.
of Havre. Earl's Croome, near by, is 969 Cromban, Cromman,
Dom. Crumbe. There is also a Crambe (Yorks), Dom. Crambom,
-bon, which prob. is a loc. for ' at the crooks,' fr. an unrecorded
O.E. cramb, cromb, now represented by crome, cromb, 'hook,
crook,' first found a. 1400.
Cromwell (Newark) and Cromwellbo'ttom (Yorks). Ne. C. Dom.
CrunweU, 1223 CrumbweU, 1298 CromweUe, c. 1340 Crumwell.
Prob. ' curved or crooked well,' or ' brook,' as in Cromford ; but
Crum may be a man's name ; it is so now. Cf. . Cromhall
(Charfield), Dom. Cromale, -hal, and 1179-80 Fi'pc Yorks, Crum-
wurda. Bottom is O.E. botm, ' the lowest part of anything,'
found fr. c. 1325, meaning ' low-lying land, an alluvial hollow/
Cf. Ramsbottom, etc.
CRONDALL(Farnham). Dom. Crundele, 1242Crundel. SeeCRUNDALE.
Cronton (Prescot). Cf. Dom. Bucks, Cronstone, ' Village of Cron,'
a name not in Onom. Cronware (Pembroke) is 1603 Owen
Cromewere, and in c. 1130 Lib. Land. Lann cronnguem, perh. W.
llan crwm gwern, ' church on the crooked moor.'
Crookham (Berks, Hants, and Northumberland). Berks C. O.E.
chart. Croh-hamme; Dom. Crocheham; a. 1300 Crokham.
' Saffron enclosure '; croh being the O.E. form of the L. crocus,
whilst the ending here is hamme, and not the commoner ham,
' home.' Cf. Crowle. But Crooks House (Yorks) is Dom.
Croches, which will be O.N. Jcrok-r, ' a crook, a bend,' with Eng.
plur. The ending -hes has afterwards got turned into -house.
Croome (three on Severn near Pershore). 969 chart. Cromman,
Croman, Cromban, all datives, 972 ib. Cromb, 1038 ib. Hylcrom-
ban (now Hill Croome), Dom. and 1241 Crumbe, Hilcrumbe.
O.E. cromba, ' a crook, a bend,' cognate with O.G. crumbadh, as
in Ajstgrum (Sc.) and W. crwm, crom, ' crooked.'
Cropredy (Oxon). Dom. Cropelie, 1109 Cropperia, ? 1275 Cro-
prithi, 1291 Cropperye, 1330 Cropperdy, 1405 Croprydy, 1460
CEOPTHORNE 223 CROXBT
Cropredy. Prob. ' Croppa's stream/ O.E. rith, as in Rye and
Ryde ; but on Crop- cf. next.
Cropthorne (Pershore). 780 Croppon-, Croppethorne, 841Crop-
panthonij Dom. Cropetom. Crop sb. is found as meaning ' the
head or top of a tree/ a. 1300. But the early charter forms show
that Croppa must be a man. Cf. next. Cropwell (Notts) Dom.
Crophelle, -bille, is fr. N. kropp-r, ' a hump or bunch, a hump-
shaped hill.'
Cropton (Pickering). Dom. Croptun. so also in Dom. Suffolk.
' Village of Croppa.' • See above.
Crosby (5 in P.G.). Dom. Crosebi (Cheshire), 1189 Pipe Grossebi
(Cumberland) . Doin. Yorks has Crox(e)bi, Crocsbi, and Croches-
bi, representing more than one Crosby. ' Dwelling by the cross,'
O.E. cros, 3-4 croiz, 4-7 croce ; or, at any rate in Yorks, ' dwelling
of Croc{cy, a fairly common name. Cf. Croxby; and see -by.
Crostwight (Norfolk). Dom. Crostueit, c. 1460 Crostweyt. ' Cross-
place ' or ' farm with the cross.' This name gives a rare corrup.
of -thwaite. Cf. Crosthwaite (Kendal), 1201 Crostweit; and
see -thwaite, which is very rarely found except in the North-West.
Crouch End and Htt.t. (London). O.E. cruc, 2-3 cruche, 3-5
crouch{e), 'a cross.' R. Crouch, Essex, may not be the same.
Croughton (Brackley) . Not in Dom. Curiously, this means much
the same as Crostwight, ' cross town '; O.E. cruc, M.E. cruche,
croucTie, ' a cross.'
Crowborough (Leek and Tunbridge W.). Neither in Demi. Lee
C. a. 1300 Crowbarwe. Prob. ' crow's wood,' O.E. crawe, and
beam, dat. harwe. Cf. -borough.
Crowland or Croyland (Peterborough). 806 chart. Croylandie;
Sim. Dur. arm. 1075 Crulant; c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Cnilande, 1238
Croilland. Doubtful; the first syll. may be O.E. croh, ' safiron.'
Cf. Crowle.
Crowle (Worcester and Doncaster). Wore. C. 836 chart. Croglea,
840 ib. Crohlea, Dom. Croelai, Crohlea, 1275 Crowele, O.E. croh-
ledh, ' safEron meadow.' Crowley is, of course, the same name.
Duignan prefers the meaning ' crocus meadow/ and compares a
' Richard de CroccusweU ' found in 1332. O.E. croh is just L.
crocus in an Eng. dress. Cf. Crookham and Croydon.
Crowthorn (Berks). Cf. K.C.D., iv. 103, 'Crawan thorn,' Hants.
' Crow's thorn,' thorn-tree frequented by crows, and used as a
boundarj'- mark. Cf., too, Crowmarsh, Wallingford, Dom.
Cravmares (O.E. mersc, merisc, but here rather O.Fr. mareis,
-ais, ' a marsh '), 1242 Crawmers.
Croxby (Lincoln), c. 1180 Ben. Peterb. Croxebi. ' Crocc's dwell-
ing'; two so named in Onom. Cf. Croxall (Lichfield), 773
chart. Crokeshalle, Dom. Crocheshalle, and Crosby.
CKOXTON 224 CUCKAMSLEY
Cboxton (4 in P.G.). Eccleshall C. Dom. Crochestone, Chesh. C.
Dom. Crostone, Cam. C. Dom. Crochestone, 1302 Croxtone,
Thetford C. chart. Crochestune, 1240 Croxton, 1303 Crokeston>
c. 1460 Croxeston. Also 1179-80 Pipe Lanes, Crokeston. ' Vil-
lage, town of Croc,' a man; 3 in Onom. Cf. above.
Croydon (London). 809 Monasterium quod dicitur Crogedena;
Dom. Croindene, 1288 Contin. Gervase Croyndona. It lies on
the edge of the chalk, and so is often said to mean ' chalk hill ' ;
cf. Oxf. Diet. s.v. Cray and crayer. Yet form 809 must mean
' dean,' (wooded) vaUey of the' safEron,' O.E. croh. Cf. Crowle.
But Croydon (Royston) is Dom. Crauuedene 1238 Craweden,
1316 Croudene, 1428 Craudene, 'Dean, wooded vale of the
crow,' O.E. crawe.
Crudgington (Wellington, Salop). Dom. Crugetune. Prob.
' town, village of Cruga,' gen. -gan, an unknown man. For dg,
cf. bryg and bridge, Maggie and Madge. There is a surname
Grudgings. See -ing.
Crudwell (Malmesbury). Dom. Credwelle. Perh. 'crypt-well,'
A.Pr. crudde, M.E. crowd, ' a crypt, a vault.' See Oxf. Diet.,
crowd sb.'^, not given there till 1399 ; so it may be fr. a man Crud.
Cf. B.C.S. 536 Crudes silba (' wood ').
Crttg Mawr (Pembroke), a. 1196 Gir. Camb. ' Crug Maur — i.e.,
Collis magnus,' ' big hill,' ' stackhke hill.'
Crukeri Castle (Radnor). Older Oruk-keri. Prob. a. 810 Nennius
Caer Ceri, ' Castle of Ceri.' But Cruk- must be W. cmg, ' a
heap, a stack.'
Crumlin (Pontypool). W. crom llyn, ' crooked or concave pool.'
Crundale (R. Wye, Kent). O.E. crundel, crondel, still in South.
dial., ' a cutting shaped like an open V, made by a little
stream, a ravine.' Cf. B.C.S. 906 Abbancrundel, also 3 farms
in Worcestershire called Crundel or Crundles, and Crondall.
Baddeley says Crundel (Kemble), 1280 Crondles, means ' a
quarry.'
Crutchley (Northampton and Monmouth). Not in Dom.
' Meadow with the cross,' O.E. cruc, 2-3 cruche. Cf. Crouch
End and Croughton, and Crutch Hill (Worcestersh.), a. 1200
Cruche, 1275 Cruch, Cruce.
Cub(b)ington (Leamington). Dom. Cobintone, Cubintone, a. 1300
Cobyngton, Cumbyngton. ' Village of Cuba.' See -ing.
CuBBER- or Cobberley (Cheltenham), Dom. Coberleie, later
Cuthbrightley, is ' Cuthbert's mead.'
CucKAMSLEY or -LOW (Berks). 1006 O.E. Ckron. Cwichelmes laewe,
c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. CMchelmes laue, 1297 Quichelmeslewe.
' Burial-mound ' or 'hill ' (O.E. hl^w) of Cwichelm '; either he
who was K. of Wessex, d. 636, or an earlier pagan king of this
name, d. 593. See -low.
CUCKPIELD 225 CULMSTOCK
CuCKFiELD (Hajrward's Heath). 1092 Kukefield^ 1121 Cucufeld.
Hardly fr. vb. cucJc= cacare, not found a. 1440, though we have
cucking-stool in 1308; nor likely to be fr. the cuckoo, which in
O.E. was geac, Sc, gowk, though it is found as early as c. 1240
cuccu. Analogy, as well as other reasons, points to ' field of
Cuca'; cf. B.O.S. 936 Cucan healas. The 1121 speUing cer-
tainly suggests the bird; if so, it is much the earHest instance
known. Of. next. Cooksland (Stafford) is Dom. Cuchesland,
which Duig-nan takes to be ' land of Cuca ' or ' Cue' Cf. Guxham.
CucKNEY (Mansfield). Dom. Cuchenai, 1278Cuckenay; and Norton
CucKNEY (Yorks). 1202 Yorks Fines Cucuneia. Prob. ' Cuca'a
isle ' ; see above and -ey. To derive fr. cuccu ' cuckoo ' is for-
bidden by the n, sign of the O.E. gen. ; whilst to make it O.E.
oet cucan e^e, ' at the running stream,' cwicu, cucu, ' living,
quick,' is not in accord with analogy.
CuDDESDON (Oxford). 956 chart. Cujjenes dime; a. 1200 Codesdona.
' Cuthen's dean ' or ' wooded valley.' Cuthen seems to be a
contraction of the name Cyneihegn or Gyihegn ; 4 in Onom.
But cf. ' Cudandene,' 95S cJiart., on Stour (Staffs). There are
several named Cudd, Cudda, or Cuddi in Onom. ; also cf. Cuts-
dean. See -den and -don.
CuDWORTH (Bamsley). Not in Z)om. ' C^z^tidt's place or farm.' Cf.
Cudeley, Worcester) (974 chart. Cudinclea, Dom. Cudelei, orig. a
patronymic, see -ing; also Dom. Cornw. Cudiford. Dom. Yorks
Cuzeworde is Cusworth.
CuxcHETH (Wigan and Cmbld.). Cum. C. c. 1141 Culquith; also
Culchet. Wig. C. 1200-1 Culchet, Kulchet, 1300 Culchyt, 1311
Culcheth. Far older is 793 Mercian chart. Celchyth, which seems
the same name. Prob. ' strait ' or ' passage in the wood,' W. cul,
' a strait ' (G. caol, a ' kyle '), and coed, pi. coydd, ' a wood.'
CuLGAiTH (Penrith). This surely must be G. cid gaoith, 'at the
back of the wind,' or fr. G. cii,il, ' a nook ' ; whilst cul in W.
means ' a strait, a narrow place.'
CuLHAM (Abingdon). 821 chart. Culanhom, ? 940 Culenhema, 1216
Culham. ' Enclosure of Cula.' Cf. Culworth; and see -ham.
CuLLERCOATS (Newcastle). First syll, doubtful. It may be
'dove cots,' O.E. culfre, 'a, dove.' If a man's name it
may be Ceolheard, a common O.E. name, or Ceolweard, also
common, and found once as Ealvert. Cf. Killirby (Durham),
sic 1183 in Boldon Bk., but 1197 Culverdebi, plainly ' Ceol-
weard's dwelling ' ; also Dom. Norfk., Culuertestuna, and c. 1200
Culdertun, Egremont, Cumberland. There is a Culkerton
(Tetbury), Dom. Culcortone; if not fr. Ceolheard, then fr. some
unrecorded name. The -coats is ' cots.' See Coates.
CuLMSTOCK (Cullompton). Dom. Culmestoche. ' Culm's, Cylm's or
Cylma's place ' ; all these forms are found in Onom. See Stoke.
CULWOETH 226 CURT
CuLWORTH (Banbury). 1298 Culeworthe. ' Cwto's farm.' There
is only one Cula in Onom., but cf. Culham. See -worth.
Cumberland. 945 O.E. Cliron. Cumbraland, c. 960 chart. Cumbras
{i.e., ' men of Cumbria '), a. 142 Wm. Mahnes. Cumberland,
1461 Lib. Pluscard. Cummirlandia. Now usually held to be
' land of the Cumbri ' or Cymry, med. L. Combroges, ' fellow-
countrymen.' Of course, Cymry is now the common name for
the Welsh, whose Brythonic kingdom spread right away up to
Strathclyde until the 10th cny. Cf. Comberbach and Dom.
Worcester ' Cubrinture,' Yorks Cu'brewrde, now Cumberworth.
Ctjmdivoce: (Dalston, Cumbld.). a. lOSOCombeSeyfoch. Combe is,
O.E. cumb, Ht. ' a bowl,' ' a coomb, a valley,' cognate with or
loaned fr. W. cwm, ' hollow ' ; the second part may be W. diffaith,
' wild, uncultivated, uninhabited.' The Sc. divot, ' a turf,'
always has t, and is not known a. 1536. But -theyfoch may
well represent a man's name, as in B.C.S. 1237 Theofecan hyl.
Only there is a Devoke Water, S. of Eskdale, in this same
county. C/.CuMWHiNTON and ' Cumbehop,' c. 1200ci^ar^ Whalley.
CuMNOR (Oxford). O.E. chart. Colmanora, Cumanora, Cumenoran;
Dom. Comenore. ' Colman's edge or bank,' O.E. ora ; the liquid
I easily disappears. Cf. Cowdenknowes (Sc).
CuMWJULNTON and Cumwhitton (Carlisle) . Old forms needed, but
perh. both Kelt., with Eng. -ton. The former seems to be W.
cvrni gwyn, ' clear, bright hollow.' However, Lawhitton (Corn-
wall) is ' long, white town.'
CuNLiFFE (Whalley, Lanes). 1278 Gundeclyf, 1283 Cundeclive,
c. 1300 ConHve, 1317 CimhfEe. Doubtful. W. and H.'s deriva-
tion fr. Gunnhild-r is httle less likely here than in Conder.
Prob. hybrid, Kelt, conde, cunde, ' confluence,' see Condate,
and O.E. cUf, ' a cliff or cleve.' Cf. Cleveland, and Lillies-
LEAE (Sc), 1186 LillescUf, or ' LiUa's cliff.'
CinsrsDiNE (Durham). Sic c. 1200 chart. Prob. 'Dean (wooded)
vaUey of Cuna '; 2 in Onom. Cf. Cunsall (Leek), Dom. Cunes-
hala, and Cundall (York), Dom. Cundel.
Curd WORTH (Birmingham). Dom. Credeworde, a. 1200 Crud-,
Croddeworth, 1327 Cruddeworth. 'Farm of Creoda'; meta-
thesis of r is common. Cf. Kersoe (Worcestersh.), 780 Criddesho,
1275 Crydesho.
Curry Mallet and Rivel (Taunton). Dom. and 1155 Curi (see
North Curry). W. cyri, ' a cauldron-shaped valley,' 0. coire ;
cf. Cyri, and Sc. Corrie and Cur.rie. Mallet denotes the name
of the family to which this place once belonged. Cf. Shepton
Mallet, and for Eivel cf. Rievaux.
CuRY (Falmouth). 1219 Patent R. Egloscuri (' church of Cury ');
1445 Cury towne; also Corantyn. From St. Corentinus, a saint
of Quimper, Brittany.
CUTSDEAN 227 DALSTON
CuTSDEAN (Broadway, Worcester) . 974 chart, and Dom. Codestune,
1275 Cotestone, a. 1500 Cotesdon, a. 1600 Cuddesdon. This,
then, is not ' Dean," but ' town of Code or Cota,' perh. the same
man as gave name to the Cotswolds. Akeady in 730 we find
B.C. 8. 236, set CodesweUan.
CuxHAM (Wallingford). O.E. c^ar^ Cuceshamm. 'Enclosure of
Cue' Cf. CucKEiELD and Cuxwold (Lines), 1235 Cukewald;
also B.G.S. 936 Cucan healas (see -hall). See -ham.
CwMHiR (Radnor), c. 1188 Gir. Camb. W. cumi hir, ' long valley
or hoUow.' Cf. CuMDivocK.
Cwm-llaw-Enog (Chirk). W.= ' valley of Enog's hand.' Enog
was a W. chief who, it is said, had his hand cut oJEE for being found
on the E. side of OfEa's Dyke.
Cych R. (betw. Pembroke and Caermarthen) . a. 1300 Cuch.
W. cwch, pi. cychod, ' a boat.'
Cyffdy (Llanrwst). W. for ' dark, black stump.' Cf. Cyffylliog
(Ruthin), and Cufiern (Haverford W.), old Coferun.
Cy2^on R. (Glam.) seems to be built Hke, and to mean the same as,
the R. Conway (W. con gwy) — i.e., ' chief river,' compared with
the httle Dare, Con, as in L., means ' together,' and -on is a
common ending for ' river,' as in af-on itself, in C arron (Sc), etc.
Cyri (Merioneth). Name of several ' cauldron-shaped hollows,'
with tarns, same as G. coire, 'a Corrie ' (8c.). Cf. Taliesin,
' the cauldron of Cyridwen,' and Curry.
Cytiau-'r-Gwyddelod (Holyhead). W.= 'cots of the Irish.' It
is a mountain, said to be the scene of a battle, c. 600, between the
Owyddel (or Goidels, or Gaels) and the Cymri, or Welsh.
Dacre (Penrith), sic 1353, and Dacre Banks (Leeds). Bede
Dacore (R. and monastery). Dom. Yorks, Dacre. Possibly
med. L. {e.g., in Dom.) dicra, c. 1300 dacrum, O.Fr. dacre, dakere,
M.E. dyker, mod. E. dicker, corrup. of L. decuria. This number
10 was the customary unit of exchange, esp. in hides; but was
it ever apphed to land measurement ?
Dagenham (Barking). 693 cJmrt. Deccan-haam; c. 1150 chart.
Dechenham. ' Daecca's enclosure ' or ' pasture ' ; only one
Dcecca in Onom. See -ham. But Dagnall (Oxon) is a. 1400
Dagenhale. See -hall.
Daglingworth (Cirencester). Feud. Aids Dageling-; also 1240
a Dagelingstrete. 'Farm of the sons of Dceghild,' or ' Dceg-
weald,' nearest names in Onom. See -worth.
Dalden or Dawden (Sunderland), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Daldene,
O.E. ddl-denu, 'allotment, portion, field, deal,' 'by the dean
or deep, wooded vale.' See -den.
Dalston (Carlisle). 1189 Daleston, Dalstonn. ' Town, village in
the valley or dale.' O.E. doel, O.N. dal. Possibly Dale may be
DALTON 228 DAETMOUTH
here, as it is still, a personal name ; though it is not in Onom, and
would hardly be in use so early. Of. Dalby (N. Yorks), Dom.
Dalbi and Dalham (Newmarket), sic in Dom. Dale (Pembroke)
is found in 1307 as La Dale — i.e., with the Fr. art., ' the dale.'
Dalton (5 in P.O.). Fumess D. Dom. Daltun. Cf. a ' Daltone '
in Dom. Cheshire. ' Town, village on the allotment," see
Dalden; in northern cases, ' village in the dale," N. dal.
Danby Wiske (Northallerton) . Dom. and 1202 Danebi, or ' Dane's
dwelling.-' Cf. Tenby and Danemarche, Jersey; and see -by.
On Wiske, see Appleton Wiske. But Danethorpb (Notts),
Dom. Dordentorp, 1637 Dernthorp, is 'village of Deorna.' The
phonetic changes are all explainable.
Dane orDAVENR.(Chesh.) ; hence Davenham (sic 12 18) and Daven-
port (Chesh.). Dom. Devenehamand Deneport,a. llSOSim. Dur.
Devenport. Perh. W. dain, ' pure, pleasing, beautiful,' or else
dwfn, ' deep.' Cf. Debenham. Duignan suggests G. deann,
impetuous, swift,' but that would rather yield Dann or Denn.
Darent R. See Dartford.
Darlaston (Wednesbury and Stone). St. D. 954 Deorlavestun,
Derlavestone, 1004 ib. Deorlafestun, Dom. Dorlavestone. Wed.
D. a. 1200 Derlavestone. ' Town of Deorlaf.' Cf. Darliston
(Whitchurch) and Darlton (Notts), Dom. Derluveton.
Darley (Leeds) and Darley Abbey and Dale (Derbysh.). Der.
D. Dom. Dereleie. Dar- is prob. from Deor or Deora, names in
Onom., and phonetically possible. Darton (Yorks) is Dom.
Dertune. In O.E. deor means ' any wild animal,' then ' a deer,'
then used as a personal name, ' a man Hke a deer.' See -ley.
Darlington, a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Dearningtun, Dearthingtun ; but
1183 Boldon Bk. Derlingtona. A name which has changed.
There is no trace in Onom. of the Sim. Dur. forms, and only one
Deorling or Derling. As it stands, the name is ' village of the
darlings,' O.E. deorling, a dimin. of ' dear.' ' Dearthingtun ' may
possibly represent Darrington. Cf. Derlintun in 1156 Pipe
Notts, in Dom. Dallingtune and now Dalington. We have
Darlingscot, Shipston-on-Stour, a. 1300 Darlingscote.
Darn ATT, (SheiGfield). O.E. derne heal, ' hidden, out of the way,
dark nook.' Cf. Damhall Pool (Cheshire), Dernford (Cambs),
and Darnick (Sc.) ; also see -hall.
Darrington (Pontefract). Dom. Darnintone, Darnitone, 1204
Darthingtone, 1208 Dardhinton. * Town, village of Deorna '
(one in Onom.), or possibly ' of Deorwen, or -wine.' See -ing.
Dartford (Kent), a. 1200 Derenteford, Darentford. 'Ford on
R. Darent,' which is prob. a var. of Derwent; it is 940 chart.
Daeriiita. Cf. Darwen.
Dartmouth (on R. Dart). Exon. Dom. Derta, a. 1130 Sim. Dur.
Derte, 1250 Layam. Derte mujj. Doubtful; certainly not fr.
DAKWEN R. 229 DEBDEN
Eng. dirt. Perh. W. dorth, ' limit, covering/ or O.E. dard^, ' a
dart, a spear,' though our Eng. dart comes to us through O.Fr.
dart. Dartmoor is 1228 Close B. Dertemor.
Darwen R. and town (Lanes), a. 1130 8im. Dur. Dyrwente, 1311
Derwent. W. dwr gwen, ' white, clear stream.' Cf. Darent,
Derwent, and G. dobhar, ' water, river.'
Dassett (2, Kineton, Warwick). Dom. Derceto, -tone, a. 1200
Afne Dercet, a. 1400 Chepyng and Great Derset. O.E. deor,
' deer,' and set, ' a place where animals are kept, a stall, fold.'
See Avon, Chipping, Darley, and r on p. 83.
Datchet (Windsor). Dom. Daceta, 1238 Dachet. A puzzling name ;
but all solutions fail phonetically except ^Dacca's cot,' O.E. cete,
' cot, hut.' Cf. Datchworth (Stevenage), 769 chart. Decewrthe,
Dom. Daceuuorde, B.C.S. 81 Dseccanham, and Watchet. The
O.E. cc normally becomes tch.
Dauntsey (Chippenham). Dom. Dantesie. Cf. 940 chart. Daun-
tesbourne (Wilts). ' Isle of Daunt.' See -ey.
Davenham and -port. See Dane.
Daventry (Weedon). Dom. Daventrei, a. 1124 Dauentre, c. 1200
Gervase Davintria. The present pron. is Daintry, which would
suggest an O.E, Dcefan treo, ' tree of Dcefa ' ; cf. Oswestry.
However, no Dc^fa or Dave is in Onom., though cf. 1179-80 Pipe
Yorks Dauebi ; whilst John Dawe, who gave name to Dawshill
(Powick), was living there in 1275. In the absence of good
evidence for an ,0.E. origin, a W. origin is not altogether to be
dismissed, though a W. name would be very unhkely here. It may
be 'the two -summits,' fr. W. dau, 'two,' and entrych, 'summit,'
as D. stands on a hill, and there is another a mile away. It
may be c. 380 Ant. Itin. Devnana.
Dawush (S. Devon). O.E. chart. Doflisc, Dom. Dovles, a. 1500
Doflysch. Doubtful. The first syll. may be W. du, O.W. dub.
Corn, dew, ' black,' or dwfn, ' deep.' Cf. Dewlish and Dow-
LAis, also R. Divelish (Dorset), which is chart. DeueHsc, Defiisch,
Deulisc, DefeHch, and Dom. Devon, MonHsh. All these are orig.
river -names. The river at Dawhsh is now the Dalch. So the
second syll. is prob. W. glais, ' stream, river,' rather than llys,
' court, hall,' or glwys, ' hallowed place, a fair spot.'
Dead WATER (N. Tyne) . Perh. 1249 Dedy. Doubtful. We find ' a
standing poole or dead water,' as early as 1601 Holland's Pliny.
Deal. Not in Dom. 1160 Pipe Dela; later Dale, Dele, Dola.
O.E. dcBl, 3-6 del, 4,-1 dele, ' a division, a section, a part,' a
' deal,' cognate with dale, s6^, ' a portion or share of land,'
and with dole, O.E. ddl.
Dean, E. and W. (Eastbourne). Asser Dene. O.E. denu, ' a
dean, a dell, a deep, wooded vale.' See also Forest or Dean.
Debden (Saffron Walden). Dom. Deppedana, 1228 Close R.
Depeden — i.e., ' deep, wooded valley.' See Dean.
DEBENHAM 230 DENNY BOTTOM
Debenham (Framlingham, Suffk.). Dom. Depben-, Depbeham.
' Home on the E.. Deben/ which may be W. dwfn ' deep.' Cf.
Davenham.
Dee R. (Cheshire), c. 150 Ptolemy Deva, 1480 Dee; but a. 1196
Gir. Camb. Deverdoeu, Deverdoe, which is just the mod. W.
name Dwfr Dwy. W dwfr or dwr (O.W. deifr), is ' river, stream/
and dwy is ' two/ feminine. But cf. Dee (Sc), also B>. Divie,
trib. of Findhorn, Moraysh.
Deee.htje.st (Tewkesbury) . 804 Grant Deor -hyrst(e) ; Dom. Dere-
hest, a. 1200 Walter Map Durherst. Dhr, dior in O.E. means
' any kind of beast ' ; hyrst is ' forest.' See -hurst.
Deganwy, Diganwy, or Dwyganwy (N. Wales), a. 1145 Orderic
Dag(e)aunoth; Ann. Cambr. ann. 822 Arx Deganhui. Difficult.
By some connected with Ptolemy's Dekantai ; by Rhys Jones*
with the Irish Ogam form Deccetes, found in (?) sixth-century
inscriptions in Devon, Anglesea, and Ireland. In the Patent R.
c. 1245 it is often Gannok, which suggests a similar origin to
Cannock.
Dbighton. See Ditton.
Dblph (Yorks, Rochdale, N. Staffs) and the Delves (Wednesbury) .
A ' digging ' (for iron ore or the like). O.E. dcelfan, delfan, ' to
dig, delve.' Cf. Dilhorne.
Den AB Y Main (Rotherham) . Dom . Degenebi, Denegebi . ' Dwelling
of,' it is uncertain who ; perh. Degn or TJiegn — i.e., ' thane, lord,'
names in Onow. C/. Dagenham ; and see -by. Main meaning
' main ' or ' chief vein of mineral,' seems a quite recent usage.
Denbigh, c. 1350 charts. Den-, Dynbiegh, -eigh, 1485 Dynbigh.
W. Dinbych. In W. din bych would mean, ' hill or fort of the
wretched being.' This would be absurd. Prob. it is, as pron.
in Eng., Den-by, 'dwelling of the Dane '; we have Denby more
than once in Yorks, Dom. Denebi, fr. O.E. Dene, 'Danes,' and
Dene- or Den-mearc, ' Denmark.' Thus it would be the same
name as Danby and Tenby. See -by. But T. Morgan favours
W. din bach, ' little hill,' which it is. This certainly accounts
better for the final guttural -gh or -ch.
Denchworth (Wantage). O.E. cJmrt. Dences wyrthe, Deneces
wurthe, Denices wurth ; Dom. Denchesworde. ' Farm of Dence,'
Sb name otherwise unfaiown; though Onom. has Denisc, or 'the
Dane.' See -worth.
Denham (Uxbridge and Eye, Suffk.). Ux. D. Dom. Daneha.
Eye D. Dom. Denham. Prob. 'home of the Dane.' Cf.
Denton and Den-mark.
Denny Bottom (Tunbridge Wells). Cf. Denny (Sc.) 1510 Dany,
and Dom. Bucks, Danitone. Denny is a dimin. of den or dean,
' a narrow, wooded valley.' See -den. -
* Cited by M'Olure, p. 94.
DENSTON(E) 231 DEVERILL
Denston(e) (Uttoxeter and Newmarket). Utt. D. Dom. Dene-
stone, ' village of Dene,' 3 in Onom., meaning, of course, ' the
Dane/ Cf. above. But New. D. is Dom. Danardestuna,
* town of Deneheard.' Cf. B.C.S. 480 Deneheardes hegersewe.
Denton (8 in P.G.). 801 chart. Deantone (Sussex). Dom.
Yorks and Lines Dentune, ' village by the Dean, or deep,
wooded vale/ Cf. Denford (Berks), Dom. Daneford, where
O.E. dcen, a word cognate with den and dean, means esp. ' a
woodland pasture for swine/ Few Eng. names in Den- or Dane-
show any connexion with the Danes ; but cf. Denbigh, and above.
Depteobd. Sic. 1521, but c. 1386 Chaucer Depford; not in Dom.
' Deep (O.E. deop) ford ' on the E-avensboume, or rather, the
creek at its mouth. There is -another at Sunderland. Cf.
Defford (Pershore, 972 chart.), Deopford, Dom. Depeforde, also
in Dom. Wilts.
Derby. 917 O.E. Chron. Deoraby, 1049 Deorby, 1598 Darbi-
shiere. In W. Dwrgwent. ' Beasts' dwelling.' O.E. deor,
dior, Icel. dyr, ' a beast '; and see -by. Derby was a Danish
name ; NorthweorSig was the O.E. one. For its ending, cf.
Badgewobthy.
Dbbeham (Norfolk). Dom. Dere-, Derham. c. 1460 Dyram, so
= Dyrham and Debby, ' beasts' home.'
Debsingham (King's Lynn). Dom. Dersincham, 1234 Patent R.
Dersingham ; ' home of the Der sings.' Cf. Sandbingham.
Debwent R. (Cumbld. and Yorks), also Debwentwateb, sic
1298. The two rivers get a little mixed in early records — c.
380 Ant. Itin., and c. 700 Rav. Geogr. Derventione, Bede
Dorowensio, Deruuentis jQuvius, c. 850 O.E. vers. Deorwenta,
o. 1130 Sim. Dur. Dyrwenta, 1229 Patent R. Derewent (Yorks).
W. dwr, dwfr gwen, ' white, clear stream.' Cf. Dabent and
Darwen. For suffixing of t, cf. Leven and Levant.
Desboboitgh (Mket. Harboro'). Dom. Deis-, Diesburg, c. 1260
Rot. Hund. Dosteberge. Very puzzling; no name in Onom.
seems to suit any of these forms; but it may be Deorswith (see
Dosthill). 'Dais,' raised table in a hall, is O.Fr. deis, and
not known in Eng. till 1259, so very unhkely here; but cf.
Diss. See -burgh.
Deuddwb (Wales). W. dau dwr, ' two streams.'
Deveeill — Kingston Devebill (Bath), Longbbidge Devebill,
and Bbixton Devebill (Warminster). Dom. Devrel, 1245
Patent R. Deverel (Wilts). Prob. hybrid. Devr- will be
O.Kelt, for ' stream,' W. dwfr (see Andover and Doveb) ;
whilst -el is prob. Eng. for hill, or else -hale, ' nook.' See -hall.
Cf. Derridge, Kingswood, old Deveridge. Possibly Devrel is
Nor. for Devereux or d'Evreux.
DEVIL'S WATER 232 DILHORNE
Devil's Water (Hexham). 1610 Speed Do vols fl. Thought to
be comip. of G. dubh glas, 'dark, peaty stream '= Douglas.
This is very doubtful.
Devizes. 1157 Pipe Divisis, c. 1160 Gest. Steph. Divisa, 1228 Close
R. ad Divisas. This is corrupt L., and prob. means ' place at
the division or border ' (? that between Saxon and Kelt).
Devon. 878 O.E. Chron. Defenascir; Exon. Dom. Duuenant,
1189 Devonia; 1402 Devenshir, c. 1630 Risdon, 'Devonshire,
now by a vulgar speech Denshire.' In O.W. Dyvnaint, which
seems to be O.W. dub, W. du nant, ' dark ravine or valley or
stream.' The Sc. Devon, c. 1210 Dovan, has a similar origin,
G. dubh an, 'dark river.' But Rhys identifies both with the
Damnonii, who orig. inhabited Devonshire, the m here being
aspirated into mh or v. There is also a R. Devon, Notts.
Devonport. Dates from 1689. a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Devenport is
Davenport. See above.
Dewchurch, Little (Hereford). 1234 Close R. Deweschirch,
' Church of Dewi,' W. for St. David. Cf. Dewiston, near St.
David's, Llandewi, and Dewsbury; also Dowthorpe (Yorks),
Dom. Dwetorp, 1202 Duuestorp.
Dewlish (Dorchester). Chart. DioHsc, 1230 Close R. Deuehz, 1238
Patent R. Deuehs. Must be same as Dawlish and as Dewlas
R. See DowLAis.
Dewsbury (Yorks). Dom. Deusbereia, -berie, 1202 Deubire.
' David's burgh.' See Dewchurch and -bury.
DiCKLEBOROUGH (Scole, Norfk.). Dom. Dicclesburc, 1232 Close R.
Dikelebury. Prob. ' burgh of Dicuil,' a Keltic name. See
-borough.
DiDCOT (Oxford). Not in Dom. a. 1300 Doudecote, also Dud-
cote; and DiDCOTE (Beckford), 1177 Pipe Dudicota. Cf. B.C.S.
iii. 101. Dyddan hamm, ib. 486 Dydinc cotan (dat.). ' Cot,
cottage of Dydda or Dudda.' Cf. Dudley and Diddington
(Warwk.), 1188 Didindon.
DiDMARTON (Tetbury). 972 chart. Dydimeretune, Dom. Ded-
mertone. Feud. Aids Dudmerton. Perh. ' village of Dudemcer,'
as in 1015 chart. To Dudemseres hele (' nook '), Chilton (Berks).
But it may be ' mere- or lake-town of Dydda ' or ' Dudda/ the
latter a very common name. Cf. Dummer.
DiGBETH (Birmingham, Coventry, and Northfield, Wore).
Duignan thinks this may be corrup. of dike path; dike, O.E.
die, being either ' ditch ' or 'embankment.' But there are no
old forms, and this is doubtful.
Dilhorne (Stoke-on-Trent). Dom. and till 1300 Dulverne.
Duignan thinks, O.E. dulf-, delfern, ' place of digging or delv-
ing.' Cf. Delph. However, in Dom. Bucks we have ' Dile-
herst,' and Dilham (Norfk.) is sic c. 1150, fr. a man Dela or Dila.
DILSTON 233 DITTON
DiLSTON (Hexham), a. 1300 chart. Divelin, which looks like W.
ty Felyn, 'house of Velyn/ Of. Helvellyn and Stibling
(So.) c. 1250 Estrivelin. But — surely very improbably— Sir
H. Maxwell thinks this name is D'Eyville's town' {see Scala-
cronica MS., fo. 211) ; whilst M'Clure thinks the Dils- is a.
corrup. of Dubglas, ' dark stream.'
DiNAS (Glamorgan). W. and Corn., ' a castle/ fr. din, ' hill/ then
' hill-fort.' Cf. Pendennis.
Din AS Emrys (small hill near Snowdon). 1190 Gir. Camb. says
this means ' promontory of Ambrosius,' a celebrated bard of
the 5th cny.
Dm AS PowYS (Cardiff). 1223 Patent R. Dinant powis. ' Hill ' or
' fort of PowYS.' Cf. above.
DiNEFWR Castle (Caermarthen). c. 1196 Gir. Camb. Dynevur,
1246 Patent R. Dynavor. W. din y ffwyr, ' castle of the onset
or assault.'
DiNGEBREiN (Cornwall). Com. din GerairU, 'fort of K. Geraint,
husband of Enid, who fell at Langport, 522. Cf. St. Gebrans.
DiNMOBE (Hereford). W. din mawr, ' big hill.' It is a village on
the top of a high hill. C/. Dunmore (Sc).
DiNNiNGTON (Newcastle-on-T. and Rotherham). Ro. D. Dom.
Dunnitone, Dunintone, ' town of Dun, Duna, or Duning,' all in
Onom. See -ing.
Dm-ORWIG (Caernarvon). Old Dinorddwig — i.e., 'fort of the
Ordovices/ a tribe of central Wales. See Tacit. Agric. 18.
But in charters of Edw. III. it is Dynnorbin. Rhys derives
Ordovices fr. O.W. ord, W. gordd, ' a hammer.'
Dtnton (Aylesbury and SaUsbury). Sa. D. Duntone. 1179-80
Pipe Yorks. Dinton, ' village of Dynne or Dyne,' a common
name in Onom. See -ton. But Dinsdale (N. Yorks) is Dom.
Digneshale, prob. ' Degn's nook {cf. Denary) ; though Over
Dinsdale is Dom. Dimeshala, fr. Deorna, or perh. Deoring,
Diring, names in Onom. See -hall.
Diss (Norfolk). Dom. Dice. Doubtful. ? O.Fr. deis, found in
Eng. c. 1259 as deis, ' a dais or high-table.' Diseworth (Derby)
and Disley (Stockport) imply an unrecorded man Disa. Cf.
Desborough and next.
DissiNGTON (Northumbld.) . ? The Digentum in Hexham Chrons.
Should be ' town of Dissa ' or the hke ; but there is no such name
in Onom. Still we have Dishforth, Thirsk, Dom. Disforde,
and the places above, suggesting such a name.
DiTTON (Widnes, Bridgnorth, and Sui'rey) and Fen Ditton
(Cambs). Cam. D. c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Dictune, Dittune.
Dom. Surrey and Bucks Ditone, -tune; also c. 1170 and 1213
charts. Dicton, ? which, and c. 1005 chart. Dictune, Kent,
16
DOCCOMBE 234 DONYATT
'Town, enclosure, with the ditch/ O.E. die. Cf. Ditchford
(Warwk.), Dom. Dicforde. The names Deighton and Dighton
have the same origin as Ditton. N. Yorks is Dom. Dictune,
and Deightonby is Dictenebi, a somewhat rare hybrid.
DooooMBE (Newton Abbot). Not in Dom. 1174 Documba, 1322
Dockumbe; also corrupted into Dockham. O.E. docce-cumbe,
' dock-valley/ valley in which the docken weed abounded.
DoDCOTT (Nantwich). 1135 Dodecotte. Cf. a. 1300 ' Dodeford/
Northants. ' The cot or cottage of Dodd, Doda, or Dodda,' a
very common name in Onom. C/. Didcot and Dodwell, Strat-
ford (Warwk.), close to the Doddanford of 985 chart.
DoDrNQTON (Yate and Bridgwater). Ya. D. Dom. Dodintone,
1170 Duddinton; and Doddington (5 in P.G.), March D. Dom.
Dodinton, 1302 Doddyngtone. ' Village of Dodda ' or ' Dudda,'
gen. -an. Cf. Dom. Bucks and Salop, Dodintone. But
DoDiNGTBEE (Leicester) is perh. fr. dod, ' to cUp or top/ found
a. 1225 dodd; cf. 1440 Prompt. Parv., ' doddyn trees or herbys
. . . decomo.' This tree was the meeting-place of the hundred.
Cf. Maijningteeb. See -ing.
DoQSTHOBPE (Peterboro'). Not in Dom. c. 1100 Grant Dodes-
thorpe. Interesting corruption; ' farm of Dodd.' See Dodcott
and -thorpe.
DoLEBUBY Camp (Mendips). 'Burgh, fortified place of Dola';
one such in Onom. It is the site of a pre-Roman fort. See
-bury.
DoLGELLY. W. dol gelU, ' meadow with the grove or copse,' gelli
beiug var. of the commoner celli.
Dolly Meadows (Bath). W. Dol. pi. dolau (pron. dolay), ' a
meadow.' Cf. G. dal. Thus the name is a tautology.
DoLTON (Devon). Dom. Dueltona. 1235 Patent R. Dughelton.
'Town of Dougal' (see Duggleby), only here the h has
' echpsed ' the g. Cf. the surname Doulton.
Don Er. and Doncastbr. Prob. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Dono and
Bede U. xiv Campodunum, c. 850 O.E. vers. Donafeld; Nennius
Cair Daun; Dom. Doncastre, 1158-59 Pipe Dane Castre, 1202
Fines Danecastre, 1206 Donecastre. It cannot be the same as
Don (Sc). Perh. W. dwn, G. donn, ' brown.' See -caster.
DoNNiNGTON (Salop, Gloucs., and Berks). Sa. D. Dom. Donitone.
Gl. D. 1176 Pipe Dunnington. Be. D. 1316 Dunyngton.
' Village of the sons of Dunn.' Cf. B.C.S. iii. 601 on Dunning-
lande. Cf. Dunnington ; and see -ing.
DoNYATT (Ilminster). 1234 Patent R. Dunyed. O.E. dun ^eat,
' hill of the gate, opening or pass.' Yat or yat{t)e has been the
S.W. dial, form of gate since the 16th cnv. Cf. Symond's
Yat.
DORCHESTER 235 DOVER
DoRCHESTEB, (Dorset). c. 380 Ant. Itin. Diirno(no)varia, 939
chart, villa regalis quae dicitur Doracestria, c. 1100 Flor.
Wore. Dorsetania, 1387 Dorchestre. Durno-varia is prob.
Kelt, for ' fist-plays/ there having been a Rom. amphitheatre
here ; W. dwrn, Ir. dorn, ' fist ' ; and Corn, gware for L. varia, ' a
play.' Asser, ann. 875, speaks of the district {paga), called in
British Dumgueir (in MS. -eis), but in Saxon Thomsseta {or
Domsaeta), now Dorset. In the present name there is nothing
■which represents varia, so that it really seems to mean ' fist
camp.' Cf. Cardurnock; and see -Chester.
Dorchester (Oxon). (? Durcinate in a. 700 Bav, Oeogr.) c. 689
Theodore Villa Dorcacsestrensis, Bede Dorcic, O.E. Chron. 635
and 891 Dorcic-, Dorcesceaster, 905 in Eadmer Dorkeceastre,
Dom. Dorchecestre. This seems either to mean ' camp of Dorc,'
an unknown man, or, more doubtfully, ' dark camp,' O.E.
deorc, 3 dorc, ' dark.' Also see Dorset.
DoRDON (Tamworth). 1285 Derdon. Perh. 'hill of the deer/
O.E. dear. Cf. Dassett; and see -don.
DoRE R. (S. Wales), c. 1130 Lib. Land. Door ; and Dore (Here-
ford and Sheffield). Shef. D. O.E. Chron. 827 Dore, ib. 942
Dor. W. dwr, ' water, stream ' ; G. dobhar. Cf. Appledore,
Dour (Yorks), and Durra (Comw.). But Plummer derives the
towns fr. O.E. duru, dor, ' a door, an opening.'
Dorset, a. 900 Asser Thornsseta, Domsseta, Dom. Dorsete, c.
1097 Flor. W. Dorsetania. Dornsseta should mean ' seat,
settlement among the thorns'; but cf. Dorchester; while
some connect with Ptolemy's Durotriges, who dwelt about here.
Cf. Somerset. Dom. Essex has a Dorseda.
DoRSiNGTON (Stratford-on-A.). Dom. Dorsintune, and Dorstone
(Hereford), a. 1300 Dorsinton. ' Village of the Dorsings,' or
? ' sons of Deorsige.' Cf. Dersingham. See -ing.
DosTHHiL (Tamworth). Dom. Dercelai. a. 1200 Dertehulla,
Derchethull, a. 1400 Derst-, Dorsethull. The ending is clear.
In Dom. -lai is fr. -ley, ' meadow,' q.v. ; and hull is the regular
Mid. form of ' hill.' Derchet or Derst prob. represents a man
Deorswith ; 2 in Onom. But cf. also Dom. Bucks Dusteb'ge and
Desborough.
Douglas (I. of Man). Local pron. DooHsh. Moore says, Manx
dub glais, ' dark stream.' Cf. Douglas (Sc.) and Dowlais,
pron. Dowhsh. One of K. Arthur's battles, in Nennius, was at
' Duglas.' c. 1205 Layamon has a ' Duglas water ' too.
Dove R. (Derby) andDovEY or DyfiR. (S. Wales and Machynlleth).
Der.D. 890 chart.T)\x.ia., a. 1300 Duve Douve. Mach.D. 1428 Dyvi.
All fr. O.W. dubr,'W.dwfr, dwr, ' water, stream.' Duignan thinks
Dove the ' diving ' river, O.E. dufan. Its tribs. certainly dive
BOVEK 236 DRAYCOTT
underground. Doveedige (Uttoxeter) is Dom. Dubrige, c.
1300 Doubrig, ' bridge on R. Dove.'
Dover (also near Leigh, Lanes), c. 380 Ant. Itin. Portus Dubris;
a. 716 chart. Dufras, 1048 O.E. Chron. Dofre, a. 1100 Wm Poit.
Doueria, c. 1097 Flor. W. Doru-, Doro-bernia; 1160 Doura,
Dovre; c. 1205 Layam. Doure, c. 1276 Douere. The Kent D.
is on R. Douver, W. dwfr., ' stream/ still correctly pron. in
Fr ., Dou vre(8) . Cf. above, and Dovebdale, Droitwich, 706 cfiart.
Dourdale, 817 ib. Doferdsel; also Dom. Wilts Dobreha. There
are also a R. Doverle (Berkeley) and a Dover Beck, 1225
Doverbec (Notts), and a Douvres on the N. coast of France.
Dovercourt (Harwich). Dom. Druurecurt (first r an error).
' Court on the river,' W. dwfr. See above. Court, O.F. cort,
curt, L. cohors, -tern, ' court, poultry-yard, yard,' is not in Oxf.
Diet, till 1297. It means ' a clear space enclosed by a wall,'
then ' a large building in a yard, a castle.'
DowLAis (Glam.). Pron. Dowlish. Disputable; perh. O.W. <kiu,
mod. W. dou glais, ' two streams '; but prob. = Douglas. The
Dewlas, trib. of Nthn. Dovey, is sic 1428 and locally pron.
Diflas, clearly ' dark (W. du) stream.' Dowlish Waee (Ilminster)
should be the same. Cf. Dawlish. The Little and Great
DowABD Hills, lower Wye, were old Dougarth, which is O.W. for
' two garths,' or ' enclosures.'
DowNHAM (Cambs and Norfolk). Cam. D. K.C.D. iv. 209 Dun-
ham. Nor. D. 1461 Dounham. O.E. dun-ham, ' hill-dwell-
ing.' Cf. neict. Downholme (Richmond, Yorks) is in Dom.
simply Dune. See -hohn.
Downs, The (off Kent), a. 1460 Gregory's Chron. The Downys,
1520 The Downes. Perh. so called from the doum or hill, O.E.
dun, opposite the E. end of the North Downs.
DowNTON (SaUsbury). c. 1160 Duntuna — i.e., 'hill-town' or Hilton.
Dowthorpe (Yorks). Dom. Dwetorp. Prob. 'village of Duua'
or ' Duha/ names in Onom. See -thorpe.
Doxey (Stafford). Dom. Dochesig, c. 1200 Dokesei, 'Isle of
Docca,' or 'the duck,' O.E. docce. Cf. Duxford. In Dom.
Salop there is'Dehocsele or ' Docca' b nook.' See -ey and -hall.
Drakenedge (Warwksh.). 1251 Drakenegg. O.E. dracan ecg,
' devil's or dragon's edge ' or ' brink.' Cf. Drakelow (Derbysh.)
and Wolverley, former 942 ' set Dracan hlawen ' (see -low),
also Drakestone (Gloucs.).
Draughton (Skipton). Dom. Dractone. Doubtful. Possibly it
is 'town of the devil,' O.E. draca. Cf. above. Possibly =
Drayton.
Draycott (Berks, Blockley, Dunchurch, Stoke-on-T.). Ber. D.
Dom. Draicote; Bl. D. 1275 Draycote ; St. D. a. 1300 Dra- and
DEAYTON 237 DROITWICH
Draycote. This must go with Drayton, an even commoner
name with older recorded forms. Draycott would seem to mean
'dry cot'; O.E. dryge., drige, 2 dreie, 4 draye, dreye, 'dry/
Possibly it is fr. O.E. drcege, 'a drag-net, a dray'; but then,
why so ? Certainly Skeat's derivation fr. an O.E. drceg, sup-
posed to mean 'a place of shelter, a retreat' (c/. mod. dray,
' a squirrel's nest '), seems rather laboured. But the matter is
not yet settled. Dom. Devon has a Draheford, ? ' ford for a
dray.' Cf. Drig.
Drayton (9 in P.G.). Chart, DTsegtnn, Dom. Draitone, 1210 Dray-
ton (Cambs). 810 chart. Draiton (N. Notts), 960 chart. Drasegtun,
and Dom. Draitone (Berks), a. 1100 Draeitun, a. 1200 Draiton
(Stratford, Warwicksh.). Dom. Dray-. Draitone (Penkridge and
Tamworth). Dom. Drattone (Bucks). Prob. 'dry town'; but
the early forms make O.E. drcege ' a dray,' at least a possible
origin. Skeat derives the place in Cambs and Berks fr. the O.E.
drceg, referred to s.v. Draycott. The ' Cair Draithon ' of c.
800 Nennius has been identified with one of the Draytons,
which is doubtful.
Driffield (Bridlington and Cricklade). Br. D. c. 1050 O.E. Chron.
705 DrifEelda, Dom. Drifeld, -felt, 1202 Driffeld. Cr. D. Dom.
Drifelle (common Dom. var.). 'Dry field,' O.E. drige, 3 drigge,
drie, ' dry.' Duignan says Driffold (Sutton Colfield), is drift
fold, ' fold into which cattle were driven.' Of. next.
Drig (W. Cumbld.). O.E. drige, ' dry '; drceg, ' a place of shelter.
Of. above.
Drighlinqton (Bradford). Dom. Dreslintone, -ingtone. The s in
Dom. is to avoid the guttural gh ; such Dom. hates. Prob.
' viUage of the descendants of Dryhtweald,' or perh. ' Drycghelm '
(once in Onom.). Cf. Dom. Gloucs. Dricledone. See -ing.
Dringhob (Holdemess). Dom. Dringolme; and Dringhouses
(York). Not in Dom. N. dreng, ' a free servant of the king
endowed with lands.' They were found all over, N. of the
Humber and Ribble. The ending -hoe is here a corrup. of
-holm, q.v., through the liquidity or vanishing tendency of
I and w, influenced by Hoe, ' height ' ; whilst holm is ' river-
meadow.'
Droitwich. 716 chart. In wico emptoris salis quem nos Saltwich
vocamus, 888 ih. Saltwic, 1017 Sealtwic, 1049 O.E. Chron. Wic,
Dom. Wich 24 times, Wic once, 1347 le Dryghtwych, 1469
Dertwyche. But D. is not Ptolemy's Salinai. Wich is simply
O.E. ivic, ' dwelling, village.' See' -wich. True, here and in
Cheshire and the neighbouring districts it is the ending of most
salt-producing towns; but there is no O.E. authority for saying
that wic or wich has anything to do with salt. Many — even
Skeat — derive this wich fr. O.N. vih, ' a bay, a small (salt)
creek ' ; hence, it is said, the transition is easy to ' salt or brine
DROMONBY 238 DULLINGHAM
spring/ But that wich could come fr. vik in 716 in Worcestersh.
seems simply impossible. Droit- (Fr. droit, ' right, privilege ')
was prefixed by sanction of Edw. III., who gave the inhabitants
the right to manufacture salt here a. 1293. The right had to be
restricted in other places owing to the great waste of timber
in making salt. But Edw. the Confessor already had £52 a
year from the salt works. Cf. ' The Droits of Admiralty.'
Dromonby (N. B/iding). Dom. Dragmalebi, twice. A remarkable
corrup. ' Dwelling of Dragmel,' one in Onom. We here see
how any one liquid can become another, even I become n.
See -by.
Dronmeld (Shefl&eld). Not in Dom. 'Field of the drone-bees';
O.E. dran, 3-6 dron.
Droxford (Bps. Waltham). 939 chart. Drocenesforda ; not in
Dom. ' Ford of Drocen,' not in Onom., but cf. Drakenedge.
Druid (Corwen) may be for W. derwydd, ' a Druid.' T. Morgan
omits it. But Druid Heath (Warwk.) is c. 1400 Dru-, Dre-
wood, fr. a family of Dru, or rather Druce, prob. taking their name
fr. Dreux, Normandy.
Drypool (Hull). Dom. Drid-, Dritpol, Dripold, ' dirty pool/
Icel. drit, ' durt.'
DuDBRiDGE (Stroud). 1302 Dodebrygge; and Duddo (Norham);
1183 Dudehowe. Named fr. some man Dudd, Duda, or Dudda,
names very common in O.E., esp. in Mercia. Cf. Dudley and
Duddeston (Birmingham), 1100 Duddestone. The -o is -howe,
' a mound,' q.v.
DuDDON (Tarporley) and Duddon R. (Cumbld.). Latter thought
to be c. 709 Eddi Regio Dimutinga, a name of uncertain
origin. But Tar. D. may be W. du din, ' dark, black hill ' ;
though cf. next.
Dudley. Dom. Dudelei, 1275 Duddleye, ' meadow of Dudd,
Dudo, or Dodo,' ? the duke in Mercia, and founder of Tewkesbury
Abbey, 715. Cf. Didcot and Dudbridge; and see -ley.
DuEFiELD (Derby). Not in Dom. c. 1180 Ben. Peierb. Dufelda,
' dove field.' O.E. *dufe, c. 1200 duue, c. 1300 duu. If this
derivation be correct, we have here one of the earliest recorded
examples of the Eng. word dove. Cf. Doveskar, Wensleydale,
1202 Duuesker, and Doveridge, Dom. Dubrige.
DuGGLEBY (Yorks). Dom. Dighelbi, Difgehbi. ' Dwelhng of
Dougal,' in Ir. and G. Dubkgall, or ' dark stranger,' the Ir. name
for the Danes. This Danish Kelt prob. came from Ireland.
There are other traces of such settlers. Cf. Dolton; and
see -by.
DuLLiNGHAM (Newmarket). Dom. Dullingeham; also old Dilin-
tone. ' Home of the Dillings.' Cf. Dillington (Hunts) and
DULVERTON 239 DUNSTABLE
Dilham (Norfk.) — i.e., ' home of Dill/ still a personal name, of
which Billing is the patronymic.
DuiiVEBTON (Somerset). Dom. Dolvertun. The name here seems
unknown. There seems trace of a N. Tolf-r or Tolrius.
DuLWiCH, sic 1606. Not in Dom. (There are coins with Dulwic
on them, supposed to be a man's name.) Possibly ' Dola's
dwelling '; one Dola in Onom. The adj. dull is not in Eng. a.
1430. Cf. Dom. Derby, Duluestune.
DuMBLETON (Evesham). Sic 1327, but 930 chart. Dumolan,
-llan, 995 Dumbletain, Dom. Dunbentone. The forms are
corrupt. Skeat suggested ^ Domioulf's town,' but this is
doubtful.
DuMMER (Basingstoke). Dom. Dumere. Prob. ^ Duda'a mere' or
Make.' Cf. Dom. Dodimere (Sussex) and Dedmarton, also
Cromer.
Dim CHURCH (Rugby). Dom. Donecerce. c. 1200 Dunchirch, 1444
Dunkyrke. ' Church on the hill,' O.E. dun, though possibly
fr. a man Donn or Dunn. The 1444 -kyrke is interesting, as
showing the lingering of Dan. influence, just as in Dunkirk,
N. France.
DuNGENESS (Kent). 1052 O.E. Chron. Na;ss — i.e., 'nose, cape,
naze.' Dunge- is prob. Dan. dynge, ' a heap, a pile (of dung),'
mod. Icel. dyngja, ' heap, dung,' O.E. dung. Cf. Dinganess,
Norway.
DuNGLEDDY (Glamorgan), c. 1130 Lib. Land. Dou Clediv, 1603
Doyglethe, * the dark (W. du) Cleddy R..'
Dunham (6 in P.G.). Sic 1150 chart. K.C.D. iv. 209. Dom.
Notts, Duneham. Norfolk D. c. 1460 Donham. O.E. dun-ham,
' hiU-dwelling.'
Dunheved (Launceston) . Dom. Dunhevet, c. 1140 Downehevede,
Dunehevede, 1250 Dunhefd. Com. din hafod, ' hill of the sum-
mer residence ' ; no doubt confused with O.E. heafod ; Dan. hoved,
* the head.'
DmsTMORE (Leckhampstead). Not in Dom. Chart, dunn mere,
which is O.E. for ' dim-coloured, brownish lake.' Perh. re-
modelled on DuNMORE (Sc), ' big hill.'
DuNMOW (Essex). Dom. Dom(m)auua, 1160 Pipe Dumawa, c. 1386
Donmowe. Perh. tautology. W. din, ' a hill,' and O.E. muga
' a heap, a mow, a pile of hay ' ; found 3-7 mowe.
DuNNiNGTON (York). Dom. Domni-, Donniton, also Dodinton;
1202 Dunnigton. There are several men named Dunning in
Onom., but the name here is doubtful. Cf. Doddington.
Dunstable. Not in Dom. \\2^ O.E. Chron. Dunestaple, c. 1200
Gervase Dunstapele, 1433 Dunstaple. ' Hill of the market '; it
DUNSTALL 240 DURLSTONE
lies at the foot of Dunstable Downs. O.E. dun-stapel. Of.
Barnstaple. Dunsley (Yorks) is Dom. Dunesle, ' meadow on
the hill.'
DuNSTALL. Common var. 6i TuisrsTALL.
DimsTER (Somerset). Not in Dom. Prob. 1231 Patent B. Dintre,
which looks like W. din tre, ' hill with the house.' But 1243 ib.
Dunesterr, which may be an Eng. remodelhng; O.E. dun steor-
ra{n), ' hill of the star.' The common Sc. ending -ster, O.N.
sta'^r, ' dwellmg/ is not very likely here.
DuNTiSBOURNE (Cirencestcr) . Dom. Tantesbourne, 1102 Dontes-,
1221 Duntesborne. ? ' Stream of.' Baddeley gives up the
impHed name as hopeless. Onom. has a Dunniht and a Thront,
which seem at least possible. See -bourne.
DuNTON (3 in P.G.). Dom. Norfk. Dontuna. Cf. 672 chart. Dun-
tun, ? near Winchester, and Dom. Duntune, Salop. ' Town at
the hill '; O.E. dun, which also means ' a fort.'
DmrwiCH (once in Suffolk, now submerged). BedeDomnoc, Dom-
moc, c. 1 175 Fantosme Dunewiz. Doubtful. Some derive fr . W.
dwfn, ' deep.' Cf. Dymock. See -wich.
DuBDANS, The (Epsom). Sic 1658. Said to be M.E. durden, ' a
coppice ' ; but there seems no trace of this in Oxf. Diet., where the
only durdan is a var. of dirdum, ' uproar, tumult,' a Sc. and
North, dial, word found c. 1440 in York Myst. as durdan. This
name is prob. Dom. Dordnhoes, ? ' hill of Dorda '; the nearest
name in Onom. is Durand. See Hoe. The plur. s often
suffixes itself.
Dtjrdae. (Carhsle) . Kelt, for ' stream with the thicket ' ; G. dobhar,
W. dwr, and G. daire; or else fr. G. darach, ' an oak.' The same
Dur- is seen in Durbeck or Doverbeck (Notts), 1225 Doverbec,
prob. a tautology, and in Durbridge (Worcs.). CJ. Dover and
DWRBACH,
Durham. Founded O.E. Chron. ann. 995, but no name is given
there, c. 1070 Wm. Jumieges Castrum quod propria lingua
Dunelmum nuncuparunt ; 1075-1128 Dunholme ; c. 1175 Fantosme
Durealme ; 1295 Dwreysm ; c. 1470 Henry Duram ; 1535 Stewart
Durhame. A name which has changed more than once. Dunelm
or -eahne is orig. Kelt, dun ealm, 'hill of the elms,' an early
loan-word. But Dunholme is O.E., meaning ' fort by the holm
or river-meadow ' ; whilst Durham should mean ' wild-beasts'
home or lair,' O.E. deor ham, same root as deer ; Icel. dyr ;
Sw. diur, ' a wild beast.' That the n should have become r is.
but one other proof of the liquiditj'^ of the liquids. Gf. Dereham
and Dyrham.
Dtjrlstone Head (Dorset) . Not in Dom. ' Perforated rock ' ; O.E.
thyrel, ' a hole,' same root as nos-<n7. The name is perh. a
translation of Tillywhim near by. The Head is full of holes.
PURNFOKD 241 DYSERTH
DuRNFORD (Amesbury) . Dom. Darnef ord. 0 .E. derne, dyrne, ' secret,
hidden, obscure/ Cf. Darnall and Darnick (Sc). Dornford
(Wootton, Oxon) is the same; 1236 Patent R. Derneford.
DuRRiNGTON (Salisbury and Worthing). Sa. T>. Dom. Derintone,
Wo. D. Dom. Derentune. Prob. O.E. Deoran tun, 'town of
Deora.' Onom. also has Deorwen or Derwine. Cf. Dtjrsley
(Glouc), 1153 Duresle, also Derselega, where the name is doubt-
ful. DuRRANCE (Upton Warren) is prob. called after a Robt.
Duran, known to be living in an adjoining manor in 1275.
DusTON (Northampton). Dom. Dustone. Prob. ^ Dudd's town.'
Gf. Dom. Dudestan (Chesh.) and Dudley and Ditmmer.
Button (Warrington). Sic 1302, but 1102 Dotona. Perh. ' town
of Dutta.' Cf. 940 chart. Duttan hamme (Wiley, Wilts). But
perh. fr. O.E. dufe, ' a dove '; perh. here become a proper name.
Gf. DUFPIELD.
DuxFORD (Cambridge). Dom. Dochesuuorde, 1211 Dokesworth,
1284 Dukesworth, c. 1660 Fuller Dokesworth. The -ford is quite
a mod. corrup. ' I^arm of Due' says Skeat, and not ' of the
ducks,' O.E. duca, though Due is an unknown personal name.
Cf. DoxEY. See -worth. But Duxford (Berks) is Dom.
Dudochesforde, ' Ford of Dudoc ' ; 10 such in Onom.
DwRBACH (Pembrokesh.). W.= 'little stream.' Durbeck or Dover
Beck (Notts), 1225 Doverbec, might be the same name, but is
more likely a tautology; W. dwr= Eng. becJc, 'stream.'
DwYFOR and Dwyffach (Criccieth). Prob., says Anwyl, 'great
and little goddess,' L. diva; W. mawr, 'big,' and bach, 'little,'
in both names aspirated.
Dyffryn (Merioneth), old Dyffrynt. W. dyfr-hynt, ' water ' or
' river way,' and so ' vale.'
Dym- or DiMCHURCH (New Romney, Kent). Not in Dom. M'Clure
compares O.E. dimhus and dimhof, ' hiding or dark place.'
Dymock (Glouc). Dom. Dimoch, 1167-68 Pipe Dlmoc, 1223
Dimmoc. Doubtful. It looks hke an O.W. dimin. of W. din,
dyn, 'hill' or 'fort'; m and n constantly interchange. Cf.
Dum- or Dunbarton, and DuisrwiOH.
Dyrham (Chippenham) . Said to be O.E. Chron. 577, also 950 chart.,
Deorham — i.e., * wild beasts' lair or home.' Cf. Durham. But
Dom. Wilts has a Dobreham, which may be the Chron. place, and
so a hybrid — O.Keltic dobr ; W. dwfr, 'river'; and O.E. ham,
' home.' Cf. Dover.
Dyserth (Flint) . 1245 Patent R. Dissard. W. form of L. desertum,
' a desert place,' then ' a hermit's cell,' 'a house for receiving pil-
grims,' ' a church,' and so the same as the Deserts and Dysarts
of Ireland and Scotland. There is a ' Desertelawa ' (hill), 1156,
in Pipe Derby.
DTVIR 242 EASINGTON
Dyvi R. (Merioneth), c. 1188 Oir. Camb. Ostium Devi. Prob.
another instance of river-worship, the name prob. meaning
' goddess.' Cf. Dwyfor.
Eagle Stone (Baston Edge). Local tradition says, fr. the Saxon
archer god Egil or JEgle. Cf. AYiiESBURY and Eglesboubne.
Eakeing (Newark). Dom. Aigrun, Ec(h)eringhe, 1229 Close R.
Ekering'. 1278-1428 Aykering. This seems to be O.N. eik-
runn, 'runlet, little stream with the oaks.' Cf. Aigbubth.
Oxf. Diet, gives run, sb. 9, with this meaning as North, dial.,
and has no quot. a. 1581. But the verb run in its earher
usages' seems to have come to us chiefly through Scandi-
navian sources. See Did. s.v. run vb. The later forms seem to
be N. eikar eng, in M.E. ing, ' meadow of the oaks.'
Ealing (London) . 1245 Patent B. Gilling ; later Yeling, Yealing, and
ZeaUng {Z for Y). Evidently the same patronymic as in Gil-
LiNGHAM. For the falling away of g, cf. L^chesteb, Ipswich,
etc., also Yabmouth. Onom. has both Gilo and Gillus ; fr. either
Gilling may have come. See -ing. There are also Dom. Berks
Elinge, and 1161-62 Pi'pe Eling, Hants. These, however, are
prob. patronymics fr. Ela, a man's name found in Beowulf.
Eamont or Eamot Bridge (Penrith). 926 chart. Eamotum, M'Clure
says, O.E. ea-{ge)mot, in 926 in a loc. plur., meaning ' river con-
fluence ' or ' meet '; the form -mont prob. showing the influence
of N. munn-r, ' a river-mouth.' Possibly the same name as
Emmet.
Eabby (Colne). Dom. Eurebi. Prob. ' dwelling of Eofor.' Eofor-
maer of Drifl&eld is found also as Euremarus. Cf. Everley.
See -by.
Eabdington. See Erdinqton.
Eabdiston (Tenbury), Eabdisland, and Eabdisley (Herefordsh.).
Ten. E. 957 chart. Eardufestun, Dom. Ardolvestone, a. 1100
chart. Eardulfestune. ' Town, land, and meadow of Eardwulf.'
See -ley and -ton.
Earith. See Ebith.
Earlswood (Birmingham, etc.). Bir. E. in c. 1274 chart, is 'the
Earl of Warwick's wood.'
Early (Reading). Dom. Erlei, 1316 Erie, Erlee, 1428 Arle. Skeat
conjectures ' Earna's lea,' or 'meadow of the eagle,' O.E. earn,
and compares Abley. Cf. Dom. Bucks Erlai, and Eabnley
(Sussex), B.G.S. i. 331 Eameleagh.
Earsham (Bungay). Not in Dom. 1157 Pipe Eresham. 'Home of
Ere,' one in Onom: Cf. Abbeton.
Easington (4 in P.G.). Thame E. Dom. Essedene. Castle Eden E.
a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Esingtun, 1183 Esyntona. ' Town, village of
Ese or Eene,' both very common in Onom. The -ing, q.v., may
EASINGWOLD 243 EASTWOOD
either represent the O.E. gen. -an, or be the sign of a patronymic.
Cf. Dom. Bucks Esenberge. For interchange of -den, -don,
-ton, see these endings.
Easingwold (Yorks) . Dom. Eisicewalt, Eisincewald, 1230 Close R.
Esingewald. Prob. patronymic. ' Wold, wood of the sons of,'
some man with name in Is- {cf. Eastoft). Wold is O.E. wold,
weald. Of. Easinqhope (Wore), 1275 Esighope, ' vaUey of the
sons of Is or Esi,' and above. See -ing.
East Beckham (Norfolk). Dom. Becham, 1458 Est bekham. May
not be ' home on the beck ' or 'brook,' see Bacup; but perh.
fr. a man, as in Beokenham.
Eastbourne. Dom. Borne, 1114 O.E. Chron. Bume, c. 1450
Fortescue Borne, 1730 Eastborn or Eborn. Bume or bourne is
just early Eng. for ' brook,' the Sc. burn. Eastbubn (Driffield)
is actually Augustbume in Dom. See Atjst.
Eastoote (Pinner). Of. 958 cTiart. ' Eostacote ' on Stour, Staffs —
i.e., ' east cot ' or ' cottage '; also 1179-80 Pipe Westcotun and
Oustcotun (Yorks).
Easterton (Market Lavington). 'Eastern village.' Cf. Dom.
Surrey Estreha and Eastby.
Eastfield (Northampton). 963 O.E. Chron. ^Estfeld. East-
usually is ' east ' ; but Eastbrook (Sutton Coldfield) is a. 1200
Essebrook, which is prob. ' ash-tree brook.' O.E. cesc, 3 asse,
5 esche ; esse for ' ash ' is found in Dom. Easttngton, 2 in Glouc,
1119 Estinthone, is prob. O.E. eastan tun, 'at the East village.'
See -ing.
Eastoft (Goole). Prob. 1119 chart. Istofte, which looks like Dan.
is-toft, ' ice ' or ' icy field.' There is one man Iso in Onom., and
many names in Is-, Isgod, Ishere, Iswulf, etc., and the Is- may
be a contraction of any of them. Dom. has only Ese-, Estorp,
Easton (12 in P.O.). O.E. Chron. 656 ^stun, 1137 Estun (North-
ampton), 796 chart. Eastun (Berks). Dom. Estune (E. Riding,
Yorks), Estone (Bucks). ' East town.'
Eastbington (Brough, Yorks). Dom. Estrincton, Perh. 'town
of Eastorwine,' and it may be a patronymic. See -ing.
Eastry (Dover). 788 chart. In regione Eastrgena, 805 chart-
Easterege, a. 1000 Eastrege. The first haK will mean ' Eastern ' ;
M'Clure connects the second with the continental tribe of the
Rugii. But in O.E. the ending -ige usually means * island.' Cf.
Atjsterfield. Eastbea, or Estbea (Cambs), is prob. B.C. 8.
iii. 438, Estrey, or ' eastern isle. Cf. Westry farm, March, and
Eastwood (Nottingham). Dom. Estewic, error for -twit, 1166-7
Pipe Est Twait, 1225 Estwaite, and often so. This is now no
region for -thwaite (see p. 59), hence the change.
EATHORPE 244 ECCLESHALL
Eathorpe (Leamington). 1327 Ethorpe. ' Village on the running
water/ O.E. kb, O.N. oa. This is one of the southmost instances
of -thorpe, q.v. Cf. Edalb, and Dom. Glouc. Aiforde.
Eaton Constantine (Shrewsbury). Dom. Etone.
Eaton Hastings (Farringdon). O.E. chart. Eatun, c. 1300 Eton.
Eaton Socon (Bedford). 1155 Eitune, 1581 Eaton Sooken.
Eaton Water and Wood (Staffs). Dom. Eitone, Etone.
Eaton (Notts) Dom. Etune, Ettone, Attune. ,0.E. ea-tun,
'river-town.' Socn is a district held by tenure of vocage — i.e.,
for certain, determined service; O.E. soc, 'privilege of holding
a court in a district.' There are 8 Eatons in P.O. Cf. Eton.
Ebberston (Snainton, Yorks). Dom. Edbriztune, 1166-67 Pipe
Edbrihteston. ' Town of Eadbeorht/ a very common O.E. name.
Cf. Dom. Salop Etbretelie. But with Ebberly (Torrington) cf.
Dom. Hereford, Elburgelega, ' meadow of (the lady) Elhurga.'
Ebbesbotjrne (SaUsbury). 672 chart. Ebblesburnon, Dom. Ebles-
borne. 'Elba's brook' or 'bum,' O.E. hurn{e). Eabba and
Eabe are common in Onom., and there is also one Ebhella. The
liquid I would easily disappear. Cf. Ebley (Glouc), 1317
Ebbaleye, and Epsom.
Ebbseleet (Thanet) . O.E. Chron. 449 Eopwinesfleot, Ypwinesfleot ;
also Wippedsfleot. Not in Dom. O.E. fleot, Icel. fljot is ' a
stream ' or perh. ' a creek,' same root &s fleet. See Fleet. The
first part must represent the name of some early Jutish settler.
Ebbs- may be a contraction of Ypwines- or Eopwines-. There
was once a channel between Thanet and Kent, and this is at the
south-east mouth of it. Cf. Ipplepen.
Ebchester (Co. Durham). Perh. a. 700 Bav. Geogr. Ebio.
' Camp of ?.' See -Chester.
EccHiNSWELL (NcwbuTy). Dom. Eccleswelle. Eccles, as in next,
is prob. L. ecclesia, W. eglwys, and so this name may mean
' church weU.' It is a curious corrup., and shows how any one
liquid may run into another, though I very rarely becomes n.
There is one Echun in Onom.
EccLES (Lanes, Attleborough, Maidstone) and Eccleseield (Shef-
field). Lane. E. sic c. 1100. Sh. E. Dom. Eclesfelt, 1179 Eccles-
feld. Either L. ecclesia, W. eglwys, ' a church,' or rare case of
a personal name in gen. used for a place, without suffix, ' (village
of) ^cel ' or ' JScle,' a known O.E. name. Cf. Beccles, Beedon,
and Brailes. It is hard to be certain which alternative is right ;
both are contrary to the usual. E.g., why should the name ^cel
so often be used alone, when ahnost no other is ?
EccLESHALL (Stafford). Dom. Ecleshelle, 1298 Eccleshale, 1459
Eggleshal. ' Nook, corner, beside the church,' or ' of JSceZ '
(see above). See -hall. Cf. Eccleshill (S. Yorks), Dom.
Egleshil, and Eooleston (Lanes), Dom. Eglestun.
ECCTJP 246 EDGBASTON
Eccup (Leeds). Dom. Echope. 'Shut-in valley of Ecca.' Of.
Bactjp, and see -hope.
EcKiNGTON (Pershore and SheflSeld) . Pe . E . 972 chart. Eccyncgtune,
Dom. Aichintune, a. 1400 Ekington, Ekynton, Shef . E. ? Dom.
Ecinton. ' Town of the sons of Ecca.' Of. next and Grant a. 675
' Eccantrewe ' in Surrey. See -ing and -ton.
EcTON (Northampton). Dom. Ecdone, 1298 Eketon. ' Ecca's
town.^ Ecca is a very common name in Onom. ; -don and -ton
commonly interchange.
Edale (N. Derbysh.). Dom. Aidele. ' Dale/ N. dal-r, ' with the
running stream.' O.E. ea, O.N. da. Cf. Eathoepe and
Edzell (Sc), 1204 Edale; and see -dale.
Eddington (Heme Bay). Dom. Eddintone. ' Town of (the sons
of) Ede ' or ' Eada.' Cf. next and Dom. (Bucks) Eddingraue.
See -ing.
Eddisbury (Cheshire). 914 O.E. Ghron. Eadesbyrig, 'Eada's or
Ede's burgh.' Cf. Dom. (Bucks) Eddinberge. See -bury.
Eddlethorp (Yorks). Dom. Eduardestorp. ' Village of Edward,'
Liquid r has changed to Hquid I. Cf. Eddlesborough (Dun-
stable)— ^not in Dom. However, in another place in Dom. it
is Gedwalestorp ; prob. error.
Eddystone Lighthouse (Plymouth). ' Stone or rock of Eadda
or Mddi.'
Eden R. (Cumberland and Kent). Cum. E. prob. c. 120 Ptolemy
Ituna, a. 1130 Sim. Dur. lodene and duas Geodene == Castle
Eden and Little Eden (Hartlepool) ; latter also occurs as Suth
Yoden. The early forms of Eden Water, a Sc. tributary of the
Tweed, are seen in those of Ednam (Sc). ; c. 1100 Aednaham,
1116 Edyngahum, c. 1120 Ednaham, c. 1220 Edenham. These
forms are perplexing, and it is hard to come to a verdict. The
first part possibly contains a Kelt, root meaning ' corn,' W. yd,
Ir. etha, so perh. ' river flowing through corn-lands/ On en or
an for 'river,' cf. p. 11. Cf. Itchen.
Edenhall (Langwathby) . 1158-59 Pipe Edenhale. ' Nook by the
Eden.' See above and -hall.
Edensob (Bakewell). Dom. Ednesoure. As this is on the R.
Derwent, it prob. means ' bank, edge of Mdan ' or ' Aidan.'
' See -or and -over. But Eden, see above, may have been another
name of the Derwent. We get the same name in Baddesley
Ensor, a. 1300 Ednesovre, 1327 Endeshover.
Edgbaston (Birmingham) . Dom . Celboldstone ( ' Ceolbeald's town') ,
1150 Egboldeston, a. 1200 Egbaldeston, Eggebaldeston.
' Ecgbeald's village.' We cannot now explain the change of
name. But O.E. ecg- by rule becomes edg: e.g., edge is O.E.
EDGEWARE 246 EGLOSKERRY
Edgeware (London). Not in Dom. c. 1160 Eggeswere, c. 1500
Egges-ware. Perh. fr. an O.E. Ecgeswer, ' at the edge of the
wear/ ecg, 2 egge, ' edge/ and wer, locer, ' a fence, an enclosure
for fish/ Doni,. also uses wara for 'an outlying portion of a
manor/ which Round makes cognate with wer, ' a fence/
But the first part may be fr. a man ^ga, in Onom. Cf.
Dom. Norfk. Egemere and Edgwokth (Cirencester), Dom.
Egesuuorde, Egeiswurde, ' farm of j^ga ' or ' Ecg.'
Edgton (Aston-on-Clun, Salop). Cf. 1179-80 Pipe Roll Eggeton
(Yorks) . Either ' Mga's town/ or ' village at the edge.' See above.
Edinqley (Southwell). Not in Dom., but sic 1302. Cf. 1005
chart, in Bugdale, Egseanlsea. ' Eda's lea ' or ' meadow.' Cf.
Eddingthorpe and Edingale (Tamworth), Dom. Ednimghalle,
a. 1200 Eadinghall, Edenynghal(e), which may be a patronymic,
but is prob. derived fr. Eadhun.
E(d)dingthoiipe (N. Walsham). Not in Dom. 1429 Edithorp.
' Eada's village.' Many of this name in Onom. See -thorpe.
Edington (Wilts). 957 chart. Ethandun, Dom. Edintone. [879
O.E. Chron. Ethandun, cf. Ashington.] ' Town of Eda, Eada,
Etha, or Eata ' ; all these forms in Onom. See -ing. But
Athelney E. is Dom. Edwinetone, 1199 Edintone.
Edlingham (Ahiwiek). a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Eadulfingham, Eadwul-
fincham. A patronymic. ' Home of the descendants of Eadwulf,'
a common O.E. name. Similar is Edlington (Horncastle) .
Dom. EUintone, Eilintone, c. 1275 Testa de Neville Edelington.
Effingham (Leatherhead) . Not in Dom. O.E. Effingeham, pat-
ronymic; 'home of the descendants of Effa or Eafa' {cf.
Bede III. 24).
Egerton (Ashford, Kent, and Bolton). Not in Dom. ' Eadgar's
town.' Cf. Agardesley (Staffs), c. 1004 chart. Eadgares leye.
Eqham (Surrey). G^raw^of a.675, andDom.Egeham. 'Homeof ^g^a.'
Cf. Edgewabe, and Egbrough (Yorks), Dom. Egburg, Acheburg.
Eglesboubne or Ecclesburne (Derbysh.). Not in Dom. Said
to be, like Eagle Stone, fr. the archer Egil ; though the first
syll. may be for ' church,' see Eccles. A man's name is prob.
in Egglestone (DarHngton), Dom. Eghistun (h error for I),
and in 1342 ' Eglesfeld,' (Westmrld.).
Eglingham (Alnwick), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Ecgwulfingham, 1197
Eggleningeham. ' Home of the descendants of Ecgwulf,' a
common name in Onom. See -ing.
Egloshayle (The Lizard). Sic 1536. Corn, eglos hayle, ' church
on the tidal river.' Eglos is in W. eglwys, G. eaglais, L. ecclesia,
Gk. eKKXrjcrta.
Egloskebry (Launceston) . Corn, eglos, 'church,' see above, and
it is doubtful what; perh. the Corn, for ' fort,' W. caer, or perh.
EGLWYS NEWYDD 247 ELLENBO ROUGH
(? Corn, and) W. ceri, ' medlar trees/ In Dom. Cornw. we have
Eglosberrie, prob. fr. St. Baire of Cork, friend of Brendan and
Cainneach.
Eqlwys Newydd (Cardiff), now usually called Whitchurch, c.
1540 Egglis Newith, which is phonetic W. for ' new church/
The usual W. for church is llan.
Egremont (Pembroke and Whitehaven). Wh. E. a. 1200 Egener-
mot, which is clearly O.N. for ' meeting-place, court of Egen/
the -er being the N. gen. Cf. Ennerdale. But it is 1218
Egremunde, 1246 Egremund, where the ending is O.N. munn-r
for mund-r, 'mouth, ri ver -mouth ' ; perh. influenced by O.E.
munt, L. mons, -Us, ' hill, mountain.'
EiRL (mountains, Caernarvonsh.). W.=' rivals.'
Eldon (Bps. Auckland), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Elledun. Prob.
' ^Zto's or EIWq hill,' O.E. dun.
Eldwick (Bingley). Dom. Helguic, Helwic. O.E. halig wic, ' holy
dwelling,' holy is 3-4 heli, hely. Cf. O.N. heilag-r, Sw. helig,
and Elloughton ; and see -wick.
Elford (Tamworth) . 1004 chart. Ellef ord, Dom . Elef ord . ' Ford of
^lla ' or ' Elle/ common O.E. name. Cf. Dom. Essex Elefforda.
Elham (Canterbury), c. 1000 Ulaham, O.E. for 'owl village.'
Not in Dom.
EtiKTNqton, South (Louth). Dom. Alchinton, 1233 Suthelkinton,
1359 Elkyngton. Prob. ' town, village of Ealhhun,' fairly
common in Onom., and found also as Alchun. But it may be
' of the sons of Elc' Cf. next and -ing.
Elkstone (Cheltenham and Leek). Chel. E. Dom. Elchestane,
1177 Pipe Elkestan. Leek E. 1227 Elkesdon. Elc may be a
man's name, otherwise unknown. Cf. above; Baddeley says
Ealch for Ealh-, which also may be. But these are prob.
' stone ' and ' hill of the elk,' O.E. elcli, elh, then not recorded
till 1486 elke. See -don and -ton.
Elland (HaUfax). Dom. Elant, Elont. This seems to be a var,
of island. It stands on the R. Calder, but was it ever an
island ? Island is O.E. inland, iland, pllond, yllond, 4-5 eland.
But Ellel (Lanes.) is Dom. Ellhale, prob. ' Ella's nook.' See -hall.
Ellastone (Ashbourne) . Dom. Edelachestone, Elachestone, a. 1200
Adelakestone, Athel-, Ethelaxton, ' village of jMthelac' There is
also 1166-67 Pipe Adelacheston (Bucks and Beds). See -ton,
which often interchanges with -stone.
Ellenborough (Maryport). Old Alneburg, and (prob.) Aynburg.
' Burgh, town on the R. Ellen or Ai.ne.' But Ellenhall
(Eccleshall) is Dom. Linehalle (an error), a. 1200 ElHnhale,
' nook of Elle.' Cf. Ellesham. And in O.E. charters we find
both an Ellenbeorh and an Ellesbeorh. But Ellenthorp
ELLERBY 248 ELM
(W. Riding) is Elwinetorp and Halwidetorp {d error for n) in
JDom — i.e., ' village of Ealhwine or Aluuinus', same name as
Alcuin. Cf. Elvington.
Elleeby (Holderness). Dom. Aluerdebi, Alwerdebi, 1179-80 Pipe
Alwardebi. 'DwelHng of Ealdweard.' Cf. Aulerthorpe; and
see -by.
Elleedine (Wellington, Salop). Dom. Ellevrdine, 1233 Close R.
Ele- and Ailwarthin. ' Ella'a farm.' The ending -vrdine or
-wardine (q.v.) is common in this region.
Ellebker (South Cave, Yorks). Dom. Alrecher. Prob. O.N. olr
or elrir kjarr, ' alder copse.' Cf. Ellebton and Carswell, also
Elleebtjbn (E. Biding), Dom. Elreburne.
Elleeton (on Swale). Sic 1203, but Dom. Alreton, twice, Elre-
ton(e), 5 times. Perh. = Aldeetots, and some cases of
Alleeton, 'town among the alders,' O.E. alor, aler, 5 ellyr,
O.N. olr, elrir. But it may as likely be fr. the common O.E.
name Ealhhere, or else, JElfherej as in Alleeston. Elleeby
(Holderness), Dom. Alwerdebi, Aluerdebi, -wardebi, Elwordebi,
' dweUing of Ealhweard/ must be of different origin.
Ellesham or Ailsham Peioey (Lines). Dom. Elesham, 1233
Ellesham. 'Home of u^lli, Mia, or Ella.' Cf. 808 chart.
^lesbeorge, (Somerset).
Ellesmeee (Oswestry) . Sic in Dom. ' Lake of Ella ' \ see above.
ELLrNGHAM, Gt. (Attleboro') . Dom. sic and Elincgham, and
Ellington (Hunts and Morpeth), Hu. E. Dom. EHntune, may
aU be patronymics; 'home, town of JSlla's descendants.' But
Ellingdon (Swindon) is the Ellandune or ' Ella's fort,' of the
great Mercian defeat by K. Egbert in 825 ; ELLLffGHAM (Bungay)
is Dom. Elmingheha, ' home of the sons of Elm, or Elmund, or
Ealhmund'; and Ellinthoepe (S. Yorks) is Dom. Adelingestorp.
See Adelingfleet. Also see -ing and -thorpe.
Elloughton (Brough. Yorks). Dom. Elgendon, The Elgen- is
doubtful, more old forms needed. It is not impossible it may
represent hallow, 'a saint,' O.E. halga, -an, 3 Orm, plur. alhen,
4 alwes. Cf. O.N. heilag-r, Sw. helig, ' holy,' and Eldwick.
See -don and -ton.
Elm (Cambridge and Frome). Cam. E. a. 1154 O.E. Chron. 956
^Im, 1346 Elm. O.E. elm, Dan. celm, aim, ' an elm-tree.'
Cf. Ash, Poplae, etc. Elmbeidge (Glostr.) is c. 1210 El-
brugge, but c. 1200 Telbrugge also Thellbruge ' bridge made
of deals.' O.E. yel, ]>ell. The change arose through Thel-
being taken as Th'el- or ' The elm ' bridge. There is a ' Thel-
brycg ' (Sandford, Devon) in 930 chart. On the other hand,
Elmbridge (Droitwich) is Dom. Elmerige, a .1300 Elmrugge, and
-brugge, which is orig. ' elm -ridge,' O.E. hrycg.
ELMERS END 249 ELTERBURN
Elmers End (Beckenham) . Elmer is a late form of MlJmcBr, a very
common O.E. name. But Elmore (Gloster) is 1177 Pipe
Elmour, 1221 Elneovere. ' Elm-tree bank/ C/. Hasler, etc.,
and see -over.
Elmett. See Barwick-in-Elmet.
Elmham (Norfolk) . ? 1038 chart. iElmham. ? O.E. - ' house built
of elm-wood." Of. Elmdon (Birmingham), Dom. Elmedone.
Elmsbridge (Surrey). Dom. Amelebrige, often; 1230 Close R.
Emelesbrug. ' Bridge of Mmele/ perh. he was prsefectus in
Sussex in 772 {B.G.S. 208). We have a similar corrup. in Elm-
stone (Kent), 1243 Patent R. Eylmerston — i.e. / town oiAylmer/
very common in O.E. as Mlfmoer.
Elmsett (Ipswich). Dom. Elmeseta, c. 1210 Jocelin Elmset. The
meaning is a little doubtful. Seat, O.N. soeti, is not found in
Eng. till c. 1200, and with the meaning ' place of abode ' not
till c. 1275. But the ending -set or -scet, as in Somerset, is
very old; and so the meaning here is prob. 'dwelling of a
family called Elm.' Trees' names often became personal
names. However, Elmstone Hardwick (Cheltenham) is 889
chart., Alchmundingtun, Dom. Almondeston, ' dwelHng of Ealh-
mund.' See -ing.
Elslack (Skipton). Dom. Eleslac. 'uElla's slack,' O.N. slakki,
' a small shallow dell or valley, a hoUow or dip in the ground.'
Cf. Beeslack, Penicuik (Sc).
Elston (Newark) . Dom. Eluestune,c. 1190 Elvestona,1302 Eyliston.
Of. B.C.S. 936 ^Ifestun. ' Town of jElf.' Cf. Alveston and
Dom. Dorset ^Elfatune. O.E. celf, O.N. alf-r is ' an elf, a fairy.'
Elstow (Bedford). Dom. Elnestou, c. 1160 Ahiestowe, c. 1200
Gervase Helenstoe, 1233 Patent R. Alnestowa, 1327-1632 Ehies-
towe. Perh. ' St. Helen's place,' O.E. stow. Cf. Morwenstow.
The Helen is said to be Helena, mother of Constantine the
Great. But it may well be ^Ealhhun's,Mlhun's, or Ealhwine'a
place.' These are all known names. But older forms are
needed.
Elstree (St. Albans). 1287 Idolvestre; later Idelestree, Ilstrye
— i.e., ' Eadwulf's tree.' Cf. Oswestry, etc. The form Eagles-
tree is a stupid invention.
Elswick (Preston and Newcastle). Pr. E. Dom. Edelelsuuic.
Doubtful. ■ Perh. ' Mhel's dwelling.' See -wick.
Elsworth (W. Cambs). Chart. ElesworS, Dom. Elesworde, 1316
Ellesworthe. Local pron. Elser. 'Ella's farm.' Cf. Elles-
HAM. In O.E. charters we also have ' Ellewurthie,' now the
personal name Elworthy. See -worth, -worthy.
Elterburn (Nthbld.), old Elthebum, and Elterwater (Amble-
side). Doubtful. There is one man Eltor mentioned in Dom. ■
17
ELTHAM 250 EMNETH
Elthajvi (Greenwich). Sic 1577, but Dom. Ealdham, which is O.E.
for ' old home or house/ Another Eltham in the N. is found
sic in 1314. Cf. Elton.
Eltisley (St. Neot's). Not in Dom. 1251 Eltesle, 1302 Elteslee.
The nearest name in Onom. is one Eltan or Elstan, a monk.
Skeat conjectures ^Mlfgeat's, lea/ but more evidence is needed.
Elton (4 in P.G.). Dom. Derby Eltune, Hants Eltetone.
Stockton E. a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Eltun; Nottingham E. Dom.
Ailtone, c. 1190 Elletona. On analogy of Eltham one would
incline to O.E. eald tun, 'old town.' But Elletona suggests
derivation f r. a man Ella ; whilst Mutschmann is prob. right in
deriving Ailtone f r. Mgel, late var. of Mihel or Ethel, ' the noble-
born.' Gf. Ellesham, etc.
Elvtngton (York). Dom. Alvintone, ^ Ealdwine'a^ or ' Ealhwine'a
town.' Gf. Ellenthobp.
Ely. Bede iv. 19 Elge, q.v., O.E. versn. Elige, Elia lond; 936 O.E.
Ghron. Elig, Die Heilige Engl. Ehgabirig, a. 1153 Liber Eliensis
Ely. AngUce id est, a copia anguillarum quae in eisdem
capiuntur paUudibus. O.E. el-i^e, 'eel-island.' Cf. Elie (Sc).
But Skeat thinks that Elge represents el-ge, ge being a very
rare and early O.E. word for ' region, district ' ; Ger. gau. See -ey.
Ember B<. (Hampton Court). Prob. same root as Embeb sb^,
Oxf. Diet., which is fr. O.E. ymb, ' about, round,' and ryne,
' course, running.'
Emborrow (Bath). Not in Dom. Prob. a. 1142 Wm. Malmesb.
Eatumberg, 1270 chart. Eteneberga, ' Barrow, mound of Eata
{Eatan, Eathun),' a name common in Onom. It is an interesting
corruption. Gf. Barrowby, etc.
Embsay (Skipton). Dom. Embesie, 1202 Emeseia. ' Island of Embe.'
One monk of this name is found in Lib. Vit. Dunelm. See -ay.
Emlyn (Caermarthen) . c. 1188 Gir. Gamb. Emelin. Must surely
have some connexion with W. ymlyn, emlyn, ' to follow, to
adhere ' ; or perh. emyl, ' border, edge ' ; but the origin is quite
doubtful. A castle was built here by Sir Rhys ap Thomas, in
time of Hen. VIII. ; hence it is often called Newcastle Emlyn,
because built on the site of a previous castle. Gf. 1603 Owen.
' Emlyn Yskych . . . wherein newe Castle standeth.'
Emmer Green (Reading). Gf. Dom. Bucks Imere. Perh. O.E.
ed-mere, ' lake beside the stream.' Gf. Eton and Hammer.
Emmet (Northumbld. and Yorks). Perh. 926 O.E. Ghron. Eamo-
tum is that in Norbld. ; chart. Emmet-roda (Yorks), M'Clure
says Eamotum is loc. pi., of ea-{ge)mot, ' river confluence.'
Emneth (Wisbech). Not in Dom. O.E. emnet, 'a plain,' fr.
emn or efn or efen, ' even, flat, level,' with denominative suffix
as in thicket, etc. The present th had prob. its origin with a
EMPINGHAM 261 ENVILLE
Norm, scribe, €f. Granth for Grant (s.v. Cambridge), Thames
for Tames, etc.
Empingham (Stamford). Sic in Chron. Petrob., 1166 Pipe Empin-
geha. ' Home of the Empings/ an O.E. tribe. Cf. Impington
(Cambs), chart. Impintun, 1210 Empintone. Empshott (Hants)
is Dom. Hibesete, ' seat, dweUing of Hiba.' ? for Himba or
Hima, one in Onom. Cf. Aldee-shot.
Emscote (Warwick), a. 1200 Edulfascote, a. 1300 Edelvecote, and
Edehnescote. Two names here, ' Edulf's or Eadwulf'a ' and
' Eadhelm's cottage.'
Emswell (Yorks). Dom. Helmeswelle, Elmeswell. ' Well of Helm
or Helmu.' Of. Emsworth (Havant), 1231 Close B. Elmeworth.
Only Roll Rich. I. Emeswelle, Enewelle (Herts) is now Amwell.
Emley (Yorks) is Dom. Ameleie, -lai, which, like Amwell, is
fr. a man Amma.
Enborne (Berks), c. 1300 Enedburn, and Enford (Pewsey), Dom.
and chart. Enedforde. Fr. O.E. ened, L. anas, -tis, ' a duck.'
See -bourne.
Enderby (Leicester), Dom. Endrebie, 1229 Close R. Endredebi.
' Dwelling of Endred ' or ' Mndred,' a name not in Onom. See
-by.
ExDON (Stoke-on-T.), Dom. Enedun, a. 1300 Hene-, Enedun, and
Eneield (London), Dom. Enefelde, later Enfeld, Endfield, may
be ' duck's hill ' and * field ' too. See above, and cf. 1161-62
Pipe (Cumbld.) Endehal, ' duck's nook.' But they may be fr.
a man JSna, ^Eni, Eana, or Eni, all forms found in Onom.
For Endmoor (Kendal) we need old forms. It might be fr. O.E.
ende, ' the end,' which in O.E. also means ' a quarter, a division,'
and later, ' a boundary.'
England. Freeman says, first in 991 Treaty K. JEthelred Engla-
land; 1258 Henry III. Engleneloande. In 975, 986, and 1002
the country is called Angel-cyn; and older is the name Saxonia.
' Land of the Engels or Angles,' who came over fr. East of the R.
Elbe, where there is a Schleswig district still called Angeln,
Cf. Freeman, Nor. Conq. i. 538 (3rd edit.).
Englefield (Reading) . 871 O.E. Chron. Englef eld, Dom. Englef el,
InglefeUe. ' Field of the Angles.' Cf. above, and Engleton
(Warwksh.), sic a. 1200.
Ennerdalb (W. Cumberland), a. 1200 Egenerdal, * dale of Egen,'
gen. case. Cf. Egremont and Eynsham.
Entwistle (Salford). c. 1400 Entwisell. Perh. 'confluence of
Ena.' See Enfebld and Twizel.
Envillb (Stourbridge). Dom. Efnefeld, a. 1200 Efne-, Evenes-,
Evene feld, ' Even field.' Cf., however, Evenwood, which
with this, may be fr, a man, though in this case prob. not.
ENYS DODMAN 252 ESHER
' Even ' in O.E. is ebn, emn, efn, efen. The -ville must be a
quite mod. ' refinement/
Enys Dodman (Land's End). * Island of ' prob. some unknown
saint. BIr. H. Jenner spells it Dodnan, and would identify
with Donan, perh. he after whom the Breton churches at
Landonan and St. Thonan are called. This is very dubious.
Cf. The Dodman, Fowey. Corn, enys is W. ynys, G. innis,
' island.' Cf. Ince.
Epping (London). Dow. and 1229 CZose iS.Eppinges. Patronymic.
' Place of the descendants of Eppa,' a name of which there are
several examples in Onom. Cf. 811 chart. ' Appin(c)g lond '
(Kent), and Dom. Surrey Epingeh a; also Epney (Glostersh.),
1252 Eppen', ' Eppa'a isle.'
Eppleby (Darlington). Dom. Aplebi= Appleby.
Epsom (Surrey). Dom. Ebbasham(e), 1662 Ebsham or Epsom.
' Home of Ebbe ' or ' Mbbe,' an abbess, early in 7th cny. Dom.'s
Ebbas- must be an error for Ebbes-. Cf. Mill-om (N. of Barrow) ;
also Ipsley.
Epworth (Doncaster). Not in Dom. c. 1444 Eppeworth. ' Farm
of Eppa or Eappa.' Cf. B.C.S. 253 Eppan hrycg. See -worth.
Ebdington (Birmingham). Dom. Hardintone, a. 1200 Erdin(g)ton,
1327 Erdyngton. ' Village of Harding,' once in Dom. Erding.
Cf. Hardingstone and Eaudington (Bridgenorth) . This
last might also be fr. Eardwine.
Erewash R, (Derby). Not in Dom. c. 1175 Yrewis, 1637 Ar-, Erewash.
Doubtful, prob. pre-Saxon. But cf. Guash, Irwell and Wash.
Erith (London), also Earith (St. Ives, Hunts). Lon. E. c. 962
chart. Earhyth, EarhiSe, Dom. Erhede, 1486 Erith, c. 1580
Eareth. St. I. E. Ramsey Chron. Herhythe, Erethe, Erithe.
Dr. Morris says, O.E. ea-rith, ' water-channel.' But Skeat is
positive that it is O.E. ear-hythe, ' muddy landing-place ' or
' shore.' O.E. ear is a very rare word, Icel. aurr, ' wet clay,
mud.' See Hythb. Skeat is almost certainly right.
Ernley. See Arley.
Escomb (Bps. Auckland), a. 1130 /Sim. D%r. Ediseum. ' Edda's
or Adde'a valley'; but already 1183 Boldon Bk. Escumba.
See -combe.
EsGAiR Felyn (Ogwen). W.= ' yellow scaur or cliff.' Esgair is
same root as the Sc. skerry, G. sgeir, all borrowed fr. O.N. sker,
N. skjer, ' a rugged, insulated sea rock.'
EsHER (Surbiton). Dom. Aissela, Aissele, c. 1210 Ashal, 1230-31
Close B. Esser, Eyser, Eiser, c. 1240 Assere. A curious name.
It ifl prob. ^Ascytel's' or ^Aschil's lea or meadow,' O.E. leah;
and I has become r by dissimilation. But it is rare for the
ending -lea or -ley to have wholly fallen away. In 801 Grant
ESK R. 263 ETTINGSHAM
we find an Esher or Echer in Somerset, to which the above
explanation could not apply; it will be= Asheb, ' ash-tree bank/
Cf. B.C. 8. 158 Uckinge Esher.
EsK R. (S. Cumbld.). 1340 Eskheved or -head. For forms see
EsK (Sc), 3 rivers there, a. 800 Esce, etc. Kelt, root for
' river, water,' as in Exe, G. uisge, etc. Wh. Stokes cannot be
right in calling Esk Pictish, when we have it in S. Cumbld.;
but it may well be cognate with O.Ir. esc, ' a marsh, a fen,' and
O.W. uisc or UsK.
EssENDiNE or -DEAN (Stamford). O.E. Chron. ann. 657 Esendic, a.
1100 Esendike. ' Ditch,' O.E. die, ' of Esa, Ese, or Esi,' all these
forms are in Onom. The -dean is a later ending, q.v. Cf. Dom,
Essex Lassendene, which may be La(The) Essendean (as in
Lasham), as no man Lassa is recorded. But by 1230 Close R.
we get Esenden. See -dean.
EssENDON (Hatfield). 1298 Writ Estdene= 'East Dean'; but
EssiNGTON (Walsall) is 994: chart. Esingetun, Dom. Eseningetone,
a. 1300 Esynton, Esnyngton. ' Village of the descendants of
Esne,' a common O.E. name, meaning ' servant,' or else ' of
Esa, Ese, or Esi,' as above. 1160-61 Pipe Nthbld. has an
Essinton.
Essex. Nennius Est saxum (inflected). O.E. Chron. 499 East
Sexa, a. 1087 Essex, Dom. Exsessa, a. 1236 Rog. Wendover Est-
sexia. ' Land of the East Saxons.'
Etchells (Chesh., etc.). See Nechells. But Etchilhampton
(Wilts), not in Dom., is 1228 Hechelhamt, ' Homestead of
? Heahhelm or Hehelm ' ; one in Onom. See Hampton.
Etchingham (Sussex). 1298 Echingham. 'Home of Ecca,' a
common name in Onom., once found as Eccha. It may be a
patronymic. See -ing. Dom. has only Echen-, Achintone and
Achingeworde. Etchden (Kent) is 1286 Close R. Haccheden,
perh. ' woody vale entered by a hatch ' or half -door, or wicket;
O.E. hcec, hcecce, 3-7 hacche, 5 hetche, 5-6 heche ; but it may be
fr. a man Eccha.
Eton. Sic 1298, but Dom. Ettone, Etone. O.E. ea-tun, ' town
on the river.' Cf. Eaton.
Etburia (Burslem). The pottery works here were founded in 1769
by Josiah Wedgewood, who gave them this fanciful name ' as
that of the country of old most celebrated for the beauty of its
ceramic products.'
Ettingsham (Shrewsbury). Dom. Attingeha, a. 1145 Orderic
'Apud Ettingesham in ecclesia Sancti Eattae confessoris,'
abbot of Melrose, then Bp. of Lindisfarne {Bede iii. 26).
'Home of Eatta's, people'; a patron3nnic. Cf. both Etes-
hale and Ettinghale in Dom. Cheshire, and Ettingshall
(Wolverhampton), 994 Ettingeshall, Dom. Etinghale: also
ETTON 254 EVESHAM
Eatington (Wwksh.), Dom. Etendone, and Eteloe (Awre), Dom.
Eteslau, ' burial mound of Mtta ' or ' Eatta.'
Etton (Mket. Deeping and Beverley). M. D. Ett. sic a. 1100;
Bev. E. Dom. and 1202 Ettone, 1179-80 Eton. 'Town of
Eatta.' Cf. above.
Etjston (Thetford). Dom. Eustuna, and Eusfort, 1479 Euston.
Prob. ' Eowa's town.' This accords with analogy better than
to derive fr. O.E. eowu, M.E. ewe, ' an ewe.' Euston Sq. is
called after the Dukes of Grafton and Earls of Euston, ground
landlords here.
EuxTON (Chorley). Pron. Allstn, Elestn. 1241 Euckeston, 1246
Eukeston, a. 1300 Euchestona, 1311 Huxton. ' Town of Euca/
a name unrecorded, but Hiui, Hucco and HiLch are in Onom.
EvENLODE (Stow-on-Wold). 772 chart Euulangelade, 777 ib.
Eunlade {u=v), 969 ib. Eowlangelade, Dom. Eunilade, 1327
Evenlode, 1330 Eweneload. O.E. Eowlan gelad, ' channel of
Eowla/ gelad being cognate with Eng. lade and lode. Duignan
translates, ' ford, ferry.' Eowla is found B.C. 8. 812 as Eowel,
name of a W. prince, better known to us in the form Howell.
EvENWOOD (Bps. Auckland), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Efenwuda.
' Eafa's or Eafe's wood.' It might be fr. O.E. efen, efn, ' even,
level.' Cf. Enville.
EvERCREECH (Bath) . Exon . Dom . Euercriz . See next and Creech .
Thus it is a hybrid — the ' Creech ' or ' Hill of the Boar.'
Everley or -LEIGH (Marlborough and Yorks). Ma. E. a. 1140 Wm.
Malmesb. Eburleah. Yo. E. Dom. Eurelai, -lag. ' Meadow of
the wild boar.' O.E. eofor, eofer, 3 eaver, 4 ever, cognate with
L. aper. Cf. O.E. seofon, now seven. Eversley (Winchfield)
is, of course, the same. But in both cases Eofor may be a
proper name, just as Bear, Wolf, etc., are so used. Cf. Evring-
HAM and Everton (Notts), Dom. Evretone. See -ley,
Eversden (Cambs). c. 1080 Inquis. Cam. Eueresdona, Dom.
Auresdone, 1291 Everesdon, 1316 Everesdene; and Everthorpe
(Yorks), Dom. Evertorp. ' Hill ' (or ' valley '), ' enclosure,'
and ' village of Eofor ' or ' of the wild boar.' See Everley,
-don, -dean, and -thorpe; also cf. Heversham.
Evesham. 709 chart. Homme, Eveshomme, also Cronochomme,
714 ib. Eouesham, 716 ib. Cronuchhomme, 854 ib. Ecquines
hamme, 1045 O.E. Chron. (H)eofeshamme, Dom. Eovesham,
c. 1097 Flor. W. Eoveshamm. ' Enclosure of Eof,' herdsman
to Bp. Ecgwine, mentioned in 854 chart. Here, it is said, the
Virgin appeared to Eof, and a monastery was erected on the
spot In Worcestersh. a ham means specifically 'riverside
meadow-land.' See -ham (2). Cf. Eaveston (Yorks), Dom.
Eveston, Dom. Surrey Evesha, and 1179-80 Pipe Yorks Euesham.
EVINGTON 255 EXNING
EviNGTON (Boddington, Sussex and Leicester). Bo. E. Dom.
Givingtune, 1303 Yivynton; and changes for Suss, name are
similar. ' Dwelling of Gefwine,' For similar changes also see
Ealing; and see -ing.
EvBiNGHAM (Yorks). Dom. Evringha', 1202 Everingeham. ' Home
of the Boar's sons.' Cf. Eveeley, and Dom. Bucks Evreham
and Evringehou. See -ing.
EwELL (Epsom). 727 chart. Euuelle, 1160 Pipe Aiwella, which
looks like an O.E. ed welle, ' river well/ ' well by the river.' But
it is Dom. Etwelle, or ' at the well.' Cf. the surname Attewell.
There was a well-known well here. There is also an Ewell
(Kemble) whose only old form is Ewelle. Cf. next.
EwELME (Woodstock) . Sic 1450. Not in Dom., but chart. Eawybn.
This last is thought to be O.E. ki, river; and wielm, walm, wylm,
' boiling, welling up.' It prob. means ' a spring.' Cf. Ewell,
Gyting, and Walmsley.
Ewhubst (Battle, Sussex). 822 chart. lu hyrst, O.E. for ' yew-tree
wood.' Hyrst also means ' a sandy place.'
EwYAS Harold (Hereford), c. 1130 Lib. Land. Eugias, 1167-68
Pipe Euwias, mod. W. Euas. Doubtful. Nothing in mod. W.
seems to suit. Eweston (Pembroke) is in Black Bk. St. David's
Oweynston.
Exboubne (Devon). Dom. Echeburne. The stream here now is
the Okenent. Eche- may be =Exe; and Oke- may be a var. of
the same root, while -nent will be W. nant, ' a valley.'
Ex(e) R. and Exeter. Sic 1485, but c. 380 Ant. Itin. Isca
Dumnoniorum, c. 810 Nenniiis Cair Legion guar Usic
(' fort of the Rom. legion on the Exe '), 877 O.E. Chron.
Escanceaster, 893 ib. Exanceaster, c. 893 Asser Exceastre,
Dom. Exonia urbs, a. 1130 Sim.. Dur. Brittanice Cairwisc, Latine
Civitas Aquarum, c. 1275 Excetre. ' Camp, town on the R.
Ex/ in Ptolemy lo-xa, L. Isca, 739 chart. Exa, Eaxa. Same as
Sc. EsK, same root as is seen in usque-baugh and in whisky, also
in Ax and Usk, and prob. Ox- (in Oxford), too, all being Keltic
forms of the word for ' water, river.' The mod. W. name is
Caerwysg. For Exe R., cf. Ashtord.
ExHALL (Alcester). 710 cJiurt. Eccleshale, Dom. Ecleshalle. ' Nook
of jEcel or JEcle,' or possibly ' of the church. Cf. Eccles, and
see -hall. Extall (Staffs) is 1220 Hecstall, prob. ' place of the
hatch ' or ' heck ' ; whilst Exn^BY (N. Yorks) is Dom. Aschilebi.
' Ascytel's ' or ' AskiVs dwelling.'
ExMOUTH. 1001 ExanmuSan. See Exe.
ExNiNG (Newmarket), c. 1097 Flor. Wore. Yxninga, 1157 Pipe
Roll Exningis. ib. 1160 Exining, 1298 Ixinynge. 'Place
on the water or stream.' Cf. Exeter. Merivale comiects with
1EXT0N 256 FAIRFIELD
the tribe Iceni, as in Icknield. This is improbable. See -ing,
as river-ending.
ExTON (Oakham, on R. Meon, Hants, Dulverton, etc.). Oa. E.
1126 Extona, Han. E. 940 chart. East Seaxnatune. This last
is ' town of the East Saxons ' or ' Essexmen.' The others may
be ' town of Ecca,' a conmion name. Of. Dom. Chesh. Exestan,
which is prob. Estyn (Flint). More old forms needed. Dom.
has Exwelle in Rutld., but no Exton there or in Somst. 1160-61
Pipe Kent has an Exfnea (c/. Eastney, Portsmouth) .
Eyam (Northants and Sheffield). Not in Dom. Nor. E. 1155 Pipe
Hehham. 'High home/ O.E. heali, heh, 3-5 hey. See -ham.
For Eybford or Heyford (Stow-on-Wold), Dom. Aiforde,
Baddeley prefers O.E. hege, 'hedge'; M.E. heie, which is
doubtful.
Eynesbtjry (St. Neots). Dom. Einulvesberie, c. 1130 Wm. Malmes.
Einulfes Ijiri, c. 1136 Enesbure. ' Burgh, town of Einwulf/
which is contracted into ' Mwx,' ' Mne' or ' Ena ' ; all forms are
in Onom. Cf. next; and see -bury.
Eynsford (Dartford). c. 983 chart, ^nesford. 'Ford of ^ne.'
See above. Cf. Dom. Norfk. Ensford.
Eynsham (Oxford). O.E. Ghron. 571 Egonesham, a. 1142 Wm.
Malmes. Egnesham, c. 1450 Bromtun Eynesham. ' Home, house
of Egon.' This is prob. the same name as Egensheim, old form
of Ensisheim, Alsace.
Eythorne (Dover). 805 chart. HeagySe ^orne, prob. Dom.
Haihome. The first part prob. represents the name of some
unknown man. O.E. gi\f is 'corn cockle.'
Eyton (WeUington, Salop). Dom. Aitone. Perh. 'islet' or 'ait-
town.' O.E. iggath, 2 eyt, 7 ait, 8 ayte, 9 eyot, ' a Httle island.'
But cf. Ayton. Eycote (Colesbourne), Dom. Aicote, is ' cot on
the islet.' See -ay, -ey.
Faddiley (Nantwich). Prob. O.E. Ghron. 584 Fethanleag. No
nxsun Fetha in Onom., so prob. 'meadow of the troop,' O.E. /eSa.
For th becoming d, cf. faddom for fathom, fader for father, etc.
Of. Fiddington (Ashchurch), Dom. Fitentune, a. 1300 Fedyn-
tone. But Fadmoob (Kirby Moorside, Yorks) is Dom. Fade-
more, where Fad- is doubtful. Cf., too, Dom. Suss. Fodilant.
Faircross (a hundred of Berks). Chron. Abingdon Balliva Belle
Crucis, 1428 Hundredum de Bella Cruce, of which ' fair, beautiful
cross ' is simply the translation.
Fairfield (mtn. near Helvellyn, Cumbld.). N. fcer-fjall, 'sheep
mountain or fell.' Cf. Fair Isle (Sc). Fairburn (W. Riding),
Dom. Fareburn, prob. has a similar origin. But Fairfield
(Bellbroughton) is 816 chart. Forfeld, ' fore, front field.'
FkKENHAM 257 TARLTNGTON
Fakenham (Thetford). Dom. Fachenha, Fagenham. 'Home of
Facca: Of. B.C. 8. 1232, Faccan heah.
Fal R. (Cornwall), c. 1200 Gervase Fale, 1680 Vale. Prob. a
Keltic root meaning ' moving, running, flowing." Cf. G. falbh,
' to go, to walk.' But W. Jfal means ' closure, or the heel of
a shoe.'
Fallings Heath (Wednesbury) . a. 1200 Olde Falinge. Duignan
thinks this refers to a falling or felling or clearing of timber.
Oxf. Diet, gives no quots. illustrating such a usage, and yet it
may well be. FAlloden (Alnwick) is ' fallow valley/ O.E. falu,
fealo, ' pale brownish, or yellowish coloured.' Cf. Falfield
(Thornbury), 1347 Falefield.
Falmer (Lewes). Dom. Falemere. O.E. for 'pale brownish, or
reddish-yellow mere or lake ' ; O.E. falu, 4 faU, now fallow. Cf.
Fowlmere. But Falsgrave (E. Riding) is Dom. Wal(l)esgrif,
' Welshman's or foreigner's grave,' O.E. gro&f, O.N. grof, Fal-
stone (Northbld.) and 1168-67 Pipe Faleslea (Nhants.) seem to
imply a man's name, Uke Fala. Onom. has only one Fawle.
Falmouth. Sic 1478, 1231 Close R. Falem', 1234 ib. Falemuth,
c. 1^50 Fortescue The Falmouthe ; but till 1660 usually Smithwick
or Pennycomequick. See Faj..
Farcet (Peterboro'). Not in Dom., but O.E. chart. Fearres heafod,
or ' bull's head.' Cf. Fazeley and Forset (N. Riding), Dom.
Forsed, which is perh. ' head of the waterfall or force.' N./ors.
Fareham (Hants). Not in Dom. 1160 Ferham. ' Fair, beautiful
home.' O.E. fceger, Icel. fag-r, Dan. feir, ' fair.'
Faringdon (Swindon and Exeter). Swin. F. Dom. Ferendone,
Ex. F. Dom. Ferentone. Doubtful at both ends. Feren- may
represent a patronymic, ' town of the Ferrings or Farrings.'
Cf. Farringford. Or it may be fr. O.E. fearn, ' ferns ' (only no
early speUing feren is recorded here) ; or foera, -an, early M.E.
fere, 'a spouse,' a comrade, 'spouse's hill': and the ending
may either be O.E. tun, ' village, town,' or dun, ' dune, hill,
hill-fort.' See Farndon.
Farleigh or -ley (Halesowen, Cheadle, Elmore, onMedway, Surrey,
Sahsbury). Ch. F. Dom. Fernlege, El. F. 1221 Farnlee, ]^e. F.
Text. Roff. Fearnlega. These are all ' fern-meadow.' Biit Su. F.
is chart. Fearlege, Dom. Ferlega; and Sa. F. Dom. Farlege, 1155
Pipe Ferlega. There is only one Fara in Onom., so this may
be fr. O.E. foera, M.E. fere, ' spouse, comrade,' and so ' spouse's
mead.' But Farewell (Lichfield) is a. 1300 Eager-, Fagre,
Fayrwell, ' fair, clear spring,' fr. O.E. foeger, 3 fager, 4-7 far{e).
Farlington (Havant and N. Riding). Hav. F. 1256 Deed Far-
hngetone, N. Rid. F. Dom. Farlintun. ' Town, dwelling on the
ferling,' O.E. feor^ling, a. 1300 ferlyng, ' fourth part,' here 'the
fourth part of an acre/
FARMINGTON 258 FAETHINGSTONE
Farmington (Northleach). Dom. Tormentone, 1182 Tormer-, 1226
Thormerton, 1601 Farmington or Thormerton. Prob. ' village
of Thurmcer.' For change of early th to /, see Fenglesham.
Cf. Fabningham.
Farnborough (Banbury, Wantage, etc.). Ban. F. Dom. Fernberge.
Want. F. 931 chart. Feam beorg(an), Dom. Fermberge, 1291
Farnberg. 'Hill covered with ferns.'' See Farestgdon and
Farndon; cf. Devon Dom. Ferenberga. The ending -berg(e)
represents Barrow, ' mound, hill," rather than ' burgh.' Farn-
cote, also in Wwk., is sic a. 1300.
Farncombe (Godalming). Dom. Fernecome, 'fern valley.' See
-combe.
Farndon (Newark). 924 O.E. Ghron. Fearndune, Farndune; Dom.
Farendune; c. 1140 Wm. Malmes. Ferenduna. This is clearly
' fern hill.' CJ. Faringdon, which some hold is the place meant
in these references. But Farndon (Chester) is Dom. Ferentone,
which may be ' town of the Ferrings.'
Farnbam (Surrey, Hants, and W. Riding) . Su. F. 893 O.E. Chron.
Feamhamm, Dom. Ferneham, 1297 Farnham. Ha. F. 805 chart.
Femham. W. E,i. F. Dom. Farneha.' 'Enclosure,' or 'home
among the ferns.' See Farnley and -ham.
Farningham (Dartford). Dom. Fermingeha. ' Home of Farman,'
2 in Onom., or else ' of Farman's son' (m and n often interchange).
Cf. Farmington. See -ing.
Farn Isles (Bamborough). Bede Fame. M'Clure thinks this is
Keltic ferann, Ir. fearran, ' land.' It may be O.E. feam, ' ferns.'
Farnley (Leeds and Otley). Both Dom. Fernelie, c. 1200 Gervase
Fernlege, 1202 Farnelai and Fernleie. 'Fern meadow.' Cf.
Dom. Salop Femelege, Farleigh, and Farnham. See -ley.
Farnsfield (Southwell, Notts). Dom. Franes- Farnesfeld, 1189
Pipe Famefeld. 'Field of Frani or Frano/ a N. name. 'Field
of ferns ' is not likely,
Farrinodon (Alton, Hants). =Faringdon.
Farringegrd (Freshwater), a. 1400 Ferringford. Prob. 'ford of
the Ferrings or Farrings. Cf. Faringdon and Ferrensby
(S. Yorks), ' dweUing of F err en.'
Farsley (Leeds). Dom. Fersellai. There is no likely man's name
in Onom., and connection with parsley (see Oxf. Diet.) hardly
seems possible. Prob. it is 'furze meadow,' O.E. fyrs, 4:-Qflrse.
Cf. 1167-68 Pipe Devon Far-, FairesUng. See -ley.
Farthingstone (Weedon). Dom. Fordinestone, 1292 Fardinge-
ston. Prob. ' stone of Fcerthegn,' also found as Farthain and
Fardein, or possibly fr. Forthwine, one in Onom. Derivation is
not impossible fr. O.E./eorSww(/, 4:-Qferdyng{e), 6 farthing, which
usually means ' a farthing ' in money, but also, as early as
FAVEKSHAM 259 FELIXSTOWE
Exon. Dom. we find/erdlm meaning a land-measure, ? a quarter
acre. Cf. Ferndale. But Fabthestghoe (Brackley) is Dom. and
1229 rerning(e)ho, prob. fr. the same name as Fabningham,
' height of the Farnings.' See Hob.
Faversham. See Feversham.
Fawley (Aylston, Hereford and Lambourn). Ayl. F. c. 1030
chart. Feligly. ' Meadow of one Felig,' or some such name.
There is a Felaga and two anchorites called Fel(i)geld in Onom.
But Lam. F. is a. 1300 Falelegh, 1316 Fallele, which Skeat
derives fr. E. Frisian falge, ' fallow land.' Northants F. 1242,
FalghesF, might be either, but the -es of the gen. makes it prob.
fr. a man.
Fazakerley (Liverpool). 1277 Fasakerlegh, 1376 Fasacrelegh.
Looks as if O.E. fas-cecer-Uah, ' border of the open-country
meadow/ ir. fas, foes, ' border, fringe/ and cecer, acer, ' open plain,
field,' mod. ' acre.' See -ley. There is no name in Onom. that
would suggest Fazaker-.
Fazeley (Tamworth). 1300 Faresleye, a. 1400 -eslee. 'Meadow
of the hill,' O.E. fearr, -es. Cf. Faucet, and see -ley.
Featherstone (Wolverhampton, Pontefract, Haltwhistle). Wol.
F. 994 chart. Feother(e)stan, Dom. Ferdestan, 1271 Fethereston
Po. F. Dom. Ferestane, Fredestan. ' Stone of Fether ' or
' Feader ' — i.e., ' father,' which is still dialectically pron. fether.
Cf. also Fearby (Yorks), Dom. Federbi.
Feckenham (Redditch). 804 chart. Feccanhom, 957 Feccan ham,
Dom. and 1156 Pipe Roll Fecheham. ' Home of Fecca.' Cf.
Dom. Surrey Feceha. See -ham, which here may either be
' home ' or ' enclosure.'
Felbridge (E. Grinstead). and Felbrigg (Norfolk and York)
E. Gr. F. not in Dom., but old Thelbrig. Yo. F. 1206 Felebrigge.
No. F. 1451 Felebruge, Felbrygge. Early th not seldom becomes
/, and so fel-= O.E. feZ, ^ell, ' a deal, a board or plank.' Thus
this name is ' bridge (O.E. hrycg) made of boards.' Cf. Fengle-
SHAM, also fill var. of thill, ' the shafts of a cart,' likewise Elm-
bridge and Thelwall.
Feuskirk (Thirsk). 1210 Ecclesia S. Felicis. This is the same
saint as in Felixstowe. However, in Dom. it is Fridebi,
* dwelling of Freda.'
Felixstowe (Suffolk). Not in Dom. c. 1080 chart. 'The church
of St. Felix of Walton.' Sometimes said to be ' place,' O.E.
stoiv, of Felix, first bp. of E. Anglia, c. 640. But this does not
agree with the form in 1318 Filthstowe, which might be ' filth
place,' place full of dirt or foulness, O.E. fylQ. This is not likely,
as there is a 'To. de Fvlethe' in Kent in 1318, and a Dom.
Felede, which is Fauld (Uttoxeter), a. 1300 Falede, Fauld, Felde
FELMINGHAM 260 TESTINIOG
— i.e., O.E. fald, falced, ' a fold, a farmyard.' Only it is not easy
to see how this last could become either Filth or Felix. The
bp.'s name certainly influenced the present form.
Fblmingham (N. Walsham). Dom. Felmincha. A patronymic,
otherwise unknown. See -ing and -ham.
Felstead (Chelmsford). 1082 cTiart. Felstede. O.E. for ' skin,
hide-place, tannery.' O.E. fel, fell, ' a skin.'
Feltham (Hampton Court). Sic 969 chart, and Dom. Possibly
' home of ' some man with a name like Felgeld or Fildas, the
nearest in Onom, Prob. ' home, house in the field,' O.E. feld,
3-5 felt. The Eng. sb. felt already occurs in O.E. Felthorpe
(Norwich), Dom. Felethorp, seems to be ' village of ' some man.
See -thorpe.
Felton (Northumbld. and Bristol). Nor. F. 1242 Felton. Not in
Dom. May be, like Feltham, named from some man. Cf.
1305 Eougham chart., 'Robertus de Feletone,' E. Anglia. But
Nor. F. at least may be ' town on the fell' or ' hill.' O.N. fjall
found in Eng. as fell a. 1300. Also cf. Felstead.
Fen Ditton and Drayton (Cambs). Cf. 1272 Fenne (Lines.).
O.E. fen, fenn, ' a marsh,' O.N. fen, ' a quagmire.' See Ditton
and Drayton.
Fendrith Hill (W. Durham). Prob. W. ffaen d{e)rwydd, ''rock of
the magician, sorcerer, or Druid.'
Fen-, Finglesham (Deal). 831 chart. Thenglesham. Not in Dom.
' Home of Thengli,' a name not in Onom. For change of early
th into / cf. Farmington, Felbridgb, and Finchale, and
Threshpield (Yorks), Dom. Freschefelt and Treschefelt.
Fenny Compton (Warwksh.). Dom. Contone, a. 1200 Cumton,
a. 1400 Fenni Cumpton. See Compton, and cf. Fenton (Stoke),
Dom. Fentone.
Feock (Devoran, Cornwall). ? c. 1400 Ecclesia Sancto Feoko, a
saint also termed Feoca, Fyock, Fiach ; the name is Keltic for
' raven ' ; but about this person little seems known. Cf. Fixby
(W. Riding), Dom. Fechesbi, which must be ' dwelling of ' one of
the same name.
Ferndale (Glamorgan). M'Clure suggests that this is ferthing-
deal, or ' fourth part.' Cf. Fartbingstone. But old forms
are needed.
Ferriby N. and S. (Yorks). Dom. Ferebi. Prob. 'dwelling of
the comrade or partner'; Northum. O.E. foera, 2-9 fere. See
-by. But Ferrybridge (Yorks) is Dom. Ferie — i.e., ' ferry,'
O.N. ferja. The Oxf. Diet, has nothing for the sb. a. 1425.
Festiniog. Fr. W. ffestinio, ' to hurry, hasten,' L. festinare, ? in
allusion to the many waterfalls around.
FEV-,PAVERSHAM 261 FINCHINGFIELD
Fbv-, Faversham (Kent). 811 chart. Fefresham, 858 ibid. Febre-
sham, Dom. Feversham. 1155 Pi'pe Fauresham. Some suggest
from a man, or fr. L. faher, a ' smith/ but this seems doubtful;
more prob. ' home of fever/ O.E. fefer, fefres. It is also said to
be the Fauresfeld of 1154 O.E. Chron., which is doubtful.
Fewston (Harrogate) . Dom. Fostune, ' Town at the waterfall ' ;
Dan. fos, O.N. fors. To be perh. noted also is O.Nor. Fr. fiusf,
' lofty trees ' ; but Nor. Fr. names are very rare in England.
FiLBY (Gt. Yarmouth). Dom. Filebey, c. 1471 Fylby. 'Dwelling
of ' some (Danish) man, whose name has been rubbed down
into File. Cf. Filleigh, and see -by. But Baddeley says
Filton (Bristol), 1340 Fyltone, is ' farm in the field,' which is
doubtful.
Filey (Yorks). Dom. Fiuelac — i.e., 'five pools,' O.E. /(f, Z-9 five,
and lac, ' a lake, a pool.' Camden derives fr. an early Eng.
file, ' a thin sHp of land, Hke a small tongue thrust out,' into
the sea. The Oxf. Diet, does not recognize this word file. Lac
for ' pool ' is very rare in O.E., and there is perh. no other
instance where it has become -ley. But we have Fishlake
(Doncaster) in Dom. Fiscelac, and also Fixca-le. Cf., too,
Beverley and Fyfield. We may add that North Fyhng
(N. Yorks) is Dom. NortfigeUnge, a patronymic, ' place of the
sons of Fugel,' 2 in Onom. See -ing.
Filleigh (S. Molton). Cf. 940 chart. Fileleighe (Glastonbury).
? 'meadow of File.' Cf. Filby, and see -leigb. Onom. has
only a Filica, seen in Filkins (Lechlade), old Fileching, ' place
of Filica's sons.' See -ing.
FiLLONGLEY (Coventry). Dom. Filung-, ingehe, a. 1400 Filungeye,
1475 Fylongley. Duignan cannot explain, but says cf. FimNG-
HAM (Lincoln), Dom. Fihngeham, FigeHngeham, c. 1120 Figel-
ingaham. There is no Hkely name in Onom. But we have
Fyhng (N. Riding), Dom. FigeHnge, Figlinge, which must be a
patronymic. Cf. JFilby. See -ing.
FiNCHALE (on R. Weir, Durham). Thought to be Bede, iii., 27,
Pegnaleth; 1298 Fynkhale, 1305 Fynkhalgh. O.E. finc-halh
means ' finches' haugh ' or 'meadow by a river.' Cf. Feststall,
and 1240 Close R. Finkel', 1241 ib. Finchel' (Andover). For
-hale see -hall.
FiNCHAM (Downham). Not in Dom. c. 1150 Fincheham, 1451
Fyncheham. ' Home of a man Finch,' or ' of the finches,' O.E.
fine. Cf. above. Also Finchamstead (Berks). Dom. Finch-
amstede; 1316 Fynchamsted. 'Homestead, farm with the
finches.'
FmcHiNGFiELD (Braintrec). Dom. Fincinghefelde, -gefelda, 1297
Fynchingfelde. Presumably ' field for finching or hawking, or
catching finches or birds in.' Only there is no sb. ' finching '
FINCHLEY 262 FLAVELL FLYFOED
in Oxf. Diet, nor any likely man's name in Onom., though Dom.
form looks like a patronymic. See next and -ing.
FiNCHLEY (London). Recorded from time of K. John. Cf. above.
Finch is O.'K.finc, 4c finch, some sort of small bird of the sparrow
order.
FiNEDON (Wellingborough). Prob. Dom. Tingdene, 1296 Thindon.
Prob. ' hill of the thing,' or ' local parHament/ O.N. ]>ing, N.
ting. Cf. Thingoe. On common change of early th to / see
Felbridge. But FiNDON (Worthing) is Dom. Findune, which
is prob. 'hill of Fin' or ''Finn,' names in Onom. See -don. Cf.
FnsnsriNGLEY (Notts) . Dom. Feniglei, 1278 Finningelay. See -ing.
Dom. (N'hants) also has Finemere, now Finmere (Bucldngham) .
FiNGHALL or FiNGALL (Bedale, Yorks). Dom. Finegala. Perh.
O.E. Chron. 788 Fingale (in Northumbria), which is prob. not
= FiNCHALE. O.E. finnig or fennig halh, loc. hale, 'marshy
fenny nook ' or ' corner.'
FiNSTALL (Bromsgrove). a. 1400 Fynchale. See Finchale.
FiBBANK (Sedbergh). Old Frithbank. Frith is some kind of a
wood. See Frith Bank. But Firby (Wistow, Yorks) is Dom.
Fredebi, 1202 Fridebi, which is ' Freda's dwelling.'
Fishguard (Pembroke), c. 1390 Fishgarth, 1535 Fisshecard.
' Fisher's garth or enclosure/ the -guard being but a mod.
spelling of O.E. geard, ' yard, court, enclosure.' In W. it is
Abergwaun, ' at the mouth of the level or straight river.' Cf.
Hasguard in same shire, 1307 Huscard, where the first syU.
prob. represents a man's name, now uncertain.
FiSKERTON (Lincoln). Sic a. 1100, but Dom. Fiscartime. ' Town,
village of the fishers,' O.E. flscere.
FiTTLEWORTH (Susscx). Not in Dom, 1167-68 Pi'pe FitelwurSa.
'Farm of Fitel, Fitela,' or ^ Fithele,' all forms in Onom. See
-worth.
FiiADBURY (Pershore). 691 chart. Fledanburg, 714 ib. Fladeburi^
Dom. Fledebirie. ' Town, castle of Fleda or Flceda.' Cf. Fled-
borough (Notts), Dom. Fladeburg. See -bury.
Flambtjrgh Head (Yorks). Dom. Flaneburc, -burg, a. 1130 Sim.
Dur. Flamburge, c. 1450 Fortescue Flaymborough, also Flayn-
burg, -borght. ' Fort of Fleinn,' a Norseman. Flame (0. Fr.
flambe) is not found in Hterary Eng. a. 1340; but doubtless it
has had some influence on the present form of the name. Cf.
Flensburg, (Schleswig). See -burgh.
Flavell Flyford (Pershore). 930 chart. Fleferth, 1002 ib. Fle-
ferht, a. 1200 Flavel, a. 1400 Fleyford, a. 1600 Flyford Flavell.
The two names are really a redupHcation. Fie- or Fla- will be
a man Floeda, Fleda, as in Fladbury, and -ferth is softened
form of -ford (q.v.). Flseferth has become Fleyferthand then
Flavell, through the common dissimilation of r for I,
^PLAXBY 263 FLINT
Flaxby (W. Riding) and Flaxton (York). Dom. Flatesbi, and
Flastun, Flaxtun. The former is prob. 'dwelling of FUeda,'
one in Onom., the latter ' village among the flax/ O.E. fleax.
See -by and -ton. '
Flaxley Abbey (Gloster). 1167-68 Pipe Flexlega, c. 1188 Gir.
Cambr. Flexleia. 'Flax meadow.' Of. above; also Flechham-
stead (Coventry), 1327 Flechamstude, ' flax homestead.'
Fleam Dyke and Flendish (Cambs). Variants of same name,
c. 1080 Inquis. Gamb. Flamencdic, Flamminedic, Dom. Flaming-
dice, Flam(m)iding, 1158 Flemedich, 1279 Flemigdich, 1284
Flemesdich. 'Fleming's ditch/ of which dyke is the older,
hard form. Fleming is 0. Fr. Flamenc, late L. Flamingus.
This name shows the early settlement of the men of Flanders
in our midst.
Flecknoe (Rugby). Dom. Flachenho, a. 1200 Fleckenho. Prob.
' Hoe, hiU of Flecca,' gen. -can, not in Onom.
Fleet R. (London and 2 others), also Fleet (Hants), which is
K.G.D. 688 Fleot. O.E. fleot, O.N. fljot, 'a stream, a river,
also a creek or inlet.' The root is seen in O.N. flj6t-r, 'quick.'
Of. Fleet (Sc). and Fleetwood (Lanes), also Dom. (Norfk.)
Fletwest and Shaltleet.
Fleggburgii (Gt. Yarmouth). Of. 1442 'Fleghalle,' manor in
Norfolk. ? ' fort, burgh among the flags or rushes.' Flag is
not found in Eng. till 1387, and is of doubtful etymology, but
is spelt ^eg' in 5. Flag sb.2 Icel. flag, ' the spot where a tujf has
been cut,' O.^.flaga, ' a slab of stone,' still used in E, Anglia for
' a turf, a sod,' is quite a possible origin. Dom. has East and West
Flee and FHceswella ; but Onom. has no name the least likely here.
Fletchtng (Uckfield). Dom. Flescinge(s), 1232 Olose R. Flescing.
A patronymic; the man's name implied is unknown. See -ing.
Fletherhill (S. Wales). Sic a. 1349. A tautology; W. llethr,
* a hillside, a slope.' Of. Shakespeare's FlueUen for Llewelyn,
and p. 82.
Fletton (Peterboro'). Sic a. 1100. 'Town, village on the fleet
or stream,' O.E. fleot, in Qflett. Of. Fleet.
Flimwell-vent (Hawkhurst). Old forms needed for Flim-; not
in Dom.; possibly O.E. fliem/i, flyma, 'a fugitive, an outlaw.'
A vent or went is said to be ' a place where roads meet.' The
root is O.E. wendan, 'to go, to wend.'
Flint. In W. Fflint, or Tegeingl. 1277 In castris apud le Flynt
prope Basingwerk, 1277-8 Welsh R. Le Chaylou and Rothelan,
where Chaylon is prob. Fr. caillou, 'pebble, flint.' O.E. flint,
* flint, rock,' fr. the rocky platform on which the castle stands.
Flints are not common here. Flinton (E. Riding) is Dom.
Flentun, prob. ' town of the flints.' Fltntham (Notts) eic in
Dom., is clearly 'flint house.' See -ham.
FLIXTON 264 FOEEST OF DEAN
Flixton (Salford). c. 1200 Flyxton, Fluxton. Perh. 'town of
the flitch/ OiEt-flicce, 5 flytske, 5-6 flik. There is, however, in
K.C.D. mention of a Flecge, Flecges, a man otherwise unknown,
and this is quite a possible origin. There is no hkely name in Onom.
Flockton (Wakefield). Dom. Flocheton, 1201 Floketon. 'Town
of ' an unrecorded Flocca. Hardly fr. O.E. flocc, O.N. fiokk-r,
' flock.' Cf. Dom. (Norfk.) Flokethorp.
Flodden (Northumbld.). 1512 Floudane. Prob. flood-dean — i.e.
' (wooded) glen with the stream,' O.E. flod, M.E. flod, 6 floud,
' a river, a flood.' See -dean.
Flookersbkook (Chester). 1340 Flokersbroke. Prob. called after
some man; there is nothing in Onom. nor yet in the dictionaries
wh. seems helpful. Flokk-r would be N. form of the Flocca of
Flockton.
Flushing (Falmouth). Sic 1661. Named after the Dutch port
at the mouth of the Scheldt.
FoGGATHOBPE (Sclby). Dom. Fulcartorp. ' Fulchar's place or
village.' In Onom. there are several Folcheards, one Folcgaer,
and one Fulcher. The orig. name has had eg in it, and the
liquid I and r easily disappear.
FoLESHiLL (Coventry). Dom. Focheshelle, a. 1200 Folkeshulle,
1327 FolkeshuU. O.E. folces Jiyll, 'people's hiU,' which in
Midland M.E. regularly is hull.
Folkestone, a. 716 cJiart. Folcanstan, 1051 O.E. Chron. Folc-
stane, Dom. Fulchestan. ' Stone, rock of the folk or people,' or,
more prob., ' of a man Folca.' The Onom. has a Folco and a
Fulco, and we have Folkton (E. Riding), Dom. Fulcheton.
FoNTMELL Magna (Shaftesbury). 939 chart. Funtmeales, Dom.
Fontemale. Perh. ' Fountain of Mcel{a),' one in Onom. ; O.E.
font, 2-6 funt. The order is unusual as -funt or -font usually
comes last. Cf. Bedfont. But -mell may be O.E. mcel, ' a
mark, sign, cross, crucifix ' — ' font at the cross.' Fontley
(Fareham), Dom. Funtelei, wiU be ' mead with the fountain
or spring.' Magna is L. for ' Great.'
Ford (Shrewsbury, etc.). Dom. Ford. 1184 Pipe Devon, Ecclesia
de Forda. Nothing is commoner in early Eng. names than to
name a place after a f ord,.which was often a very important spot
before bridges were made.
FoRDHAM (Colchester and Soham). Cole. F. sic 1373, but c. 1080
chart. Fordam. Soh. F. Dom. Fordeham. ' House at the ford.'
FoRDiNGTON (Dorchester) . Dom. Fortitone, 1156 Pipe Fordintune.
Perh. ' village of Forthwine,' one in Onom. See -ing.
Forest of Dean. Dom. Dene, 1160-61 Pipe Foreste de Dena,
c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Danubis& Svlva. \yhich is supposed to mean
POEMBY 265 FOVANT
' forest of Denmark or of the Danes/ Dean here may be W.
din, ' fort, hill-fort '; but is prob. as in Dean.
FoRMBY (Liverpool). 1203-04 Formebi, 1227 Forneby, 1269
Fornebi. ' Dwelling of Forni/ There are several called Foma
or For7ie in Onom. Cf. next. In Brit, names m and n are fre-
quently found interchanging. See -by.
FoRNHAM (Bury St. Edmunds). Sic in Dom. 'Home of Forne.'
See FoRMBY. There is a Forne in Dom. (Herefd.).
FoRTON (Gosport, Newport, Staffs, N. Lanes, and 3 others). New.
F. 1199 Forton, whilst for the others Dom. has Fortune, and
Fordune (twice). Prob. 'town by \he ford.' Of course, dune
is ' hiil.' Leland calls Forthampton (Tewkesbury) Fordhamp-
ton; but it is Dom. Fortemeltone, prob. ' Forthhelm's town."
Foss Dyke (Boston). 1480 Caxton Chron. Eng. 'Two other
weyes this Belyn made . . . that one is called fosse and that
other fosse dyke ' — i.e., a raised causeway over marshes, etc.
Fosse sb., L. fossa, 'a ditch,' is first found in Eng. a. 1440.
There is also' the Fossway, which stretched fr. Exeter to
Lincoln, via Bath and Leicester. Cf. Fangfoss (N. Riding),
Dom. Frangefos, ? ' ditch of the Frank.'
FosTON (3 in P.G^.). Foston on Wolds. Dow. Fodstone. 1158-59
Pipe Fostuna (Northants). Some may be ' town on the foss '
(see above); but Fodstone must be fr. some unknown man.
See -ton.
Fotheringay (Northampton). Dom. Fodringeia. a. 1163 Fod-
rigeia, 1237 Fodringh', 1434 Fotheringhey, c. 1460 Foodryngdre.
' Foddering-island.' 0 .E . fodor, 0 .N . fo^r, Dan. foder, ' fodder,
food for cattle.' The vb. O.N. /dtSm, is not found in Eng. till
a. 1300. Cf. the Pile of Fotheray in Furness, q.v.; also
Featherstone. See -ay, -ey.
FoxJiiNESS (Cromer). Not in Dom. 'Foul, dirty cape or ness."
O.N. ful noes. Foul is also found in O.E. as ful, and this is a
more likely origin than O.E. fugol, 'fowl, bird.' Cf. next and
FuLFORD. Still Dom. Nfk. has a Fugalduna.
FouLSHAM (Dereham). Dom. and 1454 Folesham. Prob. not
' home of the fowls,' which is 0 .E . fugol. Foolston (W. Riding) ,
Dom. Fugelestun, is phonetically different, and even it means
the man ' Fowl's town.' Foulsham will be ' home of the man
Fula; seen in B.C. 8. 1052 Fulan ea. Cf. Dom. (Suss.) Folsalre,
or ' Fula's alder.'
Fountains Abbey (Ripon). 1156 Pipe De Fontibus, c. 1246 de
Fontanis. ' Abbey of the springs or wells.'
FovANT (Salisbury). Not in Dom., but O.E. cTiart. Fobbefunte —
i.e., 'font, spring of Fobba.' Cf. B.C.S. 862 Fobbanwyl (well),
FONTMELL, and Ha V ANT.
18
FOWEY E. 266 FRANCE LYNCH
FowEY R. and town (Cornwall), c. 1200 Oewase Fawe fl. Town
a. 1400 Fawi, c. 1450 Fortescue, the Ffowe; c. 1530 Foye, 1536
Fowey. Pron. Foy. The river, which names the town, is
said to be fr. Corn, foys or foy fenton, ' walled well or fountain '
(which rises near Altarnun). But it looks a little like the Com.
foath or foio, pi. fowls, ' cave, den.' ; the W. jfau. Foy (Herefd.)
is c. 1130 Lib. Land. Lanntiuoi. 'church of St. Tyfai.' Cf.
Lamphey.
FowLMERE (Royston). Dom. Fuglemsere, Fugelesmara, which is
O.E. for ' fowls' lake or mere'; 1302 Ful-,1401 Foulmere.
FowNHOPE (Hereford). Old forms needed. It seems a sort of
hybrid; 'fawn's refuge'; O.Fr. /own, faow, M.E. (1369) faun,
' a fawn '; but very prob. Fown- is O.E. Fornan, ' of Foma,' a
common name; and O.N. h6x>, ' a haven, a place of refuge.' See
-hope.
Foxholes (Yorks). Dom. Foxhole, Foxohole, Foxele. 1202
Fines Foxholef orde. Cf. Foxton (Cambs) ., Dom. Foxetune, and
B.C. 8. 750 Foxcotone. There is a Foxoote (Glos.), Dom. Fuscote.
Fox Lydiate (Redditch). 1300 Fox huntley yates, 1377 Foxhunt
Ledegate. ' Fox hunter's gate.' See Lidgate; and cf. Hyett,
Henbury, 1221 Hyate, ' high gate.'
FoxT (Cheadle, StafEs). 1253 Foxiate — i.e., fox-gate, or 'open-
ing'; O.E. geat, get, 6-9 dial. yat{t)e, (Sc.) yett. But in 1292 it
is Foxwyst, which is inexpHcable.
Fradley and Fradsweix (Staffs). 1262 Foder(e)sleye, 1286
Frodeleye. j^fiom. Frodeswelle, a. 1300 FrothesweUe, Frodes-
wall, -well. ^rob. all fr. a man Frod, which is O.E. for 'wise.'
Form 1262 prob. simply illustrates the shiftiness of r. See -ley.
Framingham Earl (Norwich). Dom. Framingaha. 1424 Fram-
yngham. ' Home of the descendants of Frame,' still a surname.
Frcenxi is common, and there is one Fram in Onom. Cf. Frem-
INGTON. See -ing.
Framlingham (Suffolk). Dom. Framlingaham, 1157 Pipe Fram-
ingeham, 1425 Fremelyngham, a. 1444 Framljmgham. ' Home
of the Framlings.' These may be ' descendants of Frambeald ' ;
2 in Onom. See -ing.
Frampton (Boston and Dorchester). Bos. F. Dom. Framantune,
Do. F. Frantone. 'Town of Frama' or 'Fram'; 1 in Onom.
For intrusion of p, cf. Bampton and Hampton ; also cf. above.
There is a Framwellgate, Durham, and a Framelle (? ' Fram's
nook ') in Dom. Suss. But Frampton, 3 in Glos., is Dom.
Framtone, 1221 Fremtone, ' town on R. Frame,' or ' Frome ';
whilst Fraunton, same shire, is 1166 Freulinton, 1182 Froulinton,
perh. fr. a man Freo-, Freawine.
France Lynch (Stroud) and Franche (Kidderminster). Ki. F.
Dom. Frenesse, 1276 Frenes, Freynes. Duignan says, O.Fr.
PEANKLEY 267 FRESHWATER
fresne, ' ash-tree/ and that the -esse in Dom. is meant for O.E.
msce, ' ash-tree/ and so Dom.'s name a reduplication. He may
be right.
Fbankley (Bromsgrove) and Frankton (Rugby). Br. F. Dom.
Franchlie, a. 1200 Frankle, Frankeleg. Ru. F. Dom. Franche-
tone. ' Meadow ' and ' town of Franca ' or ' the Frank.'
Origin fr. O.Fr. franc, 'an enclosure^ esp. to feed swine in';
in Eng. c. 1400 3bS frank, fraunke, seems just possible.
Freckenham (Ely) . ' Home of Freac or Frecca ' ; both forms in
Onom. Of. 801 chart. Frecinghyrte (? Kent), also Friock;-
HEiM (Sc). The root is O.E, free, ' ready, quick.' We have
also Frickley (Yorks). Dom. Frichehale, or ' Freca's nook.'
See -hall.
Freckleton (Preston). Dom. Frecheltun. ' Frecel's or Freculf'a
town.'
Freeby (Leicestersh.). Dom. Fredebi, 1230 Close R. Fretheby.
' Village ' or ' dwelling of Frith{e) ' (one in Onom.), or of some
of the many men whose names begin with Frithu. But Free-
THORPE (Norwich) is Dom. Frietorp, ' village of Freyja,' which
was the name of a well-known Saxon goddess. Cf. Freystrop
and Fbitton.
Freemantle (Bournemouth and Southampton). Not in Dom.
Cf. c. 1220 Elect. Hugo ' Frisomantel,' a now vanished place
near High Clere House, Hants. This is a puzzling name. Friso-
suggests the Frisians of N. Holland; and -mantel must surely
be O.Fr. mantel, ' a mantle or cloak.' But how comes this in
a place-name ? Mantel (see Oxf. Diet., s.v.) in the sense of ' a
fortification,' is not found in Eng. till 1475. Prob. this is one
of the rare cases of a place called simply by a man's name,
often referred to in 12th cny Pipe as Frigidum Mantellum. Cf.
Goodrich, Snitter, etc.
Freiston (Boston). Sic 1274, Dom. Fristune, 1381 Frestoine
also Ferry Fryston (S. Yorks). Dom. Fristone. Perh. ' town
of the Frisians or Frieslanders '; possibly fr. the Saxon goddess
Frea or Freyja. Fraisthorp (BridHngton) is Dom. Frestintorp,
which is puzzHng.
Fbemington (Yorks and Devon). Yorks F. sic in Dom. The
family name must be the same as in Framingham.
Freseley (Polesworth). Sic 1256. Friezeland (Walsall and
Tipton) and Frisland (Tibberton). Duignan derives all,
not fr. the Frisians, but fr. O.E. fyrz, ' furze, gorse,' dial.
freze, friez. Oxf. Did. gives furse as 4-6 firse, but not with
transposed r.
Freshwater (I. of Wight). Dom. Frescewatre. Why so called
is not very apparent. The usual O.E. for 'fresh' — i.e., not
* salt ' — is fersc. Oxf. Diet, says the fre- forms do not occur
FEES SIN GFIELD 268 FRITTON
till c. 1205 Layamon, and so are most likely due to adoption
fr. O.Fr. freis, fresche. But the much earher Dom. form shows
this untenable. Cf. Tkbeshfield, Dom. Freschefelt.
Fressingfield (Harleston). Not in Dom. c. 1590 Fresingfield;
and Freston (Ipswich). Dom. Frise-, Fresetuna. The latter
is ' town of the Frisians/ who called themselves Frise, Frese.
The former is prob. ' field of the Frisians' descendants.' Cf.
Frisington. See -ing.
Freystrop (Pembroke). ' Freyja's village.' She was a Norse
goddess, akin to the L. Venus. Fraisthorpe (Yorks) is Dom.
Frestintorp, which is puzzhng; also cf. Freethorpe and
Fridaythorp.' See -thorpe.
Fridaythorp (Yorks). Dom. Fridarstorp, Fridagstorp, Fridaizs-
torp. 'Village of Friday/ O.E. Frigedceg, O.N. Friadag-r,
' day of Frigg or Frig/ the Norse Venus. But Friday seems to
have been used as a personal name. Cf. B.C.S. 1047 Frigedaeges
treow. There is a Friday Street (Glouc). See -thorpe.
Frilford (Berks). O.E. cTiart. Frileford, later Frylesford. Like
Frelsham (on R. Pang), Dom. Frilesham, prob. contracted fr.
Frithel, Fritholf, Frithuwolf, or some such name.
Frimley Green (Farnborough). Not in Dom. 'Moist meadow/
frim dial., O.E. freme, ' full of moisture, sappy.' See -ley.
Frindsbury (Rochester). Dom. Frandesberie. ' Burgh of Frand/
which may be contraction of Freomund, UkeUest name in Onom. ;
prob. influenced by friend, which in Southern Eng. is 4 vrind,
5-7 frind. See -bury.
Frisestgton (W. Cumbld.). 'Town of the Frisings/or 'descend-
ants of the Frisians.' See Fressingfield and -ing.
Fritchley (Derby). Not in Dom. Cf. Dom. Nfk. Frichetuna.
' Meadow of Fricca/ Onom. has only Frecca and Freca.
Fritham (Lymington). Not in Dom. Cf. 804 chart. Frit5esleah
(Kent). ' Home of Frith/ or of some man with a name begin-
ning in Frith- ; there are many in Onom. Frithubeorht, Frithu-
geard,' etc. The O.E. fyrMe, 'a wood,' is seen in Chapel-
en-le-Frith, and in Fretherne, Frocester, Dom. Fridorne,
1372 Freethorne, O.E. frith-thyrne, ' thorn-bush by the wood.'
Frith Bank and Frithviixe (Boston). 1323 Le Frith, 1512
'The Bang's Frith beside Boston.' Frith is O.E. fyrh^e, 'a
wood ' or ' woody pasture '; -ville is always mod.
Frittenden (Staplehurst, Kent). 804 chart. FriSSing-, Fred-
dingden, and in the same chart. FriSesleah. ' Dean (wooded)
valley of the descendants of Frith/ Cf. Fritham.
Fritton (Long Stratton, Norfk.). Dom. Fridetuna, Frietuna,
' Town of Frith ' or ' Fride.' Cf. Freeby.
FROCESTER 269 FULHAM
Frooester (Stroud). Dom. Frowcester. Origin unknown; perh.
pre-Keltic. See -cester.
Frodesley (Shrewsbury) and Frodsham (Retford and Warring-
ton). Re. F. 1240 Frodesham. 'Meadow' and 'home of
Froda or Frod,' common in Onom. Cf. Frodingham (Yorks),
Dom. Frotingha'. See -ham, -ing, and -ley.
Frognal (Windsor and 2 others). Old forms needed. The -al
almost certainly represents -hall {cf. BmsTAiiL, Brinscall,
etc.), and the Frogn- must be some personal name. Of course,
O.E. frogga, -an is ' a frog/ as in Frog Hall (Dunchurch), Frog-
ham, and Frogmore (Camberley). Though there is no Ukely
name in Onom., we have 704 chart. Frocesburna (Middlesex),
which is prob. ' Froce'a ' or ' Froga's brook.'
Frome (Somerset). Pron. Froom. 875 O.E. Chron. Frauu, c.
950 ib. Frome, ib. From (river) ; also Frome R. (Glouc. and
Hereford), whose forms are found in Frampton, Framilode,
1175-76 Pipe Fremelada (O.E. gelad, 'ferry'), and Frenchay,
1257 Fromscawe (O.E. scaga, 'wood'). The Gloucester R. is
now rather called Frame." Dr. Bradley thinks this must be
orig. Frama, which, on Kelt lips, would aspirate and yield
Frauu or Frauv. Cf. Aberefraw and Bp's. Frome. Mean-
ing doubtful; origin fr. W. ffromm, 'angry, fuming,' is not
likely.
Frosterley (Co. Durham). Sic in 1183 Boldon Bk., but 1239
Close R. Forsterlegh.' ' Meadow of Forster ' or ' Foster ' — i.e.,
' the forester ' — a word not in Oxf. Diet, till 1297, though ' Archi-
bald Forester ' occurs 1228 in Cartul. Boss. No name Froster
is known, but metathesis of r is common. See -ley.
Froxfield (Hungerford and Petersfield). Pet. F. 965 chart.
Froxafelda, ' field of the frogs,' O.E. frox{a), var. of frogga,
frocga ; but also cf. 704 chart. Frocesburna (Middlesex) . So perh.
' Field of Froca.' The name is not in Onom. But Froxmore
(Crowle), 1275 Froxmere, 1327 Froxemere, is plainly 'frogs'
mere or lake.'
FuLBBCK (Lines) and Fulbottrn (Cambs). Li. F. 1202 Fulebec.
Ca. F. c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Fuleburna, Dom. Fuleberne, chart.
Fuulburne. O.E. and O.N. ful, 'foul, dirty'; and see -beck
and -bourne. Cf. Bacup, c. 1200 Ffulebachope.
FuLEORD (York, Stone, and Solihull). Yo. F. Dom. Fuleford and
Foleford, Sim. Dur. ann. 1066 Fulford, St. F. Dom. Fuleford.
' Foul, dirty ford.' See above. Cf. 1183 Boldon Bk. Durham,
Fulforth.
FuLHAM (London). Sic 1298, but 879 O.E. Chron. FuUanhamme.
This is prob. ' enclosure of Fullan.' There is one such in Onom.
' Home of fowls ' would need a g in 879. O.E. fugol, ' a fowl.'
See -ham 2.
rULNEY 270 GALTKES
Ftjlney (Lincoln). Thought to be B.C.8. 1052 Fulan ea, ' isle of
Fula.' Not in Dom. It has a Fulnedebi.
FuRNESS. Not in Dom. Old Futherness, Fuderness, which is
prob. ' fodder-ness or cape ' (see Fotheeay) ; though M'Clure
ventures to identify with Pict. father, ' a piece of land.' Cf.
FoRTEViOT (Sc). Foodra Castle, on the point at Furness, was
formerly called ' the Peel of Further ' (Whitaker's Craven).
Fyfeld (Abingdon). Dom. Fivehide — i.e., five hides of land —
still 1437 Fifhide, but c. 1540 Ffield. Fyfeld (Essex), is also
Dom. Fifhide, while places of the same name in Hants and
Wilts were 1257-1300 chart. Fifhide. There are both Five Hide
and Fyfield in Glouc. Cf. Filey.
Fyltng. See Fillongley.
Gad's TTttt. (Gillingham, Kent). ' Hill of Gadd ' or ' Oaddo,' as in
Gaddesby (Leicester), Dom. Gadesbie, and Godshtll. See -by.
Gaebwen (Anglesea). O.W. gaer. Mod. W. caer gwen. 'White,
clear castle or fort.' 0 and c freely interchange in W. Cf.
Dolgelly, etc.
Gailey (Cannock). 1004 chart. Gageleage, Dom. Gragelie (error).
a. 1300 Galewey, Gaule, Gaueleye. ' Bog-myrtle meadow,' fr.
O.E. gagel, 4 gayl, 5-7 gaul{e), 5 gawl, gawyl, 'the gale or sweet
gale.' See -ley.
Gaineokd-on-Tees. a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Ge(a)genforda, c. 1150
Gainesford, 1200 Geineford. ' Straight, direct, favourable ford.'
O.N. gegn, found in Eng. fr. 1300 as gain.
Gainsbobo'. 1013 O.E. Chron. Gaeignesburh, Gegnesburh, Dom.
Gainesburg, Sim. Dur. ann. 1013 Gainesburh. May be fr. some
man Gegne or the Uke; but there is no such name in Onom.,
unless it be Ga^an-heard. So perh. ' town, castle of gain, help,
advantage,' O.N. gagn, gegn, found in Eng. c. 1200 as ga^henn.
Mod. Eng. gain. Cf. Ganstead.
Galeobd (S. Devon). O.E. Chron. ann. 823 Gafol, Gaful forda.
Not in Dom. ' Ford of the tribute, or payment to a superior,
or gavel.' O.E. gafol, which does not mean ' a toll.' M'Clure
would derive fr. a Kelt, gabail or gabal, meaning 'the fork of
a stream,' G. gahhal; this seems doubtful, though cf. Yeovil,
which must be fr. O.E., rather than Kelt., gafol, geafl, ' a fork, a
forked opening.'
Galtbes forest (Yorks). 1179-80 Pipe Foreste de Galtris; also
Caltres. Thought to be same word as Calathros, name in the
L:ish Annals for Callandeb (Sc). The meaning is doubtful.
Some identify it with ' Gerlestre Wapentac ' in Dom. Yorks,
which is possible, and may be ' tree of Goerlaf,' or some such
name.
GAMBLESBY 271 GARSTON
Gamblesby (Langwathby). 1179-80 Gamelebi, 1189 Gamelesbi.
'Dwelling of Gamel,' O.N. for 'old'; the surname now is
Gamble or Gemmell. Gembling (Yorks), Dom. Ghemelinge, is a
patronymic fr. the same name, and shows the same intrusion of b.
Cf. next, Gammelspath, name of the old Rom. road. Middle
March (Northumberland), and Ganfield. See -by.
Gamlingay (Sandy). 1166-67 Pipe Gamelengeia (Essex), 1210
GameUngehey, 1211 Gamelingeye. 'Isle of the descendants of
Gamel.' Cf. above ; and see -ing and -ey.
Gamston (Retford). Dom. Gamelestune. a. 1199 Roll Rich. I.
Gamelesdun. ' Hill ' or ' town of Gamel ' or ' Gamall/ names
frequent in Onom., being N. for ' old man.' See -don and -ton.
Ganfield (a hundred in Berks). Dom. Gamesfelle, Gamenesfelle
{n here for I). See above.
Gajstnel (New Quay). Corn, gan hael, 'mouth of the saltings.'
Hael or hayle means ' a tidal river.'
Ganstead (Hull). Dom. Gagenestad, 1208 Gaghenestede. The
first haK must be the same as in Gainsbobo'. See -stead, ' place.'
Ganthorpe (Yorks). Dom. Gameltorp, 1202 Gaumesthorp. ' Vil-
lage of Gamel.' Cf. Gamston and (Canton; and see -thorpe.
Gatstton (York). Dom. Galmetona, prob. 1179-80 Pi^e Gonton.
' Town of Galmund,' one in Onom., and no other likely name.
But cf. Gamston and above.
Gaugbave (Leeds). Dom. Geregraue, Gheregrave. 'Grave,' O.E.
grcef, ' of Goer ' or ' Geir ' ; cf. next. But Gabeobd (Berks) is
942 chart. Garanforda, 1291 Gareford, ' ford at the gore '■ — i.e.
' promontory or triangular piece of land,' O.E. gdra. Cf. Gajb-
TBBE. Yet Garforth (Leeds), Dom. Gereford, Ingereforde, is fr.
the man Gcer. See -ford.
Gabstang (Preston). Dom. Cherestanc, 1204-05 Geirstan, 1206
Guegrestang, 1208 Geersteng, 1230 Gerstang, 1304 Gairstang.
This is a peculiar name. It seems to be, the man ' Geir's stang '
— i.e., ' spear,' or ' goad ' — same root as sting. But Dom. evi-
dently thought that the name was ' Geir's pool,' O.Fr. estang,
L. stagnum, still used in Eng. as ' a stank.' This certainly gives
a likelier sense; cf. Mallerstang (Cumberland), and Gaegbave.
But Gabshall (Stone) is a much altered name, a. 1400 Gerynges
halgh, -hawe — i.e., ' river-meadow of Gering.' See -hall and
Haughton.
Gabston (Berks and Liverpool). Ber. G. O.E. cTiart. Gserstun,
Gerstun, Grestun. Also Dom. Garstune (Worcester). O.E.
gcerstun, ' a grassy enclosure, a paddock,' O.E. gcers, grces,
' grass,' the old forms being still preserved in Sc. The orig.
meaning of ton or town is ' enclosure.' But G. (Liverpool) is
1093-94 Gerstan, 1142 Gerestan(am), 1153-60 Grestan, 1205-06
Gaherstang {cf. Gabstang), 1297 Garstan. ' Stone, rock among
GARTH 272 GEDLING
the grass '; cf. the Gastons (Tewkesbury), old Gerstone. Gar-
MSTON (N. Riding) is Dom. Gerdeston, fr. Geard, contracted fr.
Geardwulf, or the like. Cf. Grbasborough.
Garth (Bangor, etc.). W. garth, 'enclosure, yard'; also 'hill-
ridge, headland,' Ir. gart, ' a head.' If the meaning be ' yard/
it is a loan-word in W. Cf. Gwaelod-y-Garth.
Gartree (Leicester). Dom. Geretreu. ' Tree at the gore of land,'
O.E. gdra, 4-9 gare, O.N. geire. It was the meeting-place of the
Wapentake. See Garford and Appletree.
Gatcombe (I. of Wight). Dom. Gatecome. 'Valley with the
opening,' or 'gate,' O.E. geat. Also 2 in Glouc, no old forms.
See -combe.
Gateacre (Liverpool). 'Field, acre,' O.E. acer, 'with the gate,*
O.E. geat. Cf. Dom. Bucks, Gateherst, and Fazakerley.
Gateshead. Prob. c. 410 Notit. Dign. Gabrosenti* (Kelt, gabar,
' goat '). Bede iii. 21 Ad Murum, ^t Walle (the Roman Wall).
8im. Dur. ann. 1080 Gotesheved id est Ad caput Caprae ; also
Capiit Capras; but Sim. Dur. contin. c. 1145 Gateshevet, 1183
Gatesheued. These names, of course, all mean ' goat's head ' —
i.e., the Gate- is O.E. ^dt, ' a goat,' and not ^eat, ' a gate.' Cf.
Gateford (Notts) 1278 Gayt-, c. 1500 Gatford, also fr. N. geit
or O.E. ^dt, ' a goat.'
Gavenny R. (S. Wales). W. Gefni. See Abergavenny.
Gawsthorpe (Macclesfield) . ' Village of ?' Cf. Gawthorpe, Ossett,
and Dom. Norfk., Gaustuna, ? fr. an unrecorded Gaha. Gawsa
(Wales) is thought by Rhys a corrup. of causey or causeway !
Gaydon (Kineton) and Gayton (Stafford, Bhsworth, and King's
Lynn). Kin. G. 1327 Geydon, St. G. Dom. Gaitone, 1227 Gai-
don. Lynn G. c. 1150 Geitun. Prob. not fr. gate, but fr. a man
Goega or Gega, K.C.D. vi. 137 and 148, while we get the patro-
nymic Gceing in B.C.S. iii. 257. Gay is now a common surname.
Cf. Ginge (Berks), Dom. Gain3, 1225 Est geyng, and Gaywood,
also found near King's Lynn, likewise 940 chart. Gaecges stapole
(market), Hants. See -don and -ton.
Geddington (Kettering). Not in Dom. Said to be c. 1188 Gir.
Camb. Garcedune. This, if the same place, must be a different
name. Prob. ' town of Geddi,' one such in Onom. Cf. 1363
chart. ' Wilhelmus Bateman de Giddingg,' near Kettering (which
is, of course, a patronymic), Gedney (Lines), and Gedelega,
1157 in Pipe Devon.
Gedltng (Nottingham). Dom. GhelUnge, 1189 Pipe Gedlinges.
A patronymic. The same name is seen in Gillamoor (Yorks),
Dom,. Gedhngsmore. Mutschmann derives fr. O.E, gcsdlingas,
' companions in arms,' and makes Gillinq the same.
* The -senti may be for -ceuti ; perh. the same Kelt, root as in Kent, and mean-
ing * head,' or ' headland.'
GEE CROSS 273 GIRDLE FELL
Gee Cross (Stockport) . •An ancient cross was erected here by the
Gee family.
Gelliswick farm (Milford Haven). Hybrid. W. gelU or celU,
' hazel grove/ and N. vik, ' a bay.' Cf. Wick (Sc.) and Good-
wick (S. Pembroke). But the Welsh tale, Kulhwch and Oliven
{a. 1200), speaks of ' Gelh ' or ' KelU Wic ' in ComwaU.
Gentleshaw (Rugeley). 1505 Gentylshawe. 'Wood of Gentle/
a surname still in use. A John Gentyl is known in this district
in 1341. Dom. Bucks, Intlesberie, may represent the same name.
See -shaw.
Gerrans (Falmouth). Perh. the same as c. 1130 Lib. Land. Din-
Gerein — i.e., 'castle of Geraint,' K. of the Welsh in 711; 1536
Grerens. But the Welsh chronicler's castle may be in Pembroke.
GiGGLESWiCK (Settle). Local pron. Gilzick. Dom. Ghiceleswic,
Ghigeleswic. Cf. Ickleford. 'Dwelling of Gicel,' now Jekyl,
fr. Breton Judicael, which also jdelds Jewell, 1215 Close Ri Gikels-
wik and William Gikel. See -wick.
GiLCRUX (Carlisle). Old forms needed. Cf. Dom. Norfk., Gillecros,
Gildecros. Can it be ' cross of the guild ' 1 O.E. gild, gyld.
Cross was early taken into Eng. in more than one form; see Oxf.
Diet. The M.E. crouch shows that late O.E. must have had a
form cruc, L. cruc-em, ' cross.'
GrLLLNG (N. Yorks). Bede in Gethlingum, Gsetlingimi. Dom.
Grellinge(s). See Gedlinq. Gilling and Gillon are stiU sur-
names. There is a ' Gilleburc ' 1160 in Pipe (Northants).
Cf. Ealing. See -ing.
GiLLiNGHAM (Dorset and Kent). Do. G. 1016 O.E. Chron. Gilling-
ham; Dom. Geling(e)ham, 1160 Pipe GilHngeha; Ke. G. c. 1150
chart. Gyllingeham. ' Home of the Gillings,' a patronymic
fr. Gilo.
GrCiiiiNG-, Gyllingdune, and GiLLrNGVASE (Falmouth). Said to
be Corn, for ' William's hill,' and ' William's field/ Com. mces,
here aspirated. The William is said to be he who was son of
Henry I., drowned in the White Ship, crossing from Normandy
to England, 1120. All this is a little doubtful.
GiLSLAi^D (Carhsle). Sic 1215, but 1291 Gillesland. 'Land, terri-
tory of Giles ' or of ' Gilo,' 2 in Onom.
GiMLNGHAM (N. Walsham). Dom. Giming(h)eha, 1443 Gymyng-
ham, c. 1449 Gemyngham. The name or patronymic is a little
uncertain here. Perh. ' Home of Gemmund or Gefmund,' the
nearest name in Onom. See -ing.
GippiNG E,. See Ipswich.
Girdle Fell (Cheviots). ' Mountain with the belt or band round
it.' The ending ' fell ' {q.v.) is Norse, and so the root is quite as
likely O.N. gyr^ill, O.Sw. giordell, as O.E. gyrdel. If so, this is
GIRLINGTON 274 GLASTONBURY
one of the very rare Norse names in Northumberland. C/.
Girdle Ness (Aberdeenshire).
GiRLiNGTON (Bradford) . Dom. Gerlinton ; also sic in Dom. Somerset.
' Town of Gerling/ or perh. ' of Gcerland,' one in Onom. See -ing.
GiETON (Cambridge). Dom. Gretone, K.C.D. iv. 145 Gretton, 1236
Greittone, 1434 Grettone, Gyrttone. Skeat inclines to think
this is not ' great town ' (c/. the six Littletons), but prov. Eng.
gratton, ' grass which comes after mowing, stubble/ fr. O.E.
greed, Mercian gred, ' grass.' The forms in Girton (Notts) are
practically the same. Mutschmann derives, rather doubtfully,
fr. O.E. great, 'sand.' Cf. Gretton, which may be 'great,
O.E. great, town.' Great is 3-6 gret{e), 4-6 grett{ej. Cf. Girsby
(Yorks), Dom. Grisbi.
GiSBUEN (Clitheroe). Dom. Ghiseburne, 1179-80 Giseburne, 1197
Kisebum. ' Burn, brook of Gisa,' 2 in Onom. Kisi was a Norse
giant. Cf. GuiSBORo'. See -bourne.
GiSLDSTGHAM (Eye). Dom. Gislingeha, -ghaham, GissiHncham.
' Home of the descendants of Gisel ' — i.e., ' the hostage ' — O.E.
3iseZ, O.N. gid. Cf. 1384 ' Giselyngton ' (Lines).
Gladmoxjth (S. Wales). See Cleddy. Cf. also Gladder Brook
(Wore.) 1275-1340 Gloddre, also W., -der being dwfr, ' stream.'
Glamorgan. 1242 Close B. Clammorgan, c. 1250 Layam. Glom-
morgan, 1461 Glomorganeia. Old W. name Morganwg, Mod. W.
Gwlad Morgan, ^ dominion of Morgan,' a 10th cny. prince, of
which the other forms are corruptions or contractions.
Glapthorne (Oundle). Not in Dom. a. 1100 Glapthom. Prob.
' thorn-tree of Glceppa,' found in Onom. Cf. Glapton (Notts),
sic 1216-72.
Glasbtjry (Brecon), c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Glasbiria. Hybrid; W.
glas, ' blue, green, verdancy, hence, a green spot,' and O.E. burh.
See -bury; also cf. Glazebrook.
Glascote (Tamworth). Sic a 1300. ' Cot, cottage with windows
of glass,' O.E. glees, a very rare thing for an early cottage.
Glaston (Uppingham) . Not in Dom. a. 1 100 grant of 664, Glathe-
stun. There is no name like Glatlie in Onom., though there is a
Gloedwis. So this may be ' town of gladness,' O.E. gl(Bd, 4 glathe,
but prob. not. Gleadthorpe (Notts), Dom. Gletorp, 1278
Gledetorp, must have the same origin.
Glastonbury (Somerset), a. 716 Boniface Glestingaburg ; 1016
O.E. Chron. Glsestingabyrig ; 1297 B. Glow. Glastinbury. In W.
Ynys Wydrin (' isle of Wydrin ') ; found already in chart, said to
be of 601, Ineswytrin. Freeman thinks this a patronymic.
William of Malmesbury says the name is fr. a N. Wales Glasting,
who wandered there in search of a lost sow. The Lib. Hymn
(Bradshaw Society), a. 900 calls it 'Glastimber of the Goidels';
GLATTON 275 GLOUCESTEE
and a. 1100 Ann. Cambr. calls it Glastenec. M'Clure would
derive fr. a somewhat dubious W. glastan, ' an oak ' ; there is
certainly glasdonen {ii.glas and tonen), ' the scarlet oak/ a quite
possible origin, though it is more prob. a patronymic, as the
very early fost spelling indicates. See -bury.
Glatton (Peterborough). Not in Dom. 1217 Glattun. Seems to
be ' glad town ' ; O.E. glced, 3 glat, O.N. gla^-r, ' bright, beautiful,'
cognate with O.H.G. glat, ' smooth.'
Glazebrook (Manchester). 1227 Glasbroc, 1303 Glasebrok. Perh.
tautology. Kelt, glas and Eng. brook, iDoth meaning the same.
Glazebury is near by. Of. Dom. Glese (Wore), now Glass-
hampton, and Glass Houghton (Yorks), not in Dom. W. and H.
prefer ' glassy brook,' O.E. glees, ' glass,' but are prob. wrong.
Glbaston (Ulverston). Dom. Glassertun. This impHes a name
Glasser, or the like, prob. Norse. Glasserton (Wigtown), looks the
same name; in early chronicles it seems to get confused with
Glastonbury.
Glen R. (S. Lines and Northumberland). History wanted. Either
may be Nennius § 56 Fluminis quod dicitur Glein. G. gleann ;
W. glyn, ' a glen, a valley.'
Glencune, Glendhu, and Glenwhelt (all near Haltwhistle).
Glencune is G. gleann cumhann, ' narrow glen.' Of. Glencoe
(Sc). G. dubh means ' black,' W. du, and -whelt may be W.
gwdllyn, ' blade of grass/ or ? ullta, ' a crazy one, an oaf.'
Glencoin (Ullswater) = Glencune, G. comhann, being var. of
cumJiann, and mh has become mute.
Glenderamackin E. (Keswick). VMieG., gleann dobhair or doir-a-
meacain, ' glen of the stream with the roots, bulbs, or parsnips.'
Glenfield and Glen Magna (Leicester) . 1232 Close R . Glenesfield.
Seemingly fr. a man; Glen may be contraction fr. Glcedwine, 2 in
Onom. But in Dom. is Glen, which surely must be G. gleann,
W. glyn, ' valley,' though it, too, may be a man's name. Magna
is L. for ' great.'
Glentwobth (Lincoln). Dom. Glenteum-de. Cf. grant a. 675
Glenthufe, ? in Hants. Perh. ' farm of the hard, flinty rock ' ;
Dan. and Sw. Jclint. See Clent and -worth. Glinton (Market
Deeping), sic Dom. and a. 1100, would suggest a man's name
hke Glent or Glint. None such is recorded, but prob. must be
postulated.
Glogue (Pembrokesh.). La W. Y Glog, fr. O.W. clog, ' a stone ';
Corn, clog, ' a steep rock ' ; G. clach, gen. cloiche, ' a stone.'
Gloucester. Pron. Gloster. c. 120 Lat. inscr. Glev. = Glevensis
civitas, later do. Glevi, c. 380 Ant. Bin. Gle-, Clevo, a. 700
Raven. Geog. Glebon, 681 cTiart. Gleawceasdre, 804 grant
Gleaw(e)ceastre, Lanfranc Rist. ann. 1071, Cloecistra, ib. 1080
Claudia Civitas, 1085 ib. Cleucestra, a.,1130 Sim. Dur. Glocestre,
GNOSALL 276 GOLCAB
1140 O.E. Chron. Gloucestre, c. 1160 Gesta Steph. Glocestrensis,
1375 Barbour Gloster. In W. Caerloew, as in a. 810 Nennius
Cair Gloui., Saxonice autem Gloecester. Said to be called ' camp
of Gloni ' fr. its builder, a mere guess, whilst to connect with
Emperor Claudius is to make a worse guess. Many think the
name Kelt., 'bright castle,' fr. W. glaw, 'brightness.' The
forms all have the c, in later times the soft c, and not ch (except
in Layam, Gleochaestre), owing to Nor. influence. See -cester.
Gnosall (Stafford). Dom. Geneshale, 1199 Gnowdes-, Gnoddes-
hall, 1204 Gnoweshale, 1223 Gnoushale. ' Nook, corner of '
prob. ' Oeonweald,' one in Onom. Duignan suggests ' of Cnof-
wealh/ which is very far fr. Dom. But older forms are needed.
Cf. Dom. Norfk, Gnaleshala. See -hall.
Gob6wen (Oswestry). (1298 ' Robertus Gobyon.') W. gob Owen,
' heap, mound of Owen/
GdpALMiNG (Surrey). Dom. Godelminge, a. 1199 Goldhalming.
Patronymic, fr. Godhelm. Dom. also has ' Godelannge,' Surrey;
? an error.
GoDLEY (Mottram). a. 1250 Godelegh; also cf. Dom. Surrey,
Godelei. Prob. not ' good meadow,' but ' meadow of Godd,
Godda, or Gode,' all of them names found in Onom. Cf. Gode-
stoch in Dom. Salop, and Godeston in 1 155 Pipe Devon. See -ley.
GoDMANCHiiSTER (Huntingdon). 970 chart. Guthmuncester, Dom.
Godmundcestre, c. 1150-1623 Gumecestre. 'Camp of Guth-
mund/ a name common and early, found occasionally as Gud-
mund, which is but var. of the common Godmund, ' the man whom
God' (or 'a god') 'protects,' as gu^, go^ is O.N. for 'god';
O.E. god. The contracted form Gume- is influenced by O.E.
guma, 3-4 gume, 3-6 gome, ' a man,' and Goma occurs as a name
twice in Onom. We have parallels in Goodmanham and
GuMLEY. See -Chester.
GoDSHiLL (WroxaU). 1499 Gaddishill= Gad's Hill.
GODSTOW (Oxford). Not in Dom. 1158-59 Pipe Godestov, 1161-62
ib. Godesto. ' Place of Goda,' a very common O.E. name. See
Stow. Dom. Oxon has Godendone, ' Goda's hill.'
GoLANT, Glent, or St. Sampson's (Par). 1507 Gullant. Prob.
Keltic or Com. gol land, ' holy ground.'
GoLBORN Bellow and David (Chester), c. 1350 Golborne, which
is prob. ' gosHng's burn or brook,' fr. gull sb.^ in Oxf. Diet., found
in 4 as goll, ' a gosUng.' Bellow is fr. the family of Bella Aqua
or Belleau, ' fine water,' which once held this place.
GoLCAR (Huddersfield). Dom. Gudlages arc, and argo; later,
Gouthelagh chaithes, Goullakarres. ' ShieUng/ Norse Gaelic
argh, G. airigh, ' of Gudlag ' or ' Guthlac' See Ai^glesabk, and
cf. Grimsabgh, etc. The -car comes through the influence of N.
kjarr, 'marshy ground.'
GOLDEN VALLEY 277 GOENAL WOOD
Golden Valley (S. Hereford). We find c. 1130 Richard de Aurea
Valle as King's chaplain. Said to be because the French monks
confused W. dwr, ' stream/ with Fr. d'or, ' of gold/
GoLDiNGTON (Bedford). Dom. Goldentone. * Village of Gold' or
' Gould.' Cf. Dom. Essex, Goldingham. See next and -ing.
But GoLDicoTE (Alderminster) is 1275 Caldicote, ' cold cot.'
GoLDSBOROUGH (Knaresboro') . Dom. Golborg, Goldeburg, 1179-80
Goldburg. ' Burgh, castle of Gold/ which is still an Eng. sur-
name. One Golda and one Golde in Onom. See -borough.
GoLDTHORPB (Rotherham) , Dom. Guldetorp, Golde-, Godetorp,
is fr. the same name. See -thorpe.
GoNALSTON (Nottingham). Dom. Gunnulveston, 1278 Guneliston,
1316 Gonelston. ' Town of Gunnulf-r.'
GooDMAiraAM (E. Yorks). Bede Godmundigaham. Dom. Gud-
mundham, -mandham. ' Home of Godmund ' — i.e., the man
whom God protects. O.E. mund, ' protection.' The -iga in
Bede prob. represents -ing, q.v. Cf. Godmanchester and
GUMLEY.
Goodrich (Ross, Hereford). Not in Dom. 0.'E.Godric{h), a, man's
name. A rare type of place-name. Cf. Snitter (Northumber-
land), also a. 1400 Godrichesley, now Gothersley (Stourbridge).
GooDWiCK (Fishguard). Dan. and Sw. gud vik, * good bay.'
Goodwin Sands, or The Goodwins (Kent). 1495 le Goodwine
sandes, 1546 Goodwins sands. Said to be fr. Earl Godwine, so
prominent in the reign of Edward the Confessor. Cf. The
Bedwins, sands in R. Severn, perh. fr. O.E. Beaduwine.
GooLE (Lines) . a. 1552 Leland, ' a place caullid Golflete' ; fr. the dial.
gool, found in Eng. in 1542 as goole, ' a small stream, a ditch ' ;
O.Fr. gole, goule, ' the throat.' For -flete, see Fleet.
GooNHAVERN (Pcrranporth, Cornwall). Corn, goon, ' a down, a
moorland, a marsh,' and ? some word for ' iron,' W. haiarn.
Goosey (Faringdon). O.E. chart. Gosige, Dom. Gosei, 1291 Goseye.
' Goose-isle.' See -ey. But Goosnargh (Preston), Dom. Gusan-
sarghe, is ' shieling of Gusan,' an unrecorded, prob. N., name.
See Anglesark and Grimsargh.
Gore (hundred of Middlesex, around Kilburn). c. 1134 chart. Gara,
which is O.E. or Early Eng. for ' a wedge-shaped strip of land on
the side of an irregular field.' This is a good deal earlier than
any quot. in Oxf. Diet. Cf. Dom. Wilts, Gare.
GoRLESTON (Gt. Yarmouth). Dom. Gorlestuna. The name is
doubtful; ? fr. Garweald, oi Geroldus, or Gerbold, as in Dom.
Norfk., Gerboldesha.
GoRNAL Wood (Dudley), a. 1500 Gwarnell, Guarnell. Prob. ' hall '
or ' nook ' (O.E. heall or hedlh) ' of Garnwi ' or ' Geornwig,'
GOESLEY 278 aRAINTHOEPE
names in Onom. Duignan derives fr. O.E. cweorn, cwearne,
6 quearn, ' a quern, a hand-mill/ but this is not prob. phoneti-
cally. See -hall.
GoESLEY (Glouc). Not in Dom. 1228 Close R. Gorstley. Prob.
not ' furze-meadow/ O.E. gors, ' furze, whin,' but ' meadow of
Gorst/ a name not in Onom., but still a surname. See -ley.
GosFORTH (Seascale and Newcastle). Se. G. c. 1170 Gose-, 1390
Gosford, 1452 Gosforth. ' Goose ford,' O.E. gos, 3-6 gose, ' a
goose.' But GoscoTE (Walsall), a. 1300 Gorstycote, is gorsey cot
or ' cottage among the gorse '; and Gossington (Glouc), 1189
Gosintone, is ' village of Gosa,' -an. Of. 940 chart. Gosanwelle
(Dorset). See -forth.
Gotham (Notts). Sic 1316, but Dom. Gatha. O.E. gdt ham, ' goat-
house,' 4-6 gote, 6- goat. Gotherdstgton (Bishop's Cleeve), Dom.
Godrinton, is fr. Godhere. See -ing.
GowER (S. Wales). In W. Gwyr. a. 810 Nennius Guir, c. 1188
€Kr. Camb. Goer, Ann. Camb. 1095 Goher. Prob. W. gwyr,
' awry, askew '; there is a Corn, gover, ' a rivulet '; and W. gwyr
is ' fresh, verdant.' There can be no certainty as to the name.
GowY R. (trib. of R. Mersey, Cheshire). Corrup. of W. gwy, ' water,
river/
GoxHTLL (E. Riding and Grimsby). E. Ri. G. Dom. Golse (? c),
Gr. G. Not in Dom., 1210 Gousele (where -ele prob. represents
-hale or -hall, q.v.). Difficult; more old forms needed. No
name like Golc is on record; and gowk, 4-6 goJc, O.N. gauk-r, ' the
cuckoo,' yields no I, nor is it found in Eng. till c. 1325.
GoYT R. (N.E. Chesh.). M.E. gote, 'a watercourse, a stream';
O.E. gyte, ' a flood,' fr. geotan, ' to pour,' stiU found in North, dial,
as goit, goyt. Of. W. gwyth, ' a conduit, a channel'; also ' Skir-
beck Gowt,' sic 1593, near Boston, which is a watercourse or
channel. Guyting-Power and -Temple (Glouc.) must be fr. same
root; 814 chart. Gythinge, Dom. Getinge, 1221 Guytinge, with
-ing, q.v., here in its meaning of ' place on a stream.' But
GoYTRB (Glamorgan) may be for W. coed tre, 'wood-house,
dwelling in the wood.'
Grafton (5 in P.G.). Worcester G. 884 chart. Graftune. Two in
Warwick, 710 chart. Graftone, 962 ib. Greftone, Dom. Grastone,
1189 Grafton. Northants G. 1166-67 Pipe Grafton. ' Grove
town,' O.E. grdf. See -ton.
Graham. The orig. Graham prob. was in Northumberland; c. 1195
a David de Graham witnesses a charter re Ellingham (Belford) .
The surname is found a. 1128 as Graeme, and 1139 Graha.
O.E. grd ham, ' grey house.' Of. 1179-80 Pipe Gremrig (Yorks).
Gratnthorpe (Lines). [Dom. Lines has only Greneham.] ' Village
in the forked valley '; O.N. grein, ' division, branch'; Sw. gren.
GEAMPOUND 279 GREAT KIMBLE
' a branch/ See -thorpe and Grain (Sc), also Grain, sb.'' in
Oxf. Diet., found in Eng. a. 1300. This last also means ' arm of
the sea, branch of a stream/ as in Isle of Grain (Medway).
Grampound (Truro). Corn, grawpont, ' great bridge.'
GRAN(D)BORauGH (Rugby and Winslow) . 1043 chart. Greenesburgh,
Greneburga, Dom. Grane-, Greneberge, 1260 Greneborwe,
' Burgh of Green,' not in Onom. Cf. Granby (Notts), Dom.
Granebi, and Dom. Lines., Granham. See -borough.
Grantchesteb. See Cambridge.
Grantham. Sic in Dom. ' Home of Oranta ' or ' Grant,' a name
not in Onom., but we have also Grantley (Ripon), Dom.
Grentelaia. On the meaning of Grant, see Cambridge.
Grasmere (Cumberland). 'Grassy lake'; O.E. grces, 3-6 gras,
' grass.' Cf. Graseley (Wolverhampton), sic 1282.
Grassington (Skipton). Dom. Ghersinton, 1212 Gersinton. ' Town
of Gersent ' or ' Gersendis,' both names in Onom.
(jtRATeley (Andover). Not in Dom. Prob. a. 941 Lett, to Athelstan
Greatanlea. ' Greta's lea ' or ' meadow ' ; but the name is not in
Onom. Cf. Greetham and Gratwich (Uttoxeter), Dom. Grate-
wich, which Duignan thinks 'great, large village.' O.E. great,
3 greet, 4-6 grait, grett.
Graveley (Stevenage and Huntingdon). Hunt. G. chart. Graeflea,
Greflea, Dom. Gravelei, ' grave or trench meadow.' See -ley.
Cf. Graveney (Faversham), 940 chart. Gravenea. See -ey.
Gravesend. Dom. Essex, Grauesanda, 1157 Pipe Grauesent.
c. 1500 in Arnold's Chron. Gravesende — i.e., ' at the end of the
moat.' Cf. Med. Dutch grave, ' a trench.'
Greasborough (Rotherham). Dom. once Gersebroc. One would
expect a man's name here, but on analogy of Garston this is
prob. ' grassy brook,' O.E. broc, altered to -borough (q.v.). O.E.
for ' grass ' is goers, gross. But it is also in Dom. Grese-, Gresse-
burg, prob. 'burgh, castle of Grese' or ^ Grise' — i.e., 'the Pig!'
See Gristhorpe. So Gersebroc is prob. an error.
Great Ayton (Yorks). Dom. Atun, 1179-80 Atton. Perh. ' village
of Mtta, Mtte,' or ' Mtti,' all forms in Onom. If so, not= Ayton
(Sc). It may well be =Eton; O.E. ea-tun, 'town, village on
the stream.'
Great Bookham (Leatherhead). Chart. Bocham, Dom. Bocheha.
Cf. 1224 Patent R. Bukeham (Norfk.). Prob. 'beech-built
home.' See Bockhampton.
Great Bradley (Newmarket). 1341 deed Bradeleghe; M.E. for
' broad lea ' or ' meadow.' See -ley.
Great Kimble (Bucks). Dom. Chenebella, chart. Cunebelle, 1291
Kenebelle. Cf. 903 chart. Cynebellinga-gemsere. Perh., as Dr.
GEEAT TEY 280 GRETTON
Birch suggests, called after Cunobellinus, the British King, said
to have been buried here. There is also a Cynebill or Cynobill,
brother of the Bps. Cedda and Ceadda, in Onom. Cf. Kemble
(Cirencester), a. 1300 Kenebelle.
Great Tey (Kelvedon). O.E. tih, teah, ' a paddock/
Great Witchingham (Norwich). Dom. Wicinghaha, c. 1444
Wychjrngham. ' Home of Wiching ' or ' W icing '; three of
this name in Onom., really a var. of viking, ' bay-man, sea-rover.'
Prob. here a patronymic. See -ing.
Greenodd (Lonsdale). O.N. oddi, odd-r, 'a small point of land,'
as in Odde (Norway). Cf. Greenhow (Pately Br.). O.N. haug-r,
' mound, cairn ', and Dom. Norfk., Grenehov.
Greenwich. 1013 O.E. Chron. Grenawic, Dom. Grenviz, c. 1386
Chaucer Grenewich. O.E. grene wic, ' green, grassy town or
dwelling.'
Greetham (Oakham). Dom. and 1292 Gretham. Cf. Dom. Hants,
Greteham. Prob. * Greta's home,' as in Grateley. But it may
be ' great house '; O.E. great, grecet, 3-6 gret, 4-6 greet. Greet-
LAND (Halifax) is Dom. Greland.
Grendon (Atherstone, Northampton, Aylesbury). Ath. G. Dom.
Grendon. O.E. gren dun, ' green hill.' Grindgn (Ham and Co.
Durham), H. G. Dom. Grendone, and 1183 Boldon Bk. Grendona
(Durham), is the same name.'
Gresham (Norwich). Dom. and 1426 Gressam. Older forms
needed, but prob. 'Home of Gressa,' a name not in Onom.,
but seen in Gressenhall, and cf. Greasborough, whilst
Dorri. Norfk has also Gresingaha, the patronymic form. See -ham.
Gresley (Burton-on-Trent) . Old forms needed. Perh. ' meadow
of Gresa ' or ' Gressa.' Cf. Gresham. But also cf. 1179-80
Greselea, 1283 Greseleye (S. Lanes), Grizebeck and Grizedale,
which may come fr. O.N. griss, 'a pig.' See -ley. Greis- or
Grassthorpe (Notts), Dom. Grestorp, is prob. 'grassy village';
cf. Garston.
Gressenhall (Dereham). Dom. Gressenhala, c. 1450 Gressenhale.
Prob. as above, ' nook, corner of Gressa.' It does not seem prob.
that it comes fr. grass ; no adj. grassen or gressen is known. See
-haU.
Greta R. (Yorks). O.N. griot a, 'stony, shingly river,' fr. griot,
O.E. great, ' gravel, sand, stones.' The name reappears in Lewis,
the R. Greeta or Creed, in G. Gride. We also have a R. Greet
(Notts), 958 chart. Greota, Great Bridge (Wednesbury) on a
stream called a. 1400 Grete, a. 1600 Greete, and Greet (Glouc),
1195 Greta, a hamlet on a iDrook.
Gretton (Kettering and Winchcombe). Ket. G. not in Dom.
Chron. Ramsey Gretton. Same as Girton, But Wi. G- ia
GEEYSTONES 281 GKITTLETON
Dom. Gretestan, or -stanes, c. 1175 Gretstona, prob. ' great
stone or rock/ Cf. Geeetham; and see -ton, which often inter-
changes with -stone.
Greystones (Sheffield) . Cf. 847 chart. Fram Smalen cumbes heaf de
to grsewanstane ; not this place. There is no Smallcombe in the
Gazetteers.
GmMSABGH (Preston) . Dom. Grimesarge. ' Grim's sheihng ' or
' hut." argh being N. corrup.'of G. airigh. See Anglesabk; and
cf. Sizergh (Kendal), also next.
Grimsby. Dom., and 1156 Pipe Grimesbi, 1296 Grimmesby, 1297
Grymesby. ' Grim's dwelling.'' See -by. Grim was a very
common O.E. name. Grimsby existed from the days of Cnut,
or earlier. Its origin is described in c. 1300 Havelok. There is a
Grimsbury (Berks) and a Grimstock (Coleshill) . See -stock. But
Grimscote (Whitchurch) is said to have been Kilmescote and
Kenemyscote, which, as Duignan says, is prob. ' Coenhelm's ' or
' Kenelm's cot.' There are also several Grimstons — e.g., Dom.
- Yorks and Notts, Grimeston, Grimstun, and a Grimsbury (Glouc.) .
Grim's Dyke, or Ditch op Grim, runs fr. Bradeham (High Wycombe)
to Berkhamstead (Herts). It is an ancient earthwork of un-
known origin, possibly Roman. Cf. above and Graham's Dyke
(Falkirk), which is the old Roman Wall; also Grime's Hlll
(Worcs.), 1275 Grimesput ('pit '). Grim in O.E. means ' fierce,
cruel,' common as a surname. Geimley (Worcs.) is 851 chart.
Grimanleage, ' Grima's meadow/
Grestdleton (CHtheroe). Dom. GretUntone. This seems to be a
corrup. of the common ' GrimcyteVs town,' a name also found as
Grichetel, Grinchel, Grichel. But cf. next, Grindleford (Sheffield)
and Grindalythe (see Hythe), Thirsk; neither in Dom.
Grindley Brook (Whitchurch) . May simply be ' meadow with the
barred gate'; O.N. grind. See -ley. Some would compare
Grendlesmere (Wilts) fr. Grendel, the witch in Beowulf. Cf.
a. 1000 cJmrt. Grendles bee and Grindeles pytt (Wore), and there
is a Grindelay, or ' Grendel's isle ' (Orkney) ; but see, too, above.
Grendley (Uttoxeter) is often in 13th cny. Greneleye, as if
' green meadow.' Cf. Gringley (Notts), Dom. Grenelei.
Gedstdon. See Grendon.
Grinshill (Shrewsbury). Not in Dom. Grin is prob. var. of
Grim, as in Grimsby, etc. Grimthorpe (Yorks) is in Dom. both
Grim- and Grintorp; cf. 940 chart. Grinescumb (Dorset). But
Grind ale (Yorks) is Dom. Grendale, ' green dale.'
Gristhorpe (Filey). Dom. Grisetorp and Griston (Thetford).
Dom. Gris-, Grestuna. ' Village of the pigs,' or, ' of a man Grise ';
O.N. griss, ' a pig.' Similar is Girsby (Yorks), Dom. Grisebi.
Cf. next and Greasbobough; and see -thorpe.
Grittleton (Chippenham). 940 chart. Grutelingtone, Dom. Grete-
linton. ' Village of the sons of Grutel,' a name not in Onom.
19
GEIZEBECK 282 GULVAL
Perhaps it is for the fairly common Orimcytel, var. Gr'icketel,
See -ing.
Geizebeck (Furness) and GmzEDAiiE (Cumberland). O.N. griss,
' a pig.' Cf. above. On beck, ' a brook/ see Beckebmet.
Groby (Leicester). Dom. Grobi, 1298 Grouby. ' Dwelling by the
pit." O.N. grof, Ger. grube. See -by.
Gronant (Rhyl). W. gro nant, ' sand ' or ' gravel valley.'
GxJASH R. (Rutland). Prob. O.W. gwes, 'that which moves or
goes.' Cf., too, G. guaimeas, ' quietness,' and Wash.
Guernsey. Possibly c. 380 Notit. Dign. ' Granona in Armorica.'
If so the first part of this name must be Keltic, or pre-Keltic;
perh. W. gwern, ' plain, moor, and alder tree,' with N. ending.
But it is a. 1170 Wace Guernesi, 1218 Patent B. Ger(n)esie,
1219 Gernereye; 1286 Close B. Gennere, 1447 Guernesey, 1449
Garnyse, 1454 Gernessey. Some think it is also a. 1220 Volsunga
Saga Varinsey. The name is prob. N. ' Isle of Gcerwine ' or
' Gerinus,' names in Onom., or of an unrecorded Gcern, in which
case s in 1218 will be an Eng. gen. and r in 1219 a Norse one.
See -ey.
Guild EN Mobden (Royston, Hunts) and Sutton (Chester), c. 1080
Inquis. Camb. Mordune, 1166 Mordone, 1236 Mordene. ' Moor,
down '; O.E. dun, changed into denu, ' (wooded) valley.' Later,
1255 Geldenemordon, 1317 Guldenemordon, 1302 Gylden, 1342
Gilden, 1346 Gyldene. This also prob., thinks Skeat, means
' Morden of the guild-brother,' O.E. gyldena, gen. pi. of gylda,
' a guild-brother.' But further evidence is needed. It can
hardly be the same as Dom. Goldene (Salop), with which cf.
GoldenhiU (Stoke-on-Trent).
Guildford. Dom. Gilde-, Geldeford, c. 1100 BaVph the Black
Guldedune (O.E. dun, ' hill, hiU-fort '), 1120 Geldeforda, a. 1199
Goldeford, 1298 Gildeforde. ' Ford with the toU '; O.E. ^ield,
^eld, ^yld, ' payment, tribute.'
GuiSBORo' (Yorks) . Dom. Ghigesborg ; but it is also Dom. Giseborne,
1151 Gysebume. Cf. Gisburn, and see -bourne. It is diJBficult
to say what name Ghige- represents, but prob. it is the same as
in Ginge (Berks), which is in O.E. chart. Greging, Geinge, Gainge;
Dom. Gainz, ' place of the sons of Gcega '; also cf. K.C.D. vi. 137,
Geganlege, ' Gega'a meadow.' In Ghiges- we have a strong gen.
instead of the weak -an, and Gise- is a contraction; also see next.
See -boro'.
GuiSELEY (Shipley). Dom. Gisele. ' Gisa'B lea' or 'meadow.'
See above, and cf. Dom. Norfk., Guistune. See -ley.
GuLVAL (Penzance). Sic 1521; 1536 Gulvale alias Lanesleye (1222
Lanesely). Called after (?wc?t<;aZ, Bp. of St. Malo, 6th cny. But
Lanesely must mean ' church of ' some other saint.
GUMLEY 283 GWYNFAI
GuMLEY (Leicester). Dom. Godmundelai, 1292 Gomundele. ' Lea,
meadow of Godmund'; 3 suck in Onom. Cf. Godmanchester
and GooDMANHAM ; and see -ley.
GuNNEESBTJRY (Kew). Not found till the 15th cny. 'Burgh,
town of Gunner/ N. Gunnarr, a common name in Onom. Cf'
next and Ballygunner (Waterf ord) ; and see -bury.
GuNNERSKELD (Shap). 'Well of Gunner' (see above); fr. O.N.
kelda, ' a well, a spring.' Cf. Threlkeld (Penrith).
GiTNNiSLAKE (Tavlstock) . Perh. ' Lake of Gunna '; there is one
such in Onom. On this Norse name, which means ' war,' see
the interesting discussion in Oxf. Diet. s.v. gun sb. Cf.
GuNSTON (Staffs) a. 1300 Gonestone, Gunstone. Guim is still a
common surname. Lake is already found in O.E. as lac, though
rarely. Cf. Filey. But Dom. Devon has a Gherneslete;
? this place, which may be fr. O.E. gelcet{e), ' open watercourse '
or ' jimction of roads ' (see leat, sb.), and so ' leat of Geornn ' or
' Geornwi/ corrupted into Guimislake. Cf.; too, Gtjrney Slade.
GuNTHORPE (Nottingham and Norfolk). Not G. Sic a. 1100 in
grant of 664, but Dom. Gulne-, Guimetorp, 1278 Guntorp. Nor.
G. Dom. Gunestorp. ' Village of Gunna.' See above, and
-thorpe. Possibly the name embedded is Gunhildr ; cf. GuN-
THWAiTE (Yorks), 1389 Gunnyldthwayt.
GuNWALLOE (The Lizard). Named fr. Winwaloe, son of Fragan of
Brittany, c. 550.
Gurney Slade (Bath). This looks as if the same name as Dom,
Devon, Gherneslete ; see Gunnislake. Dom. Somerset has only
Gernefelle, ' Georn's field.'
Gtjyhirn (Wisbech). 'Guy's nook' or 'hiding-place'; O.E.hyrne,
now hern, him. Guy is a common Nor. name in England. But
Guy's Clife (Warwick) is a. 1200 Gibbe- KibbecUve, a. 1300
Chibbeclive — i.e., ' Gibbie's ' or ' Gilbert's cliff.'
Gwaelod-y -Garth (Cardiff). W., 'bottom of the Httle corn-field.'
Garth must be a loan-wood, fr. O.N. gar^-r, ' an enclosure, a
yard '; but in W. it now means ' a ridge, a hill, a promontory.'
GwAUN-OAE-GuRWEN (Glam.). Looks like W. gwaen cae gwr gwen,
' moor with the field of the fair man '. There is also a II. Gwaun
or Gwayne (Pembrokesh.) a. 800 Guoun, or Gvoun; W. gwaen,
' a (wet) moor.' Cf. Waunarlwydd, Glam. (W. arglwydd, ' a
superior, a lord ') .
GwEEK (Helston). Corn, giveek ; L. vicus, 'town, village.' Cf.
Week St. Mary, etc.
GwiNEAR (Hayle, Cornwall) . NotinjDom. 1536 Gwynner. Some
would say. Corn, gwin nor, ' white earth.' Cf. Annor. But
Gwynear was a saint, killed by K. Listewdrig.
Gwynfai or -EE (Llangadock). 1317 Gwynuey. To-day W. gwyn
fai, aspirated fr. mai, ' fair field.' But -uey may= gwy, 'river.'
GYTING 284 HADSTOCK
Gyting and Temple Guiting (Cutsdean, Wore). 974 Gytincgas
^welme, Gytinc, -ges. Gyting seems a patronymic, ' place of
the sons of Gytha, Gytlie, Githa,' or ' Gida/ all forms in Onom.
See -ing. O.E. cewylme is ' a spring, a well/ See Ewelme.
Haoheston (E. Suffolk). Dom. Haces, Hecestuna. ' Town of
Hacca ' ; 2 in Onom.
Haoejstess (Whitby). Bede Haconos, Hakenes ; O.E. vers. Hecanos ;
Dom. Hagenesse. Haco nos is O.N. for ' Haco's ness ' or ' nose.'
Cf. Hackthorpe (Penrith) and Haconby (Bourne). But a farm
called Hack- or Ack-bury (Brewood, Staffs) is a. 1300 Herke-
barewe and 1304 Erkebarwe, ' burial-mound of ' an unidentifi-
able man.
Hackney (London), c. 1250 Hackenaye, Hacquenye; temp.
Edw. IV. Hackeney or Hackney. ' Isle of Hacca, Hacco/ or
* Hacun '; several so-called in Onom. See -ey. Nothing to do
with hackney, the ' horse/ which is O.Fr. haquenee, and not
found in Eng.before about 1330. Of. Hagboubne (Wallingford),
a. 900 chart. Hacca broce, Dom. Hacheborne, 1291 Hakeburn.
Haddenham (Thame and Ely). Th. H. Dom. Hadena; El. H.
K.G.D. vi. 98 Haedanham; c. 1080 Inquis. Gamb. Hadenham,
Hsederham, Hadreham ; Dom. Hadreham; 1300 Hadenham.
* Home of Hceda ' or ' Heada.' The forms with r pro n are due
to a common confusion of liquids. C/. Haden.
Haddon Hall (Bakewell). Dom. Hadun(a), O.E. for 'high hill/
hedh, ' high.'' Cf. a ' Hadune ' (Notts), in Eoll Rich. I.
Haden Cross (Dudley). Named fr. a family long resident here.
A family of Haden is found at Rowley Regis in 1417. (7/. Had-
denham.
Hadfield (Manchester). Not in W. and H. Cf. 778 chart. 'To
hadfelde 3eate.' This cannot mean 'head field,' but will be
' field of Hadd, Hada, Hadde, or Headda/ names all found in
Onom. Cf. Dom. Essex Hadfelda. Not the same as Hatfield.
Hadleigh (Suffk.) and Hadley (Droitwich) . Suf . H., not in Dom.,
a. 1200 Heddele, still the local pron. Dr. H. 1275 Hedley.
Prob. ' Headda's meadow.' But Hadley (Wellington, Salop)
is said to be old Hsethleigh, O.E. hceth, ' a moor, a heath.' It is
Dom. Hatlege, and in Dom. medial th regularly becomes d.
Hadsor. (Droitwich) is a. 1100 Headesofre, Dom. Hadesore, 1275
Haddesovere. ' Bank, edge of Headda/ O.E. ofr, obr, ' bank,
brink, edge.' See -or.
Hadstocb: (Cambridge). 1494 i^a^^/aTi Hadestok. Cf. R.Rich I.
Hadestache (Derby) . Either ' place of Hadde or Headda,' see
Hadfield; or fr. hade sb^ Oxf. Diet, 'a strip of land left un-
ploughed, as a boundary, etc' Found in 1523. Stock is the
same root as stake.
HAGGERSTON 285 HAKIN
Haggerston (London). Dom. Hergotestane. Either ' stone of
Hcergod, Heregod, or Heregyth/ all in Onom. ; or ' stone of the
heriot/ O.E. here-geatu, a feudal service, now commuted to
a money payment on the death of a tenant. See Oxf. Diet,
s.v. HERIOT. But there is or was a Haggerston (Co. Durham),
1183 Agardeston, 1213 Hagardeston, which must be fr. a man
Haggard, O.Fr. Agard, still a surname.
Hagley (Stourbridge). Dom. Hageleia, a. 1200 Hageleg. The
first half is thought to be N., though such names are very rare
in this shire. O.N. hagi, Sw. hage, ' enclosed field, pasture,' not
found in Eng., as hag sb^, until 1589. Moreprob. is derivation
from O.E. haga, with the same meaning, cognate with O.E.
hege, ' a hedge.' The -ley (q.v.) is ' meadow.' Cf. Haglow
(Awre), old Hagloe. See -low. This may be fr. a man Agga,
short for Agamund, a common name, as a form Aggemede is
found for Hagmede, also in Glouc.
Haigh and Haighton (see Hatjghton).
^Saikable (Westmld.) . Said to be High Cop Gill or ' ravine ' ; fr.
O.N. hd-r kopp-r, ' high top (of a hiU).' See -gill.
Hailes (Glouc.) and Hales (Mkt. Drayton). Dom. Hales (?),
a. 1400 Hali, Hales. Glos. H. Dom. Heile, c. 1386 Chaucer
Hayles. O.E. healh, dat. heale, Mercian halh, hale, ' a nook,
corner, secret-place,' with common Eng. pi. Some make it
' meadow-land by a river, a haugh.' See -hall. Hale (Arre-
ton, I. of W.) is Dom. Atehalle, ' nook of Ata/ 2 in Onom.,
where the personal name has fallen away. We have the simple
Hale also at Liverpool, Altrincham, Glostersh., and Chingford.
The pi. s is usually late.
Hailsham (Sussex). Not in Dom. 1230 Close R. Eilesham.
' Home of Mia,' 1 in Onom.
Hainault Forest (Essex). Old Henholt. This old form tends to
bar out connection with Hainhault or Phihppa of Hainhault,
Germany, consort of Edward III. Some think it is, O.E. hkin
(inflected form of heah), holt, ' high wood.' As likely hen
represents Dan. hegna, ' a hedge, an enclosure,' O.N. hegna, ' to
enclose.' Dom. Essex has only Henham.
Hainton (Lincoln), Dom. Hagetone, Haintone, -tun, and Hain-
WORTH (Yorks), Dom. Hageneworde. Prob. fr. same man as
in Haunton (Tamworth), 942 Hagnatun, a. 1300 Hagheneton,
and in Hanyard, 1227 Hagonegate, Hageneyate. ' Town '
and ' farm of Hagene.' See -worth.
Haisthorpe (Yorks). Dom. Aschil-, Ascheltorp, Haschetorp.
' Place of ^s- or Ascytel,' var. Askyl, Aschil. See Asselby and
-thorpe.
Hakin (IMilford Haven). Sometimes thought to be fr. the Norse
Xing Haco{n) (? which). Such an origin would be contrary to
HALAM 286 HALLOUGHTON
analogy. It may be corrup. of haven. Cf. Copen-hagen,
' merchants' haven/
Halam (see Hallam).
Hale (see Hatles).
Halesowen (Worstrsh.). Dom. Halas, 1276 Halesowayn, 1286
Halesowen. See Hailes. The Owen comes fr. David ap
Owen, prince of N.Wales, who married Emma, sister of Henry II.,
in 1174.
Halfoed (Shipston and Stourbridge). Ship. H. 950 cTiart. Halh-
ford, 1176 Haleford. ' Ford at the meadow-land,' or ' haugh,'
O.E. healh ; see -hale, -hall. But St. H. is 1343 Oldeforde.
Halifax. Curious name. It seems always (see below) to have
been so spelt, since the founding of the Church of St. John the
Baptist here soon after 1100. If so, it must be O.E. Mlig feax,
' holy (2-4 kali) locks ' or ' head of hair,' perh. referring to some
picture of the head of St. John. On the strength of a compari-
son with Carfax (see Oxf. Diet, s.v.), it is often said to mean
' holy fork ' or ' holy roads,' converging as in a fork, L. furca.
Carfax is first found in 1357 Carfuks, and not till 1527 as Carf axe,
so this origin seems quite untenable. Perh. the earliest original
document which names the place is a letter, c. 1190, which
speaks of ' ignotse ecclesise de HaHflex,' where the I seems to be a
scribe's error, and -flex must be feax. ' Holy flax ' would make
no sense. In Dom. it seems to be called Feslei. Can the Fes-
be feax too ?
Halkin (Holywell). Dom. Alchene, a puzzling form. But, as the
village now lies at the foot of a hill called Helygen, this is prob.
the origin. It means in W. ' a willow-tree.'
Hallam (Sheffield). Dom. Hallun. An old loc, 'on the slopes,'
O.N. hall-r, ' a slope'; cf. La Haule, Jersey. Halam (South-
well) is also in chart, set Halum, 1541 Halom. For a N. word
taking on an Eng. loc. form, cf. Holme-on-the-Wolds. Hallen
(Henbury), old Hel(l)en, may be fr. W. helen, ' salt '; but this is
doubtful.
Halulford (Shepperton). 969 chart. Halgeford, inflected form of
O.E. haligford, ' holy ford,' 1316 Halgheford.
Hallikeld (Yorks). O.N. heilag-r kelda, 'holy well or spring.'
O.E. hdlig, 'holy.' Cf. Gunnerskeld and 1202 Fines Helghe-
felde.
Hallingbury (Bp's. Stortford). Dom. HaUngheberia. 'Burgh,
town of the sons of ? ' Older forms needed to identify this
patronymic ; ? fr. Halig or Healfdene. See -ing.
Hallington (Corbridge, Northumbld.). Cf. 806 chart. Hahngton,
in the Midlands. Prob. a patronymic, 'Haling or Hayling's
town.' Cf. Hayling I.
Halloughton (see Haughton).
HALLOW 287 HAMEETON
Hallow (Worcester) . 816 chart. Heallingan, Halhegan, Halheogan,
963 ib. Hallege, Dom. Halhegan, 1275 Haliawe. A very puzzling
name. It surely must be meant to represent hallow, * a saint,'
then, ' the shrine of a saint/ O.E. ha^a, hah,e, pi. hah,an, 2 hale-
chen ; whilst Heall- Hal- does look as if it had something to do
with -hall iq.v.),
Ha(l)lsall (Ormskirk). 1224 Haleshal, 1312 Halesale, 1320-46
Halsale, 1394 Halsalle. Prob. ' hall of Hala ' or some such
name; Halga is the nearest in Onom. Were the name late it
might be ' Hal's hall.' Cf. ' Halsam ' in a grant of a. 675, near
Chertsey, Halstead, Halstock, and Dom. Halstune (Salop), also
Halsham (Yorks), Dom. Halsam, -em. For the ending -all cf.
Walsall, etc., and see -hall.
Halton (8 in P.O.). Leeds H. Dom. Halletun. Graven H. Dom.
Haltone, Alton, 1179-80 Pi'pe Aleton. Tring H. Dom. Haltone.
' Village with the hall or mansion.' See -hall and -ton. But
Dom. Yorks, Haltun, is now Great Houghton, and 1160-61
Pipe Nhbld., Haulton, prob. has a similar origin.
Haltwhistle (Garlisle). 1178 Arbroath Chart. Haucwy - Htle
(scribe's error), 1220 ib. Hauetwisel; later in same chart. Haut-
wisil, -twysill, 1553 Hawtwesyll, a. 1600 Hartweseil. Local
pron. Haw-tessel. The first syll. is doubtful. Some say, O.E.
hawe, ' a look-out.' The likeliest origin is O.E. hdwi twisla,
' bluish-grey confluence,' where Haltwhistle burn joins Tyne ;
O.E. hdwi, hkbwi, hcewi, 6-9 haw, ' bluish, greyish, or greenish
blue,' and see Twizel. Cf. chart. ' Hocgetwisle ' (Hants), and
Oswaldtwistle (Accrington) .
Halveegate (Norwich). Dom. Halfriate, 1157 Halvergiata. O.N.
halfr gat (O.E. geat), 'the half gate,' ? one which only closed
the entrance half-way up.
Ham (Hungerford, Richmond, and Essex). Es. H. 969 chart.
Hamme, O.E. for ' enclosure.' See -ham. But Hambrook
(WinterlDourne), Dom. Hambroc, may be O.E. hean broc, ' at
the high brook.'
Hamble, R. (Solent). Bede Homelea, c. 1450 Fortescue Hammelle
Ryce and Hammelle the Hoole. M'Clure suggests that this
may be an aspirated form of R. Gamel ; but the name is doubtful.
Hambledon (Godalming and Cosham). God. H. O.E. chart.
Hamaelendun, Dom. Hameledone, ' Hamela's fort.' Also Ham-
bleton (Selby and Preston). Both Dom. Hamelton, fr. the same
name.
Hamerton (Hunts). Dom. Hambertune, and Great Hammerton
(W. Riding), Dom. Hanbretune, look as if fr. an inflected form
of the common name Heahbeorht — Hanbeorht, Hanbert, or the
like. But Hammerton (Yorks), Dom,. Hamereton, seems
' town oifHaimhere or Haimheardus or Haimerus,' a name still
HAMMER 288 HAMPTON
surviving as Hamar. Cf. Hammersmith and -wich; also Dom.
'Nik., Hameringahala.
Hammer (Haslemere and Prescot). Not in Dom. O.E. heah mere,
' high pool ' or ' lake." Seen inflected in the name Hanmer.
Cf. Abestger Hammer and Emmer; also Hampole.
Hammersmith (London). Seems to have no old forms, and no
history before Chas. I. ' Hermodewode/ mentioned in Enc.
Brit., cannot be the same name. Nor can the place be called
from the artisan hammersmith, found in Eng. fr. 1382. There
is no such place-name in England. Prob. it is ' Hamer's smite/
O.E. smite, a rare word, prob. meaning 'a bog, a morass.'
See Smite, Dom. Smithh. It can hardly be ' Hamer's Mythe '
or river-mouth, as there is none such here. Cf. Hamerton.
Hammerwich (Lichfield) . Dom. Humerwiche, c. 1200 Hamerwich,
a. 1300 Homerwich. ' Dwelling, village of Homer ' or ' Hamar.'
Cf. Hamerton and Homerton (E. London).
Hamose (Anchorage, Plymouth). ' Home (shelter) among the
ooze,"' M.E. oaze, wose, O.E. wos, ' juice.' See -ham.
Hampole (Doncaster). Dom. Hanepol, which is an inflected form
for O.E. hean pal, ' high pool.' Cf. Hammer and Hanley.
Hampshire, O.E. Chron. 755 Hamtfinscire, c. 1097 Fhr. Wore.
Hantunscire. Hamtun is O.E. for ' home town,' which as a
place-name is spelt Hampton. There is a R. Hamps (N.E.
Stafld.), but it seems impossible to guess its origin, though
Duignan connects with the vb. hamper. It is a river so ' ham-
pered ' that it totally disappears undergroimd for a time.
Hampen (GIouc.) is Dom. Hagenpene, ' fold of Hagan.'
Hampstead (London), and Hampstead Marshall and Norris
(Berks). Lo. H. Dom. Hamestede. O.E. hdm-stede, 'home-
stead, home-place or farm.' Cf. Ashampstead (Pangboum),
1307 Ashamsted, and Finchamstead (Berks), Dom. Finchame-
stede, ' homestead with the finches.' Hampstead Marshall
was in possession of Roger le Bygod, Earl of Norfolk and Lord
Marshal of England, in 1307. Norris is fr. the Norman family
of Norreys. There is also a Hamstead (Handsworth), a. 1400
Hamp- and Hamstede, and Dunhampstead (Droitwich), 804
chart. Dunhamstyde, 972 Bunhsemstede. Hampnett (Glouc),
Dom. Hantone, but Kirhy's Quest. Hamptoneth, may be for
' Hampton heath.'
Hampton and Hampton Court (London; 11 Hamptons in P.O.).
781 Synod of Brentford Homtune, Dom. Hamntune, 1402 Hamp-
ton, 1514 7ease Hampton Courte, also Dom. Hantone (Chesh.),
Hantuna (Essex). O.E. ham has as one of its earliest, if not its
earhest meaning, ' village,' so ham-tun will mean ' enclosed, forti-
fied village,' or else ' house, home.' The letter p has a habit of
intruding itself where not needed. Cf. Bampton, Brompton, etc.
HAMPTON-LUCY 289 HANKHAM
Hampton -Lucy (Stratford, Wwk.). c. 1062 chart. Heamtun, Dom.
Hantone, and Hampton-in-Akden, Dom. Hantone, a. 1200
Hantune in Arden, are O.E. hean tun, inflected form of ' high
town/ hmh, ' high/ C/. Hanbuby. H.-Lucy has been held
by the Lucy family from the time of Q. Mary. Hampton Gay
(Oxon.) is also Heantun in 958.
Hamstall Ridwarb (Rugeley). 1004 Rideware, Dom. Riduare,
a. 1300 Rydewar Ham{p)stal. O.E. hamsteall, 'homestead.'
Cf. c. 1200 chart. Whalley Abbey Hamstalesclogh. Ridware
Duignan is prob. right in thinking to be Ridwara, ' dwellers on
the rhyd' ; only that in W. means 'ford' not 'river/ Cf.
Cantebbuby, etc.
Hanbury (Broitwich, Bromsgrove, Burton-on-T., and Oxfordsh.).
Dr. H. 691 chart. Heanburg, 757 ib. Heanbnrh, Hanbiri, 796 ib.
Heanbyrig. Bro. H. 836 chart. Heanbyrg, Dom. Hambyrie.
Bur. H. a. 1300 Hamburi, -bury, a. 1400*^ Hanbury, 1430 Ham-
bury. Ox. H. Dom. Haneberge, 1495 Hanburye. O.E. hkin
byrg is ' high burgh,' even as Hampton is often ' high town.'
But in both cases ham may be ' home ' ; prob. not. Henbuby
(Bristol), 691 chart. Heanburg, Dom. Henberie, is, of course =
Hanbuby. Of. next and Heneield. See -bury.
Hanchubch (Trentham). Dom. Hancese (-cese for -circe), 1296
Hanchurch. O.E. hean circe, ' high church.'
Handbobough or Hanbobough (Woodstock). Dom. Haneberge,
prob. O.E. hean beorge, 'high hill.'; beorgis, 'a mountain, a hill,
a mound,' and heah is ' high,' gen. hean. It may be ' cocks'
hill,' O.E. hana, ' a cock,' han-cred, ' cock-crow.'
Handforth (Manchester). Some think this is 'ford (g.v.) with a
hand-rail across it.' But Handswobth (Sheffield) is Dom.
Handeswrde, fr. a man Hand, while Handsworth (Birmingham)
is Dom. Honeswrde, a. 1200 Hones-, Hunesworth, a. 1300
Hunnesworth, ' farm of Hona ' or ' Hunna.' See -worth.
Hanging Grove (Hanley Child), Hanging Heaton (Dewsbury),
and Hanging Houghton (Nthmptn.). Dew. H. Dom. Etun,
Nor. H. not in Dom. 1230 Close R. Hangadehout. Hanging
is corrup. of O.E. hangra, ' a wood on a sloping hill.' Cf.
BmcHANGER, etc. The -dehout in 1230 seems to mean ' of
Hout,' an unrecorded name. Houghton is always a difficult
name. See, too, Heaton, and cf. Hangerbury Hill (Glouc).
Hankham (Hastings). 947 chart. Hanecan ham, prob. this place,
Dom. Henecha'. ' Home of Haneca.' Cf. Dom. Bucks, Hane-
chedene. 947 cannot be, as some think, Hanham Abbots
(Winterbourne), Dom. Hanun, -on, c. 1170 Hanum, which seems
to be the old loc. common in Yorks, ' at Hana'?,.' See -ham.
But Hankerton (Malmesbury) is 1282 Haneketon. fr. the same
name as Hankham.
HANLEY 290 HARDINGSTONE
Hanley (3 in Wore, and Staffs). Dom. Hanlege, -lie (Upton-on-
Sevem), 817 Heanley (Tenbury), Dom. Hanlege, 1275 Childre-
hanle (Hanley Child), 1332 Hanley (Potteries). Perh. all O.E.
Tiean lege, ' high meadow.' Cf. Hanbury. Childre- is gen. pi, of
child. But it is to be noted that there are 2 called Hana in Onom.
{cf. Honley) ; whilst Hanney (Berks) is 956 chart. Hannige, Dom.
Hannei, 'isle of the cock/ O.E. hana. Cf. Dom. Salop, Hanelev.
Hanwell (Ealing). Dom. Hanewelle. All these names in Han-
are doubtful as to the first syll. Hanwell must be interpreted
as Hanley is, and cf. Hanbuby. But, to show how uncertain
the ground is, Hanyard (Stafford) is 1227 Hagonegate, Hagene-
yate, with which cf. Haunton (Tamworth), 942 chart. Hagnatun,
a. 1300 Hagheneton, Hanneton, ' Hagene'a gate ' and ' town.'
Happisburgh (Norwich). Dom. Hapesburc, 1450 Happysborough.
Local pron. Hazeboro'. The name is sometimes spelt Haisboro'
and Hazebro'. The contractions are interesting; the z sound
is rare in such a case. ' Town of Happi/ though Heppo is
the nearest name in Onom. See -burgh.
Habberton (see Market Harborough).
Harbledown (Canterbury). Not in Dom-. 1360 (letter of a Fr.
chaplain) Helbadonne. 'Hill, down, O.E. dun, of Harble/
which is prob. the O.E. Heardbeald, 1 such in Onom.
Harborne (Birmingham). Dom. Horebome, c. 1300 Horebum,
a. 1400 Horboume; -bourne (q.v.) is 'brook.' O.E. hdr, M.E.
hor{e) is ' hoar, hoary, grey, old,' but har or hare often also
means ' boundary,' and this place is on the border between
Staffs, and Worcestersh. Of. Harome and Hoar Cross; also
Harridge (Redmarley), 1275Horerugge, ' ridge on the boundary '
between Worcester and Hereford.
Harborough, Great and Little (Rugby). 1004 chart. Here-
burgebyrig, Dom. Herdeberge, a. 1300 Herdebergh, -berwe,
Herburburi. ' Hereburh's town.' See -borough. But Har-
bury (Leamington) is Dom. Edburberie, Erbur(ge)berie — i.e.,
' Eadburh's burgh ' (see -borough) ; whilst Harburston (Pem-
broke) is 1307 Herbraundyston, fr. Herbrand, an early Flemish
settler. Harby (Notts) is Dom. Herdebi, cf. Hardwick.
Harbottlb (Rothbury). Sic 1595. O.E. hdr botl, 'hoary, grey
house.' Of. O.N. hdr-r, and Newbattle (Sc).
Harden (Walsall), a. 1400 Haworthyn, -werthyn, -wardyne, 1648
Harden. O.E. heah worthyn, ' high farm.' See -wardine. It
has now the same pron., but has not quite the same meaning,
as Hawarden. Harden (Yorks) is Dom. Heldetone, or ' town
on the slope,' O.E. hylde, helde.
HARDrsTGSTONE St. Edmunds (Northampton). Dom. Hardinge-
stone, but c. 1123 Hardingestroona. Thought to be a corrup.
of * Harding's thorn.' Also Hardington-Mandeville (Yeovil),
HAIiDWICK(E) 291 H ARLINGTON
Dom. Hardintone. Two Hardings in Onom. Cf. Ardington
and Hardington (Lamington, Sc). See -ton and its inter-
change with -stone.
Hardwick(e). There are said to be 26 in England. Cambs. H.
c. 1080 Inquis Cam. and K.C.D. iv. 245 Hardwic, 1171 Herd-
wice, Dom. Glouc, Herdeuuic; Bucks, Harduich, -uic; Yorks,
Hardwic and Arduuic; Durham H. 1183 Herdewyk, 1197
Herdewich; Lines. H. Dom. Harduic, 1204 Herduic. Also
K.C.D. iv. 288 Heordewica, perh. in Northants. Usually de-
rived fr. herd, ' herd's, shepherd's dwelling/ Skeat insisted
that it could be nothing else, pointing to the form Heordewica,
and to the fact that by rule eo in O.E. becomes a in our time.
This is indisputable. There is also a word Jierdwick (see Oxf.
Diet, s.v.) — Dom. 'iii. hardvices,' ? c. 1150 herdewica, 1537 herd-
wyk, which is explained as ' the tract of land under the charge
of a herd or shepherd ... a sheep farm.' But there is this diffi-
culty, that, except occasionally in Northumbld., herd is never
^ pron. hard ; and according to Oxf. Diet, neither O.E. heard,
hiord, 3- herd, ' a flock, a herd,' nor hirde, hierde, ' a shepherd,'
were ever spelt hard. So that the name, in some of its many occur-
rences, must have been thought to be O.E. heard wic, ' hard,
solid dwelling,' hard being given as 2-4 herd. Hahdwick
Priors (Southam) used to belong to the monks of Coventry.
But curiously Duignan can give no early forms for either of the
Warwk. Hardwicks. He, however, gives a. 1300 Hordewyke
for Hardwick (Eldersfield, Worstrsh.). See -wick.
Harewood (Leeds), a. 1142 Wm. Malmesb. Harewode. O.E.
hara-wudu, ' hares' wood.' Cf. Harwell. But Haresfield
(Glouc), Dom. Hersefeld, 1179 Harsefelde, is ' field of Hersa,'
though Onom. has only Heorstan.
Harkstead (Ipswich). Dom. Herchestede. ' Stead, steading, or
dweUing -place of Heorc ' or ' Hark,' still a surname. Onom. has
only one Hercus.
Harlaston (Tamworth) and Harleston (Bungay). Tam. H.
1004 cJuirt. HeorKestun, c. 1100 ib. Heorlaveston, Dom. Horulve-
stune, a. 1200 (H)erlaveston(e), a. 1300 Horlaveston. Bun. H.
K.C.D. 1298 Heorulfes tun, Dom. Heroluestuna. ' Eeoruwulf's '
or * Heorelfs town ' ; 2 in Onom.
Harlech (Barmouth) . W. hardd llech, ' beautiful rock.' So named,
it is said, when Edw. I. built a castle here.
Harley (Rotherham and Much Wenlock). Rot. H. 1179-80 Her-
lega. Mu. H. Dom. Harlege. Prob. North. O.E. for ' higher
meadow,' O.E. Mah, hiera, Angl. hera, in 5 har, her. See -ley.
Harlxngton (Hounslow and Dunstable). Ho. H. Dom. Herding-
ton, but Du. H. Dom. Herlingdone. ' Town of Harding.' See
Hardingstone. There is no name like Harding in Onom., but
cf. Harlton and the N. Erling.
HARLOW HEATH 292 HAREOGATE
Harlow Heath and Cab (Harrogate). Prob. 'grey, hoary-look-
ing hill/ O.E. hdr, O.N. Mr-r, and see -low. Car is either O.E.
can, ' a rock/ or N. kjarr, ' copse, brush wood.' Of. Dom. Essex,
Herlaua.
Harlton (Cambridge), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Harle-, Herletona,
1339 Harleton. Prob. ' Herla's village.' Of. Harlaston and
Harston, also Harlsey, E. and W. (N. Riding), Dom. Herelsaie,
Herlesege, Herselaige, ' isle of Herla.' See -ey.
Harnhill (Cirencester). Dom. Harehille, c. 1300 HarenhuU. Prob.
' grey hill,' O.E. har, -an, ' grey, hoary.' Cf. Harridge in same
shire.
Harold (Beds), old hare weald, and Harold Wood (Romford).
Prob. both O.E. hara weald, ' hare wood ' or ' forest region.'
Dom. Beds, has only Hareunelle, and it is not in Dom.
Essex.
Harome (Nawton, Yorks) . Dom. Harem, Harun, which last must
be a loc. ' at the boundaries,' O.E. Mr. Cf. Hallam, Har-
BORNE, etc.
Harpenden (Herts). 1250 Harpendene, 1298 Harpeden, and cf.
966 in B.C.S. iii. 435 Of fsere grae^an hane and lang hearpdene.
' Dean, woody vale of the harp,' O.E. hearpe. Skeat, however,
prefers to derive fr. a man Herp. Cf. B.C.S. 34, Herpes ford —
i.e., Harpford (Devon). There is also a Harpsden (Henley-
on-Thames). The differing genitives, -en and -es, are against
identifying all three. Note, too, Harpham (E. Riding), Dom.
Harpein, where the ending is prob. a corrupt loc. as in
Hallam, etc., and Harpley (Worcstrsh.), 1275 Arpeley,
Harpele.
Harperley (Co. Durham). 1183 Harperleia. The 'meadow of
the harper,' O.E. hearpere, O.N. harpari. See -ley.
Harrdstgay (N. London), a. 1300 Haringee, of which Hornsey
is a corruption. As in Harrington (Cumbld. and Northants)
and Harringworth (Kettering), Earring must be, surely, a
man's name, possibly a patronymic. There is one Hearing in
Onom., and Herring is still an Eng. surname. See -ing. The
-gee in a. 1300 is perh. the rare O.E. ge, 'region,' which
Skeat thought to be found in Ely, Bede's El-ge. But see
also -ay. Cf. Herringby.
Harrogate. The original name, a. 1600, was Haywra or Heywray,
* hedged-in corner or landmark,' O.N. Mgi (O.E. hege), ' a hedge,'
and wrda, ' comer, turn, landmark.' Cf. Wrawby. Hay and
haw are very near of kin, and both mean ' hedge,' and haw-iora
could easily refine into Harro-; while -gate is O.N. gata, ' a way,
a road,' not the same as the common Eng. gate, ' a door.'
Possibly the first syll. is O.E. heah, 3-5 hei, hey, 'high.' Cf.
Haverah and Wray.
HAEROW-ON-THE-HILL 293 HAETSHILL
Harrow-on-the-Hill. Perh. 767 chart. Gmneninga hergae. Dom.
Herges, later Hareways, 1616 Visscher Haroue on the hill.
Possibly O.E. h(Brg, hearg, 'a heathen temple/ Of. Pepper-
harrow, 1147 Peper Harow. The sb. Jmrrow is not found in
Eng. till a. 1300, as haru, harwe, and so cannot be thought of
here.
Harston (Cambridge and Grantham). Not in Dom. Camb. H.
1291 Hardeleston, 1298 Hardlistone, 1316 Hardlestone. Prob.
' Hardulf or Heardvmlfs village ' (Skeat).
Harswell (York). Dom. Ersewelle. More old forms needed.
Perh. fr. a man Erra, 1 in Onom. Perh. fr. O.E. har, ' a bound-
ary.' Cf. Harome. Hardly = Harwell.
Hartington (Buxton). Not in Dom. ? c. 1150 Grant ' Herte-
dona in Pecco (Peak).' The central r prob. represents a gen.,
'hart's hill,' O.E. herot, heorot, 'a hart, a stag.' The endings
-don and -ton often interchange (q.v.) .
Hartlebury (Kidderminster). 817 and 980 cJiart. Heortlabyrig,
985 ib. Heortlanbyrig, Dom. Huertberie, a. 1200 Hertlebery,
' Burgh of Heortla,' otherwise unknown ; but cf. Harford (North-
leach), which is 779 chart. lorotlaford, not in Dom. ; also Irth-
LINGBORO'.
Hartlepool. Bede Heruteu, id est. Insula Cervi; O.E. vsn., c. 850
Herotea. Herot, herut, or heorut is O.E. for ' hart, stag,' the
ending -eu is a variant of -ey, 'island' (q.v.); whilst ea means
' a stream, water,' which points on to the later ending -pool,
1211 Hartepol, 1305 Hertelpol. The letter I not seldom in-
trudes itself. See p. 82.
Hartley Wintney (Winchfield). Prob. Dom. Hardelie (? fr. a
man Heard), and prob. Grant of a. 675 Hertlys, Hertlye — a
spelling which must be much later than the original grant.
' Hart's meadow.' See above, and -ley. Wintney is ' Winton's
isle.' See Winchester. HLirtlip (Sittingbourne) is c. 1250
chart. Hertlepe, ' hart's leap.' Cf. Birdlip.
Harton (Yorks and S.' Shields) . Yor. H. Dom. Heretun. Cf. Dom.
Haretone (Cheshire). Doubtful. O.E. here is 'an army';
but cf. Harwell. Hartpitry (Glouc), 1221 Hardpirie, Bad-
deley thinks 'pear-tree,' O.E. pirige, ' of ' some unknown man.
Could it not be simply fr. hard, as almost all its old forms seem
to indicate ?
Hartshill (Atherstone). Dom. Ardreshille, a. 1200 Hardredes-
hulle, Hardreshulle. ' Heardred's hill,' regularly in Midland
M.'E. hull{e). This is a name to bid one beware ! But Harts -
HEAD (Liversedge) is Dom. Horteseve, for O.E. heortes heafod,
' hart's head ' or ' height,' while Harthill (Sheffield) is Dom.
Hertil. With this last cf. Hartell or Hartle (Belbroughton),
1275 Herthulle, ' hart hill.'
HARVINGTON 294 HATFIELD
Habvington (Chaddesley Corbett). 1275 Herewinton, 1340 Her-
wynton. ' Hereivine's town/ But H., Evesham, is 709 chart.
Herefordtune, 963 ib. Herefordtun juxta Avene, Dom. Herfer-
thun, 1275 Herrfortune. Here-ford-tune is, of course, ' town
of the ford of the army/ The corruption is very remarkable.
Harwell (Steventon). O.E. chart. Haranwylle, Dom. Harwelle,
Harowelle. Skeat says the man ' Hare or Hara'a well,' O.E.
hara means ' a hare ' ; but the sign of the gen. suggests a per-
sonal name. Hare- or H!arwell (Notts) is Dom. Herewelle,
prob. fr. O.E. here, 'an army.'
Harwich. Not in Dom. a. 1300 Herewica, Herewyck. O.E.
here-wic, ' army-dwelling, camp.' See -wich.
Hasbury (Halesowen), a. 1300 Haselburi. O.E. hasel byrig or
beorh, ' hazel town ' or ' hill.' Cf. Hasler, and Hascombe
(Godalming), not in Dom. But Haseield (Glouc), Dom. Has-
Hesfelde, is prob. fr. O.E. ham, haso, ' grey,' though c. 1300 we
have Hersfelde. Gf. Dom. Wilts, Haseberie. See -bury.
BLaselor (Alcester), Haselour (Tamworth), and Hasler (Solent).
Al. H. Dom. Haselove, a. 1300 Haselovere, Ta. H. a. 1300
Hazeloure, a. 1400 Haselovere. O.E. haesel, haesl ofer, ' hazel
bank ' or ' border.' Cf. Haseley (Wwk.), Dom. Haseleia, and
Asher; also Hasilden (Glouc), Dom. Hasedene, 1274 Hasilton.
See -over.
Haslingeield (Cambridge). Dom. HasHngefeld, 1284 Haseling-
feld. Patronymic, ' field of the HcesUngs ' or ' sons of Hazel,'
still a personal name. O.E. hcesel, hcesl, 'the hazel-tree.' Cf.
Hasltngden (Lanes), Haslington (Chesh.), and Heslestgton
(Yorks), Dom. Hashnton.
Hassocks (Sussex). O.E. hassuc, ' a clump of matted vegetation,'
then ' a clump of bushes or low trees.' Cf. {K.C.D. 655) 986
chart. On one hassuc upp an hrofan hricge.
Hastings. 1011 O.E. Chron. Haestingas, 1191 chart. Barones de
Hastingiis. Patronymic; at first a shire distinct from Sussex,
prob. called after the E. Saxon vildng, Hasten{g), who landed
at the mouth of the Thames, O.E. Chron. ann. 893. Cf. Croix
Hastain, Jersey.
Hatch Beauchamp (Taunton), Dom. Hache, and Hatch End
(Middlesex). Cf. Dom. Nfk. and Salop, Hach(e). O.E. hcec
3-7 hacche, 4 hach, ' a hatch ' — i.e., ' a half-door, gate, or wicket-
then, any small gate or wicket.' Cf. Colney Hatch.
Hatcham (S. London) = Atcham.
Hatfield (Worcstr., Herts, Doncaster, Holderness). Wor. H. 1275
Hathfeld, Her. H. Dom. Hetfelle, later Hethfeld, Don. H. Bede
Hethfeld, c. 850 O.E. vsn. Hse])felda, Hoi. H. Dom. Hedfeld.
O.E. hoB\> felda, ' heath field, open field.' But Great Hatfield
(Hull) is Dom. Haie-, Hai -feld or -felt— i.e., ' hay field,' O.E.
hie^, he^, 2-4 hei, 3-7 hey{e), O.N. hey, ' hay.' Cf. Heathfield.
HATFORD 296 HAVEEAH PARK
Hatford (Berks). Dom. Hevaford (meant for Hevadford), a. 1300
Havedlord, 1420 Hautford. O.E. heafod-ford, ' head-ford, chief
ford/
Hatherleigh (Devon), Exon. Dom. Hadreleia, and Hatherley
(Glouc), 1022 chart. Hegberle (? fr. O.E. hea^ burh, ' high castle
lea'), Dom. Athelai, 1150 Haiderleia, 1177 Hedrelega, 1221
Hathirlege. All except 1022 clearly ' heather meadow.' This
is. interesting, as Oxf. Diet.' 8 earhest form is 1335 hathir, and it
thinks it must be quite Northern, while postulating an orig.
hcedder, hceddre. Cf. Uttoxeter. But Hatherop (Fairford),
Dom. Etherope, 1148 Haethrop, 1275 Hatrope, 1294 Haythorp,
Baddeley makes ' hedged village,' O.E. hege, M.E. heie, ' a
hedge.' See next, -leigh and -thorpe.
Hatherton (Nantwich and Cannock). Can. H. 996 chart. Hagen-
thorndun — i.e., ' hawthorn hill ' — Dom. Hargedone, a. 1300
Hatherdone, -dene, Hetherdon. An instructive list ! See above.
Hatley St. George (Sandy). K.G.D. iv. 300 Hsettanlea, Dom.
" Hatelai, Atelai, 1284 Hattele. Cf. Dom. Hatlege (Salop).
' Hcetta's lea,' See -ley.
Hatton (4 in P.O.). Duignan says, all Midland Hattons are O.E.
hceth-tun, ' town on the heath.' Cf. Hateield. None in Dom.
Haxjghton (Stafford), Dom. Haltone, a. 1200 Halecton, a. 1300
Halechtone, Haluch-, Haleg-tone; Haughton Green (Man-
chester), 1314 Halghton; Haughton-le-Skerne (Darhngton),
a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Halhtun, 1183 Halctona, later Halughton.
This last is also the spelling of a place in Leicester, chart.
Edw. III. Thus Halloughton (Kingsbury) is the same name,
a. 1400 Halghton, Halugh-, Haluton ; the Notts one is 1291 Halton.
O.E. healh, halh, 2-3 halech, 4-7 hawgh, 5-haugh, 'a flat meadow
by a riverside.' Cf. Haigh (Wigan), Halugh (Bolton), Halton
and Haigh ton (N. Lanes), Dom. Hale tun and Houghton ; also see
-hall and -ton. Skerne is a river. But Haughton (Notts),
Dom. Hoctun, 1278 Hockton, Mutschmann derives fr. a man Hoc.
Haunton. See Hanwell.
Hatjxley -ON -Coquet, a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Hafodscalfe, which is
prob. O.E. heafodes scelfe (O.N. skjdlf-r), 'head, of the shelf or
ledge of rock.' The corruption is curious.
Hauxton (Cambridge), c. 1060 Hauekstune, Dom. Havochestun,
1316 Haukestone. 'Village of Hafoc' — i.e., 'the Hawk,' still
a personal name. Gf. Hawkesbury (Coventry), Hawksworth
and Hauxwell (Yorks), Dom. Hauocswelle.
Havant (Portsmouth). O.E. chart. Hamanfunta, 'fountain, font,
well of Hama,' 4 in Onom. The present form is simply a phonetic
wearing down of the O.E. name. Dom. is Havehunte, where
the h is prob. error for/. Cf. Chalfont and Fovant.
Haverah Park. See Harrogate.
HAVERFORD WEST 296 HAY
Haverford West (Pembroke), c. 1188 Gir. Camh. Itin. Haver-
fordia; c. 1200 Gervase Haverforde, 1603 Harford. In W.
Hwlffordd or Cseralun. ' Oats-fjord/ O.N. hafre, pi. hafrar,
Dan. havre, 'oats'; for -ford=N. fjord, cf. Waterford oppo-
site, and MiLFORD. The W. Hwl- must be a corrup. (? of hywl,
' a sail ') ; while ffordd in W. means ' a road, a passage.' The full
form Haverfordwest is found as early as 1603 Owen.
Havering (Romford). Dom. Haveringas, 1160 Pipe Hauering.
Prob. patronymic, 'place of the sons of Haver' or ' H award.'
See Haversgate, and -ing.
Haversgate Island (Orford). Not in Dom. This is prob.
' Haward's road or way,' O.E. geut. Five Hawards in Onom.
But Haverthwaite (Ulverston), 1201 Haverthuayt, will be
' oat-place ' or ' farm.' See Haverford, and -thwaite.
Hawarden (Flintsh.). Pron. Harrden. Cj. Garden. Dom.
Havrdin, Inquis. p.m. Hauwerthyn. ' Hedged farm,' Eng. haw,
O.E. haga, ' a hedge,' and see -warden. Cf. Harden, which is,
N.B., ' high farm.' The Mod. W. is Pennar Lag or ' high en-
closure by the lake,' more correctly, pen arth leg.
BLa-Wes (Earkby Stephen). O.E. and O.N. hdls, 'the neck, a col,'
common in Northern place-names for ' the connecting ridge
between two heights.' See Oxf. Diet. s.v. hause.
Hawksworth (W. Ridg. and Notts). W. R. H. Dom. Hauoc(h)-
esorde. Not.H.Z)om.Hochesuorde,c. 1190Houkeswrthe. 'Hawk's
place or farm,' O.E. heafoc, hafoc, 3-5 Jiauk{e), ' a hawk.' See
-worth. (7/. Hawkridge (Berks). 0.-£^. cAar^. Heafoc hrycg, and
940 chart. Hafuc cnollum (Pewsey, Wilts) ; also Hawkbach, a.
1400 Haukebache, ' hawk valley ' (see Comberbach) . Wherever
you have the -s of the gen. Hawk will be a man's name. Cf.
Hauxton, Hawkswick (W. Riding), Dom. Hocheswic, and
Hawksbury (Foleshill), a. 1400 Haukesbury, Hawkesbury
(Wickwar.), Dom. Havochesberie, also Dom. Kent, Havochesten.
Hawnby (Holmsley, Yorks). Dom. Halmebi, 1201 Fines Halmiby,
1298 Hainleghe. 'Meadow' or 'dwelling ' of Helm or Helma,'
2 such in Onom. Al easily becomes aw, and m often changes
into its kindred liquid n. Cf. Hawton (Notts), Dom. Holtone,
'dwelling in the holt ' or 'wood.' See -by and -leigh.
Hawstead (Bury St. Edmunds). 1298 Haustede. 'Place (Sc.
' steading ') with a hedge or fence,' O.'Ei.haga, 4-9 haw{e). Haw,
O.E. haga, and hay, O.E. hege, are, of course, cognate, and both
mean ' hedge,' but they are not the same words.
Haxby (York). Dom. Haxebi. ' Dwelhng of Hacca,' 2 in Onom.
Cf. Haxey, Doncaster; (see -ej). See -by.
Hay (N.E. of Brecon), c. 1188 Gir. Camb. Itin. Haia, Haya.
O.E. hege, 4-9 hay{e), ' a hedge, a fence,' cognate with haw, and
hedge. Cf. above and Oxhey. In W. it is Tregelli, ' house
HAYDOCK 297 HEBBURN
among the woods/ Haywood, Great (Rugeley) is Dom. Hai-
wode.
Haydock (St. Helen's). 1168-69 Hedoc, 1170-01 Heddock, 1286
Haydok, 1321 Heydok, 1565 Heghdoyk. Seems to be O.E.
hege-docce, ' hedge of dock or docken.' Cf. Docoombe and Hay.
Dock for ships is a late word. W. and H. are quite uncertain,
and suggest a man's name, unknown, for the &st part, and O.E.
dc/ oak,' for the second. Hayden (Glouc), 1220 Heidun, 1222
Heydunn, certainly seems fr. O.E. hege, M.E. heie, 'hedge,'
whilst Hayton (Notts), 1154-89 Haythona, may be fr. O.E.
hcep, ' a heath.'
Hayes (Uxbridge). 793 chart. Haese, Dom. Hesa, later Hease,
Heyse, Hays. Doubtful; perh. for O.E. hasu, heasu, 'grey or
tawny-looMng.' Possibly fr. O.E. ces, 2 ese, 4 hes, ' carrion ' ; for
ending -a or -e= ' watery place,' see -ey.
Hayle, The, or Saltings R.. (Bodmin). Corn, heel, ' a tidal river.'
Hayltng I. (Portsmouth). Dom. Hahngei. Prob. a patronymic,
-" ' isle of the Halings,' though there is no such name in Onom.
Cf. Hallington, and -ey.
Hazlehubst (Cobham). Grant of c. 675 Hasulhurst, c. 1200 Ger-
vase Heselherste. ' Hazel-tree wood,' O.E. hcesel, and see -hurst.
Cf. Haslewood (W. Riding), Dom. Heselewode.
Headless Cboss (Redditch). Curious corrup. 1675 Hedley's Cross.
We find a Wm. de Hedley in this district in 1275.
Healaugh (Tadcaster). Dom. Hailaga, Helage, O.E. heah leah,
' high meadow '; -laugh is a rare form of -leigh or -ley (q.v.).
Cf. next and Headon (Notts), Dom. Hedune.
Healey (Masham and Rochdale), and Healeyfield (Co. Dur-
ham). Dur. H. 1183 Boldon Bk. Heleie, -ey. O.E. hkth leak,
' high meadow.' High is 4-6 hee, he, hie. Cf. above and
Heaton ; and see -ley.
Heapham (Gainsborough). Not in Dom. Cf. 1200 chart. Hepe-
dale. Prob. ' home of Heppo,' several in Onom. Perh. fr. O.E.
heope, ' the fruit of the wild rose,' a hip, 4-5 hepe 5 heepe. Cf.
Hepworth.
Heathfield (Sussex and Newton Abbot) . Sus. H. not in Dom., local
pron. HefEul. Ne. H. Dom. Hetfeld, -felle — i.e., ' heath field.'
See Hatfield and cf. ? c. 1150 Grant Hethcote, Peak District.
Heaton (7 in P.G.). Dom. Hetun, Etun (Yorks), Hetune (Salop).
O.E. heah, 4-6 hee, he, hie, ' high.' Similarly Headon and Hedon
(Hull) are ' high hill.' Cf. Healey ; and see -ton.
Hebburn (Jarrow) and Hebbttrn Bell (hill, Belford). a. 1130
Sim. Dur. Heabyrn and Hybberndune. Heabyrn is certainly
Early Eng. for ' high burn or brook,' O.E. heah, hea. Hybbern-
looks more Hke ' hip-bum,' brook along which the hips grow,
20
HECKFIELD 298 HELMINGTON
4-6 hejpjpe, 6-7 hep. Cf. above. The personal name is usually
spelt Hepburn. See Hepboene. Bell, of course, refers to
the shape of the dune or hill; Oxf. Diet, gives no instances of
such a usage.
Heokfield (Basingstoke). 'Field of Heca' ; one was Bp. in
Sussex, 1047. Gf. 836 chart. 'Heccaham.' Dom. has only
Heceford. We get the patronjonic in Heckington (Lines).
Cj. Dom. Nfk. Hechincham.
Heddington (Calne) . ' Town of Headda ' or ' Hedde/ a common
O.E. name. Cf. 1158-59 Pipe Hedendon (Oxfd.), and Dom.
Essex Hidingeforda. Perh. patronymic. See -ing.
HEDNEsroKD (Cannock), a. 1400 Hedenesford, Edenesford. 'Ford
of Heoden.' Cf. B.C.S. 544 Hednesdene, and Henshaw, Halt-
whistle, old Hedneshalgh. See Haughton.
Hed WORTH (Jarrow). a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Heathewurthe. ' Heath-
place.' The d ending for heath is seen also in the Ger. and Du.
heide, O.N. hei^-r. See -worth.
Heeley (Sheffield). 'High lea or meadow'; O.E. heah, 4-6 hee,
he, hie. Cf. Healey ; also Heigkley Gas. (Staffs). Dom.
Heolle, a. 1300 Helegh, HeUey. Duignan makes this a hybrid
fr. W. heol, ' a road, a way.' See -ley.
Heigham Potter (Norfolk). Dom. Hecham, 1444Heigham Porter
and H. Potter. ' High home,' O.E. heah ham, 4-6 heigh, as
still in Sc. Cf. Heighton (Sussex), and Higham. Potter is a
corrup. of Porter through the vanishing of the hquid r.
Hellesden (Norfolk). 1450 Heylesden, -don, Haylysdon. 'The
woody vale ' or ' the hill of ' some man with a name in O.E.
beginning with HcbI- or Heal-. There are several such. Possibly
fr. the Scandinavian ogress Eel, the Northern Proserpine ; hence
the Eng. hell. Dom. has only Helesham. Cf. Helston; and
see -den and -don.
Hellifield (Skipton). Dom. Helge-, Haelgefeld. Either ' Eelgi'a
or Helga's field'; or fr. O.E. halig, haleg, 3-4 heli, ' holy.' Cf.
Helbeck (Aysgarth, N. Riding), 1230 Close B. Helebec. See
-beck, and HeUaby (S. Yorks), Dom. Elgebi.
Helmdon (Brackley). ? Dom. Elmedene {Oxf. Diet, has no spelling
of elm with h). Prob. O.E. helm-dun, ' top of the hill,' fr. helm,
' top, summit, then, helmet. ' Cf. ' Helm o' the Hill ' (S, of
Felton), and next.
Helmingham (Stowmarket). Sic in Dom. Cf. 838 cJiart. Hel-
manhyrst. ' Home of the sons of Helma ' or ' Helm.' Cf. next,
and Dom. Yorks Helmeswelle, now Emswell; and see -ing.
Helmixjgton (Bps. Auckland), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Hehne, Healme,
which is O.E. for ' top, summit '; taken later for a proper name,
and -ington added. Cf. above.
HELMSLEY . 299 HENDON
Helmsley (N. Yorks). Dom. Elmeslac (3 times), Hamelsec (4
times) Almeslai (once). The last form is the present name, the
man ' Helm's meadow/ Cf. above. But the other forms look
like ' Helm's ' or else ' Hamel's oak/ O.E. dc. See -ley.
Helperby (York). Sic 1441, but Dom. Hilprebi, Ilprebi. ' Dwell-
ing of Helpric or Helpericus/ names in Onom. To make it
' dwelling of the helper ' (a word in Eng. a. 1300) would be
contrary to analogy. Cf. Heuerthoepe (Yorks), Dom. Elpe-
torp, and next. See -by.
Heupringham (Sleaford). Dom. Helpericha, -rincham. ' Home of
the sons of HeVperic' Cf. Helperby, and see -ing.
Hbkpston (Mket. Deeping), a. 1100 chart. Helpeston. ' Dwelling,
village of Helpo/ 2 in Onom. Cf. the mod. name Helps, and
Dom. Bucks Helpeswrth,
Helston (Falmouth). Sic 1432, 1200 HeUeston. Possibly hybrid,
fr. Corn, hellas, ' a marsh.' But cf. Hellesden.
Helstry Kingsley (Cheshire). It prob. is the goddess ^ Hel's
tree.' Cf. Hellesdon, Oswestry, and Helsby (Cheshire),
Dom. Helesbe.
Helvellyn ((Mtn., Cumberld.). Prob. Kelt, for 'yellow-looking
slope,' hel felyn. Corn, velen, ' yellow.' But hel is a somewhat
doubtful Kelt. root. There are 3 places in Wales in P.G.
called Velindre or ' yellow house.'
Hemel Hampstead (Herts). Dom. Hamelamestede, Henamestede
(error), 1303 Hemelhamstead. 'Homestead, home place,'
O.E. hdm-stede, ' of Hemele,' several in Onom. Cf. Hemsworth,
also Hemlington (N. Riding), Dom. Himelintun, Himeligetun,
a patronymic fr. Hemel ; Dom. Norfk. Hemehngetun. See
-ing. Hempstead (GIouc), Dom. Hechanestede, c. 1120-30
Heccamstede, 1230 Ehamstede, may mean ' high homestead,'
O.E. heah, ' high,' or may be fr. Hecca, -an, a man. It is often
found in full as Heyhamstede, etc.
Hemingburgh (Selby), Knytlinga Saga Hemingaborg, and Hem-
INGBY (Horncastle), Dom. Hamingebi. ' Fort of Heming,' and
' dwelling of Heming,' 3 in Onom. See -burgh and -by.
Hempnall (Norwich). Dom. Hemenhala. Cf. c. 1490 ' Hem-
nales ' (Suffolk). 'Nook of Hemma,' 3 in Onom. For intru-
sion of p, cf. Brompton, Hampton, etc. Cf. Hempshill
(Notts), Dom. Hamessel, c. 1200 Hemdeshill, Hemsby (Gt.
Yarmouth), and 1166-67 Pipe Heimbia (Devon). See -hall.
Hemsworth (Wakefield). Dom. Hameleswrde, Hilmeword. 'Farm
of Hamele.' Cf. Hemel Hampstead; and see -worth.
Hendon (London). O.E. chart. Hean dun (inflected form) Dom.
Handune. A Keltic origin is out of the question. It is plainly
' high hill,' as it is; or else possibly ' Hean'a hill.' Cf. B.C.S.
HENFIELD 300 HEEEPORD
246 Heanes pol, also Henstill (Sandford, Crediton), 930 chart,
Henne stigel, where henne is either O.E. for ' hen/ or inflected
form of heah, ' high ' ; stigel is ' a step, a ladder, a stile/ Hen-
CASTEB (Wstmld.), Dom. Henneeastre, must be ' high camp/
whilst Hen ACRE (Glouc), c. 1196 Heneacre, is ' high field,' and
Henbareow (same shire), ' high tumulus/
Henfield (Sussex). Dom. Hamfeld. As the Hquids m and n so
often interchange. Ham- is prob. O.E. Man, inflected or loc.
form of hexih, ' high,' so ' high field.' Cf. Hanbtjry and Hen-
knolle, 1183 in Boldon Bk., Durham.
Hengston Hill (Cornwall). O.E. Chron. 835 Hengesterdun. ' Hill
of Hengest,' but not necessarily the comrade of Horsa, a.d. 449.
O.E. hengest means ' a male horse, usually a gelding.' C/.
HnsrcKsEY etc. A Hengest, vassal of the Danes, is mentioned
in Beowulf and other early O.E. poems, Baddeley thinks
Hengaston (Berkeley) may be for O.E. Man gcerstun, 'high
grass-town.' Cf. Wallgaston, near by, 1243-45 Walhamgarston.
Henham (Bps. Stortford). Sic in Dom., c. 1220 Elect. Hugo
Hengham. O.E. hean ham, 'high house,' hean inflected form
of heah.
Henley (R. Thames, and in Arden), Th. H. 727 chart. Henlea,
Dom. Henlei ; Wwk. H. a. 1200 Henlea, a. 1400 Henley in Arde(r)n.
Either O.E. hean ledh, 'high meadow,' heah being inflected, or
henn-ledh, ' hen meadow.' There are also ' Henley ' (Ipswich)
and 'Henlei,' Dom. Surrey. E. and W. Hendred (Wantage).
O.E. chart. Henna rith, is ' hens', water-hens' riU.' Henwood
(Solihull), a. 1200 Hinewud, is more Hkely fr. O.E. hina, 3 hine,
5 heynd, 7 hiend, ' a hind, a servant'; but Heniviarsh (Glouc),
1236 Hennemerse, will be ' moor-hen marsh.'
Hensall (Whitley Br.). Dom. Edeshale, which seems to be for
' Mdan's ' or ' Edan's nook.' See -hall. But Henshaw (Halt-
whistle) is c. 1147 Hethingeshalch; also Hedneshalgh — i.e.,
' Heoden's haugh ' or ' river -meadow,' influenced by North.
Eng. shaw, O.E. scaga, ' a wood.'
Hensteidge (Somerset). Dom. Hengesterich, O.E. chart. Hen-
gestes ricg, O.E. for ' Hengest's ridge.' See Hengston.
Hepborne or Hayborne (Wooler). c. 1330 Hebhorn, 1363 Hib-
burne, 1366 Hebburne. 'Burn, brook with the hips,' the fruit
of the wild rose, O.E. heope. Mope, 4-9 hep{e). Cf. Hebburn,
Hepworth (Huddersfield) . Dom. Heppeword. ' Farm of Heppo/
Cf. Heapham; and see -worth.
Hereford. 1048 O.E. Chron. Herefordseir, 1260 Herford. ' i'ort
of the army,' O.E. here. Curiously, we get much older forms,
s.v. Harvlngton (Evesham), which is 709 Herefordtune, etc.
In 1161-62 Pipe we still read of ' Herefort in Waliis.'
HEEMANSOLE 301 HEVER
Hermansole (farm, Canterbury) . ' Herman's pond or pool/ O.E,
sol, ' mire, a muddy place,' now only Kent. dial. sole. Cf.
Maydensole (Dover) .
Heenb Hill (London) and Herne Bay (Kent) . Cf. K.C.D., iii. 279:
'Eamhylle/ O.E. hyrne, M.E. herne, him, 'a corner, nook,
hiding - place.' Cf. Dom. Hants Heme, and Essex Witbrictes
herna.
Herringby (Norfolk). Dom. Harringebi, c. 1456 Haryngby.
' Dwelling of Herring.' Still a surname, patronymic fr. Heara,
gen. Hearan. C/. Herringswell (Mildenhall). See -by.
Herringeleet (Suffolk). Dom. Herlingaflet, 1361 Herlyngflet.
' River of the Herlings ' ; patronymic, (?) fr. Herlewine, 3 in Onom.
Of. K.G.D. 782 Herlingaham or Hurlingham. See Fleet.
Hersham (Walton-on-Thames) . Not in Dom., but cf. Dom. Norfk.
Hersam. ' Home of ' some one of the many men with names in
Here-, Heremod, Heresic, Hereweald, etc.
Herstmonceux (Pevensey). ' Hurst, forest (of Anderida), belong-
ing to the Norman family Monceaux.' O.E. hyrst means ' a
knoll, a hillock,' as well as ' a wood.'
Hertford. Bede Herutford, 1087 Ordinance Wm. I. Hertfordscire,
1258 Hurtford. ' Ford of the hart.' O.E. heorut, 3-6 hert, ' a
hart.' The mod. pron. of the place-name always has the a
sound. Cf. Harford (Glouc), 743 chart. Heort ford, 802 ih.
Hereforda, Dom. Hurford, 1221 Harford.
Hesblton, Monk and Cotjd (Durham), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Hesel-
dene. ' Dean, den (wooded), valley with the hazels.' O.E. hcesel.
Hesketh Bank (Southport). 1283-92 Heskayth, 1292 Eskayth.
Wyld says, O.N. hest shei^, ' race course.' It seems possibly a
plural form of W. hesg, ' sedges.' Cf. Werneth, ' place of
alders ' ; but the ending -ayth is against this ; also the rarity of
W. names here.
Hesltngton. See Hasltngeield.
Hessle (Hull). Dom. Hasele, which must be O.E. hcesel-liah,
' hazel mead.' {Of. Dom. Salop, Hesleie, and Hesley, Notts,
1217 Heselay.) But it seems to be 1179-80 Pipe Hessewell,
Hesiwald, which corresponds with an Ashwell or Heswell, 1239
in Galend. Pap. Reg., i. 181, ' ash-tree well.' Cf. 1298 ' Gerardus
de Hesebrygge.'
Hetton (Skipton). Dom. Hetune. O.E. heah tun, 'high town.'
Cf. Hewick (Yorks), Dom. Hawie. But Hetton -le -Hole (Co.
Durham) seems to be 1516-17 Durham Ace. Rolls Hett, where
Hett is doubtful.
Hever (Eden Br.). Sic 1327, but 1278 Heure, also Evere. Prob.
for he-over, or he-oure, ' high bank,' OE. heah ofr. Of. Heeley
and Wooler, and see= over.
HEVEESHAM 302 HIGHAM FEREEES
Heversham or Ever- (Westmld.). Dom. Eureshaim, a. 1130 Sim.
Dur. Hefresham. ' Home of Eojor ' — i.e., ' the wild-boar.'
See -ham.
Hewobth (Felling, Durham) . 1183 Ewwrth . Prob . 0 .E . tw worth,
' yew-tree farm ' ; but possibly fr. a man Eva, Eua, or Ewa.
Such names are known. See -worth.
Hexham. Prob. c. 410 Notitia Axelodunum, Bede Hagulstad,
c. 1097 Orderic Haugustalda, a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Extoldesham,
a. 1200 John Hexham Hestoldes-, Hextildesham, c. 1300 Hexe-
lesham, 1421 Hexhamshire. A curious and difficult name. The
Notitia name is not certainly Hexham. If it is, Axelo-dunum
is certainly Kelt, for 'high hill/ and the O.E. name may be a
corruption of this. But O.E. hagosteald is ' a young soldier, a
bachelor.' Cf. B.C.S., i. 97, Haegstaldes cimib (Somerset). It is
often said to be ' home on the Hestild.' Two brooks, said once
to have been called Hextol and Halgut, now the Cockshaw and
Cowgarth bums, meet here.
Hextablb (Swanley). Not in Dom. Perh. ' hatch staple,' O.E.
hcBC, -ce, M.E. hec, hek, ' a hatch, wicket-gate,' and stapol, ' a
pole or pillar marking the boundary of an estate.' Cf. Hexton
(Bewdley), 1227 Hekstane. However, the names Heca, Hecca,
and Heed are common in O.E., and may well be postulated here.
Cf. HexthIoep (Yorks), Dom. Hestorp, Estorp.
Heybridge (Maldon). Prob. Dom. Hobruge {cf. Hoe), ? c. 1250
Visitation Churches belonging to St. Paul's Heubrege. Prob.
' high bridge,' O.E. heah, 3-5 hey, hei; possibly fr. O.E. heg, heg,
3-7 hey, 'hay.' Cf. Roll Rich. I., ' Haiscot ' (Essex). ^ The
Heydons (there are several) are prob. all ' high hill.' Cf.
1166-67 Pipe Hidon (Devon). Cf. Eyam.
Heysham (N. Lanes). Dom. Hessam, 1094 Heseym, 1216 Hesam.
' Hesa's home.' Cf. Hessle, and see -ham,
HiBALDSTOW (Brigg). a. 1100 Grant of 664 Hibaltestow, 1179-80
Hybaldestow, Hibolstowe. ' Place of Hibald ' or ' Hygebeald,'
common in Onom. See Stow.
HiCKLETON (Doncaster). Dom. Chicheltone {cf. Keighley), Ichel-
tone. ' Town of Hicel.' See next.
HiCKLTNG (Melton Mowbray). Dom. Hechel-, Hegelinge, 1298
Hikellinge. Prob. a patronymic. Cf. B.C.S. 862, ' Hiceles wyrfe '
(Salisbury). ' Place of Hicel's descendants.' Cf. above.
HiGHAjM Ferrers (Northants). c. 1060 chart. Hecham, 1465 Rolls
Parlmt. Heigham Feres. ' High house or home,' O.E. Mah,
4-6 heigh. Cf. Heighah. William Ferrers, Earl of Derby,
became lord of the manor here in 1199. But Highnam (Glouc),
old Hynehamme, is ' the enclosure of the hind'^,' or ' servants.'
See -ham.
HILBOROUaH 303 HINDERWELL
HiLBOROUGH (Norfk.) [Dom. Hildeburhwella] and Hillborough
(Stratford, Wwk.). Str. H. 710 chart. Hildeburhwrthe,. Zafer
Hildeborde, Hildebereurde ; a. 1200 Hilburgewrth ; 1317 Hilde-
boreworth. A very interesting corrup. — a woman, ' Hilde-
burh's farm/ Gf. "^Hilston (Holderness), Dom. Heldovestun,
Heldeweston, ? fr. Heldwulf, one in Onom.; whilst Hilcote
(Gloue.) is old Hyldecote, fr. O.E. hylde, ' a slope/
HiLBREE I. and Point (Cheshire). 1577 Hilbery. Possibly W. hel
bre, ' bank on the hill or brae.' Eng. bree sb' ' eye-brow ' {Oxf.
Diet.) never seems used for ' brae ' or hill-slope, though Skeat
says it doubtless had also this sense. Of course, Hilbery could
mean ' hill-fort ' or ' burgh,' only burgh or bury very rarely
becomes bree.
HrLDENBOBOUGH (Toubridge), not in Dom., and Hildenley
(N. Yorks) . Dom. Hildingeslei, Ildingeslei. This last is ' meadow
of Hilding/ patronymic fr. Hilda.' The first name may be fr.
the simple Hilda. Hillesley (Wickwar) is Dom. Hildeslei.
See -borough and -ley.
Htldersham (Cambridge) . Dom. amdichart. Hildricesham. * Home
of Hilderic,' one in Onom. Gf. Hinderwell. Hildebthobpe
(Yorks) is Dom. Hilgertorp, or ' Hildegar's village.'
HiLGAY (Cambs) . c. 1080 Inquis. Gamb. Hehngheie, Ramsey Ghron.
Helingeye. Patronymic. 'Isle of the Hellings.' Gf. Hel-
lingly (Sussex), and see -ay.
Himbleton (Droitwich). 816 chart. Hymeltun, Dom. ffimeltun;
and HiMLEY (Dudley), Dom. HimeHc ;, a. 1200 HumiHleg, Humi-
leg; a. 1300 Humilele, Hymele. Perh. 'town' and 'meadow
of Hemele/ common in Onom. Duignan, owing to lack of all
sign of the possessive, prefers to derive fr. O.E. hymele, ' the
hop plant,' and refers to Hemlington and Hambleton (Yorks),
which are both fr. a man Hamel or Hemel. But there is at
Himbleton a stream, 956 chart, hymel broc, which does seem
' hop-plant brook,' and the early spellings also favour ' the hop-
plant ' origin.
Hinckley (Leicester). Dom. HincheUe. ' Meadow of Hynca,' one
in Onom. See -ley. But for Hincaster, see Hencaster,
' high camp.' Htnchwick, Condicote, 1294 Henewyk, 1307
Hynewyke, is perh. O.E. henge wie, ' steep village. Gf. Hinks-
FORD.
Hinderwell (N. Riding). Dom. Heldrewelle, Hildre-, Ildrewelle;
1179-80 Pipe Hilder-, HirderwaUe. ' Well of HiU or Held.*
The r may be the N. gen., but we also find 3 Heldreds and a
Hilderic in Onom. The liquids I and n do interchange. Gf.
Hn^DERSHAivr and Hinderskelf, now Castle Howard (Yorks),
Dom. Hildreschelf, Ilderschelf . Shelf often occurs for ' ledge
of rock.'
HINDLIP 304 HISTON
HiNDLip, Hestlip (Worcester). 'Hind's leap/ O.E. hlyf, 3 lijp, ' a
leap/ Cf. BiBDLip.
HiNGHAM (Norfolk). Dom. Hincham, often, 1452 Hengham. Pos-
sibly contracted fr. ' Hengest's ham' or 'home.' Older forms
needed. Onom. has one Hength.
Hjnksey (Oxford). O.E. c^arMIengesteseie, -ige; 1297 Hencsei.
'Hengest's isle.- Of. Hengston and Hinxworth. Hinks-
FORD, Kingswinsford, is 1271 Henkeston, 1300 Hinkesford,
more prob. fr. Hynca, as in Hingkley.
Hesttlesham (Ipswich). Dom. and sic 1157. Puzzling. The
nearest name in Onom. is Hinwald or Hinieldus. Possibly
Hintel is dimin. of the known name Hunta. See -ham.
HiNTON Waldrist or Waldridge (Berks; 10 Hintons besides in
P.G.). Dorset H. chart. Hine-, Hyneton; Ber. H. B.C.S.,
iii. 228, Heantunninga, Dom. Hentone ; Cambs H. Dom. Hintone ;
Glouc. H. 1303 Henton. The B.C.S. form means ' dwellers in
Heantun ' — i.e., ' high town/ O.E. Man, dat. of heuh, ' high/
But the Hintons are not all the same, and come most of them
fr. O.E. hina, gen. of hiwan, ' domestic servants, hinds,' or else
fr. hind, ' a female deer.' See -ton. Waldrist is fr. O.E.
WeaUric. He was King's Chancellor 1100-35. See Chron.
Ahing., ii. 127.
Hints (Tam worth and Ludlow). Tarn. H. Dom. Hintes, a. 1300
Hyntes. Duignan thinks W. hynt, ' a road, way,' with Eng. pi. s.
Henxton (S. Cambs). and Hinxworth (Herts) Ramsey Chron.
Hengestone, 1277 Hengeston, 1341 Hyngeston. Dom. Hain-
geste uuorde. ' Hengest's farm ' and ' village.' Cf. Hinxton
(Essex) and Hinksey, and see -ton and -worth.
Hipperhouvie (Halifax). Dom. Huperun. It seems hard to ex-
plain Huper or Hipper. There is nothing likely in Onom. unless
it be Hygebeorht or Hubert ; but it may be a dissimilated form
of hippie, 5 hupple, see next, and mean ' at the little heaps,'
-un being an old loc, which either becomes -holme, ' riverside
meadow,' or -ham, q.v.
HiPSWELL (Richmond, Yorks). Dom. Hiplewelle, c. 1538 Leland
Ipreswel. There is no name at all likely here, so this must be
' well at the hippie,' or ' little heap,' first recorded in Oxf. Diet.
in 1382 as hypil, heepil, and derived fr. O.E. * hiepel, hypel,
cf. Ger. hail f el.
HmwAiN (Aberdare). W. hir gwaen, 'long plain' or 'meadow/
It anciently stretched for ten miles.
HissiNGTON (Herefdsh.). Dom. Hesintune. Prob. ' town of Hesa,'
a name not in Onom. Cf. Dom. Bucks, Hesintone.
HiSTON (Cambridge), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Hestitona, Dom.
Histetone, Histone, 1 165 Hestona. ' Village of Hesta or Hcesta.'
HITCHIN 305 HOCKWOLD
HiTOHiN. Dom. Hiz, 1210 Hiche, 1303 Huche, 1346 Hicheyn, 1541
Hechjm. Dom.'s Hiz = Hits. The name, it would seem, can
only mean Hicca's (place) ; a Hica and a Hicca in Onom. Had
the -in been early it would prob. have represented an old loc,
but it seems quite late. For similar names (which are rare)>
cf. Beedon, Brailes, Coven, etc. The R. on which it stands,
formerly the Hitche, seems to have been rechristened Hiz after
Dom. HrrcHAM, Ipswich and Maidenhead, ' Hicca's home,'
show what the normal forms of this name would have been.
HixoN (Stafford). Dom. Hustedone, a. 1300 Huntesdun, Huhtes-
Hucste-, Hucces-, Huncesdon; a. 1600 Hickston, Hixeton. It
is on a ' hill,' and the ending is clearly -don, q.v. The proper
name which comes before is a puzzle. Huch, Hucco, and Huctred,
var. of U hired, are the nearest in Onom. In Dom. st usually
stands for guttural ch or gh.
Hoar Cross (Burton-on-T.). 1248 Harecres, 1262 La Croiz, 1267
Orcross, 1268 Horecros. 'Boundary cross,' O.E. Mr. See
Harborne. This Hoar- in later spellings of place-names is
often corrup. into Whore. Cf. the Hoarstone (Bewdley), 1275
Richard o' th' horeston. Another in Glouc.
HoARwiTHY (Ross). 1Q05 chart. To ]jam haran wifie, ' to the old
withy or willow,' O.E. withig.
HoBOROUGH (Kent). 838 chart. Holebeorh; also Holenbeorh,
-beorge, ' hill, mound of Hola.' See Barrow.
HoBY (Leicester). Dom. Hobie. ' Dwelling on the Hoe ' or ' hill.'
Cf. HuBY, and see -by.
Hockerhj^ (Herts and Wore). He. H. c. 1250 Hokerhuka, 1491
Hokerelle. ' Hill of the hooker,' or ' thief who steals with a
hook.' Not in Oxf. Diet, till 1567. So Skeat. Perh. Hocker-
TON (Notts), Dom. Hocre-, Ocreton, may be the same, and not fr.
a man Hoc with N. gen. r. All is doubtful.
Hockley (Birmingham and Essex). Bi. H. 1327 Hockele, 1332
Hockelaye. Cf. Dom. Surrey, Hoclei. Prob. ' meadow with
the hocks, holly-hocks, or mallows,' O.E. hoc. Skeat thought
Hoc- a M.E. hardening of O.E. hoh, ho, ' promontory, abrupt
height. Hoe,' though the Oxf. Diet, does not confirm this. Still,
next is very possibly so derived; so, too, O.E. chart. Hants,
Hocgetwisle. See Twizel: also cf. Dom. Leicr. and Notts,
Hoches, ?=' heights,' and Beds, Hocheleia, and Hocberry
(=-bury), Glouc.
HocKLiiTB (Beds). Old Hocclyve. Seen also in the name of the
15th cny. poet Occleve or Hoceleve. Prob. ' promontory chff,
projecting cliff.' See above and Cleveland.
HocKWOLD (Brandon). Not in Dom. c. 1460 Hokehold. Doubt-
ful. It may be ' high wold ' — i.e., ' wood ' or ' hilly district,'
cognate with weald, or ' high hold ' — i.e., ' fortress.' See
HODDLESDEN 306 HOLBTJEN
Hockley. But it may be fr. a man Hocca. Cf. Hockwobthy
(Wellington), see -worthy, 1160 Pipe, Hochelai (Northants) and
HuCKNAIiL.
HoDDLESDEN (Darwen). C/. 1297 a ' Hodleston/ Prob. ' den or
DEAN of Holdwulf or ^Holdulf/ one in Onom. Wyld and Hirst
omit. But HoDDESDON is fr. a man Hod or Hoda, both in
Onom. Cf. 940 chart. Hoddes stoc (Wilts).
HoDNET (Market Drayton). Dom. Hodenet. Prob. 'heath of
Hoda/ gen. -an. Cf. Hodcot (Berks), Dom. Hodicote, 963 chart.
Hodan hlsew (= -low or ' hill '), and 1160 Pipe Chesh., Hodeslea.
For -et= heath, cf. Hatfield and Bassett. Dom. Salop has
also a Humet. Hodkell (Southam), Dom. Hodenelle, -helle,
is ' Hoda's nook'; see -hall; while Hod sock (Notts), Dom.
Odesach, 1302 Hodesak, is * Hoda's oak.*
Hoe, The (Plymouth). 1590 Spenser The Western Hogh, 1602
Carew The Hawe. O.E. hoh, ho, ' a heel, a projection, a spur, a
hill, high ground ' ; Sc. heugh. Cf. Hoo, Hockley, Dom. Devon,
Ho (Totnes); 1160-61 Pipe Kent, Ho; Hoe Ford (Fareham);
Mortbhoe, Staplow, etc. Hoe, hoo, is a common ending in Staffs
and Warwk. — e.g., Tysoe is Dom. Tiheshoche, a. 1300 Thysho.
HoGSTON or HoGGSTON (N. Bucks) . Dom. Hochestone. O.E. chart.
Hocgestan, ' stone of Hocca.' Hog, ' a pig,' is not found till
1340. Hogge for Hodge or Roger is found in CShaucer, Cf.
Hogsthorpe (Lines), not in Dom., Hogston (Sc), and Hoxton;
also Dom. Lines. Hogetune.
(La) Hogue Hatbnai (Guernsey) and Hotjgtje Bie (Jersey). These
names are all pure Scandinavian. Hogue is O.N. haug-r,
' mound, cairn.' Cf., Grenehoga, -ehov, Dom. Norfk. See -how.
Hatenai is ' isle of ' some Norseman who cannot now be surely
identified. See -ay. Whilst Bie is the same as the common suffix
-bie or -by, ' dwelling,' q.v. Cf. Cape La Hogue (Cherbourg) .
Holbbach (Spalding). 810 chart. Holebech, c. 1290 Holebec, 1571
Holbich. Nothing to do with beach. May be ' hole, hollow,'
O.E. hoi, 'with the bach or beck or brook.' Hardly 'beck of
Hola,' a name in Onom., for, if so, we should expect Holanbech in
810. O/. a * Holan bsecc,' on Stour (Staffs) in 958 c^«r<. See -bach.
HoLBBCK (Leeds). See above.
HoLBUBN (London), c. 1162 Holeburn, 1513 Holbome. Pron.
now clipped down to ' 'Obun.' J. R. Green says ' hollow bourne,'
or burn or brook. Cf. Langbourne Ward in the City. O.E. hoi,
dial, holl, and 5-9 hole, ' hollow, depressed, lying in a hollow.' It
may be ' Hola's burn.' Cf. Hobokotjqh, and see -bourne. It
may also be 'hole of the burn,' 'hollow with the brook,' O.E.
hoi, hole. Cf. the Holbrook (Warwk.), which Duignan says
is holh broc, ' hollow with the brook.' Holbrook (Winch-
combe) certainly is c. 1170 Holebroc.
> HOLCOMBE 307 HOLME
lIoLCOMBE (Painswick and Manchester). Pa. H. 1166 HoUecumbe;
Ma. H. c. 1215 Holcumbe hevet (head). Combe is ' valley/ q.v.,
but Hoi- must be interpreted according as one interprets HoL-
BXJRN. C/. HoLDEN (Yorks), Bom. Holedene; and Holfoed
(Winchcombe), Bom. Holeforde.
HoLOOT (Northampton). Bom. Holecote, ? c. 1220 ElexA. Hugo.
'Philip de Holkotes.' This last prob. means 'hovel-like cot-
tages/ fr. O.E, hulu, ' a husk, a hull/ found a. 1225 meaning
' a hut, a hovel.' Cf. Hull. But Bom.'s form points to ' cot
of Hola/ a known name.
HoLDERNESS (E. Yorks). Bom. Heldrenesse, Heldemesse; c. 1097
Orderic Hildernessa; c. 1100 Holdernese; 1208 Holdernesse.
Prob. ' cape of the High Reeve/ an officer of rank in the Dane-
lagh, O.N. hold-r, O.E. hold. But in its earlier forms fr. Eeld-r,
Hild-r, on which names see Hindebwell. See -ness.
HoLKHAM (Wells, Norfk.). Bom. and 1157 Pipe Boll Holeham.
Seems to be fr. O.E. holh, 'a hollow, a hole, a cave,' 'dwelling
at or in the hollow.' See -ham.
HoT.TiAT^TD (S. Lincoln). Bom. Holland, 1216 Hoyland. The Dutch
Holland is prob. ' holt-land,' woodland, see Oxf. Bid. s.v. ;
whilst the Eng. name is usually thought to be O.E. hoi land,
* hoUow or low-lying land.' But Holland suggests Dan. hoi,
' high,' which does not seem very applicable. Of. Hoyland.
HoLLTNGBOTniNE (Maidstone) . c. 1018 Holingburne. ' Bum, brook
of the holly -trees,' O.E. holen, hole^n, 3 holin, 5 holiitg. Cf.
K.G.B. 722 Holungabuma, prob. in Dorset; and Bom. Bucks,
Holendone. We get a curious corrup. of this root in Holdfast
(Upton-on-Sevem), 967 chart. Holenfesten, prob. ' holly fastness/
Cf., too, HoLUN, Upp. and Low. (Bewdley), 1332 HoIjti.
HoLLOWAY (Feckenham, London, and Matlock Bath). Lon. H.
sic 1576, but Fe. H. Bom. Holewei, a. 1200 Holowei; Ma. H.
Bom. Holewei. Also Holloway or Holewey (For. of Dean).
' Way which is deeply excavated or depressed, lying in a hollow,'
O.E. hoi, infl. hole, 4-9 holl, cognate with hollow, not foxmd till
c. 1205 Layamon holh, 3-4 holewe, 3-5 holwe. The a. 1200 form
cited by Duignan is earher for hollow than anything in Oxf. Bid.
Holme (7 in P.O.), a very common name — found, e.g., in Bom.
Yorks 17 times as Holme or Holne. It is O.E. holm, ' low, flat
land by a river, river -meadow.' It often interchanges as an
ending with -ham, and as ending is also found as -hulme, as in
Davyhulme, and as -om, in Millom (probably). Holmttbth
(Huddersfield) is Bom. Hohie. The -firth is O.E. fyrhp, Z-frith,
4 ri ht, ' a wood, wooded country, unused pasture-land.' Holme-
ON-THE-WoLDS is Bom. Hougon, which must be a loc. ' at the
hows ' or ' mounds,' O.N. haug-r. Cf. Howsham, and for a
Norse word taking an Eng. loc. form, cf. Hallam. The Nor.
HOLMPTON 308 HOMEESFIELD
family of Pierrepont or ' Perpunt ' is found at Holme Pierrepo nt
(Notts) in 1302. In Channel Is. holm becomes -hom, Brecqhon,
Jethon (1091 chart ' quae vulgo Keikhulm vocatur'), etc.
HoLMPTON (Hull). Dom. Holmetune. ' Town on the holm or river-
meadow.' See above. For intrusion of p, cf. Hampton.
HoLNE (Ashburton, Devon). 8ic in Dom. O.E. holeyn, hollen,
' hoUy-tree.' Cf. 847 chart. JEthelwulf, To tSaem beor3e Se mon
hatet5 ' set Ssem holne/ also Hollandbtjsh (Sc).
HoLNHURST (Glouc). 940 cAarf. HolenhvTst. ' Holly- wood.' See
above and -hurst.
HoLswoRTHY (Budc). Not in Dom. Prob. 'farm of Hola.' Cf.
HoLBEACH, and see -worthy.
Holt (Norfolk and Worcester). Dom. both Holt. O.E. and N.
holt, ' a wood, a copse.' So also Holton (6 in P.O.). Newark
H. Dom. Holtone. ' Town by the wood.'
Holyhead. Pron. Hollyhead. a. 1490So<owerLeHolyhede. But
in W. Caergybi — i.e., ' fort of St. Oybi.' The parish church
occupies an elevated site where once stood a monastery dedi-
cated to this saint. And the ' Mountain of Holyhead ' is called
Pen-Caer-Gybi. Gybi or Cybi was a British saint who, after
visiting Gaul and opposing Arianism, returned c. 380, and
founded this monastic estabUshment here.
Holy Island (Northumbld.). c. 1130 Hali eland, c. 1330 R. Brunne
Holy Eland. So called because the Columban monks from lona
planted the monastery of Lindisfarne here in the 7th cny.
Cuthbert was its great saint.
Holywell (Flint). In W. Treffynon. So called from the famous
well of St. Winefride, to which many R.C. pilgrims still come.
Winefride is a dubious saint, reputed to have been a noble
maiden whose head was cut off by Prince Caradog because she
scorned his lustful advances. The head rolled down a hiU, and
where it stopped this spring or well gushed forth ! She is said to
have been daughter of Prince Teuyth of N. Wales in the 7th
cny., but there is no mention of her doings until Robert of
Shrewsbury, c. 1140.
Homer (Much Wenlock) . Not in Dom., but old Hohnere, which is
O.E. for ' hoUow lake,' lake in a hollow. Cf. Cromer and
HoLBTJRN; but for HoMERTON (London), see Hammerwich.
Homersfield (Harleston). Dom. Humbresfelda, Red Bk. Excheq.
Humeresfeld, also Humorsfeld. Doubtful. Perh. . ' field of
Humberht, Humbertus, or Hunbeorht,' all forms in Onom., the
last most correct. Cf. Hubberstone. It might be fr. Hormcer.
Cf. B.C.S. 622 Hormseres wudu. The liquid r could easily dis-
appear, and a spelHng Hornersfield is found. Skeat votes for a
man Hunmcer, a name admittedly not on record.
HOMILDON 309 HOOTEN PAGNELL
HoMiLDON (Northumbld.) . c. 1230 Homeldun. 'Hill of Homel.'
Cf. Homeliknow (Coldstream), 1198 Homelenolle. Rommel is
still a personal name in Germany, but is not found in Onom.
Cf. HUMBLETON.
HoNEYBOiJRNB (Evesham). 709 chart. Huniburne, 840 ib. Hunig-
burn, Dom. Huni-, Honey burne. ' Brook with honey-sweet
water/ O.E. honig. Of. next, and see -bourne. There is a
HoNEYBBOOK in the same shire, 866 chart. Hunig broc; also a
HoNEYBOBOUGH (Pembksh.),1307 Hounteborch, 1327 Honiborch.
' Burgh, castle of Hunta ' or Hunto/ several in Onom. See -burgh.
Honey CHURCH (Devon). Dom. Honecherche. The connexion
between a ' church ' and ' honey,' O.E. huni-^, 4-7 honi, is not
very obvious, and this is prob. ' church of Buna.' Cf. Honiley
(Warwk.), a. 1200 Hunilegh, plainly fr. honey, even as is HoN-
NiNGTON (same shire), 1043 chart. Huniton, Dom. Hunitone.
On Honey Child (Romney Marsh), 1227 Honi Child, see
Bapchild.
Honicknowle (Crown Hill, Devon). Prob. ' knoll, hill of Honoc/
a name in Onom. Cf. Dom. Devon, Honecherde (-erde prob.=
-worth, ' farm), and Knowle.
Honing (Norwich). Honingham (Norwich), and Honington (3 in
P.O.). Dom. has only Honincgetoft. Honing is c. 1160
Haninges, ' place of the sons of Hana ' or ' Rona.' Cf. Dom.
Kent, Honinberg. See -ing. But Honley (Huddersfield) is
Dom. Haneleia, prob. ' mead of Rana/ 2 in Onom. Cf. Hanley.
Hoo (Rochester), c. 700 chart. Hogh, Dom. Hou, How=Hoe.
Stanhoe was orig. Stanhoghia. There is also a Hoo Faem
(Kidderminster), 1275 John de la Ho.
Hook (7 in P.O.). Where these are fr. hook, O.E. hoc, 'a hook,'
then ' an angle or bend' in a river, etc., thej'^ must be late, as
Oxf. Diet, has nothing in this sense till late in 16th cny. But
some of the Hooks (those in Norse regions) are prob. of the same
origin as the Hog and Hough of Lines, and Hook (Goole) . See
Houghton. The numerous Hooks in Pembk. will have this
origin. 1603 Owen, ' South hooke,' etc., and in older charts. Hoch.
Hook Norton (Banbury). 917 O.E. Chron. Hocneratun, Hoc-
ceneratun; late chart. Hokenarton; c. 1115 Ren. Runt. Hoche-
neretune. An interesting and puzzling corrup. Rocnera must
surely be a gen. pL, and the name mean ' town of the Rocs '
or ' sons of Roc.'
Hoole (Chester). Sic 1340. O.E. hoi, 5-6 hoole, ' a hole, a hollow.'
Cf. ' Hammelle the Hoole,' s.v. Hajmble R. ; also cf. Much Hoole.
HooTON Pagnell and Roberts (Doncaster and Rotherham).
Dom. H. Dom. Hotun, 1203 Hoton. ' Village on the Hoe ' or
' hill.' Hoton is very frequent in Dom. Yorks, usually for some
HUTTON.
HOPE 310 HOENINGSHAM
Hope (4 in P.G.). Dom. Hope (Salop). This is hope sb^ in
Oxf. Diet., ' a place of refuge/ O.E. hop, ' a piece of enclosed
land, an enclosed little valley '; O.N. hop, ' a small, land-locked
bay, an inlet,' as in St. Margaret's Hope (Sc). Cf. Hopehotjse
(Hartley), 1275 ' John de Hope.' Hope (Denbigh) is now in
W. Yr Hob, ' the hope,' or Hoben, ' 2 hopes.' Hope-Mansel
(For. of Dean) is 1263 Hope Maloysell, an O.Fr. proper name.
HoPTON (Mirfield and Great Yarmouth). Mi. H. Dom. Hoptone;
Ya. H. sic c. 1080. The plant hops is not found till c. 1440.
This is prob. for hope, as above; or it may be, like Hop-
wooD (Alvechurch), 848 chart. Hopwuda, fr. O.E. hop, ' the
privet.'
HopwAS (Tamworth). a. 1100 Hopewaes, Dom. Opewas, a. 1200
Hopwas. O.E. Jiop wase, wees, ' valley of the swamp or marsh.'
Of. Albewas ; and see -hope.
HoEBUHY (Wakefield). Dom. Orberie. Doubtful. There seems no
likely name in Onom. It may be as next. See -bury. Horfield.
(Bristol), Dom. Horefelle, Baddeley derives fr. O.E. horh, M.E.
hore, ' mire.' Cf. Hormead, same shire.
HoRHAM (Eye, Suffolk). Sic c. 1150, but Dom. Horam, -an. Prob.
like HoBEHAM (Sussex), ' home of the whore ' or ' harlot/ O.E.
hor, O.N. Mra. Dom.'s Horan may be an old loc, ' at the
whore's.' See -ham.
HoBNBLOTTON (E. Somerset). Dom. Horblawetone, a. 1145 Wm.
Malmesb. Homblawerton, ' Horn-blower town.' Already in the
Corpus Glossary, c. 725, we find horn blauwere.
Hornby (Lancaster). Dom. Hornebi, 1278 Horneby; also more
than one in Yorks, Dom. Hornebi. ' Dwelling of Horn.' Cf.
Homcastle, and King Horn, perh. orig. Horm, a Dan. Viking
of the 9th cny., who fought for the Ir. King Cearbhall. But
Hornby in Smeaton (Yorks) is Dom. Horenbodebi, Horebodebi,
where the man's name is now hardly recognizable. See -by.
HoRNCASTLE (Lincs). Dom. Hornecastre, 1161-62 Pipe Horne-
castra. ' Camp of Horn.' See above. The ending -caster,
q.v., rarely becomes -castle.
HoRNiNGSEA (Cambridge), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Homingeseie.
' Isle ' and ' home of the Homings ' or ' descendants of Horn.
Cf. Hormer (Berks), B.C.S., iii. 520, Horninga msere (lake, mere),
Chron. Abing. Hornigmere; also Horninglow (Burton-on-T.),
sic a. 1300, See -low, ' burial-mound.' Cf., too, Dom. Essex
Horminduna, and Norfk. Hornincgetof t ; also Hornington
(Ainsty), Dom. Horninc-, Hornin-, Horni- tone. See -ing. On
Horn, see above.
HoRNnsTGSHAM (Warminster) . Dom. Horningesha. ' Home of the
sons of Horn.' See above, and -ing.
HORNSEY 311 HOUGHTON
HoENSEY (N. London), a. 1300 Haringee, with the hard g still
preserved in Harbin gay. Hornsea is a corrup. which has
arisen through softening of the g into Harnjy, and then Hornsea.
But Hornsea (E. Riding) is Dom. Hornesse, ' isle^ peninsula of
Horn.' See Hornby and -ay.
HoRRiDGE (Glouc). Prob. 'hoar, grey ridge/ O.E. Mr/ 'hoary,
grey, old,' 3-5 hor. But c/. Horton. Dom, Glouc. has only
Horedone.
Horseord (Norwich) {Dom. Hosforda, also Horsha) and Hors-
EORTH (Leeds). Le. H. Dom. Horseforde, Hoseforde. There
are coins of K. Alfred which seem to read Orsnaforda as well as
Oksnaforda (Oxford). ' Horse ford." See -forth.
Horsham (Sussex). Prob. 'home of Horsa'; perh. the Jute who
came over with Hengest, 449 a.d . There is also one in Worstrsh.
sic. 1275, which may be the same, or else ' horse's enclosure ' ;
O.E. hors hamm. See -ham 2, and cf. Dom. Bucks Horsedene.
Dom. Sussex has only Horselie and Horstede.
HoRSLEY (8 in P.G.). Leatherhead H. perh. 871-89 chart. Horsa
leh, Dom. Horslei, ib. Derby, Glouc . and Sussex Horselei. Rather
' Horsa's ' than ' horse meadow.' See above, and -ley.
HoRSMONDEN (Kent). Not in Dom. 1570-76 Lamharde Hors-
mundene. ' The Dean or (woody) vale of the ward of Horsa.'
O.E. mund, ' protection.'
HoRSTED Keynes (E. Grinstead). Dom. Horstede. Prob. as in
Horsham, 'Horsa's place'; O.E. stede. Keynes is the Nor.
family, de Cahanges.
Horton (10 in P.G.). 972 chart. Horton (Wore), Dom. Yorks,
Salop, Worcr., Bucks, Hortone, -tune; a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Hore-
tun. Doubtful. It might be ' hoary, grey -looking town.' See
Horridge. Duignan prefers O.E. horh tun, ' dirty, muddy town,'
and says c/. Hormead (Herts), which Skeat makes ' muddy mead.'
HoRwiCH (Bolton and Stockport). Cf. Dom. Wore. Horwich.
= Horton. See -wich.
HoTHAM (Yorks). Dom. Holde twice, Hode 5 times. O.E.
heald is only found in sense of ' holding, keeping, possessing.'
Holde, ' a lair, lurking-place,' is not found recorded till c. 1205,
and as ' fort, fortress ' not till a. 1300. The -ham has been
added after Dom. But Dom. has once Hodhu'. With Dom. 'a
Hode cf. the Sc. hand, hod, for ' hold.'
Houghton (11 in P.O.). A difficult name, with several origins.
Those in the N. seem often to be fr. North. Eng. how, ' hill,
hillock, tumulus, barrow'; O.N. haug-r, 'cairn, mound,' in
7 hough. E.g., H., Heddon-on-the-WaU, is 1200 Yorks Fines
Houton, while H. (E. Riding) is Dom. Houe-, Oueton. Cf., too,
Hougon, a loc, ' at the mounds,' name in Dom. for Holme on
HOUNSLOW 312 HOXTON
the Wolds. Glass Houghton (S. Yorks), Dom. Hoctun, Hough-
ton-le-Side, 1200 Yorhs Fines Hoctona, H. (K's. Lynn) Dom.
Hodtune, and the many Hohtones in Dom. Northants, are
prob. fr. Hoe, ' height, promontory/ 3-6 hogh. See Hockley.
Houghton (Beds and Hants) will be the same, being both
Hou8ton(e) in Dom., st being Dom.'s regular ' avoidance ' of
guttural gh. Qreat Houghton (Barnsley) is Dom. Halton, and
so= Houghton or halhtun, 'river-meadow town'; whilst Hanging
Houghton may possibly be fr. a man Hout. Old forms are
always needed.
HouNSLow (London). O.E. chart. Hundeshlaew, Dom. Honeslowe.
' Burial-mound of Bund ' or ' Hiinda.' See -low. But Hound -
HILL (Uttoxeter) is a. 1300 Hogenhull, a. 1400 Howenhull, as
well as Hunhyle, Hounhull, suggesting origin fr. a man Hoga,
-an, ' the prudent.'
Howden-le'-Weab (Co. Durham). 1130 Houendena, and Howden
and Howden Dyke (Yorks), Dom. Houeden, c. 1200 Hoveden,
1635 Hovenden (prob. not a. 1130 8im. Dur. Offedene). Doubt-
ful. Very hkely fr. an unrecorded Hofa. Cf. Hovingham
(Yorks), sic. in Dom., giving its patronymic; only Ojfa and Ofa
in Onom. It might \)Q ' wooded vale of the plant hove ' (spelt
so c. 1440), O.E. hofe, which may be the violet or ground ivy.
A EroUof Rich. I. has Houedensir', or Howdenshire. Of course,
in North. Eng. how is ' a hill,' found in Eng. fr. a. 1340 (see
-how), whilst HowTHOKP (Yorks), Dom. Holtorp, is ' village in
the hollow ' or ' hole.' See -den.
HowLE Hill (Ross, Hereford). W. hywel, 'conspicuous.' C/.
Cbicesowell.
HowsHAM (E. Riding and Lincoln). E. Ri. H. Dom. Huson, O.E.
loc. huson, ' at the houses.' Gf. Hallam and Newsham.
Housen (Cotheridge) is just the M.E. pi. ' houses.' See -ham.
Howtel (N.W. of Wooler). 1525 Howtell Swyre (O.E. swira
'neck'; cf. Manor Swaee, Sc). How will be O.N. haug-r,
' mound, hill ' ; the -tel must remain doubtful. Cf. Houghton.
Hoxne (Eye, Sfk.). Dom. Hoxana, Hund. Roll Hoxene, 1473
Hoxon. Doubtful. O.Fris. hoxene,. hoxne is ' a hamstring '
(see Oxf. Diet. s.v. hox sb.); but this seems unlikely. Skeat
adopts the suggestion of Mr. Anscombe, that here we have an
O.E. Hoxena, gen. pi. of Hoxan, possibly the name of some small
tribe of settlers, just as we find mention of the tribe Wixan
and' the famous tribe of Seaxan or ' Saxons.' The name in any
case seems abnormal.
HoxTON (London). Dom. Hochestone, c. 1350 Hoggeston, later
Hog&ton, 1610 jB. Jonson Hogsdon. ' Town of Hocca' (R.oga is
found once). Cf. Dom. Bucks Hochestone, and 1179-80 Pipe
Hokesgarth (Yorks).
HOYLAKE 313 HULL
HoYLAKE (Birkenhead). Dom. Hoiloch. The 'HoyleLake' was
formed by the ' Hoyle Bank/ sic a. 1600, still visible at certain
states of the tide. Hoyle is an inflected form of O.E. Jiol, ' hole,
hollow place/ given in Oxf. Diet, as 5-6 hoil{e), and Yorks dial.
hoil. The Oxf. Did. calls lac ' lake' early M.E., but it is found
in O.E. Chron. ann, 656, and once or twice in Dom. The Sc.
form loch is not recorded till Barbour, 1375.
HoYLAJSTD (Barnsley). Dom. Holland, Holant (another in Derby),
1242 Hoyland. Cf.a.l 100 chart. ' Hoylandia ' (Lines) . ' Hollow,
low-lying land.' See Hoylake and Holland. Hoyland
SwAiNE (Sheffield) is Dom. Holan and Holande; but Dom. Holun
and Holam is Hollytn (Yorks), an O.E. loc. holun, ' at the holes.'
Hubberholme (W. Riding) and Hubberstone (Milford Haven),
Dom. Yorks Huburgheha' (for -ham, which often interchanges
with -holm) . ' River -meadow ' and ' stone of Hunbeorht,
Humberht, Hunburh, or Hubert,' all names on record. The
Rubber in Pembroke is said to have been the viking who with
his brother Hingua led the great invasion of 866. But this can
hardly be the same, for the 866 man is in O.E. Chron. Hubba or
Ubba. There is a Hubberst' recorded in Derbyshire, and a
Hobrichtebi in 1167-68 Pi'pe Cumbld.
Htjby (Leeds and Easingwold). Dom. Hobi. 'Dwelling on the
Hoe ' or ' hill.' C/. Hoby; and see -by.
HuccLECOTE (Glouc). Dom. Hochilicote, 1221 Hukelingcote,
later Hokelin- and Hokelcote. ' Cot of Hocel ' or his sons.
Onom. has only Hicel (see Hickling) ; and c/. 1231-34 Close R.
Hukels-, Hucliscot (Leicester). See -ing.
Hucknall Toekabd (Nottingham). Dom. Hochenale, 1160 Pipe
Hochenhala, 1287 Hokenale Torkard. 0 .E . H ocean heal, ' nook of
Hocca.' Cf. Hockwold, and Dom.Bncks Huchdene and Hucheha.
The Nor, family of Torkard is found here ia 1284. See -hall.
Huddbrsfield. Dom. Oderesfelte, Odresfeld. ' Field of Odhere '
or ' Oderus,' one such, and one Northern Udardus, 12th cny.,
are found in Onom. Htjd swell (Richmond, Yorks), Dom.
Hudreswelle, is prob. fr. the same name. But Huddiknoll
(Glouc), old Hodenknole, is fr. Hoda or Hudda.
HuiSH Champflower (WiveHscombe, Smst.). Huish is O.E. hig-,
hivnsc, 'a household, then, a hide of land.' Cf. K.C.D. 107.
On Cotenes felde an hywysce, and Melhuish. Champflower
is a Nor. name, Fr. champ fleuri, ' flowery field.' We find
Richard de Hywis of Lod Hywis (Smst.), in time of K. John;
1253 Hywish, 1298 Hyuhyshe.
Hulam (Hartlepool), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Holum, a loc, 'at the
holes,' O.E. hoi. Cf. Hallam.
Hull (formerly Kingston-on-Hull). Nam« of a small river.
Prob. connected with O.E. hoi, mod. dial, holl, howl{e), ' hollow,
21
HUMBEE 314 HUNSTANTON
depressed, lying in a hollow/ Named Kingston-on-H. by
Edw. I. 1299; in a. 1552 Leland simply Kingston.
HuMBER. Bede Humbra, Hymbra, c. 890 Alfred Humbre (in Lat.
vsn. Abus fl.). Prob. aspirated form of cumber, 'confluence^
of Ouse and Trent, W. cymmer, G. comar ; the -ber is prob. the
same root as in Aber. Cf. Combebbach, etc., also Cumber-
nauld (Sc), and Dom. Sffk. Humbresfelda. This last, with
HuMBERSTONE (N. Lincs and Leicstr.), will be fr. Humbert or
Hunbeorht. See Homers field and Hubbebstone.
HuMBLETON (Hull). Dom. Humeltone. 'Town of Humel/ var.
of Homel (see Homildon). The letter b readily intrudes itself.
Cf. Dom. Norfk. Humiliat (-iat=yet, ' gate ').
HuNCOAT (Accrington), Dom. Hunnicot, and Hundcot (Leicester).
Dom. Hunecote, 1124 O.E. Chron. Hundehoge (see -how). ' Cot,
dwelling of Hunda ' or ' Huna.' O.E. hund means, of course, ' a
hound.' Cf. ' Hunditone ' (Cheshire) in Dom.
HuNGEREORD. The oldest (14th-15th cny.) forms all have Hunger-,
Hungre-, but this can have nothing to do with Eng. hunger. It
is O.E. hongra, hangra, ' a hanging wood on a hillside.' Cf. Clay-
[ HANGER (1300 Cleyhunger), Hungerfield (Glouc), old Hanger-,
HuNGERHTTiT., and also ' Hungrewenitune ' (Chesh.) in Dom.
HuNGERHTLL (Nottingham, Henley - in - Arden, and Somerset) .
Nott. H. old HongerhiU. O.E. hangra, hongra, ' a wood on a
hill slope.' Cf. BiRCHANGER, Clayhanger, and above. There
[tare also 2 Hungry Hills in Wore, and a Honger Grove
(Puddleston).
Hunmanby (Yorks). Dom. Hundemanebi, 'Dwelling of Eune-
man,' one in Onom. See -by.
HuNNiNGHAM (Leamington). Dom. Huningeham, a. 1200 Honyng-
ham. ' Home of the sons of Huna ' or ' Hun,' a common name in
Onom. C/.HuNNiNGTON (Halesowen), 1402 Honyngton. See-ing.
HuNSiNGORE (Wetherby). Dom. Holsingoure. More old forms
>.:??; needed ; but the Hquids I and n not uncommonly interchange.
•j;^ The ending is prob. not Gore, ' triangular wedge of land,' but
rather ' bank,' O.E. ofr, obr, M.E. oure (see -over), ' of Hunsige,'
a common O.E. name.
Hunslet and H. Carr (Leeds). Sic Dom., but 1202 Hunesflet.
' River of Huna.' See above and Fleet. The same man's
name is seen in Hunshelf (S. Yorks), Dom. Hunescelf. Shelf
in names often has the meaning ' ledge of rock.' For Carr
'rock,' cf. Rbdcar; also cf. Hunscote (Wwksh.), 1327 Hun-
stanscote, a. 1400 Huntscote. But Hunsley (N. Yorks) is
Dom. Hundeslege, ' meadow of Hund ' or ' the Dog.'
Hunstanton (The Wash). 1038 and c. 1150 cJuirt. Hunstanestun.
Local pron. Hunston. ' Town of Hunstan.' There are 5 such
in Onom.
ADDITION TO PAGE 316
HuRSTMONCEAUX (Pevensey) is called after a Nor., Monceaux, who
came over with the Conqueror.
HUNTINGDON 316 HUTTON
Huntingdon (also near Chester, Dom. Hunditone.) O.E. Chron.
ann. 656, Huntendune, 921 ib. Huntandune, 1011 ib. Hunta-
dunscir, c. 1175 Huntedune. ' Hill, down, of the hunter,'
O.E. hunta, 2-6 hunte. Cf. Huntington (Cannock), 1262 Hun-
tingdon, 1300 Huntyndon, and Dom. Yorks Huntindune.
Hunta and Hunting were also men's names. See -ing, -don,
and -ton.
HuNTiNGTRAP CoMMON (Hadsor, Wore), a. 1300 Hounting-
thrope, Huntingdrope, ' hunting village.' See -thorpe.
HuNTON (Bedale and Maidstone). Be. H, Dom. Huntone. ' Town
of Huna.' See Htjnslet and next. So Hunworth (Melton
Constable), Dom. Huneworda. See -worth, ' farm.'
Htjntspill (Highbridge) . Dom. Hunespil, a. 1500 Honys-, Hons-
pill. ' Pool of Huna,' as above. Pill is often found in S. Wales
for ' pool,' and the Dom. form here shows it is an O.E. variant,
and not W. Cf. Htjntsham (For. of Dean), c. 1145 Honsum,
c. 1200 Hunstone, 1298 Hondsum. ' Huna's home.' See -ham.
HtniLEY (Atherstone arid Marlow). Ath. H. cMrt. Hurnlega, 1199
Hurnlege, -lei. Mar. H. Dom. Herlei, 1316 Hurle. Skeat
derives both fr. O.E. Tiyrne, ' a corner, a nook.' The Marlow H.
is doubtful. See -ley. Hukcot (Kidderminster) is also puzz-
ling. Dom. Worcote (W for H), a. 1200 Hurchote, -cote, 1275
Horecote, a. 1600 Hurdcote. Here Duignan prefers ' cot of
the herd or shepherd,' O.E. Jiyrde. Much more likely is O.E.
horh or hore, ' dirt, filth,' 4 hoore, here used adjectivally as in
Horton.
HuRLiNGHAM (Putney). K.G.D. 782 Herlinga ham. 'Home of
the Herhngs.' ? descendants of Herlewin. Cf. Roll. Rich. I.
HurUngebure (Notts).
Hurstbourne (3 in Hants). Not in Dom. Winchester H. 961
chart. Hysseburna. ' Brook of Hyse,' 3 in Onom., var. of Husa;
the corrup. is unusual. Of course. Hurst is O.E. hyrst, ' a wood,
a grove, and also a sandy place.' See -bourne.
Hurworth-on-Tees. 1183 Hurdewurd, 1344 Hurreworth. ' Farm
of Hyrde ' or ' Hirde/ 2 in Onom. See -worth.
Husthwaite (Easingwold). Not in Dom. Prob. 'farm, croft of
Husa,' or ' Husi,' names in Onom. C//Huthwaite (Mansfield),
no old forms, and Dom. Bucks Huscott. See -thwaite.
HuTTON (13 inP.G.). Dom. Somst. Hutone, Dom. Yorks Hoton,
Hottune over 40 times, nearly all for some Hutton, while 1202
YorJcs Fines has Hoton, Hottun, a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Hotun,
1183 Hotona — i.e., Hutton Henry. ' Town, village on the Hob
or projecting height.' Cf. Hooton and Sheriff Hutton.
Huthwaite (Mansfield and Sheffield) prob. has the same origin;
but perh. fr. a man Huti or Hutto, seen in 'Hutisted ' (Staffs),
Roll. Rich. I. The Sheff. H. is not in Dom. See -thwaite.
HUXLEY 316 ICKNI(E)LD STEEET
Huxley (Chester) . Said to be cTiart. Hodeslea. ' Meadow of Hod '
or ' Hoda.' Cf. B.C.S. 1282 Hodes ac. But this is abnormal.
The names Hue, Huch, or Hucco, all in Onom., seem more likely
origins. See -ley.
Hyde (Cheshire, Staffs, Wwksh., and Glouc). Hyde Heath (Bucks),
and Hyde Park (London). O.E. higid, later hid, hide, hyde,
an O.E. measure of land, orig. as much as would support one
family and their dependents. The spelling of the place-name
seems almost always Hyde, and the London H. goes back to
Dom. The hida or ' hide ' is often referred to in Dom,
Hydon Heath (W. Surrey) is wrongly spelt High Down, as it is
1453 Hyddeneshethe, ' heath of ? Hyddan/ Onom. has only
Hidda and Hiddi. On the Heath is Hydons Ball.
Hylton (Sunderland). Prob. ' town on the slope or incline.' O.E.
hylde, helde, cognate with hyll, ' a hill.'
Hythe (Kent). 1051 O.E. Chron. HitSe, 1228 Close B. Heth, Heia,
1234 ib. Hee. A hithe is ' a landing-rise, a quay,' a. 700 hydde,
later hy^. Cf. Rotherhithe, etc. The old forms are exactly
paralleled by those of O.E. rith, ' a stream.' See Rye, Ryde, etc.
Ibstone (Wallingford). Dom. Ypestan. Prob. ^ Ipa's stone.'
Onom. gives Ibba, Ibc, Ipa, Ipo, Ippa. Possibly ' look-out
stone, fr. O.E. yppe, ' a raised or look-out place.' Cf. Ibstock
(Leicester) — see Stoke — and Ipstones. See -ton.
IcKENHAM (Uxbridge). Dom. Ticheham, also Tykenham. 'Home
of Tica ' or ' Tican,' a name in Onom. O.E. ticcen, Ger. zieJce,
is ' a goat, a kid.' Cf. Titchbobne. The loss of the initial Ms
curious; but Norm, scribes regularly softened c into ch. But
IcOMBE (Stow-on-Wold) is 781 chart. Icancumb, ' Icca's valley.'
IcKHAM (Canterbury). 785 chart. loccham, Dom. Gecham, ' Home
of locca,' a name not in Onom., but lea, Icca, and Ycca are.
The O.E. charter name of R. Ock (Berks) is Eoccen.
IcKLEFORb (Hitchin) and Ickleton (S. Cambs). Bamsey Chart.
Icklingford, Bams. Chron. Iclesforde. B.C.S. iii. 630 Icelingtun.
Dom. Hichelintone, Inchelintone, 1210 Iclintone. Patronymics.
' Ford and village of the sons of Icel.' Cf. next and Giggles-
wick. We get the same name in Icklesham (Winchelsea),
1160-61 Pipe Ichelesha, 'home of Icel.' Kickle (Bucks) was
1236 Close B. Ykel'. See -ham, -ing, and -ton.
Ickni(e)ld Street or Way runs fr. ibsLiNGHAM (Bury St. Ed-
munds) to Wantage. 854 chart. Icenhilde weg, 903 ib. Iccen-
hilde wege, a. 1200 Ad regalem viam quae vocatur Ikenhilde-
strete; Stratam regiam quae appellatur Ykenild; via regia vel
le Ricnelde strete, a. 1300 Rikehnge strete, a. 1^00 Rykenylde-
strete. Also a. 100 chart. Cinges strsete. Commonly said to
come fr. the tribe Iceni {\k7)voI), who occupied all E. Anglia in
1st cny. a.d. This is denied by Duignan in his full and valuable
IDDESLEIGH 317 ILFORD
arts. s.v. The ending -hylt, -hilde, -ild may be O.E. TiyUe, ' the
slope of a hill/ The rest of the name must remain doubtful.
IcKWORTH (Bury St. E.) will be like Ickham (Canterbury),
' farm of lea,' not fr. the Iceni ; whilst Icklingham will be ' home
of the sons of Icel.' See above.
Iddesleigh (Winkleigh, Devon). Dom. Edeslege. 'Meadow of
Eda ' or ' Ida,' or ' Iddi,' all in Onom. Cf. 836 chart. Iddeshale
{i.e., nook), and Idbuby (Oxon), Dom. Ideberie. See -bury and
-leigh.
Idle R. (Notts, trib. of Trent). Bede Idla, c. 1120 Henry Hunt.
Idle, 1200 chart. Yddil. There seems no likely W. root, so
possibly it may be fr, O.E. idel, 'idle,' in its orig. meaning,
' empty.' Cf. Elstree. There is also an Idle (Bradford), not
in Dom. Idlicote (Shipston) is actually Dom. EteUncote, or
' Mthelwyn'^ cot' ! Idelsbuby (Pinswick), a. 1125 Idelberge,
is fr. a man Idel ; the name is found in 1199, and Rhys thinks
it may be orig. W. Ithel for Juddhael, found on one of the
Llantwit stones as Juthahels. Thus the man's name will be the
same as in Giggleswick and Ickleeob,d.
Ieithon E,. (Radnorsh.). Anwyl thinks this is perh. the Keltic
goddess of speech.
Iffley (Oxford). 1004 chart. Gifetelea, Dom. Givetelei, 1165
Ivittelai, 1233 Iftel', 1234 Ghyitele, 1316 Yiftele. H. Alexander
says origin unknown. Certainly it is not likely to be ' gift-
meadow,' O.E. gift, gyft. Curiously there is in B.C.S. 834 an
* Yffeles leah.'
Ilam (Ashbourne). 1006 chart. Hilum, Dom. Ylum, a. 1300 Hylum,
Ilium. Prob. O.E. loc. Ylon, ' at the Yl,' old name of the
brook Manifold, trib. of R. Dove, on which it stands. Perh.
same root as R^ IsiA (Sc), which Whitley Stokes thought perh.
cognate with Old High Ger. Hen, mod. Ger. eilen, ' to hurry.'
However, Duignan thinks Ilam is O.E. hyllum, ' at, among the
hills.' ' The whole manor is hill and dale.' Cf. Hallam,
HtTLAM, etc. Oxf. Diet, gives only one reference to a spelling
of hill without h, and that c. 1580 ; so Duignan's origin is doubt-
ful. Illey (Halesowen), a. 1200 Hilleley, Yleley, 1250 HiUeleye,
is prob. ' mead of Tlla,' one such known. Cf. an Illey ge or
lUanley in Kentish charters, and Monks Eleigh.
Ilchester (Taunton). Perh. Ptolemy's IskaHs. Dom. and 1155
Givelcestre, c. 1097 Flor. W. Givelceastra, 1158 luelcestre.
' Camp on the R. Ivel, He, or Isle,' O.E. geafol, geafl, G. gahhal,
*a fork' (of a river). Cf. Yeovil. Contraction began early,
because already in Dom. we have I vie, and even Ile-minstre.
See -Chester.
Ilford (Essex). Dom. Ilefort, 1166-67 Pipe Heford. Prob. 'ford
of Ilia, Illo,' or ' Ilo,' all names in Onom. Ile= isle, O.Fr. He, is
not inEng. till 1290. But see above; it may be ' ford at the fork,'
ILFRACOMBE 318 INGATESTONE
iLrnACOMBB (N. Devon). Dom. Alfreincome, 1233 Close R. Afiride-,
Aufredecumbe, 1234 ih. Alfridecumbe. ' Valley of Ealhfrith,' a
common O.E. name, spelt later Alfrith and Alfrid. See -combe.
Ilkerton (Devon). Dom. Incrintona. Prob. 'village of Ilgcer/
one in Onom. The Inc- in Dom. will be due to the common
interchange of liquids.
iLKETSHALii (Buugay). Dom. Ilchesteshala. M'Clure thinks
' Ulfketel's hall or mansion.' More old forms needed. It may
be 1225 Patent B. Kilketeleshal. ? Ki error for U or Wi.
Ilkley (Yorks). Thought to be Ptolemy OUcana. Dom. Illicleia,
nuclei, IllecUve {i.e., 'cUff'). 'Meadow of ? ' If the name
be O.E. it may be fr. Ulfach, Ulfeg, Willac or Willoc, all these are
in Onom. See -ley.
Ilmington (Shipston-on-Stour). c. 1010 chart. Ylmandune, Dom.
Edelmitone, llmedone, a. 1200 Illamedone, 1326 llmyndon.
' Hall, down of Eadhelm,' though some of the forms suggest
JElmin, also in Onom. Endings -don and -ton often inter-
change, q.v.
Ilminsteb, (Somerset). Dom. Ileminstre. 'Church on the He' or
' Isle.' See Ilchester and -minster.
Ilsington (Newton Abbot). Dom. has only Ilesham. Cf. Dom.
Nfk. Ilsinghetuna. ' Town of the Ilsings/ ? ' sons of Ylla,'
one in Onom. Cf. Elsing and next. See -ing.
Il(s)ton (Swansea). 1340 Iltwiteston; in W. Llanilltyd, a. 1400
Lanyltwyt, -iltwyt. ' Town ' or ' church of St. IlUyd/ 5th cny.
Cf. Llajsttwit. But Ilsley (Berks) is Dom. Hildeslei, ' Eild's
mead,' and Ilton (N. Yorks) is Dom. Ilche-, Hilchetun, where
the man's name seems already corrupted beyond recognition.
Immingham (Grimsby). Dom. Imungeha. Patronymic. 'Home
of the sons of Imma.' See -ing. The same man's name is seen
in Impney (Droitwich), a. 1200 Imney, a. 1300 Ymenege,
Imeneye, ' Isle of Imma.' See -ey.
Ince (S. of R. Mersey). Dom. and c. 1380 Inise, a. 1200 Ynys,
W. ynys, ' an island/ ;] or, as it does not seem ever to have been
an island, G. innis, ' an inch,' ' a meadow by a river.' It seems
to have this meaning in W. too, though not in the ordinary
dictionaries. Cf. ' Ynichebeche ' (For. of Dean), cited by
Baddeley, s.v. Inchbrook, which has no old forms.
Ingatestone (W. Essex). The original name in Dom. is simply
Ginge, Ing. It is regular for initial g to fall away (see I 'passim).
Thus originally this must be the same as Ginge (Hendred, Berks),
B.C.S. iii. 257 Gseging, later ib. iii. 173 Gainge, iii. 67 Gaincg,
i. 506 Geinge, Dom. and Pipe (1155-56) Gain3, 1125 Estgeyng.
Patronymic. 'Place of the sons of Gcega.' Cf. Gaydon.
Gate is presumably O.E. geat, 'gate.' See -ing. Inglestone
INGBIRCHWORTH 319 INSKIP
(Hawkesbury) is also spelt Ingateston, and 1610 Inguston. Older
forms unknown.
Ingbirohworth (Sheffield). Dom. Berceworde, which also stands
for Rough Birchworth. ' Farm of Ingebiorg/ or ' Ingelbeorht/
Long names readily contract. See -worth.
Ingestbe (Stafford). Dom. Gestreon, a. 1300 Ing-, Yngestre, Inge-
straund, -trent. Prob. ' Inga'a tree/ O.E. treo, treow. Cf.
Oswestry. But -straund is O.E. strand, ' shore, bank of a
river/ here the Trent, which accounts for Ingestrent. The Dom.
form is corrupt, but represents a pi. of treo.
Ingham (Lincoln and Norwich), Inqwobth (Norwich). Dom. Lin.
Ingeha; Nfk., Ingewrda. 'Home' and 'farm of Inga,' 2 in
Onom. See -ham and -worth. Duignan thinks Ingon (Strat-
ford, Wwk.), 704 chart. Ingin, must be O.E. in gin, ' in the gap ' ;
while tfGTHOiiP (Yorks) is Dom. Ucnetorp, or ' Ycca'a village ' ;
the -ne represents the 0 .E . gen. -an, ne sounding en. See -thorpe.
LsroLEBOBOUGH (hill, W. Yorks). Said to be 'beacon-borrow or
hill.' Only inghj ' fire,' is not found till 1508, and in the 16th
cny. only in Sc. Ingle -is prob. for Angle, O.E. Engle, ' barrow
of the Angle,' or 'Enghsh' man. Cf. next, -borough is O.E.
biorg, beorh, 2 beoruh, 4 borw, burgh, 7 barrough, ' hill, mound-Uke
hill, barrow. Cf. Barbow and Whitbarrow (N. Lanes).
Ingleby Cboss and Gbeenhow (Yorks) and Ingleton (Darlington
and Kirby Lonsdale). Dom. Englebi, 1179-80 Ynglebi. Dar
I. a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Ingeltun. 'Abode of the Angle,' O.E.
Engle, or ' Englishman.' See -by and -ton. The -how will
mean 'hill.' See Houghton. Cf. Inglestone (Hawkesbury).
Inglewhite (Preston). This must surely be the same name as
Dom. Yorks Ingulf vestuet, ' Ingulph's village' or -thwaite, q.v.
Ingoldisthobpe (King's Lynn), a. 1300 chart. Ingoldesthorp, and
Ingoldsby (Grantham). Dom. Ingoldesbi. 'Village' and
' dwelling of Ingold,' in Onom. See -thorpe and -by.
Inkbebbow (Worcester). 789 chart. Intanbeorgas, 803 ib. Intan-
bergum, Intanbeorgan, Intebeorgas, Dom. inteberge, 1275
Inkbarewe. ' Babbow, mound-Hke hill of Inta,' 3 in Onom.
Cf. Inglebobough.
Inkpen Beacon (Hungerf ord) . 931 chart. Ingepenne, Dom. Hinge-
pene, 1298 Ingepenne, 1316 Tnkepenne. ' Inga'a pen,' O.E.
'penn, ' a fold for cattle,' Cf. Inkford (Wore.) and Pambeb. ,
Inlade R. (N. Kent). Bede Genlade. ? W. gwen, gwyn Hoed,
' white, clear place.'
Inskip (Preston). Dom. Inscip. Prob. 'Zwe's or Ini'a hut,' Da.
kippe, ' hut, low alehouse.' Oxf. Diet, does not give kip, ' a
sharp-pointed hill,' before 1815. Possible also is ' Ine's skep '
or 'beehive.' O.N. sheppa, 'a basket,' is found once in O.E.,
J^INSTOW 320 ISHlM
and, after 1225, is common as skep, aXso 4-9 skipipe), though not
found for ' beehive ' till 1494. Gf. Mtnskip.
Instow (N. Devon). Old forms needed; not in Dom. Perh.
' place,' O.E. stow, ' of Ine or Ini.' Cf. Dom. Bucks Instofald.
Ipplepen (Newton Abbot). Dom. Iplepene, 1230 Ipelepenn.
Prob. 'pen, enclosure (O.E. penn) of Ipele,' var. of Ypwine,
the base name of Ebbsfleet, called in Life of St. Mildred Ypples
fleet. The liquids I and n not seldom interchange.
Ipsley (Redditch). 963 chart. Mpa leage, Dom. Epeslei, a. 1200
Ippeslei. Either 'aspen-tree (O.E. ceps) meadow'; cf. Apps
Couht and Apsley. Or perh. 'Mppa'a mead.' Cf. Epsom.
Ipstones (Cheadle). a. 1200 Yppestan, a. 1300 Ippestanes. May
be fr. a man as above. Duignan prefers ' look-out stones,' fr.
O.E. yppe, ' a raised or look-out place.' Cf. Ibstone.
Ipswioh. 993 O.E. Chron. Gipeswic, Dom. Gyppeswik, Guppewicus,
c. 1097 Orderic Gepesuicum, 1455 Yepiswiche, 1463 Ipysweche,
'DweUing of Gipa or Gyppa.' The name of the R. Oipe or
Gipping is a back-formation. Por loss of initial g cf. Ilchbster
and Isleham; also cf. Islip and Gibsmere (Notts), Dom. Gipes-
mare, 1302 Gyppesmere. See -wich.
Irby (Yorks, Burgh, and Birkenhead) and Ibeby (Kirkby Lonsdale
and Carlisle). Yo. I. Dom. Irebi, 1202 Yorks Fines Yrebi.
Kir. I. Dom. Irebi. ' Dwelling of Ira.' Cf. B.C.S. 1297 Yran
ceaster, now Ibchesteb, (Wellingborough) and Ibton (E. Riding),
Dom. Iretune. See -by and -ton.
Ireleth (Askam, Lanes) . Dom. Gerleuuorde. ' Farm of ' ? The
old ending is clear (see -worth), but the man's name quite doubt-
ful. Perh. it is Girweald or Giroldus, perh. Gerl, implied in the
patronymic Gerling, of which Onom. has one case. The present
ending -leth has been influenced by N. hlith, ' a slope.' Cf.
Holleth, also Lanes.
Ibt R. and iBTLma R. (Cumbld.). ? W. iarth, ' a long rod, a goad.'
Cf. next.
Irthungborough (Northampton), a. 1100 chart. Irtelingburge,
1135 O.E. Chron. HyrtUngberi. Presumably a patronymic;
nothing likely in Onom. Cf. above and Haetlebury. See
-borough.
Irwbll R. (S. Lanes), c. 1200 Irewill. Doubtful, prob. Keltic.
Perh. ' vigorous river,' W. ir gwili. Cf. Abergwili and Erewash.
IsHAM (Kettering). Sic a. 1100; not in Dom. It is uncertain what
man's name Is- will represent. The R. Isbome (Evesham) is
709 chart. Esigburn, 777 Esegburn, ' brook of Esig, Ese, or Esi,'
all forms are found; and Isham may come fr. this name too, as
certainly does 1160-01 Pipe Sussex, Eisewrda {Dom. Isiwirde),
' farm oiEse.' Cf Isfield, Uckfield (not in Dom.), and Essendon.
ISIS R. 321 rVEL
Isis R., name of R.. Thames above Oxford. Sic 1537 Leland, but
c. 1387 Higden Ysa, 1603 Yshnyver (see Nevern). It is almost
certain that this is a Keltic name for ' river ' or ' water/ as in
OusE, and G. uisge. Cf. Wisbeach and the Wissey, trib. of Ouse.
Skeat thinks that Ismere House, Kidderminster, c. 757 clmrt.
Usmere, may show the same root. H. Alexander asserts that
Isis is merely a ' fanciful separation ' of the L. name for Thames
— Tarn -esis. This is contrary to our evidence, esp. that of
Higden; and the form Esis never seems to occur.
IsLEHAM (Soham) and Isleworth (R. Thames). Pron. I-zelworth.
Dom. Gisleham, 1284 Isilham, 1321 Yeselham. Dom. Ghistel-
worde, later Yhistelworth, Istelworth, c. 1600 Thistleworth.
' Home ' and ' farm of the hostage,' O.E. gisel. Islebeok
(N. Yorks), Dom. Iselbec, is presumably ' brook of the hostage '
too. But Islehampstead is prob. 1230 Close R. Ysenhamested,
' homestead of Isen-.' There are several possible names, Isenbard,
Isengrim, etc. See -worth.
Isle op Dogs (London). Formerly Stepney Marsh. 1588 Ames'
Map, He of Dogges; 1593 Norden's Map, ' Isle of Doges Ferme.'
The origin of the name is quite unknown to history. See Thorn-
bury and Walford's Grreater London, i. 535-37. Possibly because
so many dogs were drowned in the Thames here.
Islington (London). Old Isendune. The I, as in island, is said to
be quite mod. Prob. ' hill of Isena.' Cf. B.C.S. 144 Isenan
sewylm (' spring '); and see -ing, -don, and -ton.
IsLip (Oxford and Thrapston). Ox. I. a. 1100 chart. Githslep.
Thr. I. Dom. and c. 1240 Islep. ' Githa's leap,' O.E. hlyp,
3 leep, Up, 4-6 lepe. There are 4 GitJuz's in Onom. Cf.
BniDLip.
Itchen R. (Hants and Warwick). Ha. I. 961 chart. Icena; Wa. I.
998 chart, on Ycsenan, 1001 ib. on Ycenan. Some identify the
Hants R. with Ytene, which Flor. W., c. 1097, says is the
Angles' name for the New Forest. If so, we prob. have the
common scribe's error t for c; and origin fr. O.E. etan, 3rd sing,
pres. ytt, ' to devour, consume,' is not to be thought of. Prob.
both rivers are pre-Kelt. Cf. R. Ithon (Radnor), R. Ythan
(Aberdeensh.), Ythancsestir (Essex) in Bede iii. 22, Bp's Itch-
INGTON, and IcKNTELD St. Long Itchington (Southam) is
1001 chart. Yceantune, Dom. Icentone, Itchington (Thombury),
is 967 chart. Icenantmie, Dom. Icetune; whilst Itchington
(Suffolk) is also fr. a R. Icenan. Cf. K.C.D., iii. 316.
Itteringham (Norfolk). Sic 1504, also Iteryngham. 'Home of
Wihthering, Withering, or Witherwine,' all names in Onom.
Dom. has only a Witeingeham. Cf. Withernsea. See -ing.
IvEL (or Ile) R. (Somerset, and trib. of Great Ouse). See II-
chester.
IVEK 322 KEDINGTON
IvER (Uxbridge). a. 1300 Evere, Evre. Not in Dom. Ivor is an
old Brit, name found in Geoffrey of Monmouth and Giraldus
Cambrensis. But here it is prob. O.E. ifig ofr, M.E. ivi-over,
' ivy bank/ It is on a bank. Cf. Asher, Beecher, Hasler, etc. ;
and see -over.
IxHULL (Oakley, Bucks). Not in Dom. 1240 Close R. Yxenhull.
Prob. ' hiU of Ycca/ 2 in Onom. Cf. Ixworth (Bury St. E.).
Dom. Icsewurda', ' Icca'B farm.' Hull is regular Midland Eng.
for hill.
Jackments Bottom (Kemble, Cirencester). Old Jakemans, Jacu-
mans, called fr. a man. A Walter Jakemxins is known in 1355.
Bottom is O.E. hotm, found with the secondary meaning, ' dell,
low-lying land,' fr. c. 1325.
Jacobstow (Cornwall). ' Place (O.E. stow) of Jacob,' brother of
Winwaloe. See Gtjnwalloe.
Jakkow, on Tyne. Bede In Gyrvum, Gyrwum; a. 1130 Sim. Dur.
Girva, 1593 Southe Yarowe. W. garw, geirw, 'rough'; also 'a
torrent.' Cf. G. garbh, ' rough,' and Yarrow (Sc). But M'Clure
thinks fr. Kelt, gyrwe, ' fen, marsh.' Cf. Wear.
Jersey, c. 380 Anton. Itin. Csesarea, c. 1070 Wm. Jumieges
Gersus, a. 1170 Wace Gersui, 1218 Patent B. Geresye, 1219 ib.
Gerese, 1447 Jersey, 1454 Gersey, 1587 larzie. Caesarea is
' place named in honour of Coesar/ the ending being L. -ea, and
not N. -ey. The present form is due to N. influence, and may
be meant for O.N. *gers-ej, ' grass-covered isle ' ; O.E. grces, gross ;
O.Fris. gers ; Dan. grces, 'grass.' But, all the same, it must be
corrup. of Caesarea. Cherburg, close by, is 1237 Close B.
Cesariburg; whilst Caithness — i.e., Norse-blooded — Hps to-day
always call Jews Chews. Cf. Jerbourq, Guernsey. See -ey.
Jervaulx or Joreval (Yorks, N. Riding). Pron. Jarvis. 1297
JerovaUe. Er. val, mod. pi. vaux, is ' a valley'; but Jer(o)- is
doubtfid. Cf. Jarrow. The Cistercian abbey was founded
here in 1156. For the ending -val, cf. the name Furnivall,
found fr. 13th cny., from Fournival, Normandy.
Jesmond (Newcastle). Sic a. 1270. As above, the latter half
seems clear enough, Fr. mont, ' mount, hiU,' but the former is
quite doubtful. Cf. Richmond.
Johnston (Pembroke). Sic 1603. Founded by Flemish settlers
early in the 12th cny. Cf. Jameston, Jordanston (1516
Jordanyston, W. Tref Wrdan), and Williamston, in same shire.
Jump (Barnsley). Modern. The word jwwjp is not found in Eng.
till 1511.
Kedington (Haverhill, Suffolk) . Dom. Kidituna. Cf. Dom. Keding-
ton (Wore.) . ' Town of Cedd, Cedda, or Ceadda,' gen. -an. Cf., too,
Dom. Cedeslai (Wore.) . Kedsley is still a surname. See -ing.
KEEL 323 KELSTON
Keel (2 in Montgomery) and Keele (Newcastle-under-L.) . New. K.
a. 1200 Kiel. Duignan is prob. right in calling all these Keltic.
G. cille, * graveyard, church/ comes very near in sound; but G.
words are unknown hereabouts, so it is prob. W. cil, ' a comer,
a nook.' ' But Kbelby (N. Lines) must be fr. a man, as in
Kelmarsh, Kelloe, etc.; so also Nun Keeling (Yorks), Dom.
Chehnge, plainly a patronymic fr. a man. Keel or Cele.
Keevil (Trowbridge). Dom. Chivele, 1217 Patent E. ELivele. The
ending -ley, q.v., very rarely falls away to I only. But this is
prob. ' meadow of Cifa/ Cf. Chevenage, Kiveton Park,
Sheffield, etc.
Kegworth (Derby). Not in Z>om. ' Farm oi Ceagga/ Cf.B.C.8.
762 Ceaggan heal, and 939 chart. Cagbroc (Shaftesbury). See
-worth.
Keiqhley (Yorks). Now pron. Keithly. Dom. Chichelai, 1300
Kighelye, 1303 Kighley. This is the same name as the well-
known Abp. Chichele (c. 1362-1443), and must be ' meadow of
CyJcell ' (var. of Cytel or Ketel, a common name), a name found
once in Sim. Dur. The present pron. curiously confirms the
fact that Cykell is var. of Cytel. See -ley.
Kekewich or -wick (Runcorn) . See Kenswick, and c/. Checkjley,
and 1286 Close R. Kekaller, ' Cec's alder-tree.'
Keld (Richmond, Yorks). O.N. kelda, 'a well, a spring.' Cf.
GuNNEBSKELD, Thrclkeld, etc.; also Dom,. Wore. ' Celdeslai,'
and ih. Bucks, Celdenuella and Celdestone.
Kelfield (York). Dom. Chelchefeld. The name represented by
Chelche- is doubtful. It may be Ceollach or Cellah, found once
in Onom.
Kellet, Over and Nether (Carnforth) . Dom. Chellet, a. 1400
Keldehth. O.N. kelda-hlith, ' spring, well on the hill-slope.'
How early the name contracted, yet how late the true form
lingered !
Kellington (Normanton). Z)om. Chellinctone, Chelintune. 'Town
of Celling/ a recorded name, or ' of the sons of Ceolla.' See
-ing.
Kelloe (Coxhoe, Durham). 1522 Kellowe. Prob. ' CeoVs hill ' or
' how,' O.N. haug-r, ' a mound, a cairn,' found in Eng. as how
a. 1340. See -how.
Kelmarsh (Northampton). Dom. Keilmersc. 'Marsh,' O.E.
mer{i)sc, ' of Ceol.' Cf. Kelby (S. Lines), Dom. Chelebi, and
above.
Kelston (Bath). Old forms needed. Not in Dow. But cf. Dom.
Bucks Celdestane — i.e., ' stone at the well ' or ' spring,' O.E.
celde, O.N. Jcelda. Cf. Kilham, also Kelmstow, Halesowen,
1327 Kelmestowe, ' place ' of a chapel to St. Kenelm or Coenhelm.
KELVEDON 324 KENILWORTH
Kelvedon (Essex). 998 chart. Cynlaue dyne, Dom. Keluenduna,
1298 Kelwendon. Prob. 'hill of Cynelaf/ 6 in Onom. The
change here is unusual. See -don.
Kemerton (Tewkesbury). Said to be 840 chart. Cyneburgincgtun
{B.C.S. 430), ' dwelhng of the sons of Gyneburh/ a woman. See
-ing. But Dom. Chin-, Chenemertune, ' dweUing of CynemcBr*
Kemmaes Head. See Cemmaes.
Kempley (W. Glouc). Dom. Chenepelei, 1221 Kenepelege, 1239
-pelega. Some think, O.E. cyne-ceppel-leah, ' royal apple-
meadow,' an interesting corruption. Norm, scribes, esp. in
Dom., have a habit of turning c into the softer ch. But it is
already 1195 Kempelee, and Baddeley may be right in making
it ' Gnapa'a lea,.'
Kempsey (Worcester). 799 chart. Kemesei, 977 ib. Cymesige,
Dom. Chemesege (Norm, spelling), 1275 Kemesey. Prob. ' isle
of Ceomma.' A p often intrudes, cf. Bampton, Brompton, etc.
See next and -ey.
Kempsfobd (Glouc). O.E. Chron. 800 Cynemaeresford, 1236
Kynemeresford, 1541 Kamyseford. ' Ford of Cynemcer.' But
Kempston (Bedford), Dom. Cameston (4 times), 1242 Close R.
Kemes-, Kemstun, is prob. fr. a man Ceomma, in Onom. The
letter p is a common intruder.
Kempton (Sunbury). Dom. Chenetone; 1222 Patent R. Kenintun;
1238 Kenni-, Kenyton, Kenet' ; 1331 Kenyngton. Prob. ' town
of Coen or Coena,' both in Onom.
Ken CHESTER (Hereford), c. 380 Anton. Itin. Magnis, Dom. Chene-
cestre. O.E. cyne ceaster, ' royal camp or town.' Cf. Kempley.
Kendal, a. 1199 Kirkeby in Kendal, 1303 Brunne Kendale, 1575
Kirkbie Kendall. 'Dale, vaUey of R. Kent,' which must be
the same as R. Kennet — at least so thinks Skeat. This K.
is not in Dom., but we have there a ' Cheldale ' — i.e., Kendall
Farm (Driffield)— on the R. Kell, trib. of the Hull. The liquids
I and n occasionally interchange. KeU may be W. celli, ' a
wood, a grove.' See -dale and Ktrkby.
Kenfig Hill (Bridgend, Glam.). Chart. Kenefeg. W. cefnyffyg,
' at the head of the swamp,' now mostly buried in the sand, but
once famous. Caen or Ken Wood (Hampstead) might be fr.
cefn too ; but it does not seem mentioned till 1661, which is far
too late for us to be sure of anything.
Kenilworth (Warwick). Dom. Chinewrde, a. 1199 Roll. Rich. I.
Kenilleworhe, 1229 Kenillewurth, 1297 R. Glouc. Keningwrthe,
Kiningwurthe, 1298 Kenilworthe. The true form is found only
in the other and now defunct Kenilworth, near Worcester, 974
chart. Cynelde weorthe, 980 ib. Cinilde wyrthe. 'Farm of
Cynehild,' a woman. Cf. Dom. Salop Cheneltone. The word
KENLEY 325 KENTISBURTFOED
kennel is fr. Nor. Fr., and not found in Eng. till c. 1350. See
-worth.
Kenley (Shrewsbury and Surrey). Shr. K. Dom. CheneUe.
' Coena'a meadow.' Several of this name in Onom. See -ley.
But Kenneblby (Oswestry) and Kennebsley (Wellington,
Salop, and Hereford), Dom. Chenardelei, Oswestry, are fr.
Coenweard. The surname Kenward is still in use.
Kennet R. (Berks) and town and R. (Newmarket) ; also old name
of Marlboro, which is 1223 Kenet. Be. K. is c. 380 Ant. Itin.
Cunetio, 1006 O.E. Chron. and B.C.S., ii. 367, Cyneta; Ne. K.
c. 1080 Kenet, Dom. Chenet. Keltic root of unknown meaning.
Cf. Kennet (Sc), Kent R. (Wstmld.), Kentford (Sussex)
{Chron. Ramsey Chenetheford), and Kintbuby.
Keistnington (London and Berks). Lo. K. Dom. Chenintone,
c. 1390 Kennyngton. Be. K. O.E. chart. Cenintune, Cenigtune;
later Ohenig-, Chenitun; c. 1290 Keninton. Seems to be O.E.
Coenantun, ' town of Coena ' (3 in Onom., and 1 Goen), or else
' of Coena's descendants.' Skeat prefers to derive fr. Keen or
the Keenings, O.E. cene, ' bold, valiant, keen.' Cf. Dom,
Devon, Chenigedone, ' Keening's hill,' and Kensworth (Beds).
KJBNNINGHALL (Thetford), Dom. Cheninchala, Chenighehala, has
prob. the same origin. The -ighe- is the common -incg, sign of
the patronymic. See -ing and -hall.
Kensington (London). Dom. Chenesitune. Prob. 'town of
Coensige ' or ' Gensige ' (2 in Onom.). See -ing.
Kenswick (Worcester). Dom. Checinwiche, a. 1200 Checkingwic,
a. 1400 Kekingwik, Kekingewyke, Kekeswych. Prob. ' dwell-
ing of the sons of Cecca,' cf. Checkley, or ' of Cygincg,' one
in Onom. Cf. Kekewich and Kensworth, Beds (not in Dom.),
and see -wick.
Kent. 55 b.c. Jul. Ccesar Cantium, c. 30 b.o. Diod. Sicul. Kavnov,
? a. 600 Gregory Tours Cantia, JSede Cant-uarii, a. 810 Nennius
Ghent, O.E. Chron. 676 Centlond, Dom. Ghent; also c. 930
Lett, to Athelstan Gantescyre. E. Nicholson conjectured an
O.Kelt, root meaning ' white,' fr. the chalk cHfEs. Cf. W. gwyn,
gwen. Possibly it means ' headland.' Cf. G. ceann, ' head,'
and Gabrosenti, O.Kelt, form of Gateshead. For R. Kent
see Kendal and Kennet.
Kentchubch and Kendebchtjbch (Hereford) are only 1 mile
apart. Not in Dom. Prob. both are=LLANGYNiDE.
Kentisbueyfoed (Barnstaple). Dom. Ghentesberie, Exon. Dom.
Ghentisberia. The Kenti- may represent some such O.E. name
as G entwine or Gintswine, a common name, or perh. Goenstan
or Ghenestan. Cf. Kentchubch. 1160-61 Pipe Glouc. has a
Gantebohhan, which may be for ' Ganta's bow ' or ' arch.' O.E.
bo^a has this sense. There is a Canta in Onom., and this may be
KENTISH TOWN 326 KETTON
the name in Kentisbury too. Cf. Kentisbeare (CuUompton),
Dom. Chentesbere. See Beer, ' a wood/
Kentish Town (London). Old Kanteloues Town, later Kentes-
towne. Named fr. the family of Cantlow, formerly Kaunteloe,
Norm. Chanteloup, or champ de lov/p, 'wolf's field.' Inter-
esting example of ' popular ' etymology.
Kenton (Exeter and 2) . Dom. Devon and Bucks Chentone, Sffk.
Kenetona; 1157 Pipe Chenton (Devon). Older forms needed.
May be fr. a man Coen, in Onom. Perh. fr. the common
name G entwine, contracted.
Keresley (Coventry). 1275 Keresleye. 'Meadow of the water-
cress,' O.E. ccBTse, cerse. Cf. Cresswell and Abbot's Kers-
WELL; also Kersewell (Wstrsh.), 1275 Kersewelle.
Kersey (Suffolk). O.E. chart. Caersige, 1342 Kersey; also 1262
' panni cersegi,' Kersey cloths. ' Isle of watercresses.' See
above and -ey. Dom. has only Keresfelda and -halla.
Kessingland (Lowestoft). Dom. Kessinga-, Kessingeland ; 1225
Patent E. Cassinge-, Casingland. ' Land of the sons of Casa,' one
in Onom. Cf. B.C.S. 341 Kasingburne and Chesham. See -ing.
Kesteven (E. Lines). Dom. Chetsteven, a. 1200 chart. Ketstefena,
1242 Ketsteven'. Looks like ' Cetta's stem or stock,' O.E. stefn,
stemn. But for Chet- cf. also Chetwood.
Kestle Mill (St. Columb Minor, Cornwall). There is in Dom.
Salop a Cestulle, or ' hill of Cest/ an unknown man. But it is
quite uncertain if this is the same.
Keswick (Cumberland, and Taverham, Norfolk) ; also East Kes-
wick, near Leeds {Dom. Chesuic). Tav. K. Dom. Kesewic,
c. 1150 Casewic, and so = Cheswardine and Chiswick, ^cheese
farm,' ' house where cheese is made.' See -wick. Keston
(Hayes, Kent), Dom. Chestan, may be similarly ' cheese stone ' or
* cheese-press ' ; otherwise it will be 'stone of Cis,' a name in Onom.
Ketley (Wellington, Salop). Not in Dom. Cf. 1158-59 Chateleia,
Pipe Norfk. and Suffk., ' Meadow of Cetil, Chetel/ or ' Ketil ';
all forms in Onom. The seat of the Curzons of Keddleston was
a. 1400 Ketilston. See -ley. But Ketford (Dymock), Dom.
Chitiford, is fr. a man Cyta.
Kettering. 963 O.E. Chron. Ketering, 1125 Kateringes (pL),
and Ketteringham (Norwich), 956 chart. iEt Cytringan, Dom.
Ketrincham. Patronymics. ' Abode of the sons of Kater,'
still in use as a surname. See -ing and -ham (where the -an of
956, a possible loc, will be found referred to).
Kettleburgh (Wickham Mket.). 1224 Ketelbergh. ' Burgh,
castle of Cetel or Cytel '; a common name. See -burgh.
Ketton (Stamford). Not in Dom. Cf. 1183 Boldon Bk. Kettona
(Durham). Prob. ' village of Cetta '; one in Onom. Cf. Ket-
EORD ; see -ton.
KEVERNE 327 KIDDERMINSTER
Keverne (Cornwall). Not in Dom. 1536 Keweyn. Prob. fr.
St. Keynwen or Kenew, daughter of Brychan of Brecknock, and
aunt of St. Cadoc. Kenwyn is the name of the parish of which
Truro stands. Cf. St. Keyne (Cornwall), but not Keynsham.
Kew (London) . Old Kayhough, Kayhoo, Keye ; 1749 Kew. ' Pro-
montory, point of land at the quay or wharf '; O.Fr. kay, cai ;
in Eng. 4 keye, and see Hoe, Hoc.
Kewstoke (Weston-super-Mare). Dom. Chiwestoch. Said to be
' place of St. Kew.' St. Ciwg or Cwick was patron saint of
Llangwick, on E.. Tafl, possibly Exon. Dom. Lancichuc. There
is also a St. Kywa or Ciwa in the Exeter Martyrology, Feb. 8.
Cj. Roll Rich. I., ' Kiweshope ' (Hereford).
Keyham (Leicester and Devonport). Lei. K. Dom. Caiham and
Caitorp. Cf. Dom. Surrey and Salop Ceiha. ' Home of ?' perh.
Ceawa. Cf. B.G.S. 833 Ceawan hlaew. There is a well-known
Pict. name Ce or Keth, now Kay. Cf. Key^orth (Notts), Dom.
Caworde, 1200 Kye-, c. 1294 Keword, which Mutschmann takes
for O.E. cy worth, 'cow farm,' O.E. cu, pi. cy, Sc. kye.
Keymer (Hassocks, Sussex). Dom. Chemere. Prob. ^ Ceommn'a
mere ' or ' lake.' Cf. Cromer, etc.
Keynor (Selsea). O.E.Chron. 4:11 Cymenesore, ' Cymen's shore,'
Dom. Coonore, -nare ; where the Saxon ^lle and his 3 sons, Cissa,
Cymen, and Wlencing, landed in 477. Cf. the Cumensora
near W. Wittering (Sussex), mentioned in a spurious charter.
See -or.
Keynsham (Bristol), c. 990 Ethdweard re 871 Coeginesham, Dom.
Cainesham, 1223 Patent R. Keinesham. ' Home of Keigwin,'
a surname, prob. Cornish, still in use. Cf. Caijwell.
KsYNTON (Dorset} Wilts, Salop). Do. K. formerly Chintone, Con-,
Cuntone; Wi. K. Contone; Sa. K. Cantune. O.E. Coenantun,
' town of Coena ' (3 in Onom.).
KiBWORTH (Leicester). Dom. Chiburde. Cf. 1208 Torks Fines
Kybbewordhe. 'Farm of Cybba.' Cf. B.C.S. 1002 Cybban
stan. See -worth.
KroDAL. See Cheadle.
Kidderminster. Dom. Chideminstre, 1223 Elideminstre, a. 1300
Kyder-, Kydelminstr, c. 1350 Kiderminestere. In a grant of
736 lands at ' Chideminstre ' (Norm, scribe's spelling) are given
by K. u3i]thelbald to Earl Cyneberght on which to bmld a
monastery (see -minster). So the name is ' Monastery, monas-
tery-church of Cydda.' There are 3 in Onom,., also a Cyda, a
Cydd, and a Cyddi. The r is a later insertion, so M'Clure's deriva-
tion fr. O.W. cyddwfr {= cyn-dwfr), ' confluence of the rivers,' is
barred out. Besides, the confluence of Stow with Severn is
4 miles away. But there is a Kiddermore Green (Wolverhamp-
KIDLINGTON 328 KILLINGWOKTH
ton), which may have a W. origin. For ' cockney ' insertion of
r cf. Tattershall.
KiDUNGTON (Oxon). Dom. Chedelintona, Cedelintona (also in
Devon), 1149 Cudelyngton, 1214Kedelinton, 1227-28 Cudelinton,
Kedelyngton. ' Town of the sons of Cydel,' or perh. ' of Ceadela.'
But KiDDiNGTON (Oxon.) is Dom. Chidintone, ' town of Cydda.'
See KlDDEBMINSTEE..
KiDSGROVE (Stoke-on-T.)- No old forms; but cf. Dom. Northants
Chidesbi. ' Grove, wood of Cydda.' Cf. above.
Kidwelly (Csermarthen). a. 810 Nennius and a. 1130 Lib.
Landav. Cetgueli; Brut y Twys. ann. 991 Cydweli; Ann. Cambr.
KedweH ; 1401 Kedewelly. In mod. W. Ced-, Cadweli. A little
doubtful; prob. a tribal name fr. a chief Cadwal.
KiELDER (Cheviots). G. caol dobhar (W. dwr). 'Narrow stream.'
In G. ao is pron. ii, but on Eng. lips varies greatly in sound;
with the sound in Kielder cf. Eddrachilis (Sc.)=G. eadar-a-
chaolais, and pron. by English people EddraheeUs.
KiLBURN (London), c. 1134 chart. Kuneburna, Keneburna; later,
Kele-, Keelebum, Caleburn; 1536 Kilnborne. ' Burn, brook
of Cuna or Coena or Coen ' ; several in Onom. But later forms
indicate some comparison with O.E. ceol, ' a keel, a ship.' As
we often see, any liquid may interchange with any other ; hence
the n becoming I. Cf. Killinghall.
KiLCOT (Gloucester). Dom. Chilecot, 1307 Kulkotte. Prob.=
Chilcott (Wells), and so Keltic for ' narrow wood.' It is
difficult to account for the Chile- otherwise, unless it be similar
to KiLHAM, with chile for O.E. celde, ' a spring.' Cf. Killpeek
(Herefd.), 1219 Kilpec. However, there is one Killa, or Cylla,
in a Mercian chart.
KiLHAM (Driffield). Dom. Chillon (6 times), 1179-80 Pipe Chillum.
An old loc, chillon or cyllum, ' at the sources or springs ' of
R. Hull; O.E. celde, O.N. kelda, ' a spring, a well.' Cf. Kelham
(Notts), Dom. Calun, 1189 Pipe Kelum, and Welham. There is
another near Coldstream (Sc).
Killinghall (Harrogate). Dom. Chenehalle, Chilingale. 'Nook
of Coena ' or ' Cilia,' with gen. -an. Dom. is perpetually inter-
changing I and n. Cf. CtttTiTiTNGBam, Kilburn, etc. See -hall.
KiLLiNGWORTH (Newcastle), c. 1330 B. Brunne Kilyngworth,
1424 KyUynworth, and Kilworth, South (Lutterworth), 1288
Close B. Suth-Kevelingwrth, 1307 Kivelingworth. The ending,
of course, is ' farm.' See -worth. The prefix seems a patrony-
mic otherwise unrecorded, perh. fr. vb. kevel, O.N. kejla, ' to
bit or bridle,' and so this might be ' bridling-place.' Cf. above.
But Kilworth is in Dom. Chiveleswordc, which postulates a
man Cifel, or the like.
KILMINGTON 329 KINDER SCOUT
KiLMiNGTON (Bath and Axminster). Dom. Chelmetone, Ex. Dom.
Chilmatona. Ax. K. 1219 Patent B. Kelmeton. * Town of
Gelm/ one in Onom., or ' of Oelm's sons/ See -ing.
KiLNSEA (Spurn Hd.). Dom. Chilnesse. Perh. 'isle, peninsula of
the kiln ' ; O.E. cyline, cyln, O.N. kylna. Cf. Kilnhurst (Rother-
ham). The sign of the gen. in Kilnsea suggests a man's name,
but there is nothing in Onom. except Cylm ; Cyln might be a
variant. Kilnwick (Beverley) is Dom. Chelingewie, Chilewid,
a patronymic fr. Gil or Cele, the name seen in Kelby (S. Lines),
Dom. Chelebi. See -wick, 'dwelhng.'
KiLSBY (Rugby). Not in Dom. 1155-62 c^arf.Kylesbya. 'Dwelling
of CilU or Cilia ' ; several in Onom. Of. 1155 Pipe Cheleswuyda,
' Cille's farm,' and Kelby (S. Lines), Dom. Chelebi. See -by.
KiLViNGTON (Thirsk). Dom. Cheluintun, c. 1190 Kilvingtone, 1200
Kilvintone. Prob. 'town of Ceolwynn'; one in Onom. But
KiLvnsrQTON (Notts), Dom. ChUvintun, Chelvinctun. Mutsch-
mann would make ' home of the sons of Cylfa ' ; one in Onom.)
See -ing. Kilve (Bridgwater), not in Dom., 1221 Patent R.
Kelve, seems to be one of the rare cases, like Goodrich, etc.,
where a place-name is simply a man's name, here Ceolf, short
form of the common Geolwulf.
KiMBERLEY occurs 3 timcs, each a different name, and none fr.
KiMBER, name of R. Pang (Berks) near its source, Kelt, cumber,
W. cymmer, ' a confluence.' K., Nottingham, is Dom. Chi-
nemar(e)Lie, ^ Gynemcer's mead.' K., Warwksh., is 1311 Cyne-
baldeleye, ^ Gynebald's mead'; and K. near R. Yare (Norfk.)
is Dom. Chineburlai, 1237 Kyneburl', 'mead of Gynebeorht,' a
very common O.E. name. Gf. Kilmersdon (Bath), 1235 Kyne-
merdon, and Kimsbury (Gloster), c. 1230 Kinemeresbur.
KiMBOLTON (Hunts and Leominster). Hu. K. Dom. Chenebaltone,
1297 Kynebauton. ' Town of Gynebald ' ; m and n often inter-
change. Gf. Great Kimble, and Kilmeston (Southampton),
Dom. Chenehnestune, ' Kenelm'a town.'
KiMPTON (Andover and Welwyn). An. K. Dom. Chementune. We.
K. Dom. Kamintone, 1210 Kentone, later Kymi-, Kemitone,
1346 Kumynton. Skeat is clear that this last is O.E. Gyman
tun, ' town of Cyma.' It is on the R. Kime, but this must be a
back formation. Gf. Kyme and Dom. Devon Chiempabera,
perh. fr. Gempa — i.e., ' warrior.'
Kinder Scout (The Peak). Scout is Oxf. Diet, sb^, fr. O.N. sJmte,
'a high, overhanging rock.' Kinder is doubtful; old forms,
needed. It looks like G. cinn dobhair (W. dwr), ' at the head
of the stream,' but this would be a very rare type of name for
this region. So prob. it is fr. kind, sic in O.E. and O.N., in
mod. Icel. Jcind-r, ' sheep,' though in older usage it seems to
mean only ' kind, sort.'
22
KINETON 330 KINGSWINFORD
KiNETON or Kington (Warwksh.). 969 chart. CyTigtune, Dom.
Cintone. Plainly ' royal town, town'of the king '; O.E. cyning.
Cf. Dom. Lines Chinetorp, O.E. cyne, ' royal ' village.
Kingsbury (Tamworth). Dom. Chinesburie, a. 1200 Kinesburi,
1322 Kinesbury. ' Burgh, town of Cyne ' — i.e., ' the royal/ Said
to have been a residence of the Mercian kings. See -bury.
Kingsclere (Newbury). See Burghclere.
KiNGSCLiFFE (Wansford, Northants). 1202 Y or Jcs Fines Cunigges-
clive super Teisam, must be the same name.
King's Langley (Herts). 'King's long meadow'; O.E. lang Uah.
The land here was in royal possession from Hen. I. to Cromwell,
and a house was built here by Hen. III. Kjengsnorton (Bir-
mingham), Dom. Nortune, also belonged to the Crown from
the Conquest to Hen. III.
Kjng's Lynn. Dom. Lena, c. 1100 Lun, 1314-15 Lenne, 1450
LjTine. O.E. hlynn means usually ' a torrent running over
rocks,' which does not exist here. Its later meaning, ' a pool,'
is not recorded till 1577-87, Hohnshed's Chron. Cognate with
W. llyn. Com. lin, G. linne, ' a pool '; so the origin here may be
Keltic. The town's history goes back at least to 1100, prob.
earUer. Originally it was a fief of the Bp. of Norwich, and so
called Lynn Episcopi; but it was emancipated by Hen. VIII.,
and at that time received its present name, Lynn Regis or
King's Lynn.
KiNGSLEY (Cheshire and Hanley). Ches. K. sic a. 1128. Han.
K. Dom. Chingeslei, a. 1300 Kynggesley. 'King's meadow.'
See -ley.
King's Nympton (Chulmleigh). 1287 Kingesnemeton. Hybrid.
See Nymphsfield.
KiNGSTHORPE (Northampton). Dom. Chingestorp. 'King's vil-
lage.' See -thorpe.
Kingston (13 in P.G.). Surrey K. 619 Cingestun, 838 Cyningestun.
Camb. K. Dom. Chingestone, 1210 Kingestone. Notts K. Dom.
Chinestan, 1291 Kynstan. Warwk. K. 1327 Kyngestone. ' King's
town.' Sur. K. was the usual place for the consecration of the
Saxon Kings. The Notts name is O.E. cyne stan, ' royal stone.'
Kingston Lisle (Wantage), 1288 Kingeston Lisle, was called
after William de Insula or De L'Isle, in the time of Hen. II.
KiNGSTONE Bagpuize (Berks). Dom. Chingestune in Merceham
(Marcham) ; also in chart. Kingestun, Cingestun. Called after a
Norman Bachepuiz (Chron. Abingdon, temp. Wm. II.), 1316
Bakepus, 1428 Bagepuys. Prob. fr. O.Fr. hache, ' a gulley, a
watercourse,' cf. Eng. bach, and O.Fr. puz, puiz, Fr. puits, L.
puteus, ' a well.' The Fr. place is now Bacquepuis, Eure.
KiNGSwiNFORD (Dudley). 1023 chart. Swinford, Dom. Suinesford.
' Ford of the swine '; O.E. swin. It was a royal manor in Dom.
KINGSWOOD 331 KIEKBY
KiNGSWOOD (5 in P.O.). 1160 Pipe Chingeswuda, Kent. Dom.
Glouc. has only Chingescote, now Kingscote.
KiNGWESTON (Somerset). Dom. Kenwardston, an interesting cor-
ruption. Cyneweard is a very common O.E. name.
KiNNERLEY (Oswestry) and Kinnersley (W. Hereford, Severn-
Stoke, and Wellington, Salop). 1223 Patent R. Kinardeseia
(see -ey), ? which. Wei. K. Dom. Chinardelei, Chinardeseie.
' Meadow of Cyneheard/ a common O.E. name. Cf. next and
1155 Pipe Oxon. Chenewardberge, ' hill of Coenweard ' or
' Kenward '; also Kingerby (Lines), 1218 Patent R. Kyngorby,
prob. ' dwelling of Cynegar ' ; one in Onom. See -by and -ley.
KiNNERTON (Cheshire). Dom. Cinbretune. ^ Cynebeorht's town.'
Cf. above.
KiNTBURY (Hungerford). Dom. Cheneteberie, chart, set Cynetan
byrig, 1316Kenetbm-y. ' Burgh ontheR. Keknet.' See -burgh.
Kesiton (Hereford and Salop). He. K. Dom. Chingtune; also
Kington (Worcester). Dom. Chintune, 1275 Kyngton, 1340
Kynton, which Duignan renders O.E. cyne tun, ' royal town.'
Cf. 1167-68 Pipe Sussex Cunton.
Kinver Forest (Stourbridge). 736 chart, 'the wood called
Cynibre,' 964 Cynefare, Dom. Chenefare, 1222 Kenefer, Testa
de Nevill Kinefar, 1282 Kynefare. M'Clure thinks this may
represent an early Cunobriga, ' high burgh.' The origin is quite
uncertain. It is very Hkely Kelt., ? W. cwn y bre, 'height, top
of the brae ' or ' slope.' O.E. cyne means ' royal,' and cyne
fare (or fcer) ' royal road ' ; but this may have been a Saxon
corrup. of a W. name.
KrppAX (Pontefract). Dowi. Chipesch. The local pron. is Kippis.
O.E. ceap-cesc,' market ash-tree.' Cf. Chepstow and Borrowash.
KiRBY (11 in P.O.). Dom. Leicr. Cherchebi. Contracted fr.
KiRK-BY, ' dwelling by the church.' Kirby Wiske (Thirsk)
is 1212 Kirkeby super Wise. See Appleton Wiske.
Kirby Cross and Kirby-le-Soken (Walton-on-Naze) . See above.
Not in Dom. These are among the most southerly of names
in -by. Soken is a district held by socage, in O.E. socn, fr.
soc, ' the right of holding a court in a district.' All dwellers in a
soken were under the jurisdiction of the lord of the manor there.
KiRDFORD (Petworth). Not in Dom. Cf. c. 1030 ' Cyrdeslea,'
Hereford. ' Ford of Cyrd,' contraction of Ceolred, a common
O.E. name.
KiRKBRiDE (Carlisle). 1189 Kirkebride. ' Church of St. Bride,'
or Bridget or Brigida of Kildare.
KiRKBY (16 in P.G.). Dom. Yorks Chirchebi or Cherchbi 35 times,
and Kirkebi once, all for some Kirkby or Kirby — i.e., ' dwelling
by the church.' Cf. Kendal; see -by.
KIRKHAM 332 KNATTON
KniKHAM (N. of R. Ribble). Dom. Chicheham (r omitted by error),
c. 1141 Chircheham, the name as written by a Norman or
Southern scribe. ' Home, house by the Tcirh,' N. Eng. and Sc.
for church.
KiRKLiNGTON (Bedale and Southwell). Be. K. Dom. ChercHnton,
Cherdinton, 1212 Torhs Fines Kertlinton. So. K. Dom. Cherlin-
ton, Cherluintone, 1291 Kirtelyngton. These may be same as
KniTLiNGTON ; but prob. they are mostly Kirk-linton, ' the Lyn-
TON by the church.'' However, Kirklinton (Carlisle) is c. 1120
Kirklevington, prob. 'church of the village of Lewine' or ^Leof-
wine/ or his descendants. Cf. Livingstone (Sc.) ; and see -ing.
KniKOSWALD (Chimbld.). 1166-67 Pipe Karcoswald. 'Church of
Oswald.' Cf. Oswestry.
KmKSTALL Abbey (Leeds). Founded 1147-52. 1237 Close B.
Kirkestal. c. 1540 Leland Qiristal. ' Kirk ' or ' church place.'
O.E. steel
KJEETLiNG (Newmarket) and Kirtltngton (Oxford), c. 1080
CurteHnge, Dom. CherteUnge, 977 O.E. Chron. Kyrtlingtune,
a. 1130 Sim. Dur. CirtHng, 1230 Close B. Kurt-, KertUnton, 1241
ib. Curlinton. This must be a patronymic, * place of the sons of
Cyrtel' though no name Hke this is given in Onom. Cf. KniK-
LESTGTON ; and see -ing.
Kjeton Lindsey (Lines). 1156 Pipe Chirchetune. 'Kirk or
church town of the Lindsays." Cf. Kirkham. Randolph de
Limesay or Lindeseye — i.e., ' isle of lime-trees ' — came over
with the Conqueror.
Knapton (York and N. Walsham) and Knapwell (Suffk.). Yo.
K. Dom. Cnapetone, others not in Dom., 'town of Cnapa';
whilst Suf . K. is sic 1230, ' well of Cnapa.' Cf. Knapthorpe
(Caunton), Dom. Chenapetorp. But Knap Farm, Cold Knap
Wood, etc. (Wstrsh.), are fr. O.E. cncep, M.E. knap, 'a hillock.'
So also Knappe (Sussex), 1218 Cnappe.
Knabesbobough. Dom. Chenaresburg (5 times) . 1 155 Pipe Chanar-
desburc, 1156 Canardsburc, 1158 Cnardesburc, 1179-80 C!narre-
buri, c. 1180 Ben. Peterb. Chiaresburgus. The orig. name was
' burgh, castle of Kenward ' or ' Cyneweard.' But as it stands
on a rocky slope it seems early to have been thought ' fort of
the rugged rock,' M.E. hnarre, found a. 1250.
Knaves Castle (Lickfield). a. 1300 'a place called Cnaven
castle,' now a small mound. O.E. cnafa, ' a boy, a servant ';
later, ' a knave, a rogue.' Cf. Knavenhtll (Alderminster) .
Knayton (Thirsk). Dom. Cheneve-, Chenivetune, Chennieton,
1235 Cneveton. ' Town of Coengifu,' a woman's name, only
found here. Cf. Kneveton (Notts), Dom. Chenivetone, c. 1190
Chnivetun, which Mutschmann prefers to derive from O.E. cniht,
' a servant,' which explains the Kn-, but not the -ev.
^KNEBWOETH 333 KNOYLE
Knebworth (Stevenage). Dom. Ohenepeuorde, a. 1300 Kenebbes-
wrth, 1303 Knebbeworth. ' Cnehba'a farm.' See -worth.
Kneesworth (Royston, Herts). 1276 Knesworth, 1346 Knees-
worthe. 'Farm of Knee'; O.E. cneo, 'a knee'; not recorded
as a personal name. Cf. Knebsall (Notts), Dom. Cbeneshale,
1189 Pi'pe Cneeshala. See -hall.
Knighton (4 in P.G.) Lei. K. Dom. Cnihtetone. K.-on-Teme
957 Cnihtatune, Dom. Cnistetun {Dom. almost regularly has
st for gh), 1108 Cnihtetun, 1218 Cnigheton. ' Servants' town.'
On Knight see next. Cf. Knightwick (Worcester), 738 chart,
Cnihtwic. See -wick, ' dwelling.'
Knightsbridge (London) . c. 1 150 Cnihtbriga ; later, Knyghtsbrigg.
O.E. cniht meant orig. ' a boy, a lad, an attendant, a servant.'
Its mod. usage as ' knight ' is not recorded till O.E. Chron. 1086.
Knockin (Salop). Prob. dimin. of W. cnwc, G. cnoc, 'a hillock.'
Cf. Knook and Knucexas. One would like to see the old
forms of Knock holt or ' wood ' (Sevenoaks) , It is not in Dom.
KInoddishall (Saxmundham) . Dom. Chenotessala, 1225 Patent
R. Kenodeshal. ' Nook, comer of Cnod, Gnut,' or ' Canute.'
Of. Knottingley and ILnutsford. See -hall.
Knolton Bryn (EUesmere). Tautological hybrid. ' Town on
the knoll.' O.E. cnoll, Dan. hnold, W. cnol, Sc. knowe, and W.
bron, Corn, bryn, 'a hill.' Of. KInowle and Notting Hill.
But Kinoulton (Notts), Dom. Chineltune, 1152 Cheneldestoa, is
' Cyneweald's town.'
Knook -(Wilts), a 800 chart. Nox gaga, Dom. Cunuche, 1236 Cnuke.
W. cnuch, ' a junction ' ; or cnuwch, ' a junction, a bush.'
Knottingley (Yorks). Z)om. Notingelai, 1202 Cnottinglai. Patro-
nymic. ' Meadow of the sons of Cnot ' or ' Gnut.' See -ley.
But Knott in Gumbld. and Westmld. means ' a hill,' as in
Amside Elnott, Hark Knot, Scald Knot, etc. O.E. cnotta, see
Oxf. Diet., knot sb. 14.
Knowl(e) (Birmingham, Bristol, etc.). Bir. K. Dom. Gnolle, a.
1300 La CnoUe, a. 1400 Knole. Wednesfield K. a. 1300 le
Knolle. Alvechurch K. 1275 la Cnolle. O.E. cnoll, ' a round-
topped hillock' or '^hill,' a knoll; Sc. knowe. Two 'Cnolle'
in Dom. Dorset.
Knowsley (Liverpool). Dom. Phenulweslei (P error for C7) . 'Lea,
meadow of Goenwulf,' a name common in Onom. See -ley.
Kjstoyle (Salisbury). 948 chart. Cunugl, Cnugel, 1228 Stepel Knoel.
Gf. B.G.S. i. 240 Cunugl-ae (= ' isle '), which Birch identifies
with CoLNE (Glouc), q.v. This cannot be the same as knoll,
O.E. cnoll, ' hill-top, hillock,' though M'Clure declares that the
Oxf. Diet, says this is the origin of Knoyle. Where does it say
that ? Nor is it likely to be O.E. cnucel, ' knuckle, hill like a
knuckle.' This would not have become Knoyle. Cunugl looks
KNUCKLAS 334 LADBROKE
like W. cwn uchel, ' lofty height ' or ' hill-top/ the O.W. ugl
thus being cognate with Ogle, and Sc. Ochils, and Ogil-vie. It
is only fair to add that the Gazetteers speak of no hill here, so
the name may be pre -Kelt.
Knucklas (Radnor). In W., Cnwcglas, 1246 Patent R. Cnuclays.
'Green hill/ fr. W. cnwc, 'lump, hillock/ and glas (lias), ' green,
blue." Cf. KJNOCKCN and Knook.
Knutsfobd (Cheshire). Dom. Cunetesford. 'Ford of K. Cnut
or Canuti.' Cf. Knuston (Northants), Dom. Cnutestone, and
Knoddishall.
Knutton (Newcastle, Staffs). Dom. Clotone (error), a. 1300
Cnot(t)on^ Kjiotton. ' Village on the hillock '; O.E. cnotta, ' a
knot,' found fr. 14th cny. used as ' a hiU.' See Knott.
Kyloe (Belford). 1272 Kilei, 1561 Kilhowe, Killowe, 1636 Kilo.
Hybrid. G. cill{e), ' church, churchyard,' and howe, O.N.
ha/ug-r, 'mound, cairn'; in Eng. as how, a. 1340, 'a hill, a
hillock.' Cf. Tysoe, etc.
Kyme (Lincoba). Sic 1136, 1233 Kima. O.E. cyme vbl. sb. means
' coming.' But this seems to be the W. C7jme, ' lovely, beauti-
ful.' Skeat thinks that this Kyme and others must all come
fr. a man Cyma, 5 in Onom., but this type of name is rare.
Cf. KiMPTON. There is also a R. Kym, trib. of the Gt. Ouse.
Kynance Cove- (The Lizard). Corn. Kyne sans, 'holy Kyne,' a
Corn, saint who lived c. 490. Cf. ICeverne and Penzance.
Kyndelyn (Wales). Prob. not same word as Cunobellinus (see
Kjmble), though M'Clure thinks so. Much more likely W.
cwn Velyn, ' height of Velyn,' aspirated form of Melyn. Cf.
Helvellyn. Cwn is cognate with the G. ceann, loc. cinn,
' head, height,' so often found in Sc. names as Ken-, Kin-. Cf.
Kinvee. and Knoyle.
Kybb Wyre (Tenbury). Dom. Cuer, Chuer, 1108 Cyr, 1275 Cure
Wyard. W. cwr, ' border, edge, limit ' ; it is on the border
between Worcester and Hereford. The Wyards were its early
Nor. lords.
Laceby (Grimsby). Dom. Levesbi, 1234 Lesseby. 'Dwelling of
Lefa ' or ' Leofa,' common in Onom. See -by.
Lackenby (Redcar). Dom. Lachenebi, Lachebi, 1202 Lackenbi.
' Dwelling of Lacen,' a name still found as Laking. See -by.
Lackeord (Bury St. Edmunds). Dom. Lacforda, Lacheforda.
Prob. 'ford at the pool'; O.E. lace. Cf. Mobtlake, Dom.
Suffk. Lacheleia, and Hants Lacherne.
Ladbroke (Southam, Wwksh.). 980 chart. Hlodbroce, Dom.
Lodbroc, a. 1200 Lodebroc(h). Looks Hke 'brook of Hlod ' or
' Hloth ' ; but Lodbroc or Lothhroc is name of a well-known hero
of the Sagas. Cf. Dom. Chesh. Latbroc. ,
LADOCK 335 LANCHERLY
Ladock or Landoc (Grampound Rd., Cornwall). ' Church/ Com.
Ian, W. llan, ' of St. Cadoc' See Caradoo and Llangadoo.
Laleham (Staines) . Dom. Leleham,1237Estlalham. ' Home of LeZa '
or ' Lilla.' Cf. Lawford, and Laleston (Bridgend). See -ham.
Lambeth (London). 1041 O.E. Chron. Lambhythe, 1088 Lam-
hytha, c. 1130 Eadmer Lambetha, -beta, 1217 Lamheye, -heth,
1588 Lambehith. O.E. lamb-hi^e, ' landing-place for lambs.'
See Hythe. Derivation fr. O.E. Mm, ' loam,' is inadmissible.
Cf. next and Lamcote (Notts), Dom. Lanbecote.
Lambotjrn (Berks). K. Alfred's Will Lamb-burna, 943 cMrf.
Lamburna. ' Lamb's burn or brook.' See -bourne.
Lamorna Cove (Penzance). Corn. Ian mornader, 'enclosure for
the lampreys ' or ' pilchards '; L. murcena.
Lampeter (Cardigan). In W. Llanbedr Pont Stephan. The W.
Llan bedr is ' church of Peter.' Cf. next. On llan cf. Llana-
TAN. We find the Lam- very early — e.g., Dom. Glouc, ' Li Wales
sunt iii hard vices (herds' farms), Lamecare (? llan y caer, ' church
by the castle '), & Porteschivet (Portskewett) & Dinan.'
Lamphey (Pembroke). Old Llandyfei, 1603 Lantfey; forms Llan-
faith and -feth are also found, as if W. llan ffydd, ' church of
faith.' But the name is ' church of St. Tyfai,' seen also in Foy
(Herefd.), Lib. Land. Lanntiuoi, and in Lampha (Glam.).
Lamport (Northampton). 1158-59 Pipe Laport, Cf. Dom. Kent
Lamport. The Lam- is doubtful, but is prob. O.E. lamb, as in
Lambeth; and so 'lamb's gate,' L. porta, in Eng. as port, fr.
c. 950. See also Oxf. Diet, port sb^, ' a town.'
Lanarth (Cornwall). 1285 Close R. Lannarth. Corn.= 'high
enclosure.' The orig. meaning of Ian, llan, lam, lann, in all Kelt,
languages is ' enclosed place.' ' Church ' is a later meaning.
Lancarf (Cornwall). Corn. = 'graveyard '; Corn, corf, L. corpus,
' a body, a corpse.'
Lancarrow (Cornwall). Corn.= 'deerpark,' carw, 'a hart'; L.
cerws, ' a stag.' Dom. has a Lancharet.
Lancaster. Sic 1399, but Dom. and 1198 Loncastre, 1161-62
Lancastria. ' Camp on the R. Lthste.' See -caster. Lancashire
is first mentioned in 1169; in 1523 we have it in its mod. form,
' Lancasshyre.' Till after Dom. Lancashire S- of the Ribble was
in Cheshire, and Lancaster itself in Yorks.
Lancaut (Chepstow). 956 chart. Landcawet, 1221 Langcaut. The
956 form is O.Kelt for ' enclosed land,' W. llan cauad. Kelt
Ian, W. llan, means ' enclosure,' and is cognate with Eng. land.
Lancherly (Somerset). Perh. 801 chart. Lancherpille. LancJier
is 'land share'; K.C.D. 706 Brisnodes Land-share; ib. 419
Hebelmes Landschere. The ledges at Worth Maltravers (Dorset)
are also called Lanchers.
LANCHESTER 336 LANGLEY
Lanohestbr (Durham). 1183 Boldon Bh. Langchestre, 'long
camp/ O.E. and N.Eng. laTig, ' long/ See -Chester.
Lancing (Sussex). Dom. Lancinges. Named fr. WUncing, son of
^lla, O.E. Chron. 4:11. Cf. Keynob, and Dom. Surrey Lanchei.
See -ing.
Land-ahe (Cornwall). Dom. Lander. Corn. Ian dar, 'enclosure of
the oaks.' Cf. O.G. dair, ' an oak.'
Landbeach (Cambridge). Dom. XJtbech — i.e., a little farther away
or out from the old shore of the Wash than Waterbeach —
1235 Close B. Londbech'. Beach is a curious word. It must
mean ' shingle ' or simply ' shore/ but is not recorded in Oxf.
Did. till the 16th cny. Cf. Wisbech.
Landewednack (The Lizard). Dom. has Langenewit, and Lan
wenehoc. Com.= ' church of 8t. Devinicus/ said to be a con-
temporary of St. Columba. Cf. Banchory Devenick (Sc).
Landican (Wirral). Dom. Landechene. Prob. 'church of the
deacon/ referring to Woodchurch near by. W. diacon, in Eng.
a. 1300 deken, ' a deacon/ one not in full orders.
Landicle (Cornwall). Sic in Dom. Com.= ' Church of St. Teela.'
Cf. ' Lantocal/ B.C. 8. 47. Tecla was a Roman abbess in the
days of Gregory the Great. Landkey (Barnstaple) seems to
be 1235 Close R. Landegeye; cf. Keverne.
Landoc. See Ladock.
Land's End. 997 O.E. Chron. Penwiht Steort; a. 1130 Sim. Dur.
Penwithsteort. Welsh Triads Penbryn Penwaeth, Welsh Laws
Pengwaeth or -waed, Myrv. Archaeol. Penwedic yng Ngherniw.
Pen is Keltic for ' head, headland ' ; wiht, with, or waeth must
be W. gwydd, Corn, gwedh, ' woods/ while steort is O.E. for ' tail.'
Of. Start Point. The name Penwith is still applied to this
whole district.
Landtje (Cornwall). Corn, lan dew, ' black, dark church/
Landuit (Cornwall). Corn. = ' church of Ulf or 'St. Olaf/ one
of the most saintly of the Norse Kings, 995-1030, patron saint
of Norway.
Landywood (Walsall). No old forms. Duignan thinks 'launde
i' th' wode,' M.E. launde, O.Fr. land, launde, ' a plain sprinkled
with bush or tree,' then ' a lawn.'
Langeord (Oxford). 1155-58 chart. Langeford. 'Long ford.'
Similarly there are 6 Langtons in P.O., Dom. Yorks Langeton
and Lanton, Lines Langtone. There are also several Langdales ;
one in 1160-61 Pipe Notts and Derby, has the curious reduplica-
tion Langedala Dala.
Langley (Bromley). 862 chart. To langan lea3e. . ' Long meadow.'
So Langley, Henley-in-Arden, 1150 Langelleie, a. 1200 Langeleg,
a. 1300 Langele. But Langley Park (Cumberland) is old Lang-
LANGPORT 337 LASKET
lif erga, ' shieling, dairy hut of Langlif,' a N. woman. For erga
see Arklid. See -ley.
Langport (Central Somerset). Prob. Llywarch Hen Llongborth,
1160-01 Pi'pe Laport. As it stands, ' Long Harbour/ O.E. lang,
long, also 4-5 lang, ' long/ while port is a very early loan fr. L.
partus. But evidently the orig. name was Keltic, the common
Ir. Longphort, ' ship's harbour,' then ' encampment,' seen about
20 times in Ireland to-day as Longford, and also, says K. Meyer,
in the Sc. Luncarty, 1250 Lumphortyn. Ir. and G. long, luing
is ' a ship,' also a loan fr. L. longa (navis), ' a war-ship.' The
meaning in Somerset must be ' encampment.'
Langrigg (Aspatria). 1189 Langrug. Cf. 896 ' Langenhrycge '
(Glouc.) ; this is O.E. for ' long ridge '; in North. Eng. and Sc.
lang rigg. There is a Longridge (Preston).
Langthorpe (Yorks). Dom. Lambetorp, La'betorp, Lanbetorp.
' Lambi's place.' No Lamhi in Onom., but m and n often inter-
change; cf. KiMBOLTON. But Langthwaite (Yorks) is Dom.
Langetouet, Langetouft, ' long place.' See -thwaite and Torr.
Langwathby (Cumberland). 1189 Langwadebi. 'Dwelling by
the long ford.' Cf. Langwith (Notts), 1291 Langwaith, and
Wadeford. See -by.
Lantern Marshes (Orford). Dangerous to mariners, and so a
lantern was once placed here, whilst now there are two light-
houses.
Lapley (Frocester and Stafford) and Lapworth (Birmingham).
Fr. L. 1315 Lappeleye. St. L. Dom. Lepelie, a. 1200 Lapehe,
Lappely. 816 chart. Hlappawurthin {cf. -warden), Dom. Lape-
forde, ' Hlappa's lea ' and ' farm.' See -ley and -worth.
Larkbeare (Exeter). Dom. Laurochebere, Exon. Dom. Lauroca-
bera, 1237 Laverk ber, ' Lark wood,' O.E. Idwerce or Idferce beam.
Of. Beer, and the personal name Conybeare; also 1160 Pipe
Lauerchestoc (Essex), and Larkborough (Worcestersh.), 709
chart. Lauerkeboerge — i.e., ' lark hill.' See Barrow. Lark-
meld (Maidstone) is Dom. Laurochesfel'. The R. Lark, Suffk.,
is a back-formation fr. Lackeord.
Lartington (Barnard Castle), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Lyrtingtun. Cf.
B.S.C. Lortan hlaew. ' Town of ' some unknown man, Lurta,
Lorta, or Larta. Very prob. a patronymic. See -ing.
Lasham (Alton, Hants). Dom. Esseham'. 'Home, house by the
ash-trees.' Cf. Ashby, etc. The L. comes fr. the Fr. la, ' the,'
prefixed by a Nor. scribe, 1284 L-asham. Cf. Lappal, Hales-
owen, 1335 Lappole, ' the pool,' 1342 Thomas atte Pole, also Dom.
Essex, Lassendene, where the La- prob. has the same origin.
Thereisboth anEssendine (Stamford), and an Essendon (Hatfield).
Lasket (Cumberland) and Lasket Grove (Monmouth). Perh. W.
glas'coed, ' green wood '; cf. Chetwood. But Lasboro' (Glouc),
LASTINaHAM 338 LAlTNCESTON
c. 1220 Lasseberewe, is ' lesser mound ' or ' tumulus/ O.E. Icessa,
M.E. lasse, ' less.'
Lastingham (Cleveland). Bede iii. 23 Lestingau, but in pref.
Lsestinga ea. Dom. Lestingeham. Patronymic; ' home of the
Lestings '; ea is O.E. for ' river.'
Latchford (Warrington). Fr. letch sb^, Oxf. Diet. 6-9 lache.
9 latch, ' a muddy ditch, a stream through a bog, a bog/ cognate
with leach v., ' to water, to wet,' prob. fr. O.E. leccan, ' to water.'
Cf. 1138 Newminster Cart. ' Appeltreleche,' and see Lbchlade.
Lathom (Ormskirk). Dom. Latune, 1201-56 Lathun, 1225 Patent
R. Lathum, 1535-43 Latham, Latheham. This is a corrupt loc,
' at the barns,' O.N. hla^a, loaned in O.E. Cf. Hallam, Kel-
HAM, etc., also the common and puzzling Sc. Letham, sic a. 1200,
1284 Latham. Horsfall Turner gives Latun in Dom. for
Amoundemess as now Layton, Ladon in E. Riding as now
Lathom, and Ladon in Cave Hundred (Yorks) as Laytham. All
these names may have a similar origin to what Wyld and Hirst
give above. Cf. Latton. But Lathbuby (Bucks), 1225 Late-
biry, is fr. a man Leot ; that and Leotan are in Onom.
Latimer (Chesham). Not in Dom., a. 1440 Latemer. It would be
a very unlikely thing if formed fr. the personal name Latimer,
sic in Eng. c. 1205, fr. O.Fr. Latim{m)ier, ' an interpreter,' corrup.
of latinier or Latiner. The sb. latimer is already found in Dom.
It may be ' mere, lake of Leot,' a man in Onom.
Latton (Swindon). Dom. Latone; cf. Dom. Essex Lattuna. It
may be ' village of Leot,' one in Onom. ; eo regularly becomes a.
As likely = Lathom, Dom. Latune, ' at the barns,'
Laughabne (W. of Caermarthen). Pron. Larn, 1603 Talagharn.
In W. Tallacharn or Talycoran, ' at the end of R. Coran,' ? W.
corafon, ' a rivulet.' The origin of Laughame is doubtful. One
might guess, ' the low alder tree'; see Oxf. Diet. s.v. low (early
M.E. lah, 4 lagh, 5 lawghe), and am; but prob. it is corrup. fr.
the W. name. There is a R. Latjghern (Worcestersh.), 757
chart. Lawern(e). This is O.W. llawern, Corn, lowern, 'a fox/
Lavemock (CardifE), old Llywernog, is the dimin., 'little fox.'
Laughton (Rotherham, and 3). Ro. L. Dom. Lastone {Dom. regu-
larly replaces a guttural by st). Prob. ' low town,' fr. O.N. lag-r
' low,' early M.E. lah, 3-4 la-^h, 4 laghe, loghe, 5 lough, Sc. laigh.
Cf. Dom. Hereford Lautone. Lastun in Dom. Yorks also stands
for W. Layton.
Latjnceston. Dom. Lanscavetone, Lancauetone, 1154-89 Lan-
ceston, 1199 Lanstaveton, 1220 Lanzavetun, 1224 Lancaveton,
1227 Lanstone (the mod. pron. ; how early it was reached !), 1245
Lanstaueton, Lanceueton, 1260 Launcetton; also said to be a.
1176 chart. ' The town of St. Stephen at Lanstone.' Commonly
said to be ' church (Corn. Ian) of St. Stephen,' but this seems far
LAUNTON 339 LATER MARNEY
fr. certain. Scave or Stave could with difficulty represent
Stephen, a name always spelt in O.E. Chron. Stephne, and prob.
represents some Com. word now lost. An older name was
DuNHEVED. Lansdown (Glouc.) is a doubtful name; some of
its old forms (Launtes-, Lantesdon) look as if they might orig.
be something similar to Launceston.
Launton (Bicester). Dom. Lantone, 1274 Langetun, 1525 Lawn-
ton. O.E. king tun, ' long village.'
Lavan Sands (Conway). A tautology. W. llafan, 'a strand, a
sandy beach."
Lavenham (Suffolk). Dom. Lauenham. Cf. B.C.S. 1288-89 Lauan
ham. ' Village, dwelling of Lafa, Leofe, or Lawa' all forms are
known. O/. Bom. Norfk. Lawendic, and Lavington.
Laverstock (SaHsbury). Bom. Lawrecestokes and Lavertestoch,
1221 Patent R. Laverkestok. ' Place of Lawerce ' — i.e., ' the
lark.' See Stoke.
Laverton (Yorks and Broadway, Worcestersh.). Yo. L. Bom.
Laureton, Lavretone. Br. L. c. 1240 Lawertune. Prob. ' town
of Leofgar or Leuegams,' or 'of Leofweard,' a common name.
More old forms needed. Cf. Laverhay, Wamphray (Scotland).
Lavington (Chichester). 725 chart. Lavingtune, Bom. Laventone.
Patronymic. ' Town, village of the descendants of Lafa ' or
' Leofa.' Cf. Bom. Bucks Lauuendene, and Lavenham.
Lawford (Manningtree and Rugby). Man. L. Bom. Laleforda,
Ru. L. Bom. Leile-, Lelle-, Lilleford, 1086 Ledleford, 1161 Ledes-
forde, 1236 Lalleford. Fine proof of the liquidity of I. ' Ford
of Lil ' or ' Lilla,' names in Onom. Cf. Laleham.
Lawhitton (Launceston) . Bom. Longvitetone, Ex. Bom. Languite-
tona, which is simply ' long white town,' O.E. hwit, O.N. hvit-r,
' white.' Cf. CUMWHITTON.
Lawrenny (Pembrokesh.). c. 1190 Gir. Camb. Leurenni, -eni,
1603 Owen Lawrenny. The first syll. is W. llawr, ' floor, bottom,'
but Enni is unknown. Cf. Ystrad Enni on the Ithon.
Laxheld (Framlingham). Bom. Suffk. and Essex, Laxefelda.
' Field of Leaxa.' Similarly, Laxton, Howden and Newark,
Bom. Yorks and Notts Laxintun, New. L. 1278 Lexington.
See Lbxden.
Laycock (Keighley). Bom. Lacoc, 1237 Close R. Lacok.' Prob.
' low cock ' or ' heap,' O.N. lag-r kokk-r, Norw. kok, ' a heap.'
Cock in the sense of hay-cock, etc., is not found in Oxf. Bict.
till 1598. On Lay- cf. next, Laughton, and the mod. sur-
name Locock.
Layer Marney (Essex). Bom. and a. 1300 chart. Legra, which is
gen. plur. of O.E. leger, 'a lair, a camp/ in M.E. ' a place for
animals to lie down in ' ; cf. 1573 Tusser Husband, ' Borne I
LATTON 340 LEAVEN R .
was ... in Essex laier, in village faier, that Riuenhall hight.'
Marney is fr. Marigny in Normandy. There are also Layer
Breton and Layer de la Haye, near Colchester. One of
these is 1217 Patent R. Lawefare, 1235 Close R. Laghefar, which
must be 'low road.' See Laughton and c/. thorough/are.
Layton (N. Riding). East and West. Dom. Lastun, Lattun. As
Dom. regularly replaces a guttural by st, prob. ' low town/ Sc.
laigh toun, and so = Laughton {q.v.). But Layton (Amounder-
ness) is Dom. Latun, and so it may be= Lathom, ' at the barns.'
Lazonby (Cumberland and Northallerton) . No. L. Dom. Lesingebi,
Leisenebi, Lesinghebi, Leisingbi, 1179-80 Pi'pe Lagenebi, 1203
Fines Leysingeby. ' Dwelling of the Les{s)ings,' a patronymic;
one Lesing in Onom. See -by.
Lea R. (Essex). 891 O.E. Chron. Lyga, 913 ib. Lygea(n), Ligene,
c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Luye. M'Clure connects with the Keltic
river-name Logana^ but the origin is quite doubtful. Hen. Hunt.
gives another R. Luye near Hereford; there is to-day a village.
Lea, near Ross, but very hkely this is the common O.E. leak,
' meadow.' P.G. has 6 places called Lea; For. of Dean L. 1195
La lega.
Lbadenham (Lincoln), a. 1150Langledenham. ' Home of LetZa,'
one such in Onom. Cf. Ledbury.
Lea Marston (Coleshill). Two hamlets, 1257 Waure Merston,
1573 Waver Merstone, The Wavers were lords of this ' marsh
town,' O.E. mersc tun, for a considerable time. For Lea, see -ley.
Leamington. Dom. Lunintone {un error for em), 1242 Leminton.
' Town on R. Leam,' which may be O.E. leom(a), ' a flash, a
gleam,' less hkely fr. O.E. lAm, ' mud,' Du. leem, Eng. loam.
Leamington Priors (of Kenilworth) is Dom. Lamintone, 1327
Lemynton Prioris. Lemington (Moreton-in-Marsh), Dom. Lemin-
ingtune, Limen-, Lemintone, is ' town of (the sons of) Leofman'
common name, found shortened to Leman. See -ing.
Leatherhead (Surrey). Sic c. 1670. Dom. Lered, a puzzling
form. Leather is the O.E. ZetSer, Icel. Mr, O.Fris. leer, Breton
ler ; but it is doubtful if this is the real origin of the name. More
old forms are needed. There is an O.E. loefer, ' a plant,' see
Oxf. Diet. s.v. LEVERS ; and Liverpool is 1222 Litherpool,
whilst Larford (Stourport), was 706 Leverford; so the name is
prob. ' head, height with the rushes or sword-bladed plants,'
O.E. Icefer, leber. It may be fr. Leod-, Leothere, a well-known
name, cognate with Luther, cf. Leatherbarrow. Also cf.
Lbtheringsett .
Leathley (Otley). Dom. Ledelai {Dom. regularly makes th into d).
' Meadow on the slope,' O.E. hlith. Cf. Leith Hill, and Kirk-
leatham (N. Yorks), Dom. Westhdu'.
Leaven R. See Leven.
LEAVENING 841 LEEK
Lbavenino (York). Dom. Ledlinghe, -inge. Dom'a forms seem
corrup. of ' place of Leofwine's or Leofwynn's sons.' See -ing.
Lebbeeston (Filey). Dom. Ledbeztun, -bestun, 1206 Ledbrizton,
1208 Ledbristone. ' Leodbeorhfs town '; this is prob. the origin
of Liberton (IVIidlothian) . Dom. prefers to use z and st instead
of a harsh guttural.
Lechlade (Glouc). 872 chart. Lecche, Dom. Lecelade, 1221 Liche-
lade. 'Way, path/ O.E. geldd, 'by or over' — i.e., ferry over 'the
R. Leach/ whose old forms are seen also in Eastleach, Dom.
Lece, 1347 Estlecche, and Northleach, Dom. Lecce. This is
prob. O.E. Icece, ' a stream/ fr. leccan, ' to water.' Cf. Latch-
ford.
Leck (N. Lanes). Dom. Lech. Prob. N. loecJc-r, ' a brook.' Cf.
Leek and Lucker. It may be Eng. Cf. Latchtord.
Leckford Abbas (Stockbridge, Hants). 947 chart. Legh-, Leaht-
ford. Prob. ' ford in the meadow/ O.E. Uah. See -leigh.
Leckham(p) STEAD (Berks and Bucks). Ber. L. B.C.S. ii. 534
Leachamstede ; Dom. Lecanestede, Lekehamstede, 1316 Leck-
hampsted. Dom. Bucks Lechastede. ' Homestead, Hamp-
STEAD, with a kitchen-garden.' O.E. Uac, 3 lee, is ' a leek/
then, any garden herb. Cf. Leighton. Similarly, Leckhamp-
TON (Glouc.) is Dom. Lechantone. See Hampton.
Leconfield (Beverley). Dom. Lachinfeld, -felt. ' Field of ' some
unknown man, ? Lecca, -can. Laking is a personal name to-day.
Ledbury (Malvern). Dom. Liedeberge, 1235 Lidebir; cf. Dom.
Salop Ledewic. ^ Leoda'a burgh.' Cf. Leadenham, also Lat-
COMBB, Dom. Bucks Ledingberge, a patronymic, and ib. Surrey
Ladesorde. Duignan derives Ledbury fr. the E,. Leaden, 972
chart, and Dom. Ledene, on which it stands, is also does Up-
leadon (N.-W. Glouc). This is doubtful, and the origin of
Leaden is unknown. Perh. connected with W. lledan, ' breadth,'
or Iliad, ' flooding, streaming.'
Leeds. Bede Loidis, Dom. Ledes. Doubtful; ? W. lloed, ' a place.'
There are also Lede Chapel (Tadcaster), Dom. Lede, and a
Leeds (Maidstone), 1235 Close B. Lhedes. Lede or lead,= ' water-
course,' is not found till 1541.
Leek (StafEs). Dom. Lee, a. 1200 Lech, 1284 Leyc. Prob. N.
loech-r, ' a brook.' Cf. Leckford. Leake (Boston), Dom.
Leche, 1216 Leake, 1313 Lek, 1320 Leek, and E. and W. Leake
(Notts), Dom. Lec(c)he, a. 1277 Leyk, must be the same name.
It may be Eng.; see Lechlade. For Leek Duignan prefers
W. llech, 'a flagstone.' Leek Wootton (q.v.) (Kenilworth), is
1327 Lekwottone. There is also a Lee in 1183 Boldon Bh.,
Durham. All these names are doubtful. The forms in Oxf.
Dict.s.y. lea sb^ do not encourage us to call them hardened forms
of O.E. Uah, ' meadow.'
LEICESTER 342 LEONARD STANLEY
Leicester, pron. Lester, a. 800 Legoracensis civitas, c. 800
Nenniibs Caer Lerion, 918 O.E. Chron. Legraceaster, Ligran-
ceaster, 980 ib. Legeceasterscir (here, as in several other places,
this means Cheshire, q.v.), 1120 Legrecestrie, c. 1145 Geoff r.
Mon. and c. 1175 Fantosme Leircestre, 1173 Leicestria, c. 1205
Layamon Leirchestre, but c. 1275 Leycestre, 1258 Henry III.
Leirchestr. ' Camp, fort on R. Leir," old name of R. Soar (1253
Sor) . Leir may be the same as Layer, but this is quite doubt-
ful. Connexion with K.Lear is even more so. In Mabinogion
he is Llyr, and he is first named in Geoffr. Mon. Possible is a
connexion with W. llithro, ' to slip, to glide.' See -caster.
Leigh (12 in P.G.). Dom. Lecie (prob. near Cricklade) and Lege
(Salop and Worcester), O.E. Uah, dat. leage, ' a piece of culti-
vated land, a meadow,' so common in the ending -ley, q.v.
Leighterton (Tetbury) c. 1140 Letthrinton, 1273 Lettrinthone.
Perh. ' village of (the sons of) ^ Leather e.' See -ing.
Leighton (Hunts, Salop, Welshpool). 956 chart. Wilmanlehtune
(see Wormleiohton). Hun. L. 1260 Lechton, 1291 Legheton,
but men of the name Leighton hved in this barony a. 1066. Cf.,
too, 1154-61 chart. Lectona (Lines), and a. 1199 Lecton (Beds).
O.E. leahtun, lehtune, ' a herb garden,' fr. Uac, ' a leek.' See
Leckhamstead ; and cf. next.
Leighton Buzzard. 917 O.E. Chron. Lygtun; later, Lygetun;
a. 1700 L. Beaudezert. See above. The Norm, family Beau-
desert or Bosard were influential here in 14th cny. Cf. Beau-
desert (Henley-in-Arden), c. 1135 Beldesert, and in Cannock
Chase.
Leintwardeste (N. Hereford). Dom. Lentevrde (Salop), which is
' farm of Lenta,' an unknown man. See -wardine.
Leith Hill (S. Surrey). Tautology. O.E. hlith, 'a slope, a hill-
side.' Cf. Lytham.
Lenborough (Bucks). O.E. Chron. 571 Liggeanburh, Lygeanbirg;
not in Dom. Prob. the burgh or fort of some man, whose name
is now unrecognizable.
Lenham, West (Maidstone). 804 chart. Westra Leanham. ' House,
home given as a reward or gift,' O.E. lean.
Leominster. 1046 O.E. Chron. Leomynstre, Dom. Leominstre,
1233 Leminstr', c. 1600 Camden Lemester; in W. Llanllieni.
Said to be ' church of Leof ' or ' Leofric' It is doubtful who he
was ; perh. the W. Mercian earl, husband of Lady Godiva, c. 1030.
Leonard Stanley (Stonehouse, Glouc). Not in Dom., but cf.
Dom . Linor = a Leonard in Devon . Doubtful . There is a Burton
Leonard in S. Yorks. St. Leonard was a confessor of the 6th
cny. at Corbigny (Autun, France), a reputed miracle-worker, but
not otherwise famous, and not likely to be denoted in our Eng.
LEPTON 343 LEVEETON
names. These may be connected with W. llenu, 'to veil or en-
velope/
Lepton (Huddersfield) . Dom. Leptone. 'Town of Leppa/ 3 in
Onom.
Lesnewth (CameKord). Com. les newydh, 'new hall.' W. llys,
' court, hall/ G. lios. Dom. has a Lisniwen.
Letcombe Regis and Basset (Wantage). Dom. Ledencumbe,
Ledecumbe, 1161-62 Pipe Ledecuba; later Letecoumb. ' Deep
valley of Leoda.' Cf. Ledbury, and see -combe. The Bassets
were a Norman family of many possessions. Cf. Bassett.
Lethebingsett (Holt, Norfk.), a. 1300 Eccleston Leveringsot.
Prob. ' seat, residence,' O.E. scet, ' of the descendants of Leofgar.'
For foTv becoming th, cf. Liverpool. See -ing. But Letters-
ton (Pembroke), c. 1300 Letarston is prob. fr. the name Leod-
heard or Leothere, in Onom. However, in 1516 it is Littardiston,
and was then held by a John Littard.
Letton (Hereford). Dom. Letune. Prob. 'town on the leat/
7 let, O.E. gelcet, ' an open conduit, a water charmel '; but it may
be=LATHOM.
Leven (N. Yorks), Dom. Levene, Leven R. (N. Lanes), and Leaven
R. (Yorks) ; and prob. same name, Levant R. (S. W. Sussex), as
t would easily suffix itself. Cf. Darwen and Derwent, both the
same root. W. llevn, 'smooth'; also cf. Leven (Sc). But
Leven (Hornsea), old forms needed, is prob. an O.E. gen. Leofan
' Leofa's' place; cf. Beedon, ' Leventon' (Cumberland) in 1189
Pipe, and Levenhull. Levens (Milnthorpe, Westmorland),
Dom. Lefuenes, looks like another gen., ' Lefwen's, or Leofwen's '
(place), 4 of this name in Onom.
Levenhull (Leamington). A curious name, not in Duignan. Its
form suggests W. llevn hel, ' smooth bank.' But -hull in Mid-
lands stands for hill, 2-5 hull{e) ; cf. Aspull and SoLiBnjLL ; so
that this should be ' hill of Leofa,' gen. -fan ; several named
Leof, Leofa, and Leofe in Onom. Cf. above.
Levebington (Wisbech). 1285 Liverington, 1302 Leveryngtone.
Patronymic. ' Village of the sons of Leof ere or Leof here.' Cf.
Liverpool. See -ing.
Leverton (Boston) may be fr. Leof here or Lifere, 2 such in Onom.
Leverton N. and S. (Notts) is Dom. Legretune, 1189 Leirton,
c. 1200 Legherton, and Mutschmann doubtfully derives fr.
Leofhere ; cf. Layer and Liverpool. But Great and Little
Lever (Bolton) will prob. be fr. O.E. Icefer, some plant, now
'levers,' a rush, an iris, or the like. The forms are a. 1200
Leuer, 1212 Little Lefre, 1227 Leoure, 1326 Great Leure.
Leverton (Boston). Dom. Levretune. Said to be fr. Leofric,
seneschall of Earl Algar the younger, who d. fighting the Danes
in 870. But more prob. fr. Leofhere ; cf. Liverton. Kirk
LEWAN(N)ICK 344 LICKEY HELLS
Levington (N. Riding) is Dom. Levetona, * town of Leofa.' Cf.
Dom. Devon, Levestone.
Lewan(n)ick (Launceston). * Church (Com. Ian) of St. Wethenoc '
or ' Winoch/ brother of Winwaloe. See Gunwalloe.
Lewdown (N. Devon). Prob. Keltic leu dyn, ' lion hill/ hill like a
lion, such as Arthur's Seat (Edinburgh) .
Lewes. Sic Dom. O.E. chart. Loewas; a. 1200 Lib. de Hyda Leu-
wias ; also Loewen, Leswas, Laquis, Perh. fr. an O.E. *hleoiv, M.E.
lewej 'warm, sunny '; found as sb in hus-hleow, 'house-shelter.'
The variants are somewhat puzzhng ; in the last qu will stand for
w, as in old Scots.
Lewisham (Surrey). O.E. chart. Liofshema. ' Enclosure of ' some
man with a name beginning Leof- or Lex)fw-. There were many
such. See -ham, ' enclosure.' But Levisham (Yorks) is Dom.
Lewe-, Levecen, where the ending is prob. a corrupt loc, ' at
Leoveca's/ a known name; cf. Hall am and -ham, also next.
Lewston (Pembrokesh.) is 1324 Lewelestoun, prob. ' Leofweald's
town.'
Lewknor (WaUingford), Dom. Levecanol, -chanole, 1154-89 Leo-
vecachanoran (inflected), 1178 Levechenore, -eckenore, 1224
Leuekenor. ' Shore, bank of Leofeca/ only one in Onom. ; O.E.
era, 'bank, edge'; cf. Windsor, etc. The -ol(e) in Dom. is but
another instance of its constant confusion of the liquids.
Lexden (Colchester). Dom. Laxendena, 1157 Pipe Lexeden(e).
' The den ' or 'dean of Leaxan.' Cf. Laxmeld and O.E. chart.
Leaxanoc.
Leybubn (Yorks). Pom. Leborne. c. 1330 Leyborne. Prob. ' shel-
tered brook,' O.E. hleo, ' protection, shelter,' 4-6 le, 7 ley, lay, our
word ' lee ' ; it is not recorded as an adj. till c. 1400. Cf. Libbery
(Worcestersh.), 972 chart. Hleobyri, ' refuge, shelter town.'
Leyland (Preston). Dom. Lailand, 1140-49 Leilande. O.N. Idg-r,
early M.E. lah, 3 laih, Sc. laigh, ' low land.'
Leyton (Essex) . ? Dom. Leiendune. ' Town on R. Lea.' Leyton-
stone seems modern.
Lichtield. Bede Lyceitfeldensis, a. 900 O.E. vers. Liccetfelda,
c. 800 Nenyiius Licitcsith, 803 chart. Liceidfeld; O.E. Chron.
731 Licetfelda, 1053 ih. Licedfelde, c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Lichfeld;
perh. also a. 700 Rav. Geogr. Le(c)tocetum, and c. 800
Nennius Cair Luit Coyt, mod. W. caer llwyd coed, ' fort in the
grey wood.' This, however, was prob. near Welshpool. The
popular derivation, 'church-yard,' lit. 'field of corpses,' fr. O.E.
lie, 4-5 liche, fails to explain the early f. But lic-cet-feld is O.E.
for ' corpse-hut-field,' field with the mortuary, O.E. cete, ' a cot,
a hut,' as in Datchet, Watchet, etc.
Lickey Hills (BniMrNGHAM) . 1330 Leckheye. W. llechQU, pron.
leckay, plur. of llech, ' a flag or flat §tone/ G, l^ac^
LIDFORD 345 LINCOLN
LiDFORD or Lydford (Bridestowe, Devon). 997 O.E. Chron.
Hlidaford, 1018 cliart. Lidauorde, Exon. Dom. Lidefort, a. 1130
Sim. Dur. Lideforda. ' Ford on B. Lid,' W. lied,' ' broad/
There is no O.E. hlida, whilst hlid means ' a lid ' ; but liye means
'gentle/ which is not impossible.
LiDGATE (Newmarket). Not in Dom. O.E. hlid^eat, 'a postern/
fr. hlid, ' a gate, a lid." Cf. Ludgate and Foxlydiate. There
is a Hlidgeat in 963 chart, re Wasing (Berks).
LiFTON (Devon) . 1157 Pipe Lif tuna, 1283 Lyf ton. ' Town of Leof '
or ' Leof a ' ; common in Onom. Dom. Has only Levestone. Cf.
Kirk Levinqton.
LiGHTHORNE (Warwick). Dom. Listecorne {Dom. scribes hated a
combination like ght), 1252 Lychtehirn, c. 1300 Liththorn,
1327 Lighttethume, O.E. leoht thorn or thyme, ' light thorn.*
? Thorn-bush with a lamp hung on it. But Duignan derives Light-
wood (Cotheridge) fr. O.E. hlith, M.E. lith, lyth, ' a slope, a hill-
side.'
LiLLESHALL (Newport, Salop). Dom. Linleshalle. It is difficult
to say what name is represented here. There is one Lunling
in Onom. But Dom. may be in error, and the man's name be
Lilla, as in next and in Lhjjesleaf (Sc), 1116 Lillescliva,
' LiUa's cHff.'
LiLLiNGTON (Sherborne and Warwicksh.). War. L. Dom. Lillin-
tone, later Liletun. ' Village of Lilla.' Cf. Laleham and 2 Lil-
hngstones in Bucks; also LrLLUNG (Yorks), Dom. Lil(l)inge,
patronymic fr. Lilla. See -ing and -ton.
Limehouse (Stepney) . 1536 Limehowse Reche. Said to be corrup.
of lime-oast, O.E. dst, 4-7 host, 8 ovst, ' a kiln.' Older forms
needed. Cf. Dom. Surrey Limevrde (= -worth).
Limen R. (Kent). Sic 893 O.E. Chron., but a. 716 chart. Limming,
? W. llym, ' sharp, keen,' from the air there. It can hardly be
llyman, ' naked one.' There is also a R. Limin (Hunts), seen in
Limining, old form of Lymage, where -ing {q.v.) wiU have its
meaning, ' place on a stream ' ; -age is usually late and trouble-
some.
Limpley Stoke (Bath) and Limpsfield (Surrey). Not in Dom.
'Meadow, field of Limpa,' an unrecorded man; but cf. Dom.
Norf k. Limpeho (ho ^ ' height ') and Dom. Essex Limpwella ;
also see Stoke and -ley.
Lincoln, c. 150 Ptolemy Lindon; c. 380 Ant, Itin. Lindum;
Bede Lindocolina civitas, a. 900 O.E. tr. Lindcylene; 942 O.E.
Chron. Lindcylene, Lindcolne, 1093 ih. Lincolne; Dom. Lincolia,
Lincolescire ; c. 1100 Flor. Wore. LindicoHnensis ; 1461 Linde-
colnea. In W. Caer Iwydgoed ('castle of the grey wood').
Lindum colonia, says Freeman, is a unique name for England.
As Lindon is found in Ptolemy, it cannot be, as is often said,
23
LlNDISPARl^El §46 LITTLEBUET
fr. O.E. lind, 'lime tree/ but is prob. fr. a Keltic lind, 'water.'
W. llynn, G. linne, ' a pool, a lake ' ; and the name will mean
* Roman settlement by the pool/ Cf. next.
LiNDiSFAHNE 01 Holy Island (Northumberland). Bede Provincia
Lindisfarorum, Lindisfarnenses incolse; a. 800 chart. Lindes-
farona. Doubtful. M'Clure thinks fr. Celt, lind, ' water ' (see
above and next), and, perh., fr. same root as Lombardic fara,
' race, family ' — ' dwellers in the water.' The rivulet opposite
is still called Lind or Lindis. The -fame may come fr. G. fearann,
' land, estate, farm.'
LiNDSEY (Lines). Bede Lindissi; c. 1000 Mljric Lindesig, c. 1190
Oir. Camb. Lindeseia; c. 1300 Lindeseye. Quite possibly this
may contain the same root as Lincoln, and so be ' isle in the
water ■" ; see -ay. But here it is more likely to be ' isle of the
lime-tree, or linden,' O.E. and O.N. lind. Lindley (Hudders-
field) is Dom. Lillai, prob. a corrupt form. But Lindridge
(Tenbury) is Dom. Linde, 1275 Linderugge.
Lineord (Stanford-le-Hope). Not in Dom., but cf. Dom. Bucks
Linforde. This must go with Linton.
LiNKiNHOBNE (Callington, Cornwall). Not in Dom. Said to be
corrup. of Ian tighern, Kelt, for ' church of the King ' or ' lord ' —
i.e., St. Melw, son of Melyan, prince of Devon. One would like
a little more proof of this.
Linton (5 in P.G.). K.C.D. iii. 368 Lin tun, Dom. Yorks Linton,
Devon Lintone. Prob. O.E. lin tun, ' flax-enclosure/ L. linum.
Cf. Eng. Unseed; also Linfobd, Linehill Green, Penkridge,
a. 1300 LynhuU, and Linton (So.)., 1127 Lintun.
LiSKEABD (Cornwall). Dom. Liscarret, a. 1199 Liscaret, -chared,
1474 Leskirde, 1536 Lyscarde. Les-, Lis-, or Lys- is Kelt, for
' court, haU, enclosure ' ; the second part is doubtful, but cf.
W. cariad, ' a lover, a sweetheart,' G. caraid, ' a friend, a rela-
tion.' G. caraid is 'a pair, a couple.' The meaning quite
possibly is ' lover's hall.'
LiTHERSKEW (N. Riding, Yorks). Not in Dom. Lither- is perh.
Eng. adj. litTier, O.E. ly^re, ' bad, foul, pestilential,' while -skew
is fr. O.E. sceaga or O.N. skog-r, ' a wood, a copse.' Cf. Askew,
' ash-wood,' now only a personal name, and Shaw. Lither- is as
likely to be O.E. Icefer, ' any sword-bladed plant.' Cf. Liver-
pool, etc. ; V can become th.
LiTLENGTON (Roystou, Hcrts). c. 1080 Lidlingtone, Litlingtona,
Dom. Lidlintone, 1316 Lutlingtone. ' Village of the LitUings/
or sons of the ' Kttle ' (O.E. lytel) ' man.'
Little Bbedy. See Bridport.
Littlebury (Saffron Walden and Notts). Saf. L. Dom. Litelbyria.
Not. L. Dom. Liteiburg, ' Little burgh.' See -bury.
LITTLE HAY 347 LIVE ETON
Little Hay (Lichfield), a. 1300 Luttelhay, 'little hedge/ or
' fence/ See Hay.
LiTTLEPOBT (Ely). Dom. Litelport. O.E. 'port is rarely fr. L.
porta, ' a gate/ generally as here fr. L. partus, ' a harbour.' The
sea once came right up past here.
Little E-lbston (Wetherby). Dom. Ripestain, -sten, c. 1505
Rybstone. ' Stone of Rippa,' one in Onom. See -ton.
Little Salkeld (Cumberland). 1167-68 Pipe Aide (Old) Sale-
child, 1189 Salekil. The latter part is O.N. kelda, ' a spring.'
Cf. Threlkeld (Penrith) ; the former perh. represents some man's
name in Sele- or Sal-; there are several such in Onom. But it
may be O.E. seel, sal, 4-7 sale, O.N. sal-r, ' a hall, spacious
chamber, castle.' Sale- could hardly represent salt.
Little Snobing. See Snoreham.
Littleton (7 in P.G.). Dom. Surrey Liteltone. ' Little village.'
Littlewob-th (Faringdon, Wstrsh., and Staffs), no old forms in
Duignan, is presumably 'Httle farm.' But L. in S. Yorks is
Dom. Scitelesworde, ' farm of Scytel ' or ' Sceotweald ' ; 1 in
Onom. See -worth.
Litton (Bath, Buxton, Skipton). a. 1067 chart. Hlytton (? Bath),
Dom. Yorks Litone. ' Town on the slope ' or ' hill-side.' O.E.
hli^. But Litton Cheney (Dorset) is 940 cMrt. Lidentune,
' town of Lida '; 1 in Onom.
LrvERMEBE Pabva and IVIagna (Bury St. Edmunds). 'Rushy
lake.' See next. Parva and Magna are L. for ' Little ' and
' Great.'
Liverpool. 1189-99 Leverpol, 11 90-94 Liuerpul, 1222-26 Litherpol,
1229 Leverpul. In W. Llerpwll. Nothing to do with any
imaginary bird called liver. Not impossibly W. llyvr pwl,
' expanse or confluence at the pool.' But it is prob. Eng., mean-
ing ' rushy pool ' ; fr. O.E. Icefer, leber, ' any rush-like or sword-
bladed plant.' See Oxf. Diet. s.v. levers. This is confirmed
by Livermere, also by Larford (Stourport) in 706 chart, (of
really later date) Leverford, and by Leatherhead, Dom. Lered,
which gives the same contraction as W. Llerpwll, whilst in its
mod. form we get a th corresponding to 1222 Litherpol {cf.
Litherskew). W. and H. are confident it is ' pool of Leofhere,'
which is certainly possible, and is confirmed by Leverington ;
prob. also by Leverton and Liverton. Cf. K.G.D. vi. 243
Leofereshagan, near the Thames. But this cannot be the same
as LrvERSEDGE (Yorks), Dom. Livresec and -sech. This last
must be simply (place of) ' rushy sedge,' O.E. soecg, secg, sech,
seic; 1222 Patent R. has a Livredal.
LrvERTON (Newton Abbot) and Liverton Mines (Loftus, Yorks).
Lo. L. Dom. Livreton, Liureton, 1179-80 Pipe Liuerton.
LIZARD PT. 348 LLANDDOGGET
' Village of Leofhere.' Dom. Devon, has only Leovricestone,
somewhere in the S., fr. Leofric, but prob. not Liverton. See
above, Levebton and -ton.
LiZAUD Pt. Dom. Lisart. Corn, lis arth, 'court, hall on the
height.' C/. W. llys, G. lios; also WESTON-imDEii-LizARD.
Llanapan (Aberystwith). W. llan A fan, ' church of St. Afan
Buallt, disciple of St. Padarn, 6th cny., and himself a bp. and
brother of King Dogged. W. llan, O.W. Ian, ' enclosure,' then
' church/ Corn. Ian, Ir. land, lann, G. lann (c/. Lhanbeide,
Sc), is the same root as Eng. land and Bret. Icunn, ' a heath,'
seen also in the Fr. Landes. The earhest instance we have noted
in England is in a Grant of 680 (copy later), to the Abbot of
Glastonbury, B.C. 8. 47 ' Lantocal,' ? = ' church of St. Tecla.'
Cf. Landicle, also Lampeter. In some W. names llan or Ian
is ioiglan, ' a bank,' as in Llanhaithog (Kentchurch, Hereford),
which is prob. Ian haiddog, ' bank of oats.'
Llanabmon (Ruabon) and Llan aemon-yn -Yale (Mold). W. llan
Oarmon, ' church of St. Germanus,' Bp. of Auxerre, sent to
Britain by Pope Celestine, c. 430. Cf. Maes Gabmon. The
yn Yale is better yn lal, fr. ial, ' an open space or region.' Cf.
Yale.
Llanbabo (Anglesea). ' Church of St. Pabo.' Cf. M'Clure, pp. 57
and 59. Pabo Post Prydain was a great warrior, who latterly
became very devout.
Llanbadabn (Aberystwith and Radnor). ' Church of St. Padarn,'
a Breton, companion of St. David. Cf. Llanaean. L. in
Radnor is L. Mawr, ' the great L.'; there are at least 2 others,
Llanbebis (Caernarvon). ' Church of St. Peris,' said to have been
a cardinal sent as a missioner from Rome in 6th cny. Close by
there are Llyn Peris and Llyn Padarn. Cf. Llanbadabn.
Llanbol (Anglesea). Old Llanvol. 'Church of St. Bol.' Cf.
Cors y Bol (' marsh of Bol ') and Rhos y Bol (' heath of Bol ')
near by. The Diet. Christ. Biog. records only a Bolcan, who was
baptized by St. Patrick, and was one of his helpers.
Llancabfan (Cowbridge). c. 1145 Geoffr. Mon. epil. Lancarvan.
' Church of St. Carfan or Corbagni '; said to be corrup. of Ger-
manus, who is said to have built the first monastery in Britain
here. Cf. Llanabmon. The church is now dedicated to St.
Cadoc.
Llandaff. c. 1130 Lib. Land. Landavia. * Church on the Taff.'
Llanddewi (4 in P.G.). 1346 Llandewivrevi, or L. Brefi (Cardi-
gansh). ' Church of St. David,' Bp. of St. David's, d. 601,
patron St. of Wales. Cf. Dewchtjbch.
Llanddogget (Denbighsh.). Founded by K. Dogged, who died
c. 542. See Mabinogion, and cf. Llanafan.
LLANDDUW ' 349 LLANGROVE
Llandduw or -ddew (Brecon), g. 1180 Gir. Camb. Landu. W. llan
duw, ' dark church/ and not ' church of St. David ' or Dewi.
Llandegfajst (Menai Br.). Fr. St. Tegfan, of whom little seems
known.
Llandeilo (Caermarthensh.). c. 1130 Lib. Land. Lanteliau Penn
litgart ('head, end of the grey ridge/ now Llwydabth).
'Church of St. Teilo/ Bp. of Llandaff in 7th cny.; also called
Tiliaus; a very popular saint. Cf. Llanthjo, also Llandeilo
Tref y Cernyw {Lib. Land. Cemiu), where the latter part means
' house of Cornishmen.'
Llandovery (Caermarthen) . c. 1550 Leland Llanameueri. In
W. llan ym Ddyfri, ' church beyond or among the waters.'
Llandeindod Wells. W. = ' church of the Trinity.' It was
dedicated in 1603.
Llandudno. 'Church of St. Tudno,' son of Seithengu; he was
a W. saint early in the 6th cny.
Llandyssul (Cardigan). Lib. Communis Llandowssuld, -dussuld.
See St. Issell's, and cf. Llandyssil (Mont.).
LLANELLA.N (Colwyn Bay). Here also is Elian's Well. Elian
Geimiad was a saint of 6th cny.
Llanelly (Caermarthen and Brecknock) . Caer. L. 1788 Llanelhw.
From St. Elliw, granddaughter of Brychan of Brycheiniog.
There is also a Llanelieu (Breck.).
Llanerchymbdd ( Anglesea) . This has nothing to do with church,
though there has long been a church here. It is W. llanerch
y medd, ' forest glade or clearing where they drank mead.' Cf.
Lanark (So.).
Llanfair (8 in P.G.). 'Church of Mary,' the Virgin. Such
churches show the rise of Latin influence. Cf. Builth.
Llanfihangel Din Sylwy (Anglesea). The first part is ' church
of the Archangel' (Michael). The second seems to mean 'on
the hill of the wide view,' fr. syllu, ' to gaze.'
Llangadoc (Caermarthen). 1285 CZose -R. Lancaddok. 'Church
of St. Gadoc,' c. 500, who lived on an islet in the Bristol Channel,
but d. in Brittany. Cf. Caradoc.
Llangefni (Anglesea). 'Church on R. Cefni,' prob fr. W. cefn,
' a ridge.'
Llangollen. ' Church of St. Collen/ son of Gwynawc, abbot of
Glastonbury, and then an austere hermit; 7th cny.
Llangovan (Monmth.). Fr. St. Cofen, of whom httle seems known.
Llangrove (Ross, Herefd.). A post-oflS.ce and ignorant local
corruption. In all old documents ' Long grove,' which exactly
describes the place as seen from a distance.
LLANGRWYNEY 350 LLANTWIT MAJOR
Llangewyney (Crickhowell) . 1603 Owen lion y grwyne. ' Church
of Grewyn.' But who was he ? ? Gwrwan or Gurvan, bp. of
Llandaff, who excommunicated Tewdwr, K. of Dyfed.
Llangynidb (Crickhowell). It has an Eng. form Kender church ;
' church of St. Gynidr/ or in O.W. Lanncinitir. The saint was
of the 5th cny. Also old Lannicruc, W. llan y Crug, ' church at
the heap or barrow.'
Llanillty (Glamorgan), c. 1150 chart. Landiltwit, c. 1350 ib.
Launlltwyt. ' Church of St. IlUyd/ or Iltutus, orig. a Breton
knight, who came over to the court of K. Arthur, and nephew
of St. Gannon. Cf. Ilston and Llai^twit. Llantyd (Pembroke)
gives the same name in a contracted form.
Llanoveb (Monmouth). 'Church of St. Govor' or Gower, a W.
saint, of whom little seems known.
Llanehian (Pembroke), c. 1190 Gir. Camb. Lanrian. * Church of
St. Rhian,' who seems unknown. Can it be fr. Reafhun or
Hrethun, abbot of Abingdon and bp. of Leicester, who died
c. 835 ?
Llansatntfeaidd (Monmouth). 'Church of Saint Bride/ or
Bridget of Kildare, 453-523.
Llanstadwell (Pembroke). Sic 1594, but c. 1190 Gir. Camb.
Lanstadhewal. W. llan ystad hywel, ' church of the conspicuous
stadium or furlong,' which seems a curious name. More ex-
planation is needed. Cf. St. Tudwall's I., Caernarvon.
Llanstinan (Letterston, Pembroke). Sic 1594. 'Church of St.
Justinian/ said to have come fr. Brittany to Wales in the time
of St. David.
LLANTH02«ry (Abergavenny), a. 1196 Gir. Camb. Lanthotheni. He
also says : * The English corruptly call it Lanthoni, whereas it
should either be called Nanthodeni — i.e., the brook Hodeni —
or else Lanhodeni, the church upon the Hodeni,' now the Hondu,
origin unknown. For change of nxint to Ikm see Nantwich.
The other old forms intermingle with those of the offshoot from
this priory, at Gloucester — 1160-61 Pi'pe Lantoeni, 1221 Laun-
toney, 1223 Lantonay, 1225 Lantoeny.
Llanthjo Ceossekny (Abergavenny). Prob. 1285 Close B.
Lanthelyou, ' church of St. Teiliaw/ of the 6th cny. ; same as in
Llandilo.
Llanteisant (Glamorgan). W.= ' church of the three saints/
— viz., Illtyd, Tyfodwg, and Gwynno.
Llantwit Majoe (Cardiff) or in W. Llanilltud Fawr. ' Church of
St. Illtyd.' Fawr or mawr, ' big,' is the tr. of Major, L. for ' the
greatsr.' There are 2 other Llantwits in Glam., as well as
Llantood (Kernes), Valor. Eccl. Llantwyd. See Ilston and
Llanillty.
LLANWEYNO 351 LONDESBOKOUGH
Llanweyno (Herefordsh.). Fr. St. Beuno, contemporary of
Kentigem, who founded a religious society at Clynnog Fawr,
Carnarvon, c. 616. Eleven churches are dedicated to him.
Llan-y-Gwyddel (Holyhead). 'Church of the (Irish) Gaels.'
Gwyddel lit. means ' dwellers in the forest, or, among the shrubs,'
gwydd. Cf. TRWYN-y-GwYDDEL.
Llithfaen (Pwllheli). ? W. llithr, ' a slide or glide,' and jQPaen, * a
stone.' T. Morgan says llith implies attraction, and that there
is a stone near here of the nature of a loadstone.
Lliw R. (Bala and Loughor). Doubtfully derived fr. W. Uw, ' an
oath.'
Llwydarth (Glamorgan), c. 1130 Lib. Land. Litgart, 1603 Owen
Lloydarch. W. llwyd garth, ' grey ridge ' or ' cape.'
Llyncaws (Denbighsh.). W. = ' pool like a cheese ' ; while LlwyN'-
CELYN (Rhondda) is, 'lake of the holly.' Sometimes llyn
becomes llan, ' church,' as in Llangwathan or Llyn Gwaeddan,
in c. 1130 Lib. Land. Luin Guaidan. This is perh. Gwarthan, who
helped to establish the monastery at Bangor Iscoed, 6th cny.
Llyn Cyri (Cader Idris). W. 'pool of the cauldron or Corrie';
cyri is hardly a Welsh! word, yet see Cyki.
Llyn-yb-afrangc (pool on R. Conway). W. = ' pool of the
beaver.'
Llysfaen (Abergele). W. ='hall, court made of stone.' W.
and Com. maen, here aspirated ; /= v or mh.
Llys Helig (now a sandbank oj5 Conway) . ' Palace of Helig,'
now submerged. He was a great Cymric lord of the Middle Ages.
LocKiNGTON (Derby and Beverley). Dom. Yorks Lochetun,
Lecheton. Cf. Dom. Essex Lochintuna. ' Town, village of
Log,' 1 in Onom. Cf. next. See -ing and -ton.
Lock's Bottom (Orpington, Kent). A bottom, O.E. botm. is 'a
low-lying valley.' Cf. Ramsbottom. Lock is the O.E. name
Log, and is still a surname, Cf. above, 1158-59 Pipe Loches-
wella (Wilts), and Loxwood.
Lofthouse (Pateley Br. and Wakefield). Dom. Lofthuse, -tose.
Lot- and Loct -huse. ' House with an upper room or garret,'
O.N. and O.E. loft. This name has also become Loftus, in
the same county.
Lolworth (Cambridge). Chart. Lulleswyr^, Lollesworth. Dom.
Lolesuuorde, 1284 Lulleworth. ' Farm of Lull' Cf. Lulworth
(Dorset). The patronymic is seen in Lullington (Burton), and
Dom. Kent Lolingestone.
Londesborough (Mket. Weighton). Dom. Lodenesburg, 'Burgh
of Lothan or Lothen,' both in Onom. The o has been nasalized;
whilst Dom, regularly makes medial th into d. See -burgh.
LONDON 362 LOSTOCK GEALAM
London, c. 100 Tacitus Londinium, c. 360 Amm. Marcell. Londinium
vetus oppidmn quod Augustam posteritas appellavit ; c. 610 E,
Saxon coin Lundx)nia, a. 810 Nennius Cair Londein. O.E. Chron.
457 Lundenbyrig (=Londonburgh), c. 1175 Fantosme Lundres,
c. 1250 Layamon Lundene, but * Frensca Lundres heo hehten ' ;
1258-1450 Lunden, 1298 London, a. 1300 Mabinogion Lwndrys
(q.v. p. 89, Everyman's Libry., for an early legend re the origin),
c. 1460 Londyn ; also 1140 O.E. Chron. Lundenisce f olc. Commonly
derived fr. a Keltic Ion din, ' marsh or pool with the fort,' W.
llyn, ' pool, lake,' G. Idn, ' a marsh,' and W. din, G. diln, gen. d'Ain,
' a hill, a fort.' This is quite possible. W. J. Watson identifies
it with So. LxTNDiN and the commoner Lundy, G. lunndan, ' a
green spot,' strictly ' green, wet place,' fr. a nasahzed form of
lod, ' a puddle,' which he thinks is prob. same root as Lutetia
Parisiorum. If so, it is very remarkable that both London and
Paris should originally have names practically the same. The
Saxons, at any rate, early made Lon- into Lun-, which, in pron.,
it has remained ever since. For this there is abimdant analogy.
The 0 sound is retained in Fr. Londres. Cf. Ludgate and Ltjne.
LoNGMYND Range (Salop), c. 1285 Testa de Neville Foresta de
Longe Munede. The -mynd seems W. mynydd, ' hill ' : the
name may be a hybrid and the Long- be the common Eng. adj.
O.E. lang, long. But Oxf. Diet, mentions a doubtful O.Ir. or
Keltic long- in combinations, also meaning ' long.' But cf.
Mtjnet, andMiNDTON. Longdon (Upton-on-Severn) is 972 cliart.
Langdune, ' long hill.' Long Eye (Bromsgrove) is 972 chart.
Longaneye (dat.), ' long island.' See -ey. Longthwaite
(Cockermouth) may be translation of Longoviciimi in c. 400
Notit. Dignit. See -thwaite.
LoNGNOR (Buxton, Shrewsbury, Leek, and Penkridge). Pen. L.
Dom. Longenalre, 1223 Langenalre, 1327 Longenolre. Le. L.
a. 1300 Longenorle. Sh. L. a. 1300 Longenholre, Langenalre,
Longenolre, Longnore. O.E. lang alor, air, ' long, tall alder -tree.'
LoNGNEE-on-Sevem is also the same. Longboro' (Moreton-in-
Marsh), Z)om. Langeberge, is ' long tumulus.' See Barrow ; whilst
LoNGNEY (Gloster) , 972 chart. Longanege, is ' long island.' See -ey.
LoNGSDON (Stoke-on-T.) a. 1300 Longesdon. ' Hill of Lang ' or
' Long,' which have always been Eng. personal names. See -don.
LoNGSHip (off Land's End). 1667 ' the rock called the Longship.'
LoppiNGTON (Shrewsbury). Dom. Lopitone. ' Town of Loppa ' or
' Loppo,' both in Onom. Cf. South Lopham (Thetford), 1225
Luppeham.
LosTOCK Gralam (Nantwi6h), Lostock Hall (Preston). Pres, L.
1205 Lostok, 1296 Loes, -Lestok. Wyld thinks fr. an unre-
corded O.E. hlos, same root as lot, O.E. hlot; and so perh. ' place
where lots used to be cast; 'O.E. stoc, stocc, lit. ' a block or stake
stuck into the ground.' Cf. Hlosstede {B.C.S. iii. 449) and
LOSTWITHIEL 363 LOWESTOrT
Loscombe (both Dorset). This is doubtful. In Dom. Surrey
we have Losele, which rather suggests ' mead of ' an unrecorded
man ' Losa,' though it may be ' lot-nook.' See -hall. Gralam
was son of Hugh de Bunchamp, c. 1080.
LosTWiTMiEL (Cornwall). Pron. Los-withi-el. 1485 Lestwithiell,
1536 Lostuthyell. Many absurd derivations have been given.
It is quite simple. Com. lost withell, 'rump of the lion/ referring
to the shape of a hill here. Cf. Withiel.
LoTHBUBY (London), c. 1515 Cock Lorells Bh. Lothe bery.
' Sheltered town/ fr. O.E. Ueow\, 1554 lothe, ' shelter, warmth.'
Cf. L. Lothing, Lowestoft, and Louth. But, as we already have
Lothingland in Dom., see Lowestoet, Loth- may well be the
contracted form of a man's name.
Lothersdalb and Lothersden (Craven). Dom. Lodresdene, 1202
Lodderesden. A Lothewardus, or Lodewardus, or Erothweard
was Abp. of York c. 925-930. See -dale and -den.
Lothingland (Suffolk). Dom. Ludingalanda, 1158-59 Pipe Loinge-
land, 1237 Patent B. Luddinglond, Ludingeland, 1459 Lodyng-
lond. ' Land, territory of the sons of Luda ' or ' Loda.' See -ing.
Loughborough. Dom. Lucteburne, and -burg, 1298 Luhteburge.
Possibly this may be the same name as Lothbury. Or more
prob. fr. a man's name, ' burgh, castle of LuTita ' or ' Luhha,' the
latter a known form. See -borough.
LouGHOR (Gliamorgan). Possibly c. 380 Anton. Itin. Leucaro. . In
W. Cas Uywchyr. The Cos is said to be for castell, and llwchyr
a word for a lake = G. loch. There is a lakelike expanse of water
here, and a R. Llwchwr or Llychwr. Certainly W. llwch is ' pool.'
LouND (Lowestoft and Retford). Dom. both Lund(a). Re. L.
1302 Lound. O.N. lund-r, ' grove, wood.' But possibly, fr.
phonetic reasons, same as hum or lound, ' calm, sheltered
place '; also of N. origin. See Oxf. Diet. s.v. Lund (Beverley),
Dom,. Lont, 1179-80 Pipe Lund, is the same name. Cf. Dom.
Lines Lund.
Louth (Lines) . Dom, Ludes, 1154-65 c^arf. Luda.' Croxden Chron.
re 1210 Percolude — i.e., ' park of Louth,' 1225 Louth. Perh. fr.
O.E. hlud, 'loud,' 'noisy place.' Much more likely, O.E.
Meow]>, 1554 lothe, now in dial, lewth, ' shelter, warmth ' ; and
so, 'sheltered, warm place.' The letters d and th very often
interchange in old charters, through Norm, scribes.
LowDHAM (Notts). Dom. Ludha, c. 1170 Ludam, 1302 Loudham.
(It is near Ludcerce in Dom.). 'Home of Luda or iJude,'
several in Onom.
Lowestoft. Dom. Lothuwistoft, later Lowistoft, Loistoft. 1455
Leystoft, c. 1600 Camden Lestoffenses. The curious Dom. form
must represent ' toft ' or ' field of HlotTiewig,' a name found as
that of a port reeve in Kent, B.C.S. 1212, same name as that of
LOWESWATER 354 LUDGATE
the famous K. of the Franks, O.Ger. Chlodwig, Ger. Ludwig,
Fir. Lewis or Louis. This name exactly suits the phonetics of
all the forms given above. Tojt is O.N. to^t, N. toft, tuft,^ ' a
homestead, a house-site, a holding.' L. Lotlung, Dom. Lothing-
land, beside Lowestoft, shows us a patronymic fr. Hlothewig, with
its ending dropped, as often happens. Cf. Closworth.
LowESWATER (Cumbld.). 1189 Laweswater. Perh. 'water, lake
of HlcBwa'; 1 in Onom.
LowTHEB R. (Westmorland). Perh. connected with O.Ir. lothur,
' canalis,' Bret, laouer, ' a trench.' Cf. Sc. Lauder and Lowther.
LowTHORPE (Driffield). Dom. Loghetorp, Logetorp, 1161-62 Pipe
Leu-, Luitorp, 1179-80 Luuetorp. Prob. fr. low adj., early M.E.
Uh (O.N. Idg-r), 2-3 hh, la^e. ' Low-lying village.' See -thorpe.
Oxf. Diet, has no example of low, a. 1150.
LoxLEY (Warwick, Uttoxeter, and Sheffield) . Wa. L. Dom. Loches-
lei, 1151 Lochesle. Ut. L. Dom. ib., a. 1300 Lockesleye. A
Warwick chart, of 985 also speaks of ' Locsetena gemsere,'
' boundary of the Loc dwellers or settlers,' here in gen. pi. Cf.
Dorset, etc. This is ' meadow of Loc.' Cf. next, and 1161-62
Pipe Locheswell (Wilts). See -ley.
LoxwooD (Billingshurst). Not in Dom., but cf. Exon. Dom.
Lochesbera, where bera is ' wood.' Perh. 'wood of Loc' There
is one Loc, and there are two Lucas in Onom. Cf. Lock's
Bottom and above.
LucKER (Belford). 1152 Lucre. This must simply be N. loeck-r,
' a brook,' a very rare type of name in Northumberland. Cf.
Leckford and Leek.
Ltjdchurch (Narberth, Pembroke). 1353 Londeschirch, 1377
Londchirch; but in Myv. Archaeol. Yr Eglwys Lwyd, ' the grey
church.' The w is a common intrusion in the early spellings,
due to the nasalizing of the wot u sound, a proceeding not rare.
Some hold that Llwyd means ' the adorable, the blessed one.'
Ltjddington (Stratford-on-A. and Garthorpe). St. L. c. 1000
chart. Ludintune, Dom. Luditone, a. 1100 Ludintime. Ga. L.
Dom. Ludintone. ' Village, town of Luda.' Cf. Ltjtton and
947 chart. Ludanbeorh (Wilts). There are also Ludborough,
Louth, and Ludham, Gt. Yarmouth, sic 1262.
LuDGARS- LuDGERSHALL (Andover, Aylesbury, Gloster). An. L.
a. 1200 Lutgershal. Ay. L. 1232 Close R, Lutegare-, Lutte-
gartshal. Gl. L. 1220 Lutegares-, 1280 Letegareshale. ' Nook
of LeodgcBr, Liutger, Ludegar,' the name occurs in many forms.
See -hall.
Ludgate (London). Sic 1585. It may possibly, though not prob.,
be O.E. hlidgeat, 6 lydyate, ' a postern, a swing-gate, a gate
between meadow and ploughed land.' Lydiate Lane (Hales-
owen) is a. 1300 Nonemonnes Lydegate, 'no man's gate.'
LUDLOW 366 LUXULYAN
But c. 1145 Geoffrey Monm., c. 1205 Layamon, and a. 1300 The
Brut tell that Lud or Lhidd was a British king, brother of
Cassibelaumis, and that London was called from him Caerlud;
also that he was buried near this gate which now bears his name,
called in the British language Porthlud, and in Saxon Ludesgate.
Good authorities hold that Lludd was a Celtic deity. See, too,
Mahinogion (Everyman's Libry.), p. 89.
Lttdlow. Not in Dom., unless it be one of the Ludes — i.e., Lud's
(place), there; 1223 Patent R. Ludelawe, 1497 Ludlowe. In W.
Llwydlo. ' ffill of Lud.' See Ltjdgate and -low.
LurwiCK (Northants). O.E. Chron. 675 (late MS.) Lufgeard,
which is ' yard, court of Lufa/ 2 in Onom. But Dom. Luhwic,
1166-67 Pipe LufEewich, fr. O.E. wic, 'dwelling.' Of. K.C.D.
iv. 288 Lofintune, prob. Northants; and Luffenham (Stamford),
1166 Luffenha.
LuGQ R. (Leominster) . c. 1097 Flor. Wore. Lucge. Perh. connected
with W. llwch, ' a lake, a pool.' As likely this is another case
of river-worship. A god Lugus, li. Lug, seems to have been one
of the ancient deities of the Kelt, family. Cf. Carlisle. For
Ltjqwahdine 1233 Patent R. Lugwurthin, on this river, see
-warden — i.e., ' farm.'
LxTNDY I. (Bristol Channel). Not in Dom. Doubtful. May be
same as Sc. Ltjndy; see London. This scarcely suits the
site, so prob. Norse lund-ey, ' puffin island,' N. lunde, Icel. lundi.
See -ey. For Lund see Lound.
Lune R. (Lancaster and N. Yorks). Lan. L. prob. c. 150 Ptolemy
Alona; also see Lancaster. Said to be fr. a Keltic lounx),
' mud ' ; on Keltic Ion and lod, see London.
LusTON (Leominster). Dom. Lustone. 'Town of Lusa.' Cf. 940
chart. Lusebeorg (Wilts) and Lustleigh (Newton Abbott); the
latter prob. fr. a man Lustwine; 3 in Onom.
Luton (Beds and Chatham). Bed. L. sic a. 1199, but Dom. and
1157 Loitone, 1155 Pipe Luitune. Prob. 'village, town of
Lulia,' a name in Onom. But Lutley (Staffs), c. 1300 Lutteleye,
and Lutley (Halesowen), Dom. Ludeleia, is ' mead of Ludxi ' or
' Luta.' Lutley may be fr. O.E. lyt, 3-4 lut, 3-5 lute, ' little,' as
in Luthebury, old form of Littlebury (Saffron Walden) .
Lutterworth (Leicester). Dom. Lutresurde; also Lutrington
(Co. Durham), 1183 Lutringtona. This must be ' farm ' and
' village of Lutter ' or ' Luther,' or ' Lutter's descendants ' ; but
there is no such name in Onom., only one Lothewardus, also a
Leutherius or Hlothhere. See -ing, -ton, and -worth.
LuTTON (Yorks, Oundle, and Wisbech). Dom. Yorks Ludton; not
in others. ' Town of Luda ' or ' Lud.' Cf. Luddington.
LuxuLYAN (Lostwithiel). Sic 1536 ; also called Lan Sxh^ian.
Said to be corrup. of Corn. Lan lulian, ' church of St. Julian ';
LYDBURT NORTH 356 LTNDHURST
which of this name is doubtful. There are 115 Julians in Did.
Christ. Biogr. It is now dedicated to Julitta ; hence the parish
of St. Juliot, Cornwall. The story of Juhtta and her child
Cjrric was very popular, and St. Basil wrote in praise of her.
Lydbtjby North (Salop). Dom. Lideberie. Prob. ' Lida'a burgh.'
See Lydney and -biiry. But Lydeaud St. Lawrence (Taun-
ton) seems to be fr. a man Lidgeard. Dom. Lidegar, 1285
Lydeyarde. Cf. 963 chart. Lidgeardes beorge, re Wasing,
Berks. Only, of course Lidgeard will itself mean ' Lid's yard '
or ' garth.' LYDBROOK-on-Wye is a. 1300 Luddebrok, and there
is a Dom. Glouc. Ludebroc ; perh. fr. a man Lydda ; but Baddeley
suspects the first part to be a pre-Saxon river name.
Lydd (Kent). 774 chart. Hlid; later, Lyde, Lide. O.E. hlid, ' a
cover.'
Lydpord (N. Devon). See LroroRD.
Lydiard. There are places of this name at Wootton Basset and
Swindon (Wilts). Dom Lidiarde, Lediar, also Lydeard St.
Lawrence (Somst.), and Bp.'s Lydeard (Taunton). Dom.
Lidiard, Lediart. 1224 Patent R. Lidiard is in Wilts. The
name might be ' Lida'sjoxA,' or ' enclosure ' (O.E. geard) ; but is
prob. O.E. Ud-geard, ' boat, ship-yard ' — at least in some cases.
Lydnby (on Severn). 972 chart. Lidan ege, 1224 Lideneia, 1230
Lideneya. ' Isle on R. Leden.' See Ledbury and -ey.
Lydstep (Penally, Pembk.). 1603 Owen Ludsopp, ' Lud's place
of refuge.' See Ludgate and -hope.
Lye (Cradley). Old, Leeh, Lyegh, Lyghe, Lye, Lee, which show it
var. of lea, 'meadow.' See -ley. Lye (Glouc.) has similar old
forms.
Lyme Regis. Mentioned in 774. Dom. and 1234 Lym, 1184: Hist.
Selhy Luma, which last suggests a possible derivation fr. O.E.
leoma, 'a ray of hght, a flash, a gleam ' ; 4 lewme, lime, lym.
But both here and in N. Staffs there is a R. Lyme, the latter
a. 1200 Lima (other forms see Burslem), which seems to be
simply O.E. hlimme, 'a stream, a river'; and this is quite pos-
sibly the origin of this town too. Regis is L. for ' of the King.'
Lyme received a royal charter from K. Edward I. in 1316, when
it was surrendered to the Crown. Cf. Kjng's Lynn.
Lyminge (Shomchffe). 804 chart. Limming, Dom. Leminges.
Doubtful; prob. patronjrmic. There are two namedXwmngr in
Onom. Cf. next ; and see -ing.
Lymington (Hants). Not in Dom. c. 1450 Fortescue Limyngton.
The man's name here is prob. Leofman, var. Leman and Low-
man. Cf. above, and see -ing.
Lyndhurst (Hants), a. 1100 cAar^ Lindhyrst, which is O.E. for
' forest, wooded place with the limes or lindens.' Cf. Lyndon
LTNNE 357 MAER
(Warwk.), a. 1300 Lynden, possibly fr. O.E. lin, 'flax/ as
in Lyncroft (Lichfield). See -den and -don.
Lynne or Lymne or Lympne (S. Kent). 77 Pliny Limnus, c. 150
Ptolemy Portus Lemanis ; Dom. Lymne, 1392 Linne. Prob.
Kelt, linn, ' pool, lake'; but for Lemanis c/. Lomond (Sc.) and
L. Leman or L. of Geneva. Lynn (Lichfield), however, is
c. 1300 la Lynd, Lynde, O.E. lind, ' the linden ' or ' lime-tree.'
Lytham (Preston). Dom. Lidun. Prob. loc. of O.E. hli'6, 'on
the slopes or hiU-sides.' Cf. Hallam, Ktt.wam, etc.; also
Lythe (N. Yorks) , Dom. Lid. The Lyth (Ombersley) is the same.
Mablethorpe (Lines). Dom. Malb'torp. 1202 Mapertorp, Mau-
pertorp, Mautorp, 1318-1469 Malberthorpe, 1591 Mabberthorp.
An interesting corrup., ' village of Malber/ or some such name.
The nearest in Onom. are Marbert and Mcethelheorht or Madalbert.
See -thorpe.
Macclesfield. Dom. Maclesfeld, 1297 Makelesfelde, 1503 Maxfeld.
Looks like ' Matchless, peerless field,' fr. wakeless, a. 1225 make-
lese, ' matchless,' fr. O.E. gemaca, ' a peer, equal, match, a
make.' There seems no name in Onom. which would yield
Makele, but Malton (Cambs) is 1282 Makelton; and so it is
prob. derived from a man's name, as all analogy suggests.
Machynlleth ( Aberdovey) . W. ma Ghynlleth, ' field of Cyn Ueith,'
in Geoff r. Mon. Kinhth map Neton. (7/. Mallwyd (Merioneth),
field of Llywd '; Manest, ' field of Nest,' etc.
Mackney (Wallingford). 957 chart. Maccanige, 1428 Mackeney.
' Island of Macca.' See -ey.
Madehurst (Sussex), not in Dom., and Madeley (Salop and Staffs).
Sa. M. K.C.D. iii. 123 Madan leage, Dom. Madelie. St. M.
975 chart. Madanlieg. Cf. Dom. Suss. Medelei. ' Wood ' and
' meadow of Mada '; O.E. hyrst, ' a wood ' ; and see -ley.
Madeley Uleac (Uttoxeter) is named fr. its Saxon possessor
in Dom.
Madingley (Cambridge). Dom. Madingelei, 1284 Maddingele.
' Meadow of the descendants of Mada.' Cf. above, and Mad-
dington (Wilts) ; and see -ley.
Madley (on Wye, Hereford), c. 1130 Lib. Landav., pp. 323, 324,
Madle, q.v., W. mad lie, 'good place.' Though, of course, some
will hold it must be the same as Madeley.
Madresmeld (Worcester), a. 1200 Medeleffeld, 1275 Madresfelde.
Skeat thinks, ' Mceth-here's field ' ; Dom. regularly writes th as d.
Madron (Penzance). Fr. St. Maiernus of Treves, in Chaucer
Madryan; also Medhran, disciple of St. Piran or Kieran.
Maer (Newcastle, Staffs). Dom. and later Mere, O.E. for 'mere,
lake.'
MAES GAEMON 358 MALTBY
Maes Gaumon (Mold). W.= ' (battle)field of St. Oerman,' Bp. of
Auxerre, France, who came to Britain in 429. We find a
'Maisbeli' as early as c. 1145 Geoff r. Monm. ? = MAESBUBy
(Oswestry). Cf. Llanaemon.
Magor (Newport, Mon.). W. magwyr, 'a wall"; also found in
Cornwall as Magor and Maker, old Macuir.
Maidenhead. 1297-98 Mayden heth, c. 1350 Magdenhithe, 1538
Maidenhedde. ' Maiden's hythe ' or ' landing-place ' — i.e., one
very easy to land at, fr. O.E. hydde, later AytS, ' a haven, a land-
ing-place.' Cf. Hythe. Maiden Castle (Dorchester), not in
Dam., is claimed as a Keltic name, which is quite unlikely.
The Maiden Castle is Edinburgh, found c. 1150 as ' Castellum
puellarum.' Dorset also has Maiden Newton.
Maidstone. Dom. Medwegestun; 1245 Patent B. Maidenestan;
later Meddestane, Maydestan, which will mean ' rock ' rather
than ' town on R. Med way," though its W. name is said to be
Caer Meguaid or Medwig, ' fort on the Medway.' See -ton.
Malden (Kingston, Surrey). Dom. Meldone, prob. ' sword hill ' or
'dune,' O.E. dun; fr. O.E. mcel, 'sword, mark, ornament.'
This wiU be the root also of Maldon (Essex), 993 O.E. Chron.
Maeldiin, 1472 Maiden, rather than O.E. mdl, 3 male, 'tax,
tribute.' But cf. Christian Malford. A man Mai, or the
like, seems implied in such names as Malshanger and Mals-
worth. See Birchanger and -worth.
Malham (Leeds). Dom. Malgon, -un. These are clearly old
locatives of the common Yorks Dom. type. But there seems
no O.E. word to give us malg- ; mcele, mele, ' a cup, a basin,'
seems the nearest — ' among the cup-shaped hollows.' But, then,
the g must be an error. See -ham.
Malling, South (Sussex). Sic 838, a. 1200 MeUinges, 1288 Contin.
Gervase Suthmallinges. Patronymic. Cf. Melling.
Mallwyd (Dinas Mawddy) . W. ma llwyd, ' grey plain ' or ' district.'
Maimesbfry. Bede v. 18, Monasteriimi qnod Maildulfi urbem
nominant, O.E. vers. Maldulfesburh, 940 chart. Matelmesburg,
1015 O.E. Chron. Ealdehnesbyrig ; but, in latest MSS., Meal-
delmesbyri, where the M. prob. stands for In. Cf. Inhrypum=
RrpoN. Dom. Ecclesia Malmsburiensis, c. 1097 Flor. Wore.
Malmesbyriensis, c. 1160 Gesta Steph. Malmesbiria. ' Burgh of
Maldulf,' 7th cny. abbot and teacher here. He was succeeded
by Ealdhelm ; hence arose a very curious confusion.
Mat.pas (Chesh. and Truro). Former pron. Morpus, latter Mohpus.
Same as the Fr. Mauvais pas (O.Fr. malpas), or ' bad path,'
alongside the Mer de Glace.
Maltby (Rotherham). Dom. and 1179-80 Maltebi, 1442 Mauteby.
Perh. ' Malt town,' O.E. and O.N. malt, north dial., etc., mwut.
But more likely it is ' dwelling of Malte,' 2 in Onom. Mallt is
W. for ' Matilda.' See -by.
MALTON 359 MANNINGTEEE
Malton (Yorks). Dom. Maltun, Contin. Sim. Dur. ann. 1138
Maaltun, 1202 Melton. Doubtful. Might be 'malt town'
(c/. Maltby), but prob. ' tax, tribute town/ O.E. mdl, 3 male.
See Maldbn. However, Malton (Cambs) is 1279 Malketon,
1282 Makelton, and may come fr. the same man's name as is
prob. seen in Macclesfield.
Malvern. Dom. Malferna, Ann. Wore. 1085, Major Malvernia
(' Great Malvern ') fundata est per Alwium ' orEaldwine, 1156
Ptjje Maluerna, 1362Maluerne,W. moeZg^iuerw, ' hill of alders,' or
' hill over the moor or plain.'
Mamble (Wore). 957 chart. Momela (gen. pL). Dom. Mamele.
Keltic mam, ' round, rounded,' G. mcLm, ' a round, breastlike
hill'; the ending is uncertain. C/. Mambeg (Sc).
Mamhtlad (Monmouthsh.). c. 1130 Lib. Landav. MamheiUad.
Cf., in same book, Mamilet forest (Herefordsh.), evidently the
same name ; and also Manchester. Mam will mean ' round,
rounded ' ; and there is a W. heledd, ' a salt-pit ' ; but the name
seems more likely to be W. maen heiliad, ' stone, rock for the
serving [of liquor],' referring to some custom now forgotten.
Man, I. OF. J. Ccesar Mona, c. 77 Pliny Monapia, c. 150 Ptolemy
MovaptVa, v.r. MovaotSa (former = Movdnva, Nicholson, and same
as Ptol.'s Mava7rto6, near Wicklow), Bede Mevaniae Insulse, a. 810
Nennius Eubonia, id est Manau, 1000 O.E. Ghron. Mon ege
(=Mona's Isle), c. 1110 Orderic Insula Man; in Manx Eilan
Mhannin. Doubtful. Earle thought 0. Kelt, man, ' a place.'
Cf. Akemanchester, old name of Bath, Akeman Street, Ayles-
bury, and Manchester.
Manacles (rocks near Lizard). Corrup. of Corn, men, mcen eglos,
' rocks of the church,' perh. fr. the Church of St. Keverne on
the high ground behind.
MANCETTER(Atherstone). 1251 Mancestre. An old Rom. station,
and = next. See -caster.
MIanchester. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Mancunio, v.r. Mamucio; 923
O.E. Ghron. Mameceaster; Dom. and on to 1421 Mamecestre.
Perh. a hybrid, ' round hill camp ' (see Mamble and -Chester) ;
but it may be fr. Kelt, man, maen, ' stone.' Cf. above and
Mansfield, and Maumbury Rings, Dorchester.
Manea (March) . This,, says Skeat, must be ' Manna's isle,' as it
once was an island. Cf. Manley (Warrington) and Manton
(Marlborough) ; and see -ey.
Mangotsfield (Bristol). Dom. Manegodes felle. ' Field of Man-
god, Mangold, or Managolt,' all forms in Onom.
Manningtree. Not in Dom. ' Tree of,' Mann, Manna, Manne,
Manni, Manno, Mannig, or Manning. All, except the two last,
common names in Onom. Cf. Braintree, Oswestry, etc. ; and
see -ing.
MAN or WAR 360 MARCHAM
Man of Wab (rock, Scilly) . Corrup. of Corn, men, maen an vawr, run
into one word, Menavawr or Menawore, ' big rock/ C/. Manacles.
Manobbiee (Pembrokesh.). c. 1188 Gir. Camb. says it is ' Mansio
Pyrri/ manor, estate, mansion-house of a man Pyrr. Cf. Caldy.
Some think the ending is the N. boe-r,' dwelling' (see -by), and
so the name a tautology. Cf. c. 1130 Lib. Landav. Mainaur
Garth Benni, and Manob fabon, ' manor of Mabon/ Cmrthnsh.
Note, W. mcenor, ' district,' has nothing to do with Eng. manor.
Mansebgh (S. Westmorld.). Dom. Manzserge. 'Hut, shiehng of
Mann/ here a proper name. On -ergh see Anglesabk. Cf.
Manston.
Mansfield (Notts). Dom. Mamm-, Mamesfelde, 1162-65 cTiart.
MamefEellt, 1189 Pipe Mamefeld, 1278 Man'efeld, Maunsfewd,
1291 Mannesfeld. Difficult. It is on R,. Man or Maun, which
may be a back formation, but not certainly, for we get it 1300
Mainesheued {in prob. error for m), 1332 Mammesheued, ' head
of R. Mam.' It may then be 'field on the Man, Maun, or
Mam,' which according to. all analogy will be Kelt., either W.
mamn, 'a bog,' or, transferred by some ignorant Saxon fr.
some neighbouring hill, and so fr. warn, now only in G. mdm,
maim, ' a low, rounded hill, like a mamm€, or breast.' But it
may be fr. some man, unrecorded in O.E.; cf. Mammendorf,
Bavaria, Mansfeld, Saxony, and Manchesteb.
Manston (W. Riding and Sturminster Newton). Dom. Yorks
Maines-, Manestun. ' Town of Man, Mana, or Mcena,' all in
Onom. Cf. Mansebgh.
Mapledtjbttam (Reading). 1217 Patent R. Mapeldureham. We
have mapuldur as O.E. for 'maple-tree' as early as c. 725
CorptLS Gloss. Cf., too, Maplebobough (Alcester), Dom. Mapel-
berge, 940 cJiart. Mapildore (Wilts), and 1282 Close R. Mapel-
treham (Chesh.) ; also Maplebeck (Notts), Dom. Mapelbec, and
Dom. Kent Mapledescam. See next, and -ham.
Mapledubwell (Basingstoke). Grant of a. 675 Mapeldure — i.e.,
' maple-tree.' Cf. the name Rowantree, and above.
Mappleton (Hull and Ashbourne) . Hu. M. Dom. Mapleton. ' Town
of a man called Maple,' O.E. mapel. Men are often called after
trees — Ash, Birch, Beech, etc. It may be fr. the tree alone.
Mabazion (Penzance). 1250 Marhasgon, 1309 Marhasyon, 1313
Marhasion; c. 1470 Markysowe, Marchasyowe, c. 1540 Leland
Markesju, 1595 Marghas-iewe (often to-day Market Jew — a
curious example of popular etjrmology). The name is Corn.
marhas Diow (fr. De Yew), ' market on Thursday.' But Diow
must have had an older form Dion.
Mabcham (Abingdon). B.C. 8. iii. 427 Merchamme, Dom. Merce-
ham. ' Enclosure,' O.E. hamme, ' on the march or boundary,'
O.E. mere, mearc. Mabch itself is c. 1080 Merc, 1169 Merch.
MAECHINaTON 361 MAKLBOEOUGH
Cf. next. But the cognate Eng. march is O.Fr. marche, first in
Eng. c. 1290 in ' The Marche of Walis/ Cf. Mauk and Mark-
ham (Notts). Dom. Marcham.
Marohinqton (Uttoxeter) . 951 chart. Msercham, 1004 Mercham-
tune, Dom. Marchamtone, a. 1300 Marchynton upon Nedwode.
' Town with the house on the march ' or ' boundary/ between
Staffs and Derby. See above and -ing.
Makden (Hereford). Dom. Mawrdine, 1232 Close B. Maw-, Mau-
worthin. ' Farm of '? perh. Jlfaw, one in Owom. See -warden.
Margate. 1225 Patent B. Meregate; also Mergate; prob. 'road/
O.E. geat, ' by the mere ' or ' lake ', now drained. For e become a
cf. Derby, pron. Darby. Cf. Mahfleet (Hull), Dom. Mereflet,
' river by the mere.' See Fleet.
Mark (Highbridge), Mark Beech (Eden Bridge), etc. O.E.
mearc, Anghan were, 2 marc, 4- mark, ' boundary, frontier,
Hmit, later, landmark.' Cf. 847 Grant (Dorset), on merce
cumb, and Marcham. Markyate (Beds) is ' the boundary
gate ' between Beds and Herts.
Market Deeping (Peterboro') . a. 1100 Grant of 664 Depingge,
c. 1200 Gervase Diepinge. There seems no Eng. sb. ' deeping '
or ' dippimg ' which will suit ; but cf. ' Depenbech ' in Cheshire
Dom., now Malpas. There seems no helpful name in Onom;
but see -ing as denotiug a place on a stream. The ' Market ' in
all names with this prefix seems a late addition, though New-
market goes back to the 12th cny.
Market Harborough. Not in Dom. a. 1300 Haverberg, 1517
Harborow. The Oxf. Diet, says = Market Harbour {q.v., s.v.).
But a. 1300 shows this cannot be; it must be fr. Dan. havre,
' oats.' See Havbrford and -burgh. Harberrow (Hagley) is a.
1200 Hardberwe, a. 1300 Herdeberue, O.E. hierdan beorge, ' herds-
man's barrow or burial mound ' ; also cf. Harberton (Totnes) .
Market Weighton (Yorks). Pron. Weeton. Dom. Wicstun.
1298 Wighton, Wyhton, Wyghton. From some man; Weah,
Wigheah, and Wiht are possible names in Onom. Dom. regularly
changes guttural ch or gh into 5^
Markington (Leeds). Dom. Merchintone. 'Town of Mearca,'
not in Onom., or, of one of the many names in Mearc-.
Marks Tey (Colchester). J. H. Bound has shown that Marks in-
volves the name of the village of March, Pas de Calais, borne
by AdeloLf de Mark, owner of Marks Tey district in Dom. So
this name means ' Mark's paddock,' O.E. tih, teah, teag. Cf.
Great Tey.
Marlborough. Dom. Marleberge, 1110 O.E. Chron. Mserlebeorg,
1158 Merleb'ga. Marl, O.Fr. marie, is not found as an Eng. word
till 1372, nor merle, ' blackbird,' till 1450. So this is prob.
' Barrow, tumulus of Mcerle/ short form of Mo&rleswegen, 4 in
24
MAELEY 362 MAKSTON
Onom. Cf. Dom. Wore. Merleberg. Marl Cliff (Wstrsh.),
c. 872 chart. Marnan Clive, later Maranclive, Mearnanclif , a. 1790
Mar Cleeve, is ' marble cliff/ fr. O.E. marma, here perh. rather
with its meaning ' stifE clay/ which is the meaning of O.Fr.
marne, marie. Maelewood (Thornbury), in its old forms, 1221
to Leland, is always Morle-, and so prob. fr. O.Fr. morele, ' night-
shade/ found so spelt in Eng. fr. c. 1265.
Mabley (Bingley) and Marley Hill (Swalwell, Durham). Sw.
M. 1183 Merleia and Bin. M. 1202 Merlegh, which is prob.
' meadow by the mere ' or ' lake.' 0/. Maklow, etc. But
Marley (W. Riding) is Dom. Mardelei, Merdelai, prob. ' marten's
mead/ O.E. meai%. Dom. regularly makes th into d. Cf.
Martley.
Marlingford (Norwich). Dom. Merlingeforda, 1161-62 Merlingef'-,
1454 Marlyof erthe, 1482 Marlyngf orthe. ' Ford of Merlin/ or
perh. of his descendants. See Caermarthen and -ing. The
-ferthe or -forth'e for -ford {q.v.) is due to Norse influence.
Marloes (Milford Haven). Tax. Eccl. Malros, 1603 Owen Marlasse.
Evidently =Melrose (Sc), O.W. masl rhos, ' bare moor.'
Marlow (Maidenhead). Dom. Merlawe. 'Hill by the lake or
mere/ O.E. mere, 2-3 mcere, 4 marre, 5 mer. Cf. Marley and
Martin. See -low.
Marown (I. of Man). Named fr. St. Buny or Ronan, Bp. of Sodor
A.D. 600. Ma- is the common Kelt, endearing prefix, ' my own/
Marple (Manchester). Not in Dom. Prob. corrup. of merc-
pool, or ' pool, lake at the boundary.' See Marwood.
Marr (Doncaster). Dom. Marra, 4 times, Marie once (error).
Perh. fr. mar sb. ' a hindrance, obstruction,' found first in Oxf.
Diet, in a. 1300 Cursor Mundi, fr. O.E. merran, ' to mar.'
Marrick (Richmond, Yorks). Dom. Marige, Mange {n for ri).
Prob. ' isle in the mere.' Cf. Margate; but -ey {q^.v.) is rarely
seen as -ick.
Marsham (Norwich). Dom. Marsam. Cf. B.C.S. 496 Msersaham.
Perh. ' home of Mcersa.' See -ham. On marsh see next.
Marston Moor (Yorks) is Dom. Merstone, prob. fr. same name.
Marske (2 in Yorks). Dom. Mersc, Mersch. O.E. merisc, mersc,
' a marsh.' Seen also in Little Marsis (Yorks) Dom. Parvo
Merse, and Pickering Marishes, Dom. Oudulvesmersc, etc. But
Baddiley derives Marshfield (Box), Dom. Meresfelde, fr. a
man Mcerwine.
Marston (12 in P.O.). Warwk. M. c. 1000 Merston juxta Avonam,
Dom. Mers(e)ton, two, also near Penkridge ib., 1327 Mershton.
Glouc. M. Dom. Merestune. Cf. 774 cMrt. ' Mersctun,' (Ro-
chester). ' Town, dwelHng by the marsh'; O.E. mersc, mcersc,
merisc, 4 merss, 5- marsh. Cf., too, Dom. Meresberie (Salop).
Duignan gives 5 Marstons in Warwksh. alone.
MARTIN 363 MATLASK
Mabtest (Lines, Dover, Salisbury). Sa. M. (prob. 871 O.E. Chron.
Meretune), Dom. Mertone, 1227 Meretone. ' Town on the
mere.' See Mae-low ; and c/. Merton. Martin (Notts), Dom.
Martune, on the borders of Yorks, is prob. O.E. mearc tun,
' boundary town.' Marton (7 in P.G.), Dom. Lines Martone,
Yorks Martun, -tone, 21 times, Mereton 4 times, may not
always be the same. That near Leamington, 1327 Merton,
seems to be; but in 1179-80 Pijpe Yorks we have a ' Mareton,'
which might be fr. O.E. mare, 'a goblin' (c/. nightmare). In
1157 Pipe Cheshire we have a ' Monte Martin,' prob. fr. St.
Martin of Tours, dth cny.
Mabtletwy (Pembksh.). 1603 Owew Marteltwy. The first part is
corrup. of W. merthyr, ' a martyr,' the second doubtful.
Martley (Worcester). Dow. Mertelai. 1275 Mertelee. No likely
name in Onom., nor can it be fr. mart, ' market,' or mart, ' an
ox' (see Oxf. Diet., s.v.), so prob. 'meadow of the mart,' dial,
name of the marten, O.E. mear^, mer'6. Cf. foumart and
Marley (W. Riding) ; see -ley. But Marthry (Pembk.) c. 1130
Lib. Land. Mathru, some thiak to be W. mai or ma thru,
' field of woe ' {tru). Prob. it is fr. Merthyr.
Marwood (Barnard Castle), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Marawude. Mara-
is doubtful. It may represent a proper name clipped down. C/.
Onom. under Mar-, Marc-, Mear-, Mearh-. Prob. it is fr. O.N.
mura, O.E. mare, ' a gobhn.' Gf. nightmare.
Mary-le-bone (London) . 1742 St. Mary at the Bourne, or brook —
i.e., the Tyburn. The Cockney has caused the liquid r to
vanish.
Maryport. Where, or near where, Q. Ilary landed in her flight
from Scotland, 1568; but till 1750 called Ellenfoot.
Masborough (Rotherham). Not in Dom. Prob. contraction of
' Mcessa's, ' or ' Masso's burgh ' ; both forms in Onom. Cf.
next, andMaisemore (Glouc), 1221 Meismore, later Meyesmora,
which is prob. ' Mceg's moor ' ; one in Onom.
Masham (Yorks). Sic 1296, but Dom. Massan. Prob. as above,
' Jf assa's home'; only Dom.'s form will be an irregular
loc, such as Dom. Yorks is full of, ' at Massa's.' Cf. Hal-
lam, etc.
Mathern (Chepstow). Addit. Lib. Land. Martharne, -erne, later
Matharn; prob. W. ma theyrn, ' field of the king or lord ' {G.
tighearn), and not fr. merthyr, ' martyr.'
Mathon (Gt. Malvern). Dom. Matma, 1275 Mathine, a. 1500
Mathan. O.E. ma^um, mu^m, ' a precious thing, a valuable
gift '; m and n easily interchange. C/. JIedomsley.
Matlask (Norfolk). Dom. Matelasc. 1453 Matelask. Curious
name; looks like O.E. mcete, 'small, poor, bad,' and lisk, a M.E.
MATLOCK 364 MEDWAY R.
word of prob. Scandinavian origin, a. 1200 lesske, 5-6 lasJce, ' the
flank or loin.' Cf. next.
Matlock. Not in Dom. ? O.E. m^te loca, ' small enclosure.' C/,
PoBLOCK and above. But Matford (Berkeley) is c. 1270 Math-
ford, whilst Matson, same shire, is c. 1121 Matesdona, 1199
Metteresd', showing that this is for ' Mcethhere'a down.' See -don.
Mattishall (Dereham). Dom. Mateshala, 1484 Mateshal(l)e.
' Hall ' or ' nook of Mata/ See -hall.
Maughold Hd. (I. of Man). St. Maughold was chief of an Irish
band of robbers converted by St. Patrick and, next to St. Ger-
man, patron saint of the Isle.
Maxinby (Thirsk). Dom. Mannebi, Mannesbi, 1202 Magnebi, 1204
Mageneby. ' DweUing of ' some man with a name in Magen- or
Msegen-. There are many in Onom., Msegenfrith, Msegenheard,
etc. It can hardly be fr. the simple Mann, as in Manseegh, etc.
See -by.
Mayfield (4 in P.G.). Ashbourne M. Dom. Madevelde, a. 1300
Mathelefell, Matherfield, a. 1400 Mathefeld, Mayfield. Prob.
O.E. mcethel felda, ' field of the meeting ' or ' council.' Of.
K.G.D. 1339 Metheltun. Old forms needed for the other names ;
not in Dom. They may be fr. may, ' the hawthorn/ found so
used a. 1548. Meaburn (E. Oambld.) is 1120Maiburn; ? meaning.
Mayeord (Woking). 955 chart. Mse^^e forda. ' Virgin's ford.'
O.E. ?W0B3tS or mce^eb, ' a maid, a virgin.'
Meas-, Meesden (Herts), a. 1300 Mesdune. O.E. meos dun,
' mossy hill.'
Mease E.. (Derbysh. and Warwick) and Mees R. (Staffs). O.E.
meos ; O.N. mose, ' moss,' found in Eng. c. 1639 meese, and still
in S.W. dial, meesh. So, ' mossy ' river. Measham (Ather-
stone) is Dom. Messeham, and Mill Meese (Stone) is Dom.
Mess, a. 1400 Mulneme(e)s, which gives us the old forms of both
river names. Cf., too, Measden and Missenden.
Medmenham (Marlow). Dom. Medemeha. 'Home of prob.
' Moethhelm,' one in Onom. Dom. regularly makes th into d,
and liquid I easily vanishes. Cf. next.
Medomsley (Co. Durham) . 1211 Madmesl'. Prob. ' Meadow of the
valuable gift,' see Mathon; it is found in c. 1200 Ormin. in pi.
as Tnaddmess. If a man's name be preferred, it may be found in
Mceldomen or Meldum, var. of Mailduf, or in McBthhelm, as
above. See -ley.
Med way R. a. 1000 chart. Msedw8e3a, 1016 O.E. Chron. Medew8e3a,
a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Meodewage, 1215 Mag. Chart. Medewaj^e.
Perh. O.E., fr. mcBd, ' a meadow,' and waga, ' deep waters '
(M'Clure) . But some think, W. med gwy, ' water, river which is
extended or full.' Cf. R. Wey and Maidstone.
MEED HAM 365 MELTON
Mebdham (Rochester). 774 chart. Msedham. 'Home on tHe
ineadow '; O.E. moBd, ' a mead '; though Dom. Kent Meddestan
suggests a man's name. See -ham. Meeth (Devon) may also
be fr. meed, but is doubtful.
Meerbeook (Leek). ' Brook on the boundary '; O.E. mcsre ; M.E.
moer, mer. Of. 1241 Newminst. Chart. Usque ad Merethorne.
But Meresbbook (Sheffield) and Dom. Meresbroc (Salop) may
be fr. O.E. mere, ' a lake." Cf. 940 chart. Mserhlinc, Wiley
(Wilts), ' links at the boundary.' Meering (Notts), Dom. Mer-
inge, is a patronymic.
Meieord (Welshpool) . Prob. W. mai fod, aspirated fr. bod, ' field
with the house or hut in it.'
MELBOTJRisrE (Cambs, Derby, and E. Riding). Cam. M. chart.
Meldebume, Dom. MeUebume, 1661 Fuller Meldebum. * Brook
of Melda.' Cf. Meldreth. De. M. Dom. Milebume (3 times),
Somerset Meleburne. There are also 1157 Pipe Meleburna
(Northumberland), and another in 1158 in Wilts. But M., E.
Riding, is Dom. Middelbume, Midelbome, ' middle brook.' Cf.
Melton. See -bourne.
Meldreth (Royston, Herts), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Meldrethe,
Dom. MeLrede. ' Melda'a enclosure.' See Melbourne, and
Shepreth near by.
Melksham (Wilts). Dom. Melchesha, 1155 Pipe Melchesham, 1223
Melkesham. ' Home of Melc,' or the like. No such name in
Onom. See -ham.
Melltng (Carnforth). Dom. Mellinge. Cf. Malling. Prob. a
patronymic.
Mellis (Eye, Suffolk). Dom. Melles, and Mells (Frome), ? Dom.
Mulle. Cf. Dom. Melas and Mele (Chesh.). W. melys, ' sweet,' is
not Kkely; prob. all are fr. O.N. mel-r, *a sandbank,' also 'bent
grass.' Meals or miols are the common name for * sand-dunes '
on the shores of Norfolk, Lanes, etc. See Oxf. Diet., s.v. meal
sb^. Cf. Melford (Sc.) and Meols. Duignan thinks Melly
(Halesowen), a. 1200 Melley, to be a form of mill, O.E. mylen,
1 myll, 4-6 melle ; if so the -ey must be a dimin. Cf. Mtlwich.
Mellor (Blackburn and Stockport). Not in Dom. W. maelawr,
* a place of traffic,' cf. Maelor, a hundred in Flint, is conceiv-
able. But prob. , O.N. mel-r, 'a sandbank,' or 'bent grass.'
The N. nominative ending r seldom survives in a name.
Melmerby (E. Cumberland and N. Yorks). Dom. Yorks Mai-,
Mehnerbi ; 1202 Tories Fines Melmorbi. ' Dwelling of Melmor ' ;
one is known in the days of K. Eadred, c. 950. See -by.
Melsonby (Darlington). Dom. Malsenebi. 'Dwelling of some
unknown man, perh. Mcerleswegen or Merleswain. See -by.
Melton (Brough, Yorks, and Woodbridge) . Dom. Yorks Medeltone
— i.e., * middle town.' M. Constable (King's Ljnm), Dom.
MELVERLEY 366 MEOLE BRACE
Meltuna, was held under the Bps. of Thetford by their hereditary
constables, the de Lyons or de Meltons. Little Melton (Norwich)
is Dom. Meltun parva. M. Mowbray, Dom. Medeltun, is called
after the family who once held lands here. Roger de Morihray,
or Mouhray, is on the Roll of Battle Abbey (1066, or later),
c. 1175 Fantosme Munbrai, 1179-80 Pipe Molbrai, a. 1200 Wm.
Newbury Monbrai ; origin doubtful. There is a Mowbray south
of Silloth. Some of the Meltons — e.g., in Norfolk — may possibly
be as in Mellis, ' village on the sand-dune.' Cf. Dom. Surrey
Meldone. Meltonby (E. Riding) is Dom. Meltebi, ' dwelling of
Melte ' or ' Malte '; 2 in Onom. The n is sign of the gen. Cf.
Meltham (Huddersfield).
Melverley. See Milverton.
MJELYNLLYiir (Llaurwst). W. 'yellow lake'; W. felyn, 'yellow,'
unaspirated. Cf. DimFERMLiNE (Sc).
Menai Straits (Bangor) . There is a Menei in Taliessin, but the name
here seems to date only from the construction of the great bridge.
It is supposed to be W. main gwy, ' narrow water ' or ' strait.'
Mekdham (Harleston). Dom. Mendaham. Cf. 1179-80 Pipe
Mendham (Lanes) . This must be ' home of Menda/ an unre-
corded name. See -ham.
Mendip Hills (Somerset), a. 1100 cMrt. in Wm. Malmesb. Mons
Munidop, 1284 Close R. Munedep, 1290 chart. Menedipp.
Prob. not fr. W. mynydd ; Corn, menit, menyth, ' a hill.'
' Munidop ' prob. means, ' enclosed land in a privileged district ' ;
see Minety and -hope. Menith Wood, Lindridge (Wore), is
1718 Meneth, but a. 1300 Menhey wood, so that the mod. form
must be corrupt.
Menheniot (Liskeard). 1536 Menhynyott. Corn, maen hen Neot,
' old rock of Neot,' eldest brother of K. Alfred. Cf. St. Neots.
Menston (Leeds). Dom. Mersintone. 'Town of McBvsa'; gen.
-san. Cf. Marsham. The liquid r has disappeared !
Mentmobe (Leighton Buzzard). Dom. Mentemore. It looks Kelt.
= W. mynydd mawr. Corn, menit meur or mur, 'big hiU.' Cf.
Mendep and Penmaenmawr. There is no name like Mente in
Onom., but an origin fr. O.E. minte, 3-7 mente, ' mint,' any plant
of the aromatic genus Mentha, is quite possible, and so * mint
moor.' Duignan derives Monmore (Wolverhampton) fr. W.
mawn mawr, ' great bog,' but it is 1327 Monnemere, which must
mean ' lake of Monne, Monna,' or ' Monn,' all fairly common
names in Onom.
Meole Brace (Shrewsbury), Meols (Wirral), and Meols Cop
(Southport). Dom. Salop Melicope, Melela. Prob. not fr. W.
moel, ' a conical hill,' with Eng. plur. s, but fr. O.N. mel-r, ' a
sand dune,' a 'meal.' See Mellis. AsMielle it is common in
Channel Is. Brace is a mining term for 'the mouth of a shaft,'
and Cop is O.E. cop, copp, ' top, summit.'
MEON R. 367 MERTHYR TYDVIL
Meon E. (S. Hants), and Meonstoke (Bp's. Waltham). 932 chart.
To Meone. Thought to contain the same root as Bede's province
of the Meanuari, O.E. vers. Meanwara, ' dwellers in Mean/ We
can say no more. SeeSTOKE. There is also Meon (Glouc), 1164
Muna, 1221 Meen, which must be the same.
Meopham (Gravesend). 940 chart. Meapeham, Meapham; Dom.
Mepeham. ' Home of Mmpa/
Mepal (Ely). 1302-1428 Mephale. 'Nook or corner of Meapa/
Cf. above and -hall.
Mere (Wilts and Knutsford). Wilt. M. Dom. Mere, Mera; 1155
Pipe Mera. O.E. mcere, ^emcere, ' a boundary, a landmark,'
or else mere, ' lake ' ; these have often been drained of recent years.
Meriden (Coventry). 1398 Muridene, 1440 Meryden, c. 1550
Alspathe, alias Myredene. Prob. not ' merry vale,' but fr. miry,
4-6 myry, 6-7 myrie, 6 myerry, 7 merie, fr. mire ; O.N. myrr, 4-6
myr, 4 mure, muyre, 'boggy, swampy ground.' Cf. Mtreield
and the name Merry lees. See -den. Merry Brook, Cropthome
(Wore), may have a similar origin.
Merioneth. Named after Merion, grandson of Cunedda Wledig;
the -eth or -ydd is an enclitic particle, with no very clear
meaning.
Merriott (Crewkeme). Dom. Merret. [? cf. 859 chart. Meritie
stret to Senfeling forde.] Perh. ' island in the lake ' or mere,
fr. AIT {q.v. in Oxf. Diet.), 2-8 eyt,, ' island.'
Mersea (Essex) . 895 O.E. Chron. Meresig ; O.E. = ' isle in the mere '
or 'lake'; Dom. Meresai. Cf. Dom. Mersse (Salop), Merse
(Bucks), and Merestone, now Merston (I. of Wight); also
Merstowa (Somerset), 1231 Patent R. See -ea.
Mersey R. a. 1100 Mserse. Doubtful. Prob. 'river of the
boundary,' from O.E. {ge)mcere, ' boundary, march,' and Sa, i,
1-3 ce, ' river.' The Mers- may be fr. ' marsh,' O.E. mersc,
rtherisc. Cf. Dom. Cheshire Mersham, also name of a village near
Ashford, and 1179-80 Pipe Mershon (Yorks). Cf., too, the
Mearse (Bromsgrove), ? * the boundary,' of which name there are
no old forms; and see Mersea and Merstham.
Merstham (Bed Hill and Ashford). Red. M. Dom. Merstan. Prob.
' stone at the boundary '; O.E. moere (gemcere) stan ; -an easily
becomes -ham {q.v.).
Merthyr Tydvil or Tydeil. W. for ' martyr Tydvil.' She was
daughter of Brychan, Keltic chief in S. Wales in 5th cny. With
her father and brother she was murdered here, and a church
was erected in her memory. Cf. Merthyr Cynog (Brecon).
C, son of Brychan, was murdered by the Saxon pagans. The
same root is prob. found corrupted to Marthrey (Pembrk.), c. 1130
Lib. Land. Marthru, Mathru; c. 1190 Qir. Camb. Martru^
MEETON 368 MIDDLESEX
Merton (Surrey and Dolton, Devon). Sur. M. O.E. Chron. 755
Merantun, is ' town of the mare '; O.E. mere, -ran ; Dom. Mere-
toni. Other Mertons — e.g., Dom. Devon Mertone — will be=
Mabton.
Messingham (Brigg). Sic a. 1100 clmrt. A patronymic, as shown
by Messing (Kelvedon). There is one monk Messa, gen. -san,
in Onom. Cf. Great Massingham (King's Lynn), 1179-80 Pipe
Mesington (Yorks), and K.C.D. 721 Msessan wyrth. Also cf.
Missenden.
Mesty Croft (Wednesbury). Prob. 'field, little farm of Meste.'
Cf. Dom. Derby Mestesford.
Methley (Leeds). Dom. Medelai. As Dom. for Middleton is
Medeltone, this is prob. 'middle meadow,' the Meth. being
influenced by O.N. mith-r, 'mid.' Cf. Middop ('mid hope,'
q.v.), Craven; Dom. Mithope; and Dom. Yorks ' Mith Hundret '
— i.e., ' Middle Hundred.' See -ley.
MEXBOBOUGH(Rotherham). Dow. Mechesburg. Prob. 1202 7or^
Fines Merlns-, Morkisburg ; 1206 Merkesburgh. ' Burgh , fort of,'
it is not certain what; perh. some name in Mearc- or Marc-, if
the latter identification be right. But if Dom. is right, then fr.
some man Mecca, Mecco, or Mecga, aU names in Onom. See
-boro'.
Micheldever (Winchester). Dom. Miceldevre. Looks like O.E.
micel, * great ' ; Sc. muchle ; and Kelt, dever, ' water, river.'
Cf. Dover. There is no river nearer than the Itchen. Cf.
1322 ' le Mikeldor de Yowberg ' (Wastwater), and 1160-61 Pipe
Hants Micheldene. There is another Micheldean, old Muchel-
dene (Forest of Dean).
MiCHELNEY or MucHELNEY (Somerset). Dom. Michelniu, a. 1130
^m.I>Mr.Micelnei,c. \\\4: O.E. Chron. M.jGld.m^Q. O.E.= ' great
island,' O.E. ij. The n is the accus. inflexion.
Mjckleby (Yorks). Dom. Michelbi. Mickxeham (Dorking) . Dom.
Michelham. Micklethwaite (W. Riding). Dom. Muceltuoit,
-tuit, 1202 Fin^ Micle-, Mikelthwaite. Mickleton (Campden,
Glouc). 1005 chart. Micclantun, Dom. Muceltune; whilst
M. (Yorks) is Dom. Micleton. All fr. O.E. micel, micle,
mycel, 'great'; in Sc. muchle. See -by, -ham, -thwaite, and
-ton.
Middlesborough. <S'icl586. Prob. 'ilfai7(Zw/'s town.' C/.Malmes-
bury; and see -borough. But, of course, Middleham (Yorks),
Dom. Middelha', is ' middle house,' and Middlewich
(Chesh.) the same, though, by a scribe's freak, Dom. spells it
Mildest vie.
Middlesex. 1011 O.E. Chron. Middelseaxe, 1087 ih. Middelsex.
' Land of the Middle Saxons.' Cf. Essex, Sussex, Wessex.
MIDDLETON 369 MILWICH
MiDDLETON (21 in P.G.). Tamworth M. Dom. Mideltone, King's
Lynn M. Dom. Middeltona, etc. Cf. Milton. We findMidel-,
Middeltun, 19 times in Yorks Dom., whilst Middleton (Morley)
is Dom. Mildentone, ' town of MiUa.' Cf. Melbourne.
Mtdgham (Berks). K.C.D. iii. 193, 196 Mieghsema gemsera; Dom.
Migeham, 1316 Migham. Cf. 1161-62 Pipe Migehal close by.
' Home of the midges ' ; O.E. mycg, micg. See -ham.
MiDGLEY (Luddenfoot, Yorks). Dom. Micleie. O.E. micel, ' great
ledge ' and Uah, ' meadow.' Migley (Co. Durham) 1183 Migleia,
is prob. the same name. Cf. Mitcham. The dg is palatalized c,
cf. Badgeworthy.
Mildenhall (Suffk. and Marlbro'). Suf. M. Dom. Mildentune and
Mitdenehalla {t for I), 1158-59 Pipe Mildehala. Ma. M. Dom.
Mildenhalle. ' Comer of Milda/ one such woman in Oiiom.
See -hall.
Miles Platting (Manchester) . Miles is presumably a man's name.
Platting is ' a small foot-bridge.' See Oxf. Diet. (s.v.).
MiLFORD Haven, c. 1190 Girald. Milverdicus portus (harbour),
c. 1425 Melyford, c. 1450 Mylford, 1593 Millford Ha von. Milford
is prob.= MELroRD (Sc), 'sandy bay' or 'fjord,' N. mel-r, 'a
sand-dune' or 'sandbank/ and fjord. Cf. Waterford. The
-icus, c. 1190, is adjectival. There was a Rhyd y felin, or 'ford
of the mill/ only a mile away, but this cannot be the origin of
the present name. North Milford (Tadcaster) is Dom. Mileford,
' ford at the mill '; O.E. mylen and myll.
MiLLBANK (London). Sic a. 1560.
MiLLiNGTON (Yorks). Dom. Mileton, 1206 Fines Milington. ' Town
of Mile ' or ' Milo '; 4 of the latter in Onom. See -ing.
MiLLOM (S. Cumberland). Old forms needed. Perh. mill-holm, a
* holm,' O.E. and Dan. holm, O.N. holm-r, is a small island in a
river, and also a flat meadow near a river or the sea, easily
flooded.
Milton (20 in P.O.). Some of these are prob. 'mill-town,' but
M. Kent or Essex is 893 O.E. Ghron. Middeltun, c. 1120 Henr.
Hunt. Middletune. Milton Abbey (Dorset) is also old Middle-
tune, so is Milton (Cambs), while Milton (Abingdon) is Dom.
Middeltune, 1291 Middelton, c. 1540 Milton. Milton (Cumbld.)
is 1230 Muleton, which is O.E. mylen, 3-4 mulle, 'a mill.'
Milburn (Pontefract) is 1201 Milneburn, or ' mill -brook.' Cf.
Middleton.
MiLVERTON (Warwick and Somerset). Wa. M. Dom. Malvertone,
a. 1200 Melv-, Mulvertone. Som. M. c. 1043 chart. Milferton,
Dow. Milvertone. 'Villagejtownof Jfi^/er.' C/. Mel verley (Salop).
MiLWicH (Stone). Dom. Melewiche, a. 1200 Mulewich. 'Village,
dwelling with the mill.' See Milton and -wich.
MIMMS 370 MISSENDEN
MiMMS (Herts). Dom. Mimmise, 1278 Mjaninys. This is simply
' abode of the Mimmas.' Onom. has only Minna. This is an
abnormal name.
MiNAUD (St. Grerman's). Corn, min arth, ' edge of the height.' Cf.
Miniard (Worcs.), where the central i will be the y of the W.
article. Not the same as Minaiid (Sc).
MmcHnnTAMFTON (Stroud). Dom. Hantone, a. 1300 Munnechen-,
Monneken-, Mynchyn-, Munchun- hampton — i.e., Hampton —
'home-town of the monks'; O.E. monec, munec, here gen. pi.
Cf. Grant a. 675, Menechene Rude or Monk's Cross, on borders
of Hants and Surrey.
MiNDRUM or -DB.IM (N. Northumberland). Old Minethrum, 1324
Mundrum. Seems a curious hybrid and tautology. W.
mynydd ; Corn, menit, ' hill ' ; and G. druim, ' hill-ridge.' Drum
is very common in Sc. place-names, cognate with L. dorsum,
' back.' Cf. next.
Mtndton or MiNTON (Salop). Dom. Munetune. Prob. not hybrid,
' town beside the hill ' (the Longmynds) ; W. mynydd ; Corn.
menit, ' a hill.' But, like Minety (Wilts), not in Dom. and not
in a Kelt, region, it will prob. go with Meend, a name common in
Forest of Dean, 1263 Mihinde, 1281 La Mimede, 1303 Miinde,
now derived by Rev. A. L. Mayhew fr. an O.E. or rather Anglo-
Nor. form of low L. munita, for immunitas, ' privileged district,
one free from seignorial rights.' Cf. Mint (Westmld.), Dom.
Munet, and Munet.
MrNSHULL Vernon (Cheshire). Dom. Manessele, -shale. 'Nook,
corner of Manne ' or ' Man{n)a/ a common name in Onom.
This is one of the very rare cases where -hull is really -hall (q.v.).
Minskip (York). Dom. Minescip. Must be rendered like Inskcp.
MiNSTERLEY (Shrewsbury) . Dom. Menistrelie. ' Church meadow.'
Cf. MiNSTERWORTH (Glouc), 1221 Munstreworthe, and Dom.
Notts Ministretone, now and since 1316 Misterton. See -ley,
-minster, and -worth.
MiNwoRTH (Birmingham). Dom. Meneworde, a. 1200 Muneworth,
a. 1400 Myneworth. No name Mene, Mine known; and O.E.
mene, myne is ' a necklace, an ornament ' ; but there is a name
Manne ; see Minshttll. See -worth.
MiRMELD (Yorks). Dom. Mirefeld, -felt; 1202 Mirfeld; ? 1297
R. Glouc. 520. ' The churche founded in a miry place, called
mury felde ' ; fr. Icel. myrr, myri, ' swamp, fen, a (quag)mire.'
MissENDEN, Great and Little (Bucks). Dom. Missedene and
Missevorde. Perh. ' Vale of Missa ' or ' Messa '; one in Onom.
Cf. Messingham; and see -den. However, they are on a little
R. Mise, which, if not a back formation, is prob.= Mees. There
is also a Misson (Bawtry), Dom. Notts Misne, 1278 Misin,
MITCHAM 371 MOLD
which is prob- an old loc. 'at Missa's,' (place). Missebden
(Glouc), old Musardere, -ader, seems to be fr. a foreign family
of Musard.
MiTCHAM (Surrey). Dom. Michleham, later Miecham, Micham.
O.E. micel Mm, ' large house.' Of. Mickleham, Mtdglby, and
Mitcheldean (Glouc). See -dean.
Mitchell (New Quay). Old Modishole. A curious corruption;
certainly nothing to do with St. Michael. Prob. 'Hole of
Modred,' a Corn, name, also spelt Medraut, and name of K.
Arthur's treacherous nephew. But Mitchel (Wolverhampton)
is 1332 Mucheale, ' great hall ' or ' big nook.' See -hall. Much
in M.E. was used for ' great, large,' as in Much Wenlock.
Mite R. Prob. = Mythe.
MiTFORD (Morpeth). Prob. ' ford at the water's meet.' See next;
and c/. MuTFORD and 940 chart. Myjjford (Wilts).
MiTTON (Blackburn, Warwick, Penkridge, Stourport, Tewkesbury).
St. M. 841 chart. Mjrthun, Dom. Methune, 1275 Mutton. Tew.
M. 964 chart. Myttune, 965 ih. Muctone (c common error for t),
1033 Mytune. Wa. M. Dom. Mutone, a. 1300 Mutton. Pe. M.
Dom. Mui-, Moitone ; also Dom. Salop Mutone. O.E. {ge)mythan
or {ge)mythe, ' junction of streams or roads, waters' meet.'
Penk. M. is at the junction of Avon and Learn. The root is the
same as (river's) mouth. Cf. MrrroRD, Mythe, and Myton;
' also see -ton.
MxKEN (Leek), 1219 Mixne, and Mixenden (Halifax), not in Dom.
O.E. mixen, -ne, ' a dunghill, a midden.' Cf. Mixebne (Winch-
combe), 1300 Blakemixeme (O.E. em, ' house '). See -den.
Mobbebley (Knutsford). Dom. Motburlege, 'Meadow of Mod-
beorht ' ; 2 in Onom. See -ley.
MocHDRE (Conway). W. (and Corn.) moch, pi. of mochyn, ' a sow ' ;
dre must be for W. tre, ' house, shed.'
Modbury (Ivybridge). Cf. Dom. Devon Modlei. ' Burgh of Mod,*
or some of the many names in Mod-. Onom. has one Moding,
the patronymic.
MoDDERSHALL (Stouc). Dom. Modrcdcshale. 'Nook of Modred/
a well-known name. See -hall.
MoELFRE (Menai and Oswestry). W.= 'bald hill'; moil, 'bald,'
like a bald head, hence moel, ' a conical hill.' Fre is for hre, ' a
hill, a brae.'
Mold (Flint) . Mold is contracted fr. mo -alt ; Norm. Fr. Mont haut
or MonthauU. The Norman Roger de Montalto is found here in
1244. L. mons alius means ' high hill.' Cf. Melton Mowbray,
and Montgomery. The na^me prob. is a translation of the
W. name Gwyddgrug, ' conspicuous hill.' Also cf. Hainault.
MOLE E. 372 MONTACUTE
Mole E. (S. tributary of Thames). It is a river that burrows like
a mole ; M.E. mulle, molle ; M.Du. mol. Not found in Eng. till
1398. But Mole Cop, hill, N. Stafford, is prob. tautology; W.
moel, 'a bare, rounded hill'; and O.E. cop, 'a summit/ See
Cassop. It may be Dom. Melicope (Salop).
MoLEswoRTH (Huuts). Dom. Molesworde. ' Farm of Moll '; four
in Onom. Cf. Dom. Essex Molesham, ib. Bucks Moleshov, ib.
Yorks Molescroft ; and see -worth.
#
MoLLAJfTD BoTREATJX (S. Molton). Exon. Dom. Mollanda. Prob.
* Land of Moll ' or ' Mole.' See above. The lords of Bottreaux
lived near Tintagel. Moleston or Molleston (Narberth), 1283
Moylhistonne, may be fr. a man of similar name. Certainly it
can have nothing to do with moles !
Mollington (Banbury and Cheshire). Ban. M. a. 1000 chart.
Mollintun; Ches. M. Dom. Mol-, Muhntone; also K.C.D. 759
Mulantun. ' Town of Moll, Mollo, Mul,' or ' Mula '; several
persons of these names in Onom. Cf., too, Moleswobth and
1179-80 Pipe Molebi (Yorks). But Moilgrove (Pembroke) is
for MaWs — i.e., ' Matilda's grove.'
Molton, South (Devon). Dom. Sudmoltone. 'Town of Moll.'
See above. Exon. Dom. also gives ' Molacota.' Cf. Moulton.
Monks Eleigh (Bildeston, Suffk.). 958 cMrt. Uleyge, 972 ib.
Ulan lege, 990 i6. Illege. 'Mead of Ylla'; one in Onom. Cf.
Illey; and see -leigh.
MoNKSiLVER (Taunton) . Dom. Selvra, Selva. Curious name, prob.
fr. L. silva, ' a wood.' Monk's Ktbby (Lutterworth) is Dom.
Chirchberye or ' Churchbury,' but, through Danish influence,
changed by 1198 into Kjrkebi. See -by. The monks of Anglers
(Normandy) had property here.
Monkton (Jarrow). a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Munecatun. ' Town of the
monks ' (of Jarrow) ; O.E. monec, munec, * a monk.' Cf. Bishop
Monkton and Monkwick (E. Riding), Dom. Moncwic. Oxf. Diet.
does not give the contracted form monk or munc until the 13th
cny. Dom. has the full form in Monechetune or Moor Monkton
(Ainsty), and Monuchetone — i.e., Monkton (Barkston Ash),
whilst another, spelt as last, is Nun Monkton (York) .
MoNMORE. See Mentmore.
Monmouth. Dom. (Hereford) Monemuta. 1298 Monemuthe. 'At
the mouth of the E,. Monnow '; W. Mynwy, ? myn gwy, ' kid
river.' Cf. also W. mawn, ' a bog.' The shire only dates fr.
1536 ; before that it was part of the Welsh region of
Gwent.
Montacute (S. of Somerset). 1160-61 Pipe Monte Acuto. Built
by and called after Drogo of Montacute (' sharp hill ') in Nor-
mandy, temp. Wm. the Conqueror.
MONTGOMERY 373 MORNINGTHORPE
Montgomery. Dom. Castellum de Montgomeri, also Muntgmneri ;
c. 1130 Eadmer de Monte Gummeri, c. 1145 Orderic Mons
Gomerici, Rogerius de Monte Gomerici. ' Hill ' (L. mons, -Us;
Fr. mont) ' of Gomeric/ a Norman; this name is imique as an
Eng. or W. comity name. In W. it is Trefaldwyn, ' house of
Baldwin/ its Norman foimder. His castle was taken by Roger
Montgomery a. 1086, and thereafter called by his name.
MoNTON (Eccles, Lanes) . 1478 Mawnton. Prob. O.E. Mawan -tun,
' town of Mawa '; 2 of that name in Onom.
MooRSHOLM, Great and Little (Boosbeck, Yorks) . Dom. Morehusun,
1179-80 Pipe Morhuse. The Dom. form is an O.E. loc, ' at the
moor houses.' The -holm {q.v.), ' meadow/ must be late. We
have the simple Moor (Wore), Dom. More.
MoRCHARD and Norchard (Forest of Dean). No old forms.
Baddeley thinks the m and n reUcs of the O.E. article, ' at the
orchard'; O.E. cet thcem ortgearde. Dom. has an Orcartone
(Devon), and Exon. Dom. an Orcerdleia. But Morchard Bp.
(Crediton) seems Dom. and Exon. D. Morcet(h), -chet, which
looks like Kelt, for 'big wood'; Corn, wewr, mer ; W. mawr,
' big '; and W. coed, pi. coydd; O.W. cet, chet, ' a wood.'
MoRDEN (Cambs, Wimbledon, and Wareham). War. M. K.G.D.
722 Mordun; O.E. for 'moor hill.' Cam. M. c. 1080 Inquis.
Camb. Mordune, 1166 Mordone, 1236 Mordene, where -dene is
O.E. denu, 'valley.' Cf. Moorsholm, and Moreby (Yorks),
Dom. Morebi.
MoREOAMBE. c. 150 PtoUmy MopuKafjifSr], which would .be Keltic
for ' crooked sea ' or ' bay.' Of. Cjameo (Sc.) and next. But
no other early forms seem known, so this is prob. an antiquary's
name.
MoRETON (10 in P.G.). Wallingford M. 962 chart. Mordun, O.E.
for 'moor hill'; but Dom. Mortune, c. 1290 Morton. Dom.
Surrey has Moriton, Warwick and Glouc. Mortone, while Dom.
Yorks has Mortun 17 times. See -don and -ton.
MoREA Byohan, Nevin, and Waen (all N. Wales), and Moree
(Bridgnorth). Dow. Stafis Morve. W. mor/a, ' a marsh/ W.
bych means ' a wretched being,' and gwaen, ' a plain, a meadow.'
Cf. Nevern.
MoRQAJSfSTOWN (Cardifi). Morgan is Pict. Morcunn; O.Bret, mor
cant, ' sea bright.' Of. Tillymgrgan. The man referred
to here is Morgan Thomas, on whose land the village was
built.
MoRLEY (5 in P.G.). Leeds M. Dom. Moreleia, -lege, Morleia,
' Moorland meadow.' Cf. Morden. See -ley.
MoRNiNGTHORPE (Norfolk). Dom. Maringathorpe. Maringa must
be a patronymic. See -ing and -thorpe.
MOEPETH 374 MOUNTAIN
Morpeth. Contin. Sim. Dur. ann. 1138, Morth path; so not, as
often said, 'moor path,' O.E. pcetS, but 'murder-road,' fr. O.E.
mor^, 4-5 morth, murth, ' murder/
MoR Ros (The Lizard). Corn.= ' sea heath, or moor.'
MoRT Hoe (N. Devon). Dom. Mortehov, c. 1190 Letter in Canterb.
Regist. Moreth'. Prob. as above, ' murder hill.' Cf. O.Fris.
morth, mord, ' murder.' Similar must be Mortham (Yorks),
sic in Dom. and Mortlake. See Hoe.
Mortimer (Reading) . 1258 Mortemer. Fr. Ralph de Mortuo Mari
(' of the Dead Sea '), or Morte mer (a castle and abbey near
Rouen), who came over with Wm. the Conqueror. He is
mentioned in Dom. The ' Dead Sea ' origin is a myth.
Mortlake (London). Dom. Mortelega, -lage, c. 1130 Eadmer
Murtelac. ' Murder lake.' See Morpeth. Not prob. fr. O.Fr.
lac, though lace, ' pond, pool,' is found in O.E., but fr. O.E.
lagu, gen. lage, 3 la^^e, 4-5 laye, ' a lake, a pool.' Cf. Lackford.
Morton. See Moreton.
MoRVTLLE Fell (hill, Kirkby Stephen) . Looks like a reduplication,
' moor ' (O.E. mor), ' fell.' See -feU.
MoRWiNSTow (Bude). 1536 Morwynstow. 'Place,' O.E. stow,
' of Morwine '; one such in Onom. Cf. Padstow.
MoSELEY (Birmingham and Worcester). Wo. M. 816 chart. Mose-
leage, 851 ib. Mosleage. Bi. M. Dom. Museleia. O.E. mose or
meos leah, ' moss ' or ' mossy lea.' Cf. Dom. Bucks Moslei,
Muselai, and Mossley Hill (Liverpool) .
MosTYN (Flint). Prob. 1301 chart. Moston. Can it be W. mws
twyn, ' foul, stinking hillock "i T. Morgan suggests, corriip. of
W. maes ddin, ' field of the fortress.'
MoTTiNGHAM (Eltham, Kent). O.E. chart. Modingahema and
-hamme. ■ ' Enclosure of Moding,' one such in Onom., or ' of the
sons of Mod ' or ' Mot.' See -ing and -ham, ' enclosure.'
MoTTiSEONT (Romsey). Z)om. Mortesfunde. 'Spring or fountain.'
L. fons, -tis, ' of Morta '; one in Onom. Cf. Bedfont.
Moulin Huet (Guernsey). Eng. pron. moohn whet. It is Fr.
for ' mill of the httle grey owl ' ; or, as likely, Huet is dimin. of
Hugh, hence our name Hewett.
MouLSFORD (WaUingford). Chart. Mullesford. 'Ford of Mul or
Mula '; 4 in Onom.
MouLTON (8 in P.O.). Middleton Tyas M. Dom. Moltun. North-
ampton M. Dom. Moltone. Spalding M. 1272 Muleton. ' Vil-
lage of Mula ' or ' Mola.' See above.
Mountain (Bradford and Pembroke). Pe. M. is 1603 Muncton,
' monk town.' Dom. Yorks has many ' Monuchetones,' but
J. H. Turner identifies all with various Monktons.
MOUSE HOLE 375 MUNDESLEY
MousEHOLE (Penzance), c. 1600 iJarew Mowgehole. If the name
has ever been different from what it now is, it is hard to say
what it can be corrup. of. There is nothing like mowge in
Oxf. Diet., nor any spelling of mouse with g.
Mowii Cop (Cheshire). Tautological hybrid. W. moel, G. maol,
' a rounded or conical hill ' : and O.E. cop, copp, ' head> summit,
hill.'
MowsLEY (Rugby). Prob. ' if w?a's mead." 0/. Mowthorp (Yorks),
Dom. Muletorp; see -thorpe; and Moulton.
MoxHTJLL (Coleshill) andMoxLEY (Wednesbury) . a. 1300 Mukes-
hull, a. 1400 Mockeslowe, Mox(e)lowe. ' Hill ' and ' burial-
mound of More/ Hull is regular in Mid. names for ' hill ' ; and
see -low and -ley. But Moxby (Yorks) is Dom. Molzbi, Molscebi,
1158-59 Pipe Molesbi, 1183 Molseby, ' dwelhng oi' some un-
recorded ' Molsc.'
MoYE (Channel Isles). Common name for 'a dangerous point/
Fr. moie is ht. ' a mass of stones.'
Much Wenlock (Salop). Dom. Wenloch, a. 1130 Sim. Dur.
Waneloc. ' Much ' is early M.E. muche, moehe, meche, miche,
short form of muehel or michel, Sc. mickle, muckle, and is fre-
quent in early use for ' great, large.' Cf. Much Dewchukch,
Much Hoole (Preston), Much Mabcle (Glouc), ' boimdary
(O.E. mearc) hill,' etc. Much Wenlock in 17th cny. is also
More Wenlock. ' Waneloc ' is O.E. ween (short for wce^en)
loca, ' waggon, wain enclosure.' Cf. Matlock.
Mucklestone (Mket. Drayton). Dom. Moclestone, 1253 Mukle-
stone. Prob. 'big stone'; O.E. micel, my eel, 'great, large';
possibly fr. a man Mucel. Cf. Micheldever, etc. Muckley
Corner (Lichfield) is a. 1600 Mucklow, which may mean ' great
mound.' See -low; cf. Mucklow Hill (Halesowen), 1424 Moke-
lowe, Moghlowe.
MuMFORDS (S.E. Bucks). Not in Dom. The personal name
Mumfordis corrup. of the Norm. Montfort, but this may not be
the same. Cf. Mundford.
MuNCASTER (Ravenglass). Old Meolcaster, 1290 Mulcaster. Good
illustration how almost any of the liquids, like I and n, may
interchange. The first syll. might be W. moel, ' a conical hill,'
but it is prob. fr. O.N. mel-r, ' a sand dune,' a ' meal.' See
Mellis, and -caster, ' fort ' ; also cf. next.
MuNDESLEY (Norfolk). Dom. Muleslai, c. 1150 Mulesle, 1444
Moneslee. An exact parallel to the above; and d readily
suffixes itself. The orig. name seems to have been ' Mul'a
meadow.' Onom. gives us Mon, Monn, Mouna, Mul, Mula,
Mund, and Munda, any of which may have had influence here.
There is a Moundesley Hall (King's Norton) ; no old forms ; but
MUNDFORD 376 NACTON
a Mundes dene is found in 972 chart, near by. C/., too, Dom.
Kent Mundingeham. See -ley.
MuNDFOKD (Norfolk). Dom. Mundeford. Prob. 'protected ford/
fr. O.E. mund, ' protection.' But cf. Mumfords and Mundes-
liEY.
MuNDHAM (Norfolk). Chart. Mundan ham, 'home of Munda.'
Cf. B.C.S. 1282 Mundes den, and above.
MuNET (Clun, Salop). Dom. Munete. Perh. Corn, menit, W.
mynydd, 'hill.' Cf. Mynyd Bidden, O.W. for Edinburgh; but
more prob. it is fr. Munita, as in Mindton. Mynytho
(Carnvnsh.) is corrup. of W. mynyddoed, ' mountains.'
MusTON (Filey and Nottingham). Fi. M. Dom. Mustone, 4 times.
No. M. not in Dom. Prob. ' town of Mus/ 1 in Onom. But
N. and S. Muskham (Newark), Dom. Muscha, 1314 Suthe
Muskham, must be fr. a man Micsca, or the like. Onom. has
only Mocca ; but cf. Muschenheim, old Muscanheim, Hesse.
Mtjswell Hnji (N. London). Old MustweU, O.E. must, L. mustum,
' new wine.' There is one Mus in. Onom. But Mustees (Co.
Durham) is 1130 de Monasteriis — i.e., ' monasteries.'
MuTFOBD (Beccles). Dom. Mitteforda, c. 1460 Motford. =Mit-
EORD, ' ford at the waters' meet '; O.E. {ge)mythe. Cf. Mitton.
Myddle (Shrewsbury). Not in Dom. Perh. W. midd dol, 'en-
closed place in the meadow.' W. also has midlan, ' enclosed
place, Usts,' and middi, ' a pit in a river.'
Mythe, The (Tewkesbury). Not in Dom. Prob. O.E. {ge)my\a,
' place where 2 rivers meet,' here the Avon and Severn. M'Ciure
prefers to derive fr. O.E. muth, dat. mythe, cognate with O.N.
munn-r, Dan. mund, ' mouth, river -mouth.' The R. Mite
(Eskdale, Cumbld.) is prob. the same word. Cf. Mitfobd and
Mitton. Myton-on-Swale is Dom. Mitune, O.E. mythan (see
Mitton); and Myton (HuU), Dom. Mitune, will prob. be the
same, though some derive fr. O.N. my, ' a midge,' so ' tiny
town.'
Nabubn (York). Dom. Naborne, 4 times. The Na- is doubtful;
it seems to be O.N. nd, ' nigh,' ' the nigh or near brook'; only
nd is found only in comb., as nd-bui, ' neighbours,' etc. Kneeton
(Yorks) is Dom. Naton, which also seems ' nigh town,' O.N.
nd, or rather, O.E. nedh, neh, 3-4 nei, 4 neie, ' nigh, near.'
See -burn.
Nacton (Ipswich). Dom. Nachetuna, 1455 Nakton. Doubtful.
No very hkely name in Onom., so perh. ' town at the neck ' ;
O.E. hnecca, in 4 naJc, O.N. hnakki. Da. nakke, mid. Du. nac,
' neck.' ' Neck of land ' is not found till 1555. See Necton
for possibihty of being fr. an unrecorded man Nece.
NAFFERTON 377 NAWTON
Naffekton (Driffield). Dom. Nadfartone. Nadfar must repre-
sent some imrecorded man's name. Onom. has a Nothfrith and
a Nothbeorht, which are conceivable as origins.
Nailbourne (Canterbury). B.C.S. ii. 172 Nseglesbuma, c. 1480
WarJavorth Naylborne. ' Nail's brook/ the sb. nail, O.E. ncegel,
here being used as a personal name, as in Nselesbroc and Naegles-
cumb, in B.C.S. Cf. Nailslea (Bristol), 740 chart. Negles-
leah, Nailstone (Nimeaton), and Nailsworth (Stroud). See -ea
and -worth; also Eylebotjbn in Oxf. Diet., where a 'Nail-
bourne ' is interpreted in several quotations as a sort of inter-
mittent spring or stream.
Nantwich. Hybrid. 'Dwelling by the stream'; O.E. wic, L.
vicus, ' a village,' and W. nant, ' stream, valley.' In W. it is
Yr heledd Wen., ' the clear or white place for making salt.' Cf.
Nene and Droitwich. In W. names nant often changes to
llan, ' church,' as in Nanhyfer (Nevern), now Llanhyfer,
Nant Carfan, now Llancabvan, Nantyan (ComwL), now
Lantyan, etc.
Nantyffin (Crickhowell). W.= ' brook of the boundary'; L.
finis. See above. It is close to the boundary of Wales,
Nantymwyn (Carmarthen). W.= ' brook of the mine.' Lead-
mines abound here.
Nantysaeson (Montgomy.). W.= ' brook of the Saxon,' or
Englishman. G. Sassanach.
Napton (Rugby) . Dom. Neptone. * Town on the crest of the hiU ' ;
O.E. cncep, the Bible knop, 'a knob, protuberance, button';
Icel. knapp-r, Dan. knap, knop.
Nab R. and Nabboroxjqh (Swaffham). Dom. Nereburh, c. 1150
Nereburg. ' Burgh, fort on the narrow river ' ; Fris. ndr, O.E.
neara, neare, 3-4 nare, var. of nearu, ' narrow.' There is also a
Narborough (Leicester) on R. Soar; not in Dom.
Naeberth (Pembroke) . 1248-49 Nerberd, but Mabinog. Arberth—
i.e., ' slope abounding in bushes,' W. perthi. The n comes from
the prep, yn, ' in,' which was commonly used before the name.
Cf. Nangle and Nolton (' old town ') in the same shire.
Naseby (Rugby). Dom. Navesberie, 'Burh' or 'burgh,' now
changed to ' dwelling, of Hncef,' a known Dan. name, in Onom.
See -by.
Nash (Stony Stratford, Glouc.) and Nash Mills (Hemel Hempstd.).
All prob. for M.E. atten ashe, ' at the ash-tree.' Cf. Prinknash,
(Painswick), 1121 Prinkenesche. But Nash (Newport, Mon.),
and prob. once in Glouc. too=NASS on Severn, O.E. and Dan.
nass, O.N. nes, ' promontory, headland.'
Nawton (Helmsley) . Dom. Naghelton, Nageltone, Nagletune, 1202
Nawelton. Prob. not ' Town in the centre ' or ' at the central
25
NAZE 378 NEN(E) R.
point of the district/ O.E. nafela, 3-4 nauele, 5 naweUe, ' the
navel ' ; used of the central point of a district from Wyclif 's
time. Prob. fr. a man Nagel; see Natlbourne.
Naze, The (N. Sussex). 14 . . . Sailing Directions The Naisse, the
Nasse. It may also be Eadolfes nsesse in 1049 O.E. Chron.,
or that may be Dungeness, called Nsesse a few years later.
The word is almost certainly contained in Dom. Essex Nesseto-
cham, Nasestoca, or Ness Stoke. Ozf. Diet, derives fr. O.E.
nces, nes, O.N. nes, Sw. nds, ' promontory, headland,' related
to O.E. nasu, M.E. nase, ' nose.' But it is prob. fr. nasu, found
1390 nase, c. 1407 nasse. O.E. nces gives ' ness,' which is so
common in this quarter — Orford Ness, Eastness, Foulness, etc.
Cf. ToTNESS, 1297 Tottenays, Nessculefe, and Gronez, Eouge
Nez, etc., Channel Is.
Neasham (Darlington). 1203 Nesham; cf. Dom. Salop Nessham.
Prob. ' home on the ness ' or ' naze.' O.E. ncBS, O.N. nes, ' a
promontory,' cognate with nose. Cf. above.
Neath. Perh. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Nido. In W. Neddr—i.e. ' nest '
L. nidus. Cf. Nedd (Sc.) and Needwood. The root idea seems
to be ' place of rest, abode.'
Nechells (Birmingham and Wolvermptn.) . In both cases a. 1300
de Echeles, les Echelis, c. 1500 Nechels, later ' Echells otherwise
Nechells.' This seems O.Fr. echelles, ' ladders, stairs,' implying
a two-storied house, ? with outside stair. The n is fr. the old
art. atten, ' at the,' as Nash is atten Ash, etc. There are several
other Etchells in Chesh. and elsewhere in Midlands.
Necton (Swaffham). Dom. Neketuna, 1160-61 Pipe Necheton,
1167-68 ib. Neketona, 1298 Neketon, 1472 Neyghton. Seems
to be 'town at the neck or pass'; O.E. hnecca, 'neck.' Cf.
Nacton. But though there is no likely name in Onom., it is
prob. fr. some man. Cf. 1179-80 Pipe Neckesford and Nekes-
feld (Yorks).
Needles, The (I. of Wight), c. 1400 Anc. Pet. Les nedeles del
Isle de Wight. O.E. ncedl, nidi, * a needle.' This is the earliest
known instance of the word used for ' a sharp rock ' ; as 'a
pillar or obelisk ' it is found in 1387.
Needwood (Burton-on-T.). a. 1200 Nedwode._, Prob. 'wood of
Nedda.' Cf. K.C.D. 624 Neddan leah; Duignan suggests
W. nedd, nydd, ' a dingle, a resting-place.' Cf. Nidd (Ripon),
Dom. Nit.
Neen Sollaes (Cleobury Mortimer) and Neenton (Bridgnorth).
Dom. Nene. Doubtful; perh. same as next. It can hardly be
fr. Neavana, or Nafana, d. 1016. See O.E. Chron.
Nen(e) R. c. 950 Nyn, Nen. Local pron. N6an. Also called in
early times — e.g., by Leland, c. 1542 — ^the Avon or 'river.'
NESSCLIFFE 379 NEW BEIGHTON
It must be a form of W. nant, inflected nentydd, neint, ' a ravine,
dingle, or brook/ There is also nennig, ' a small brook/
Nesscliffe (Shrewsbury). 'Fr.ness or Naze, 'promontory/ Such
may be far inland, as in Great and Little Ness, in same shire.
Cf. Dom. Nessham. In Yorks we have the simple Ness, Dom.
Nesse, and also Neswick, Dom. Nessewic; see -wick. But
Neston (Chesh.), Dow. Nestone, might perh. be fr. iVesf, found,
e.g., as name of a daughter of GrufEydd, K. of Wales.
Netherton (5 in P.G.). Pershore N. 780 chart. Neotheretune.
Persh. and Dudley N. Dom. Neotheretune. Rothbury N. a.
1130 Sim. Dur. Nedertun. 'Lower town'; O.E. niolperra,
nipera, 3 neothere, 5-6 neder, ' nether.'
Netley (Southampton). O.E. Chron. 508 says called Natanleaga
('Natan's meadow'), after a British K. Natanleod, slain near
there in 508 ; Dom. Nataleie. Cf. 1161-62 Pipe Netha (Hants).
Nettlestead (Maidstone). 939 chart. Netles stede, O.E. for
' nettles' place.' Onom. gives no personal name Nettle, yet c/.
Nettleham (Lines), Nettlestone, and Nettlesworth (Chester-
le-Street), also Nettlewobth (Notts), c. 1300 Nettelwurd.
But the plant seems plain enough in Nettlebed (Henley) and
' Netelcumb,' Dom. Devon.
Nettlestone (Ryde) . Dom. Hotelstone, error for Notel-. ' Stone,'
or more prob., 'town of Nothhelm,' a name fairly common in
Onom. See -ton.
Nevern R. (N. Pembrokesh.). 1603 Owen. Ysh nyver. In Bain
says= Naver (Sc), fr. Kelt, nav, snav, G. sndmh, ' to flow, swim.'
Newark. 1066 chart. Newarcha, Dom. Newerche, Newerca, 1154-66
chart. Niwerca, Newerc. 'New work or fort.' Cf. bulwark,
outwork, and Wark.
Newbald (Yorks), Dom. Niwebolt; Newbold (Tredington), 991
chart. Nioweboldan; and Newbold Abbey (Congleton), Dom.
Newbold. There are 4 other Newbolds in Warwk., Dom. Newe-,
Niwebold, and several elsewhere. Newbold-on-Stour is 991
chart. Niowebolda, a. 1200 Newebolt, 1275 Newebold. New-
bold (Kinoulton) is Dom. Neubold. O.E. niwe bold, ' new
dwelKng.' Cf. N. bol, O.E. botl, ' house,' and Newbiggin.
Newbiggin (5 in P.O.). 1183 Newbiginga (Darlington). 'New
building.' Biggin is N. Eng. and Sc. for 'building'; O.N.
bygging, ' a building.' Cf. Newbigging (Sc), But, as new is
Eng., not Norse, all these names must have been given by
Angles or Englishmen.
Newbottle (Fence Houses, Durham). 1183 Newbotill. O.E.
niwe botl, ' new dwelling.' Cf. Harbottle (Rothbury) and New-
battle (Sc).
New Brighton (Birkenhead). It was founded c. 1845.
NEWBURN 380 NEWNHAM
Newburn (Northumbld.). a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Nywe bume. * New
brook/ Of. Newbubn (Sc). See -bourne.
Newbuby (Berks), a. 1135 Chron. Abingd. Niuuberia, 1310-11
Newburye. ' New burgh or castle.' See -bury.
Newcastle-on-Tyne. c. 1097 Flor. Wore. Novum Castellum, c.
1175 Fantosme Noef-Chastel-sur-Tine, a. 1200 Wm. Newbury
Castellum Novum super fluvium Tinum. Sim. Dur. tells us it
was so named when built by Robert, son of Wm. the Conqueror,
in 1081. In c. 410 Notit. Dignit. it is Pons Mlii, and in 1073
Munechecaster or ' monks' castle.' Newcastle -irtsDEE.-LYME
is 1166 Novum Oppidum (= New-town), a. 1200 Novum Castrum
super Limam, which is L. for the present name. Newcastle
(Pembk.) is 1594 Newcastell.
New Cross (London). 1675 Evelyn's Diary ' New Crosse.' There
used to be a famous inn here called 'the Golden Cross.' In
1160-61 Pipe Mdsex. we have a Nona firma, or New Farm.
Newent (Glouc). Sic 1228 in Close R., but Dom. Noent. Doubt-
ful. Possibly W. newydd gwent, 'new clearing '; as likely Eng.
fr. new, O.E. niowe, neowe, and went, M.E. and dial, for ' path/
fr. root wend. Cf. Nether- and Over -went.
New Forest, c. 1097 Flor. Wore. In Nova Foresta, quae lingua
Anglorimi Ytene nuncupatur. Freeman thought Ytene must
be connected with Jutes. 1155 Pipe ' Censu None foreste.' 1297
M. Glov/}. The nywe forest pat ys in SouJ>amte8syre. Wm. the
Conqueror cleared away several hamlets to make this Forest in
1079.
Newhaven (Sussex). Sic 1563. In the 16th cny. this was also
the Eng. name of Havre.
New Hey (Rochdale). 'New hedge.' See Hay, and cf. 1330
'Neweheye' (Staffs).
Newington (Glouc, London, and 2 in Kent). Gl. N. Dom. Newe-
ton, also ib. Yorks, Chesh., Wore, Newentune. O.E. Niwan
tun, a dat. ' at the new town.' In Glouc. it also becomes
Naunton, Dom. Niwetone, later New-, Nawenton. Cf. Newnham.
Newlyn (Penzance). Sic 1536. St. Newlyna (? Kelt, for 'white
cloud '), a Kelt of noble birth, went to Brittany, and is there
commemorated at Noualen, the same name.
Newmarch (Yorks). 1161-62 Pipe de Nouomcato, 1179-80 ib. De
Novo Mercato; and Newmarket (Cambs, Louth, Stroud, Flint).
Ca. N. 1219 Novus Mercatus, 1383 Newe market. The two names
are thus the same. Market is G.Nor.Fr.,not found in Eng. till
c. 1120, whilst march here is mod. Fr. marche, with the same
meaning. We also find a. 1161-62 Pipe de Nouomcato, Hants.
Newnham (7 in P.O.). Monk's Kirby N. Dom. Niweham, a. 1300
Newnham. Cam. N. chart. Niwanham, later Newenham, 1436
NEWPORT 381 NORHAM-ON-TWEED
■Newynham. Tenbury N. 1007 chart. Neowanham, 1043 Neowen-
ham. Severn N. Dom. Nimeham. This is an O.E. dat., ' at
the new home/ Gf. Newington, also 1160 Pipe Niweham
(Hereford). N. Padox (Warwksh.) is for paddocks, a late
addition.
Newport (10 in P.G.) . N. Pagnell is Dom. Nevport, 1297 Neuport,
1571 N. Pannel. O.E. port., L. porta, ht. ' gate/ comes to mean
'a town, a market-town.' But see Oxf. Diet. s.v. Port sbS ^,
and ^. Pagnell is fr. the Norm, family of Pagenel, now Paynell.
Ralf Pagenel is foimd in Dom. in Somerset.
New Quay (N. Cornwall) is of 19th cny. origin.
Newsham. At least 4 places so caUed. Kirby Wiske (Yorks) N.
is Dom. Newehusu', Neuhuson, 1201 Newesmn. Newe huson
is a late O.E. loc, of the type very common in Yorks, ' at the
new houses.' Cf. Hallam, Howsham, etc. There are also
Newsham in Leckonfield and Newsham in SpofiEorth, both
Yorks, and both Dom. Neuson(e), an early contraction; whilst
Newsham, or Newsome, (N. Lanes) is Dom. Newhuse.
Newstead (Notts) is 1189 de Novo Loco, ' new place ' or ' dwelling.'
Newton (40 in P.G.). Oambs N. chart. Neutun. Lanes and
Norwich N. Dom. Neweton(a), N. Reigney (Penrith) 1189
Pipe Niweton, Dom. Yorks Neutun, Neweton, 43 times. ' New
town.' Gf. Nbwington. Newton Abbot (S. Devon), Dom.
Niueton, was given by Ld. Brewer to the abbot of Tor.
NocTON (Lincoln). 1233 Noketon. Doubtful, but it must be fr.
some man named Nok or the Hke, though Onom. has none such.
Oxf. Diet, has more than one nock sb., but none are hkely here;
nor does there seem anything in O.E. which would yield Noke-.
Noe R. (trib. of Derwent, Derbysh.). Perh. a.' 900 Bav. Geogr.
Anava. Gf. Navione, a place given as near. ? some connexion
with G. naomh (niiv), ' holy.'
NoRBiTON (Wimbledon). Name invented c. 1840 as a contrast to
Stjrbiton. The parent town is Kingston.
NoRBXJRY (E. Salop). Dom. Cheshire Nor(d)berie, a. 1300 North-
byri. 'North town'; O.E. nor^. See -bury.
NoRE, The (Essex). 1049 O.E. Ghron. Innan Nor«mu«an, _ 'In
North mouth ' of Thames. But Nore is N. nor, ' a bay with a
narrow entrance.' There seems to be a White Nore near
Lulworth, Weymouth.
Norfolk. Dom. Nordfolc, Norf, 1160 Pipe Norfolch, 1258-1658
Northfolk, 1397 Norfolk. 'Land of the north folk.' Gf.
SuiTOiiK — i.e., the North and South Angles.
NoRHAM-ON-TwEED. Sic 1183, 1461 Norame. 'North home';
O.E. Mm, on the Northern border of England. Gf. c. 1 100 chart.
Norhamscire.
NOKMACOTT 382 NOETHUMBERLANB
NOBMACOTT (Longton, Staffs). Dom. Normanescote, 1242 Nor-
mancote. ' The Norman's cottage.' See next. (7/. the name
Westacott.
NoRMANBY (Doncaster, Middlesbrough, and 2 others). Sic in
spurious grant of 664 (a. 1100). Mid. N. Dom. Normanebi, a.
1130 8im. Dur. Northmann-bi, 1179-80 Pijpe Normannesbi.
' Dwelling of the Northmen ' or ' Normans/ who in Flodoard
of Rheims, d. 966, are Nortmanni; but already in chart, of
963-84 {B.C.S. iii. 367) ' Into Normannes cros.'
NoRMANTON (6 in P.G.). Yorks N. Dom. Norma'tune, Normetune.
Grantham N. Dom. Norman-, -entone. ' Town of the Normans,'
or the ' Northmen,' the Scandinavians. See above and -ton.
NoRTHALL or NoRTHOLT (Southall). Dom. Nort hala. 'North
hall ' or ' corner,' as opposed to ' South hall.' But holt is O.E.
and N. for ' a wood, a copse.' See -hall.
Northallerton. Dom. Alvretune, 1298-1538 North alverton.
See Alverton.
Northampton. 1088 O.E. Ghron. NorSamtune, c. 1097 Flor. W.
Northamtunensis, a. 1145 Orderic Northantonia, 1373 Northamp-
tonia. ' North home-town.' See Hampton, and cf. Southamp-
ton and Northam (N. Devon and Southampton) .
Northaw (Potter's Bar), also old Northall; but 1539 Northawe.
' North haw ' or ' hedge '; O.E. ha^a.
Northcote (S. Devon) and North Cotes (Lines). Dev. N. Dom.
Norcote. 'North cot or cottage'; O.E. cot, cott, 'a chamber,
a hut.'
North Cttrry (Taunton). 1155 Pipe Nordcuri, 1161 ib. Norcuri.
See Curry Mallet.
North Hylton (Sunderland). ? a. 1000 chart. Does chfes nortS
hyldan. Corrup. of O.E. hylda, dan, ' a slope.'
NoRTHLEW (Bea worthy). 1219 Patent B. Lyu. Doubtful. ? =
Lliw.
NoRTHOWRAM (Halifax). Dom. Oure, Ufron, 1202 Northuuerum.
Ufron is the common Yorks O.E. loc, 'on the river -banks ' ;
O.E. o/er, Ger. ujer. See Over, Hallam, etc., and -ham.
Northover (Somst.) is 1219 Northovre.
North Stainley (Ripon). Dom. Nordstanlaia, which is meant to
be O.E. for ' north stony meadow.' Cf. Stanley. The stain
is a sign of Dan. influence. See -by.
North Stoke (WalUngf ord) . a. 1087 chart. NorS stoke; late O.E.
for ' north place.' Cf. Stoke.
Northumberland. Sic c. 1175 Fantosme, but Bede Nordanhymbri,
c. 890 Alfred On Norj^anhymbra ]>eode, 898 O.E. Chron. Norjj-
hymbre, c. 1000 ^Ifric NorShymbralande. This name for a
NOETHWICH 383 NOTTING HILL
district far ' North of Humber ' came early into use. Deira,
to the S.J became largely Danish; but Bemicia, to the N., was
never so. Cf. 1065 O.E. Ghron. Wore, ' In Yorkshire and in
Northumberland.' Sim. Dur. ann. 883 already distinguishes
Eboracum and Northimbri; and even more noteworthy is his
' Sohus Northumbriae Comitatum.' c. 1097 Flbr. W. has
* Suthymbria '= Deira.
NoRTHwiOH. Dom. Norwich. 'North dwelHng'; O.E. wic. In
W. it is Yr Heledd ddu, ' the dark place for making salt.' Cf.
Droitwich and Norwich.
NoRTHWOLD (Stoke Ferry, Norfk.). a. 1200 Nordwolde, c. 1220
Norwolde, c. 1225 Northwaude. O.E. nor^ wald, 'north
wood ' or Norwood.
Norton (22 in P.G.). Often in Dom. Nortone. 'North town.'
Eleven times in Dom. Yorks alone.
Norwich. 1004 O.E. Ghron. NorSwic, Dom. Norwic, 1297 Nor-
wiche. O.E. nor^ wic, 'northern dwelling' or 'village.' See
-wich. NORWELL (Newark) is Dom. Nortwelle.
Norwood (London) . a. 1697 Aubrey Perambltn. Surrey, ' The
great wood called Norwood/ or 'north wood/ Cf. North-
wold.
NosTELL (Pontefract). a. 1114 cTiart. Ecclesia sancti Osuualdi,
1119 chart. Nostell, c. 1160 Nostl'. Here was the priory of Saint
Oswald, so that the corrup. is a very early one. Cf. Oswestry
and St. Austell's, pron. St. Ossle's. The n, of course, comes
fr. the prefixed saint. Horsfall Turner identifies Nostell with
Dom. Osele (p. 37b), but this seems doubtful. Noverton
(Worcestrsh.) is really Overton; it also appears as Nurton
(Abberley), which in 1327 is given both as Noverton and
Overton.
NosTERMELD (Cambs). c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Nostresfelda.
Skeat derives fr. a tenure by saying Paternosters, and compares
the name of an AUce Paternoster, who held lands at Pusey
(Berks).
Nottingham. Asser ann. 868, ' Scnotingaham quod Britannice
Tigguocobauc interpretatur, Latine Speluncarum domus,' or
' house of caves.' Tigguocobauc is prob. Kelt, for ' house in
the Uttle cave ' ; cf. W. ty, G. tigh, ' a house,' Corn, ogo, ' a
cavern,' and W. bach, O.W. becc, 'little.' Dom. Snotingeham,
a. 1190 Walter Map Notingam, 1461 Snotingham. ' Home of
the Snotinga,' a patronymic. Onom. gives Snoding and Snot.
Snoddy is still used as a personal name. Cf. Sneinton. There
are also 2 Nottinghams in Gloster. See -ing.
Notting Hill (London) is said to have been formerly ' EJQoltoh
Barn Hill.' Cf. Knolton Bryn.
NOTTON ' 384 OAKHANGER
Notion (Barnsley). Dom. Notone. 'Nut town/ O.E. hnut.
Cf. NuTTLES, Dom. Notele.
NxjNBTJB,]srHOLME (York). Dom. Brunha', but 1206 Brunnum, a
loc. 'At the burn' or 'bourne/ O.N. brunn-r. See -bourne
and -hobne (' a meadow by a river '). -ham and -holme often
interchange, and many Yorkshire places in -ham or -am are
orig. locatives.
Nuneaton (Warwicksh.). a. 1200 Etone, O.E. ea-tun, 'town on
the river ' Anker, where the nuns live. A Benedictine nunnery
was built here in the 12th cny. Cf. Eaton. Similarly Ntjn
Keeling (Yorks) is in Dom. simply Chehnge, ChiUnghe, ' place
of the sons of Gille ' or ' Cilia.' See -ing.
Nunney (Frome). Dom. Nonin. 'Nun's isle'; L. nunna, O.E.
nunne, 3-6 nonne, ' a nun.' See -ey.
Ntjnnington (York). Dom. Nonninctune; Noningtune, Nunnige-
tune. Patronymic. ' Town of the sons of Nun ' or ' Nunna,'
several in Onwa. Cf. Altabnun. See -ing and -ton.
NuESLiNG (Southampton). Dom. Notesselinge, later Nutshalling.
A curious and unexplainable corrup. ; prob. patronymic fr. some
unrecorded man. See -ing.
NuRTON. See Nostell.
NuTEiELD (Redhill). Dom. Notfelle. ' Field of nuts,' O.^E. hnut.
NuTHHEST (Horsham). Cf. 704-9 chart. Hnuthyrste (Warwicksh.),
O.E. for 'nut wood.' See -hurst. Nuttles (Holderness) is
Dom. Notele, 'nut meadow'; see -ley. Cf. Nuttall (Notts),
Dom. Nutehale; see -hall. But Notgrove (Stow-on-Wold) is
743 chart. Natangraf, ' trench, ditch of Nata.'
Nymphsfield (Stonehouse). 872 chart, and 1280 Close E.Nymdes-
feld, Dom. Nimdesfelde (1287 Kingesnemeton, see King's
Nympton). W. and Bret, nemet, also aspirated in W. nevet,
* a wood,' then prob. ' a sacred grove,' and then ' a temple.'
There are several Nymets in Devon, as well as 3 Nymphs near
Tawton. It will be noted that p after m is almost always a
mod. intrusion; cf. Bampton, Brompton, Hampton, etc.
Oaken (Wolverhampton). Sic 1398, but Dom. Ache, a. 1300 Ake,
Oce, Oken. Prob. an old loc, O.E. aeon or acum, ' at the oaks/
Cf. Hallam, etc.
Oakeobd (Bampton). 1174 chart. Acforde. O.E. dc, 'an oak.'
Oakham, Local pron. Yekkm. 1298 Okham. This will prob.
mean ' home, house built of oak.' Oakhampton (Astley,
Wstrsh.) is 1275 Okhamtone.
Oakhangeb (Berkeley, Alton, and Dorset). Be, 0. 1250 Ochungre;
chart. ? where, Achangra (c, 1350 Akhangre), which is O.E. for
' oak-tree slope.' Cf. Clayhanger. There is also 961 chart.
OAKINGTON 385 ODIHAM
Gteoc hangra (at Hurstbourne, Winchester), but this is fr. O.E.
geoc, ' a yoke/ or ' as much land as a pair of oxen can plough in
a day/
Oakington (Cambridge), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Hokintona, Hoc-
chintona, Hockingtona, Dom. Hochintone, 1284 Hokingtone,
Hoggitone. Patronymic. ' Village of the Hockings ' — i.e., sons
of Hoc or Hoca, both known names.
Oakley (Rochester, Bp's. Stortford, and 4 others). Roch. 0.
chart, of date 774 Acleag. StafEs O. 1004 chart. Acclea, Dom.
Aclei. Beds. 0. 1166 Pipe Achelai. Bp's. S. 0. 1474 Ocle
Magna and Parva; 958 chart. Acleg, -lea, on Stour, Staffd.
O.E. dc leah, ' oak meadow.' Similarly Oakworth (Keighley)
isDom. Acewrde, Acurde, ' oak farm.' See -worth.
Oabe (Chieveley, Berks, Wilts, Faversham, N.W. Somerset). Ch.
O. B.C.8. iii. 509 Ora, 1316 Ore. O.E. ora, ' bank, shore, edge,'
cognate with L. ora. Cf. Bognor, etc. But Som. 0. is 1264
At, perh. same root as Arrow, or ? N. aa-r, ' river.' It is on the
East Lynn R,., whilst Fav.O. is on a creek of the R. Swale.
Oby (Norfolk). 1479 Owby. ' Dwelling of 06a, Oixi, O^a,' a name
common in Onom. See -by.
OcK R. (Abingdon) and Ockbrook (Derby). Dom. Ochebroc.
O.E. chart. Eoccen, and in late copy of chart, of 955 Occen.
Skeat cannot suggest any meaning for the Berks river ; and the
Derby name is presumably the same, though some think it a
tautology, making Ock Kelt, for ' water.' This last is some-
what confirmed by Geoffr. Mon. iv. 12, who tells us that ' Ridoc '
is the British name of Oxford (W. rhyd, O.W. rit, ' a ford,^ whilst
oc is certainly not W. for 'ox'). Cf. 1201 ' Yockflet '— i.e.,
Yokefleet (Howden). There is also an Octon (E. Riding),
Dom. Ocheton, which seems fr. the same root.
OcKER Hill (Tipton). Cf. Dom. ' Ocretone ' (Notts). Perh. fr.
M.E. {a. 1225) oher, O.N. okr, ' increase of money, usury ' ; but
Duignan, more prob., suggests W. ochr, ochren,'' a side, a shelving
locality.' But Ockeridge Wood (Little Witley, Worcstr.),
1332 Ocrugge, is ' oak-tree ridge,' O.E. dc, 3-5- ok.
OcKLEY (Dorking) = Oakley.
Odell (Sharnbrook, Beds) . Said to be old Wode-hul or ' wood-hiU.'
Not in Dom., but it has Odecroft. Cf., too, 941 chart. Odden-
heal, ' nook of Odda,' Hants. See -hall.
Odiham (Winchfield) . 1116 O.E. Chron. Wudiham. ' Home in the
wood,' O.E. vmdu. For change of w to o cf. Wodin and Odin,
also Dom. Essex, Oddesforda, fr. the common Odda or Oda,
which gives name to Oddington (Moreton-in-Marsh). Oddingley
(Droitwich), 816 chart. Oddingalea, is a patronymic fr. Odda.
See -ing. Cf., too, Odcombe (Somerset), 1167-68 Pipe Devon
Odecuba.
OPFCHUKCH 386 OMBERSLEY
Offchuiich (Leamington). . 1300 Ofechirche, 'church of OjQTa/
? the K. of Mercia in 8th cny. Qffley, in the same county, is
Dom. OfEeleia.
Offenham (Evesham). 714 chart. Vffaham, 860 ih. Uffenham^
Dom. Offenham. ' Home of Uffa ' or ' O^a'
Offerton (Durham), a. 1130 8im. Bur. Uffertun. Prob. 'town
on the bank/ O.E. ohr, ofr, Ger. ufer; see -over. But OfEerton
(Hindlip) is 972 chart. ^Elflaedetun, ? Dom. Aicrintune, 1275
Alfverton, a. 1600 Alcrinton, now called Alfreton, a. 1800 Affre-
ton. A most remarkable corrup. ' Town of JElflced,' perh. she
who was daughter of K. Offa, 757-786. Duignan suggests that
r came in through similarity of -^Iflaed to MUied.
Offord (Warwksh.). Dom. Offeworde, a. 1200 OfEorde. This is
' OJfa's farm.' Gf. Offmoor (Halesowen), 1288 Offemore, and
Pampisford ; and see -worth.
Ogle (Newcastle-on-Tyne) . Prob. O.W. ugl, W. uchel, 'high';
same root as Ochils, Ogilvib, and Glen Ogle (Sc). Cf.
Knoyle. But Oglethorp (W. Riding) is Dom. once Ocelestorp
and 4 times Oglestorp, ' village of ' some man, the nearest in
Onom. seems Ugelhert; the -bert may easily have dropped. See
-thorpe.
Ogo Dour (the Lizard). Corn.= ' cave by the water.'
Okment Hill (Devon). W. uch mynydd (Corn, menit), ' high hill.'
Cf. LoNGMYND and Ochils (Sc).
Old Man of Coniston. Supposed to be W. allt maen, ' cliflf-like '
or 'high rock.' Cf. Alltwen. As curious a corrup. is Old-
barrow (Henley in Arden), 709 chart. Ulenbeorge, ' hill, barrow
of the owl,' O.E. ula, -an. See Barrow.
Oldswinford (Stourbridge). Dom. Suineford, 1275 Swyneford,
1340 Oldeswynesford. O.E. swinford, ' swine's ford.'
Olney (Bucks and Coventry). Dom. Olnei, Bucks; Cov. 0. 1349
Ohieie. Cf. K.G.D. 621 Ollan eg, O.E. for ' OZZa's isle.' Also
1016 O.E. Chron. Olanige, c. 1097 Flor. W. Olanege, an islet in
the Severn near Deerhurst. See -ey.
Olton (Hampton-in- Arden). 1295 Oulton, c. 1450 Oulton alias
Ulverton — i.e., ' Ulfr's town.' Cf. Sc. oo for wool, and Oldcoates
or Ulcoates (Notts), Dom. Caldecotes, but 1269 Ulcotes, 1302
Ulecotes. ' Cots of the owl,' O.E. ula. But Olveston, close to
Alveston, is 1303 Olveston, 1515 Olston, and is orig. the same
name, ' JSZ/e's town.'
Ombersley (Droitwich). 706 chart. Ambreslege and Ombreswelle,
714 ib. Ambresleie, Dom. Ambreslege. May be fr. O.E. amber,
omber, ' a pitcher.' See Amberqate and Ambjirley. Or perh.
it is fr. a man Amber, Ambre. See Ambrosden and Amesbury.
See -ley.
OMlLY It. 387 ORMSKIEK
Omtly R. (Hereford) . Prob. W. amwyll, ' shady, gloomy on all sides/
Oneoote (Leek). 1199 Anecote, 1285 Onecote — i.e., ' one cottage/
as Onehouse (Suffk.) is chart. Anhus. But Onesaore (S. Yorks)
is Dom. Anesacre, ' field of Anna ' or ' Onvia,' a common name
in Onom.
Ongah (Essex) or Chipping Ongah. Dom. Angra, O.E. hangra, ' a
wooded, hill-slope.' Cf. Clayhanger, and see Chipping.
Onibuby (Craven Arms). Dom. Aneberie. ' Burgh, town on R.
Onney or Ouny.'' See -bury. But High and Little Onn (Staffs) .
are Dom. Otne (error) and Anne, which Duignan derives fr.
W. onn, ' ash-trees.' There is an Onneley also in Salop, Dom.
Anelege; and an Oney Coppice (Lindridge) . Cf. Onecote.
Orby (Burgh, Lines). Cf. Arbury (Nuneaton), a. 1200 Ordburi,
Erdbury, 1235 Orbyri, which is prob. ' Eardulfs burgh.' See -ly.
Orcheston (Devizes) . Must be fr . some man. Cf. 1298 ' Willelmus
de Orkesleghe.' The nearest in Onom. is Oric, a dux in Kent,
of 9th cny. There is an ore, orke, orch, ' an ogre,' but it is not
found in Eng. a. 1598.
Oreton (Wolvermptn.) . Dom. Overtune, a. 1300 Overton, Orton.
O.E. ofer-tun, ' upper town.' Cf. Orgrave (N. Lanes), Dom.
Ourgreve, prob. 'bank'; O.E. obr, ofr, 'of the grave.' See
Over. Orgrave (S. Yorks) is Dom. Nortgrave.
Orford (Suffolk and Warrington). Suff. 0. not in Dom. 1166-67
Pipe Oreford, c. 1450 Fortescue Orford havyn. Like Orwell,
near by, prob. corrup. fr. N. aar fjord, ' river ' or ' river -like
firth or bay.' In N. aa sounds o. Cf. Haverford, Waterford
(Ireland), etc. Warr. 0., sic 1511, may be fr. a man Ord, or
contracted fr. one of the many names in Ord-.
Orleton (Tenbury). Dom. Alretune, 1275 Olretone, ' alder town.'
See Allerton, etc. Alder is O.E. alor, aler, 3 olr, 7 owler,
ouller. The Orls (Mathon) is fr. same root. Alder is still
pron. orl in S. Salop. But Ollerton (Newark), Dom. and 1190
Alretun, 1278 Alverton, is perh. fr. Mlfweard or Mlfhere.
Orlingbitry (Northants). c. 1190 Orlingberge. ' Town or fort of
Eorlwine,' 3 in Onom. See -bury.
Ormesby (Yorks and Gt. Yarmouth). Dom. both Ormesbi.
' DweUing of Orm.' See -by.
Orm's Head (Llandudno), a. 1145 Orderic Horma heva, a N. form
of Ormes heafod or Orm's Head, or Worm's Head. Orm or
Orma is a common name in Onom.
Ormskirk. 1285 Ormeskirke. See above. The Orm here is not
the monk who wrote the Ormulum, but a Saxon noble who
gained large estates near here through marrying a Norman
heiress. The place is not in Dom., but is referred to temp.
Rich. I., d. 1199.
ORRELL 388 OSMOTHERLET
Oreell (Wigan). Dom. Olegrimale, Olringemele," 1201-02 Horhill,
-hull; 1205-06 Orhille; 1320 Orell. Even though Dom. is so
clumsy, it gives the clue to a most interesting corrup. The
first part is the N. name Authgrimr, later Udgrim. An Oudgrim
is actually found in Dom. Notts. The second part is either
-hall {q.v.) or -hill, regular W. Midi. hull.
Obslow (Staffs). 1203 Horselawe, a. 1400 Orselow — i.e., ' Horsa's
mound.' See -low. Orsett (Grays) (-sett= ' seat ') prob. has a
similar origin. Cf. Dom. Surrey, Orselei.
Orston (Nottingham). Dom. Oschintone, 1242 Orskinton, 1284
Orston. Mutschmann thinks, ' Ordric's town," as in OrdsaU,
Dom. Ordeshale. Dom. "confuses with Ossington.
Orwell R. (Suffolk). 1015 O.E. Chron. Aiwa, Arewe; Dom.
Ordewelle; c. 1386 Chaucer Orewell; c. 1450 Fortescue Orwell
havyn. The 1015 forms suggest, and Orford near by con-
firms, that this must be a corrup. fr. N., akin to that of Kjrk-
WALL (Sc), c. 1225 Kirkiuvagr, 1438 Kirkwaw, c. 1500 Kirk-
wall. The Ar- will be N. a, gen. aar, ' river,' aa in mod. N.
being pron. o. The wa- will be O.N. vagr, ' bay, voe,' the
liquid r having early become I, or else disappeared. So the name
is ' bay of the river.'
Orwell (Royston, Herts), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Oreuuella, Dom.
Oreuuelle, Orduuelle (a mistake), 1210 Norwelle (for 'atten
Orewelle '), 1284 Orewelle. O.E. oran wella, ' well at the edge
or brink.' Gf. Orton (Tebay).
OscoTT (Birmingham), a. 1300 Oscote, c. 1615 Camden Auscote,
Perh, ' East cottage,' O.N. aust-r, ' east.' Cf. Atjstwick. But
Duignan prefers some name in Os-, Osbeorn, Oswald, etc.,
which may well be.
OsGATHOBPE (Loughborough) . 'Village of Osgar or Osgeard,'
common in Onom. See -thorpe.
OsGODBY (E. Riding and Market Rasen). E. R. 0. Dom. Ansgo-
tesbi, -gotebi, Asgozbi (z = fe) ; 1204 Fines Angodeby; 1206 An-
goteby. M. R. 0. a. 1100 chart. Osgoteby, 1298 Osgodeby.
Gf. Dom. Osgotcros, 1179-80 Pipe Osegotecros, now Osgoldcross
(Wapentake), Yorks. ' Dwelling of Osgod ' or ' Osgot,' common
names in Onom., which also has the Norm, forms Ansgod and
Ans-got. Cf. next, and Ansthryth, var. of name Osthryth.
Osgod, in N. Asgod, seems to mean ' the good ' — i.e., ' the prop-
erty, of the gods.' See -by.
Osmotherley (Lanes and Northallerton). Lan. 0. 1260-72
Osmunderlawe, 1269 Asemunderlai, 1276-79 Asmunderlauue,
1588 Estmotherlie, 1667 Osmonderley, 1670 Osmotherlow.
Nor. 0. Dom. Asmundrelac, 1197 Rolls Hosmundeslea, a. 1300
Osmunderley. Instructive forms. ' Meadow of Asmund ' or
' Osmund '{' the -pioteGted ' or else 'the mouth of the gods').
Cf. Osborne, N. Asenbjorn, ' bear of the gods or demigods.'
OSNEY 389 OULTON
The ending is often -low {q.v.) or -lawe, ' hill/ Cf. Asp atria,
and Amothebby, and Mythe; also Osmondthorpe (Notts),
1331 Osmundthorp.
OsNEY (Oxford). 1155 Pipe Osineia, 1161 ib. Oseneia, c. 1200
Gervase Osneye. ' Island of Osa/ gen. ' Osan,' common name
in Onom. See -ey.
OsSETT (Yorks). Dom. Osleset. 'Seat, abode,' O.N. s(Bti, 'of
Osla,' 2 in Onom. Liquid I easily vanishes.
OssiNGTON (Newark). Dom. Oschintone, 1162-65 chart. Oschintona,
1278 OsciQgton, ' Town of Osecg,' a name in Onom. Mutschmann
xierives fr. a dubious Oshetin, var. of the common Asketill. See
-ing and -ton.
.OswALDTWiSTLE ( Accrington) . 1241 Oswaldtuisil. ' Oswald's con-
fluence.' See TwiZEL ; and cf. Birtwistle, Entwistle, Tintwistle.
In E. Yorks we also have Oswaldkibk, Dom. Oswaldes cherca.
OsWESTEY, c. 1190 Gir. Itin. Camb. Osewaldstreu, id est Oswaldi
arborem, or ' tree of Oswald,' K. of Northumbria, d. 642. He
was prob. slain here by Penda, K. of Mercia. 1603 Owen Oses-
tree. In W. Croesoswallt, 'cross of Oswald.' Cf. Brentry
(Glouc), 1247 Bernestre, ' tree of Beam.'
Otford (Sevenoaks). O.E. Citron. 114: Ottanford, a. 1130 Sim.
Dur. Ottaforda, 1160-61 Pipe Otteford. 'Ford of Otta' or
' Otto.' Cf. Otham (Maidstone).
Othebton (Penkridge and Worcester) and Otheby (Bridgwater).
Pe. 0. Dom. Orretone, a. 1200 Oderton, a. 1300 Otherton, which,
like Otherton (Wrcstrsh.), is prob. ' Ohthere's or Othere's or Otre's
town.' All these forms are in Onom. Othery is prob. similar,
with ending -y or -ey, ' islet.' But cf. Otteby.
Otley (W. Riding and Ipswich). W. Rid. O. Dom. Othelai, a. 1130
Sim. Dur. Oteleia . ' Otta'e lea ' or ' meadow.' See above and -ley.
Otteby St. Maby (Exeter). 963 chaH. Otheri, Dom. Otri, c. 1200
Gervase Oteri, 1460 Otryght. ' Isle,' O.E. i$e, i^, ' on R. Otter,'
which is prob. O.E. otr, oter, otor, ' an otter.' Cf. Otterburn
(Craven and Northumbld.), Dom. Yorks and Hants, Otrebume,
1160-61 Pipe Devon has a Fenotri, ? Fen Ottery.
Ottbingham (Hull), Ottebington (N. Yorks), and OuGHTBiNGTCfN
(Warrington). Dom. Otringeha', Otrege, Otrinctime, Otrintona.
Wyld and H. connect these Ottring- names with the N. Auth-
grimr or Oudgrim (see Obbell), which certainly seems the origin
of the Warr. name, which Wyld and H. omit. But the Ottring-
names prob. are patronymics fr. Othhere, Otre, or perh. OtJigar,
all found in Onom. Cf. Dom. Otringeberge and Otringedene
(Kent), which is by no means. a specially N. region. See -ing.
OuLTON (6 in P.G.). Stone 0. a. 1300 Oldeton, Oldington-
Possibly O.E. Ealdantun, ' Ealda's town,' or else * old town.'
But Dom. Norfolk Oulstona— i.e., Oulton, Aylsham— will be
OUNDLE 390 OWSLEBURY
' Ulfs, town/ It is in 1477 Owstoonde. Possibly it is ' town
of Ule ' — i.e., ' the owl/ Cf. Ouston and Outchester (Bamboro')
1242 Ulecestr.
OmsTDLE (Northampton). Bede Undalum, a. 1000 Undola, a. 1100
chart. Undale, 1542 Leland Omidale. Thought to be a con-
tracted form of AvoN + dale^ O.E. dcel. But the contraction
seems almost too early to be found in Bede. Avon means ' river/
here the Nen. For a similar contraction, cf. Dunoon (Sc).
OuNY or Onney E,. (Salop and Hereford). Seen in Onibury, Dom.
Aneberie, and also in Anelege. Must be Keltic for ' river.'
The G. abhuinn or amhuinn, ' river/ is in certain districts pron.
own. Cf. OuNDLE and Avon.
OusE Great, Ouse R., and Ousebubn (York). Gr. 0. 905 O.E.
Chron. Wusa, 1010 ih. Usa, a. 1130 Use, 1330 Ouse. York 0.
Dom. Usebume, 1237 Usus. Perh. connected with O.E. wdse,
4-6 wose, 6 oous, ouse, ' wet mud, ooze.' The name occurs all
over England — iu Essex and Sussex, as well as in the cases
above — and very possibly it is Keltic. See p. 12. Isis, c. 1350
Ysa, must surely be a cognate root. See -bum.
Ousel R. (trib. of Great Ouse). Presumably O.E. osle, old name
of the blackbird, the ouzel ; but old forms needed.
OusETHOEP (Howden). Domi Owestorp, Dwestorp (D error for 0).
Not fr. R,. Ouse, but ' village of Oua, Ova, or 06a,' forms all in
Onom. See -thorp.
Ouston (Stamf ordham, Birtley, Durham ; and Coxwold, N. Riding) .
St. O. 1201 Yorhs Fines Hulkeleston — i.e., ' Hulfcytel' or
* Ulfcytel'B village.' But Cox. 0. Dom. Ulvestone, 1201 Ulveton,
' village of Ulf,' ' Ulf 's town.' Now also called Oulston. But
Ouston (Coleshill) is old Oustheme, Owsthim, which is prob.
' east nook.' East Riding in Dom. is Oust redenc ; and see Herne.
Cf. OuLTON and Owston.
OvENDEN (Halifax). Sic Sim. Dur. contin. ann. 1147. O.E. Ofan-
denu, * den, cave of Ofa,' or possibly ' of Owen.'
Over (Glouc, Cambridge, and Winsford, Chesh.). Gl. 0. 804 cMrt.
Ofre ad Gleawecestre. Cam. 0. Dom. Ovre, Oure; 1210 Overe.
Chesh. Dom. Ovre. O.E. ofre, dat. of ofer, ' a shore of a sea or
bank of a river.' Cf. Ger. ufer ; and see -over.
Overton (9 in P.G.). Dom. Ovretone, Chesh. and Worcr. ' Upper
town,' O.E. ufera, 3-5 otiere, ' over.' Cf. Overbury, Tewkesbury,
875 chart. Uferebiri, Vfera birig, Dom. Oureberie, with the same
meaning. See -bury,
OwERSBY (Market Rasen). 1233 Orresby. Prob. corrup. of
' Ordgcer's or Ordgar'a dweUing.' The name is very common in
Onom. See -by.
OwsLEBURY (Winchester). Not in Dom. Cf. Ozleworth (Char-
field), Dom. Osleworde, c. 1220 Hoheleswordi, later Wozel-,
OWSTHORP 391 OXFORD
Owselworth. The man's name is uncertain. Cf. B.C.S. 764
Oslan wyxth, ' Osla'B farm/ It might be Oshelm, 4 in Onom.,
or Osumlf, as in Owston. Also cf. St. Austell's. See -bury
and -worth.
OwsTHORP (Pocklington). Dom. lanulfestorp, 1203 Ulnestorp,
a. 1400 Ulvesthorpe. Very curious corruption. ' Village of
Eanvmlf,' very common in Onom. In a. 1400 the Ean- has
dropped away. With the present form Ows-, cf. Ooston, mod.
pron. of Ulverston; also cf. next. Owthorp (Notts), Dom.
Ovetorp, c. 1190 Hustorp, is ' village of Z7^ or Uvi.' See -Thorpe.
Owston Priory (Leicester) is 1233 Osulveston, ' town of Osumlf,
a name common in Onom. But Owston (Doncaster), Dom.
Ulsitone, 1179-80 Pipe Ouston, is prob.= OusTO]sr (Corwold),
Dom. Ulvestone, ' town of Ulf.' Only it seems to be in Dom.
also Austun and Austhu'; which may be an O.E. loc, ' in the
east places/ oust and aiist being early forms of ' east^' and loca
tives in -un or -on are not uncommon; only they usually turn
into -ham. See Hallam, etc., and next.
OwsTWicK (Hull). Dom. Ostewic. Prob. 'eastern dwelling,' just
as East Riding is in Dom. Oust redenc, and in the Yorks Pipe
Bolls we have ' Oustcotun ' and ' Westcotun,' or Eastcott and
Westcott. Cf. above; and see -wick.
OxENHOLME (Wcstmld.). ' Oxen's meadow.' See -holm. Cf.
OxLEY (Wolverhampton), Dom. Oxelie. and Oxnam (Sc).
OxcliflE (N. Lanes) is Dom. Oxeneclif .
Oxford, a. 900 coins of E. Alfred Oksnaforda, but some read
Orsnaforda, which conceivably represents a 'Horse-ford'; 912
O.E. Chron. Oxnaforda; c. 1000 chart. K. Mthelred Oxonaforda;
1011 O.E. Chron. Oxenaf ordscire ; c. 1160 Oxenefordia; 1479
Oxenford. O.E. oxena ford, ' ford for the oxen.' Cf. Grant of
a. 675 Oxelake (on the Thames). The regular W. name is Rhyd
ychen, which also means ' ford of the oxen.' It is agreed that
this W. name is very old, and that there is no recorded speUing
for ' ox ' other than ych, unless it be a dial. rvch. However,
c. 1145 Geoffrey of Mon., iv. 12, speaks of * Boso of Ridoc, that
is Oxford.' It seems unHkely that this 12th cny. name Ridoc
is meant for rhyd ychen, though rid is clearly O.W. for ' ford.'
It seems more prob. that in -oc we have O.Kelt, for 'water.'
See OcK. So that, while the Anglo-Saxons thought the name
was their own ox, it orig. was Keltic, and cognate with Ax, Ex,
UsK, and Ux- bridge. Cf., too, Isis. But for two or three
centuries the Kelt, name must have been quite lost, and the
Welsh would coin a new name when they began to frequent the
University. Before the 14th cny. Oxford would prob. be of
too little importance to the Welsh to have a W. name of its
own. As to forms a. 900, curiously enough for Oxenhall
(Dymock), Dom. writes Horsenehal, prob. an error; c. 1230
Oxonhale. Cf. also the curious form Tweoxn eam, s.v. Twyning.
OXHEY 392 PAILTON
OxHjEY (Watford). 1007 chart. Oxangehsege — i.e., O.E. for ' oxen's
enclosure ' or ' hedge/ O.E. hege. Cf. Hay and Oxenhay
(Berkeley), 1243 Oxhaye.
OxNEAD (Norfolk). 1420 Oxenede. The ending is difl&cult. There
seems nothing Ukely in e or w (no ede or nead or the like), so this
may be ' oxen-head/ where head is used in the sense of ' a pond
or body of water dammed up.' Caxton, 1480, speaks of ' fissh-
ponde hedes,' and head is spelt 3-6 heed, 4-7 hede.
OxsTED (Reigate). Dom. Acstede, O.E. for ' oak-place ' Cf.
homestead, etc.
OxTON (W. Riding, Birkenhead, and Southwell, Notts). W. R. 0.
Dom. Oxetone and Ossetone. So. 0. Dow? Oxetune. * Village
of the oxen.' Cf. Oxspring (SheflBeld), Dom. Osprinc, and
Oxenton (Tewkesbury), Dom. Oxendone.
Oysteblow (Pembroke), c. 1200 Girald. Oisterlaph, -laf, c. 1210
Osterloyth, 1325 Oystrelof, 1541 Usterloys. This is the O.W.
Esterl^^, W. Ysterlwyf , or ystre Iwyf, ' dwelling in the elm-
wood,' influenced, of course, by Eng. oyster, O.Fr. oistre, not
found in Eng. till 1357. Oystermotjth (Glam.), said to be old
Ostremuere (prob. error for -muue, M.E. for 'mouth'), may
have a similar origin, only here it will be a hybrid.
Packington (Tamworth and Ashby-de-la-Zouch) . Ta. T. Dom.
Pagiatone, a. 1200 PaMntone. Ash. P. 1043 chart. Pakinton,
Dom. Patitone (error). Cf. Dom. Essex, Pachenduna, and
Packwood (Warwk.). The nearest name in Onom. is one Pcecga ;
so prob. ' vUlage of Pcecga.' See -ing and -ton.
Padbuky (Bucks). B.C. 8., ii. 377, Padde byrig, Dom. Pateberie,
' Burgh, town of Padda,' 3 in Onom. Cf. Paddington, London,
(1167-68 Pijpe Padinton, 1439 Paddyngton) and Warrington, and
Dom. Surrey, Padendene; also Pad worth.
Padstow (N. Cornwall and Devon). Com. P. 981 O.E. Chron. See
Petrocestow, 1536 Padstowe. Dev. P. Dom. Petroches stow,
later Petrockstow. ' Place of St. Petroc,' an interesting corrup-
tion. The ending -stow, found already in 981 in Cornwall, is
an early proof of Anglo-Saxon influence there.
Pad WORTH (Theale, Berks). O.E. chart. Peadan wurth, Dom.
Peteorde, c. 1280 Paddewurth. ' Farm of Peada.' See -worth.
Pagham (Bognor). a. 1130 Sim. Dur. ann. 1108 Paggaham, 1298
Pageham. ' Home of Paga,' only one in Onom., and he at Carlisle*
But Paythorne (W. Riding), Dom. Pathorme, prob. contains the
name Pcega or Paga also; 2 Pcegas in Onom. Cf. Pagajsthill
(Stroud), 1346 PaganhuUe, and Painley.
Pailton (Rugby), a. 1300 Paylynton, Pailinton, 'Village of
Pcelli,' one in Onom.
PAINLEY 393 PAPCASTLE
Painley (Craven). Dom. Paghenale, possibly a gen. pi. ' lea of the
pagans.' Oxf. Diet, has no instance of pagan, a. 1376 ; but Pagan,
Paganus, and Pagen are all names in Onom. Paine and Payne
are surnames fr. pagan. Painswiok (Stroud) is Dom. Wyke,
but later Wyke Pagani, Payneswyke, called after Pain Fitzjohn,
Justiciar Sheriff, who seems to have built his castle here during
the wars of Stephen. Similarly Painsthorpe (E. Riding) is in
Dom. simply Thorf . Paghenale may also stand for ' nook of
Paga,' gen. -an. If so, the ending must have changed. See
-hall, -ley, -thorpe (' village '), and -wick (' dweUing ').
Palfrey Green (Walsall), a. 1600 Palfraye Green. A palfrey or
(lady's) riding-horse was a common fine or payment to a King
or superior for land. Sometimes it was an annual or periodical
payment. For the word, which is O.Fr., see Oxf. Diet.
Palgrave (Diss). 962 chart. Palegrave, Dom. Pag(g)raua, c. 1210
Jocelin Palegrava, c. 1430 Pagrave. Prob. ' Pallig'a grave,'
O.E. grcef. A Pallig, a Danish earl, is mentioned 1001 in O.E.
Chron. Pale sb. is Fr.,and not in Eng. till c. 1330; pale adj. is
also Fr., and not in Eng. a. 1300. Cf. Orgrave (Yorks), etc.
Pat.t.tnsburn (N. Northumbld.). ' Bum, brook of Paulinus,' who
prob. preached and baptized here. See Bede.
Pamborough (Glastonbury). 956 Pathenebergh. Prob. ' burgh,
castle of Patta; gen. Pattan. Cf. ' Pattnaden,' B.G.8. imi.
See -burgh. But Pamber (Hants) is 1217 Patent R. Penbere,
1225 Pen-, Pember. Prob. O.E. penn beam, ' fold in the wood.'
Cf. Penn and Beer, also Pamington (Ashchurch), Dom. Pamin-
tone, fr. an unrecorded Pama.
Pampisford (Cambridge). Dom. Pampesuuorde, even as late as
1851 Pampsworth. ' Farm of Pamp,' an imknown name. Cf.
Dan. dial, pamper, ' a short, thick-set person.' The local pron.
is Paanza, which Skeat says is 'regularly shortened from
Pamp's'orth.' See -worth.
Pangbourn (Berks). 833-34 chart. Peginga-, Psegeinga- burnan,
956 Pangan-buman. ' Burn, brook of Pceginga '—i.e., ' son of
Pcega,' 2 in Onom. The river is now called simply the Pang,
and nearer its source the Kimber. Cf. Pei^stone.
Pannal (Harrogate). Dom. Paghenhale, 1315 Pattrehall, later
Panhale, 1448 Pannal. ' Hall of Paga or Pcega,' gen. Pagan,
Both forms in Onom.
Pantsaeson (Wales). W.= ' glen of the Saxon ' (G. Saisneach) or
' EngHshman.'
Pantyoelyn (Breconsh.). W.= 'glen, hollow of the holly,' Cf,
Llwyngelyn.
Papcastle (Cockermouth). From a local L. inscription, c. 200, it is
known that Pap- represents Abalabba, site of a Roman fort.
26
PAPWORTH EVERARD 394 PATTISHALL
Papworth Everaed (Cambridge). Local pron. Parpor. Dom.
Papeworde, Ramsey chart. Pappenwrthe, Pappeworthe. ' Place
of Pappa.' Papo is the only name in Onom. See -worth.
Par (Cornwall). ? = W. pauyr, ' pastm-e/
Parcansoalli (Cornwall). Corn.= ' park, field of the bats.'
Parford • (Moreton Hampstead). Prob. 1174 chart. Pirforde.
Prob. fr. O.E. piri^, ' a pear-tree.' Cf. Parham (Berkeley),
1264 Perham, and Pirbright.
Paerbt R. (Somerset). O.E. Chron. 658 Pedrida, ib. 893 Pedrede,
Pedret. W. pedryd, ' a square/ perh. referring to the piece of
land enclosed by the river bend near Pawlett.
Partnby (Spilsby, Lines.). Bede Peartaneu. 'Isle of Peartan/
O.E. eu var. of i^, i^e, 'island/ see -ey, Peartan may be a
personal name. Nothing hke it in Onom. Perh. W. partyn,
' a smart little fellow/ or perthen, ' a bush.'
Passenham (Northants). 921 O.E, Chron. Passanhamm. ' En-
closure, O.E. hamm, of Passa,' only one in Onom., in Kent. But
cf. next. See -ham.
Passeield (Liphook). Cf. Dom. Essex, Passefelda. 'Field of
Passa,' one in Onom.
Paston (N. Walsham). a. 1150 chart. Pastun. Contraction for
' Passa's town.' See above. But Paston or Pawston (Wooler)
is for PoUokston.
Patoham (Brighton) and Patching (Worthing). 947 chart. Pec-
cinges and Pettingas (tt for cc). ' Home of Pecca, Pecga, or
Pacca,' and 'place of the sons of Pecca,' Cf. Dom. Surrey,
Pachesham, Paxford, Campden, sic 1275 and Paxton (Berwick) .
c. 1098 Paxtun. The only name in Onom. is Pecga. See -ham
and -ing.
Patney (Devizes). B.G.S. iii. 354, Peatanige. O.E. for ' Isle of
Peata, Peatta, or Peada,' all 3 forms are known. Peat and Pate
are both still in use as surnames, Cf. Pattishall and Dom.
Patintune, Salop.
Patrestgton (Hull). Dom. Patrictone. 'Town of Patrick'; the
-ick has become -ing, because -ing is so much commoner in place-
names. See -ing.
Pattingham (Wolverhampton). Pron. Pattinjem, cf. Birming-
ham. Dom. Patingham, a. 1200 Pattingeham, a. 1500 Patin-
cham, ' Home of the sons of Patta ' or ' Peatta.' Cf. Patton
(Salop), prob. B.C.S. 77 Peattingtun, and Dom. Essex, Paten-
duna. Patton (Kendal) is Dom. Patun. See -ing and -ham,
PATTISHALL (Towcester), 1207 Pateshill, 1236 Pateshull {cf.
AspuLL, etc.). ' Hall of Peata ' ; cf. Patney, Patshull (Wolver-
PAULERSPURY 395 PEEL
hampton) is Dom, Pecleshella, a. 1300 Petles- Patleshull — i.e.,
either ' Poecgel'a or Pyttel's hill/ Pegglesworth Of.
Paulerspury (Towcester) . ' The pury of (Robert de) Paveli/ an
early owner. The name ' Pury end ' still survivee ; it is in JDom.
Pirie, O.E. pir^e, piri^e, pirie, ' a pear-tree/ Cf. Pirbright.
Paull (Hull). Dom. Paghel, Pagele: later Pagula. Contraction
for ' nook of Paga or Pcega,' both in Onom. See -hall.
Pavenham (Sharnbrook, Beds.) . ' Home of Paba or Peabba/ a
name not in Onom., but cf. Pebworth, Stratford-on-Avon.
848 chart. Pebeworthe, Dom. Pebevorde. See -worth, ' farm.'
Pavey Ark (hill, Grasmere). Said to be ' shieHng, dairy hut of
Pavia.' See Arklid,
Pawlett (Bridgwater), c. 705 chart. Pouelt; later Pouholt. Perh.
' village in the holt or wood.' Pou is said to be = L. pagus, as
often in Brittany. Pouelt, however, prob. represents an O.W.
pwl allt, ' pool by the clifE.' But Pawton, St. Breock, Cornwall,
is c. 988 chart. Polltun, ' village by the pool or stream.'
Peak, The (Derbyshire), a. 800 chart. Pecssetna {i.e., dwellers in the
Peak), 924 O.E. Chron. Peac-lond; Dom. Pechesers, now ' Peak's
Arse '; c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. In monte vocato Pec, a. 1135 chart.
dominium de Pecco, 1173-4 Pech. Oxf. Diet, says ' origin im-
known, perh. British,' and not connected with the Eng. peah
sb. Cf. Peckham, Pegsdon, etc. It may be the name of a
demon or spirit. Cf. Puck.
Peakirk (Peterboro'). c. 1015 chart. Pegecjo-can, a. 1100 Giant
Pei-, Peychirche. ' Church of Pega or Pcega,' both in Onom.
This is far south to find a ' kirk ' !
Peasemore (Leckhampstead) . Chron. Abing. Pesimara, a. 1224
Pesemere, c. 1540 Peysmer. ' Land for growing pease,' O.E.
pise. The ending is a little unsettled; O.E. mere, ' marsh, fen '
seems scarcely prob., yet we have Peasemarsh (Sussex), as well
as Peasenhall (Saxmundham) . It may be O.E. mor, ' a moor ' ;
(Peasbrook, Broadway, Worcester), in 972 c^r<. Pisbroc, is also
fr. O.E. pise, ' a pea.'
Peckham (London) and Peckham Btjsh (Tonbridge), ? c. 1130
Eadmer Petteham ; but Dom. Pecheha, 1278 Pecham. ' Home
of Peca or Pecha,' possibly the same name as Peak, if it mean
a demon or sprite, or Puck. Cf. too Dom. Surrey, Pechingeorde,
' farm of the sons of Peca.'
Pedmore (Stourbridge). A name which has curiously changed.
Dom. Pevemore, c. 1200 Pebbemore, 1340 Pebmore. ' Moor of
Peuf ' or ' Peufa,' both in Onom., or rather fr. Peobba, a dimin.
form of Peof or Peuf. ' Moor 'is O.E. mor.
Peel (I. of Man) and Peele Hall (Tarvin, Cheshire). I. of M.
P. 1399 chart. Pela, 1656 Peel-Town, mentioned with Castle-
PEGSDON 396 PENDENNIS
Town. The Eng. peel is not found till c. 1330, and meant
originally ' a paUsade or fence of stakes/ then ' a castle/ Its
history is rather curious. See Oxf. Diet, s.v. There was for-
merly a moated tower at Peele Hall. But the Manx name of
Peel is Port-na-hinsey, ' port of the island ' (now connected
by a narrow breakwater with the mainland) . It was also called
Holmtown.
Pegsdon (Bedfordsh.). Dom. Pechesdon, ' hill of Peak/ q.v.
Pegswood (Morpeth). Prob. ' wood of Pecge ;' c/. 958 chart. Pecges
ford, on Stour, Stafford, 740 ib. Peginhullis (Wilts), and above.
Pegqlesworth (Dowdeswell) Dom. Peclesurde, is prob. fr. a
man Peohtgils. See -worth, ' farm.'
PELSAMi (Walsall). 994 chart. Peolshale, Dom. Peleshale. a. 1400
Peoleshale. ' Nook, corner of Peola.' Cf. Dom. Surrey, Pele-
f orde, and see -hall.
Peltjtho (Abbey Town, Cumbld.). Prob. G. poll uchdaich, 'pool
by the ascent.' In any case the name is much corrupted.
Pemberton (Wigan). Sic 1323, but 1200-1 Penberton, 1202 Pen-
breton. Perh. hybrid, W. penn bre, ' head of the hill ' (there
is a Pembrey in Wales) + -ton, q.v. But quite possibly fr. a
man, as P ember, though not in Onom., is still a surname.
Pembbidge (Heref ordsh.) . Dom. Penebruge. Prob. hybrid as
above, W. penn, ' head, height,' + bridge.
Pembroke, c. 1180 Gir. Camb. Pembrochia caput maritimae
sonat, 1297 R. Olouc. Penbroc, c. 1350 Pembrok, 1450 Pembroke.
O.W. pen broc, mod W. penfro, head of the sealand.' O.W.
and Bret, bro, O.Ir. brog, country, land (vale).' There is also
Penbro, or -fro, near the Lizard; 1219 Patent B. Eglospenbroc
{eglos, ' church '). Cf. Pentire (Cornwall) and Kintyee (Sc).
Penally (Pembk.). Old Pen Alun, which is perh. O.W. for
' beautiful height/ G. aluinn, ' fair, lovely.'
Penarth (Glamorgan). W. penn arth, 'head of the height,' or
' high headland.' Cf. Lanarth, and Kinnaird (Sc).
Penberry Headland (St. David's). May be hybrid, W. penn,
' head, headland,' and -berry, = -biu-gh, q.v. Of. Turneerry
(Sc). But it prob. is fr. W. beri, ' a kite, a glede.' Penbury
(Gloster.) must be at least half Eng., perh. wholly so.
Pencarrow (Bodmin). Corn, pen caerau, 'height of the forts/
Corn, and W. caer, G. cathair, ' a castle, a fort.'
Pencoyd (Ross, Heref d.). =Pencoed (Glam.), W. for 'head of
the wood,' coed, pi. coydd.
Pendennis (Falmouth). Sic 1567. Corn, pen dinas, 'headland
with the castle.'
PENDLETON 397 PENN
Pendleton (Manchester). Dom. Peniltune. Prob. ' town of
Pendwulf ' or ' Penweald/ both names in Onom. ; older forms
needed. But Pendle {sic 1612) Hill, Clitheroe, is 1344 Penhull,
a tautology, W. jpenn, ' height,' and hull, regular old Midi, for
* hiU.' Pendle Hill is therefore a triple tautology. Cf. Penhull
(Lindridge), sic c. 1300.
Pbndock (Tewkesbury). 877 and Dom. Pene-, Peonedoc, 1275
Penedoch. Prob. W. penn y dych, ' height of the groan or sigh,'
Pensax (Stourport), in the same shire, will also be W., fr. W.
Sais, ' a Saxon, an Englishman.' It is found c. 1400 as Pensax.
-sex.
Pendragon (Westmld.), ' head, height of the dragon,' was a
castle of Wm. Rufus. Oxf. Diet., does not give dragon in Eng.
till c. 1220, and says, fr. Er. dragon, L. draco, -nem. It certainly
was adopted in the Keltic tongues too.
Penenden Heath. Dom. Pinnedenna, c. 1200 Gervase Pin-
nindene. O.W. pinn, penn eiddyn, ' head of the hillslope.'
Penge (Sydenham). 957 chart. ' Se wude ]>e hatte Poenge, 1067
chart. ' Penceat Wood in Battersea Manor '; 1308 chart., ' Penge
in parochia de Badricheseye.' M'Clure thinks this a worn-down
form of Kelt, penceat, ' chief wood ' = Penketh.
Penistone (Sheffield). Dom. Peng-, Pangeston, 1551 Pennystone.
' Town of Panga,' or ' of (nasalized) Poega,' both names in Onom.;
Cf. Pangbouhn and Pendeford (Wolverhampton), a. 1400
Penneford.
Penketh (Warrington). Sic 1292, but 1296 Penket; prob. as in
Penge. Cf. 1166-7 Pipe, Devon, Morchet, prob. O.Kelt, for
' great wood.'
Penkhtill (Stoke-on-T.) . Dom. Pinchetel, a hybrid, 'height,'
W. penn, ' of Cytel or Ketel,' a common O.E. name. But a. 1200
Pencul, which looks like W. penn cut, ' slender height ' or ' head ' ;
while the present form has been influenced by huU, W. Midi,
form of hill. Cf. Penkridge.
Penkridge (Stafford), c. 380 Ant. Itin. Penno Crucis, 958 chart.
Pencric, Dom. Pancriz, 1158 Pipe Peincrig, 1160 ih. Peincriz,
1297 Pen-, Pemcriche, a. 1400 Penk rich. W. penn crych,
' wrinkled, rumpled height.' But M'Clure and Rhys connect
with Cbeech. The R. Penk seems to be a back formation or
contraction fr. Penkridge — a. 1300 ' the river of Pencriz,' a. 1400
'River Penk.' Cf. Pentrich. Duignan's art. is very full;
with Penkridge he classes Penncricket Lane, Oldbury, no old
forms.
Penllyn (Cowbridge). Prob. W. penn llwyn, 'head, height with
the grove.'
Penn ( Wolvermpton) . Dom. Penne. O.E. penn, ' a pen, a fold.'
There is also Pen Mill (Yeovil), prob. Dom. Penne too.
PENNAED 398 PENTNET
PEnnsTAED, E. and W. (Somerset). Spurious chart, of 681 Pengerd.
Corn, pen gerd, ' height with the hedge/ Corn, gerd, gard, G.
garradh, Eng. garth, yard,
Penni-^ Pennegant (N. W. Yorks) . W. penn y gwant, * height of
the butt or mark/ or perh. ' y gwynt ' ' of the wind.' The name
' Pennine Range ' seems to have no ancient history.
Pennington (Lymington and Ulverston). UI. P. Dom. Penne-
getun. This must be fr. O.E. penning, pcenig, or penig, ' a
penny/ ' penny town/ referring to some tax or impost. Cf.
Penny 4 e in Oxf. Diet. Pennyland, ' land valued at Id. a year/
is not given in Diet, till a Gloucr. chart, a. 1300, Penilond.
Pennycomeqitick (old name of Falmouth). Corn, pen comb icJc,
' height of the narrow valley or combe/ though others say, ' y
cum cuig, ' of the valley of the cuckoo.'
Penpont (Altarnon). Dom. Penponte. Corn. = 'at the head of
the bridge.' Cf. Penpont (Sc). We have the dimin. in Pen-
rwNTAN (Knighton, Radnor), which means ' little mill-
dam ' ; but pont, L. pons, -tis, is regular W. and Corn, for
' bridge.'
Penrith. 1166-7 Pipe Penred, 1461 Penreth. W. penn rhydd,
'red, ruddy height'; though some say, 'head of the ford/
W. rhyd, O.W. rit. But what ford ? The Eamont is a good
bit away. Quite possible is an Eng. origin, fr. pen for cattle,
and rith ' stream,' as in Cottered, Ryde, etc., so ' cattle-fold
by the stream.' But against an Eng. origin is the parish of
Penrith, sic 1603, in Pembroke, 1594 Penrythe.
Penbuddock (Penrith). Prob. W. penn rhuddog, ' reddish, russet-
coloured height.' There is also rhodog, ' a little circle.'
Penbyn (Falmouth). Sic 1536. Corn, pen ryn, ' at the head of
the promontory or peninsula,' lit. 'nose.' Cf. Rhynns (Sc).
The three places called Penrhyn in Wales are, of course, of
similar origin, W. penn rhyn.
Penselwood (GilHngham). Nennian Catalogue Pensauelcoit. W.
penn sawell coed. ' Wood of the height like a chimney or smoke-
hole.' Near by are the Pen pits, prob. O.E. Chron. 658 ' ^t
Peonnum,' ib. 1016 Peonnan.
Pensnett (Kingswinf ord) . 1248 Peninak, c. 1300 Penniak, a. 1400
Pensyned, Pensned chace. Clearly W., penn sinach, ' head of
the ridge'; it is on high land. But Pensham, Pershore, is
972 chart. Pedneshamme, ' enclosm-e of Peden.' See -ham.
Pent R. (Essex), and on it Pentlow, or ' hill, mound on the Pent.'
See -low. Bede Penta. Prob. W. pant, ' a hollow, a dingle/
On its lower reaches it is called the Blackwater.
Pentney (Swafifham). 1451 Penteney. Prob. O.E. Pendan i^e,
' Penda's isle/ See -ey.
PENTREATH 399 PETERBOROtTGH
Penteeath (Cornwall). Corn. = ' at the head of the sands or
strand.' (7/. Pentraeth, Menai Br. and Portbeath. Treath
is the G. traigh.
Pentbich or -ridge (Derby and Dorset). De. P. Dom. Pentric;
Do. P. 958 chart. Pencric. Prob. both = Penkeedge.
Pentyre (Padstow) , Corn, pen or pedn tir, ' head, end of the land/
Brythonic form of Kintyrb (Sc).
Penwortham (Preston). Sic 1343, but 1140-9 Penuerthan, 1201-2
Pelwrdham, 1204 Penwrthan, 1242 Penwirtham, 1305 Pen-
wurtham. No likely name in Onom., so this is prob. W. penn
gwrthan, ' at the head of the dell or corrie/ the -an being cor-
rupted, very naturally, on Eng. lips into -am or -ham, q.v.
Penzance. Corn, pen or pedn sans (L. sanctus), ' holy headland.'
Peopleton (Pershore). 972 chart. Piplincgtime, Dom. Piplintiine,
1275 PypHnton. A curious and not easily explained corruption.
Perh. Piplin- is a corrup. of Pippen, one in Onom., the only likely
name on record. But 972 is certainly a patronymic, and points
to an unrecorded Pipel, ' town of the sons of Pipel.' See -ing.
Peppard Common (Henley-on-T.) . Prob. fr. some man not in
Onom. Cf. Dom. Surrey, Pipereberge. We also have Pepper
Ness (Sandwich), which is 1023 chart. Piperneasse, and must
surely be fr. a man too, and not fr. O.E. pipor,peppor, and piper,
'pepper.' Pepper Wood (Bellbroughton) is 1242 Piu-perode,
which is perh. ' wood (O.E. wudu, of which -ode is corrup.) of
Purper or Purperd.' A Robt. Pippard is found here in 1294,
and Pippard may be fr. Purperd, a name otherwise unknown.
Peranzabuloe (Cornwall). Dom. Lanpiran ('church of Piran'),
1536 Vicaria 'jancti Perani in Zabulo, ' of St. P. on the sands,'
L. sahulum or sahulo, ' coarse sand, gravel.' Peran is Bryth.
form of Kieran, founder of Clonmacnoise monastery, famous
It. saint, d. 545. Cf. Perranporth and Perranuthnoe in Corn-
wall, and Peran WELL (Sc.) ; also Peran Towans (New Quay),
temp. Hen. I. Perran Tohod, temp. Hen. III. Pyran Thohon.
See TowAN Hd.
Perry Barb and Hall (Staffs.). Barr P. Dom. Pirio, a. 1200 Piri,
Pirie, Pirye, a. 1300 Pyrie; Hall P. a. 1300 Pyrye. O.E. pirige,
M.E. pirie, ' a pear-tree.' Cf. 1160-1 Pipe Somst., Perretona.
Pershore (Worcester). 972 Perscoran, 1056 O.E. Chron. On
Perscoran, Dom. and 1298 Persore, 1102 Eadmer Perscore.
O.E. persoc ora, gen. -an, ' peach-growing bank or shore.' Cf.
Keynor, Windsor, etc. Shore is prob. Du., and only found
in M.E.
Peterborough. Its old names were Burh = ' burgh,' and Mede-
hamstede. It received its present name, in honour of St. Peter j
fr. K. Edgar. See O.E. Chron. 963.
PETERSHAM 400 PICKWELL
Petersham (Richmond). 727 chart. Piterichesbame, Dom. Patri-
cesham (c/, Batteesea), 1266 Petrichesham. ' Home of
Patricius ' or ' Patrick,' which to this day, in Scotland, is con-
stantly interchanged with Peter.
Petridge (Tunhridge). O.E. Pedan Tirycg, 'Peda's ridge/ Cf.
Petham, Canterbury and Dom. Petelie (Salop). These may be
fr. Peatta. Cf. K.C.D. 949 Peattan ig. There is also a Pedewrde
in Dom. Salop. See next.
Pettaugh (Stowmarket). Dom. Pete-, Pette haga. 'Meadow,
haugh of Piot ' or ' Peott' O.E. Tmlech, halh, which in endings
is usually found in its dat. hale; see -hall. But Dom. 'a form
-haga is very rare, and is O.E. haga, ' fenced-in place, enclosure.'
Pbtworth (Sussex). 1199 Pitteworth. O.E. chart. Peartinga-
wyrth is thought by Birch to be P., but more early forms are
needed. The Pet- may be the same as in Petridge. But it
should be noted that 'pet is regular Kentish for 'pit, O.E. pytt,
O.Fris. pet. So Petham, Canterbury, is prob. ' house beside
the (gravel) pit.'
PEUiiiNioQ (C'marthen). W. = ' land of Paulinus' the well-known
missionary in Bede. (7/. Capel Peulin.
Pevensea. 1049 O.E. Chron. Pefenasaee, later MSS. Peuenesea,
1088 ih. Pefensea, c. 1097 Flor. W. Pevanessa, but Dom. Pevene-
sel, c. 1160 Gest. Steph. Pevenesel. * Island of Pefen,' perh. a
British not an O.E. name. The -ea is O.E. i^, i^e, O.N. ey,
* island'; what -el represents is not so certain. Certainly
-esel cannot represent isle or island. See these words in
Oxf. Diet.
Pewsey (Wilts), a. 1400 Pevesey, = Pttsey, ' Pefi's isle.'
Phepson or Fepston (Himbleton, Worcester) . 956 chart, and Dom.
Eepsetnatun(e), 1108 Fepsintune. 'Town of the dwellers in
Fep,' an unknown name. Cf. ' Petsaetna,' s.v. Peak.
Pickering (E. Yorks). Dom. Pickeringa, Pickeringe. ' Home of
Pichere's sons.' Cf. B.C. 8. 125 Pickeresham ; and Pixham Ferry,
Worcester, 1275 Pykerham, Pykresham. See -ing.
PICKHTT.L (Thirsk). Dom. Picala, -ale. * Nook of Pice' Cf. next,
and see -hall, which is rarely corrupted into -hill.
Pickton (Chester). 1340 Pykton, and Pickworth (Rutland),
K.C.D. 812 Piccingawurth, c. 1460 Pykeworth. ' Town of Pice,'
and ' farm of the descendants of Pice' See -ton and -worth.
Also Picton (Stockton), 1179-80 Piketon, fr. the same name.
Cf. Dom. Pichetorne (Salop), 'Pice's thorn'; also Pickbtjrn
(Brodsworth, Yorks), Dom. Picheburne, 1202 Pikeburn, Pick-
tree, Co. Durham, 1183 Piktre, and Dom. Norfk, Pichenha'.
PiCKWELL (Devon). Exon. Dom. Pedicheswell. As Pedich is not
in Onom., it may be corrup. of Patrick. See Petersham.
PIDDLE R. 401 PIMPERNE
Peddle R. and hamlet (Pershore), and Piddletown (Dorchester).
Pe. P. 963 chart. Pidele, Dom. Pidele, Pidelet, 1275 Pydele
North. Do. P. K.C.D. 522 and 656. Pyedele, Dom. Pydele.
It may be cognate with the Eng. piddle and puddle, but these
appear late in recorded Eng. See Oxf. Diet. There is no W.
sb. like pydel. Duignan thinks it means ' a small stream." Cf.
next, Affpiddle and Tolpiddlb.
PiDDLETRENTHiDE (Dorchester) . A difficult name needing further
light thrown on it. On Piddle see above. The rest is doubtful.
W. tren is ' impetuous/ and the R. Teent in W. is Trin., while
W. hydo is ' sheltering, apt to cover." But all this is groping in
the dark. Possibly -trent- may represent thirteen, O.N. \rettan,
Dan. tretten, Sw. tretton, nasalized; and hide may be the well-
known land measure. See Hyde.
PiDLEY (Huntingdon) . Not in Dom. Perh. ' Peda's mead ; the name
is in Onom. But Pro sle y ( Devon) is 930 chart. Pidersleage, where
Pider is a name hard to identify; in Dom. it has become Pidelige.
PiERSE Bridge (DarHngton). a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Perse brycg.
Perse is not in Onom. ; but it is the Fr. Piers. Cannot be connected
with pierce, which is Fr., and not in Eng. a. 1297.
Pilkington (Prestwich). 1301 Pylkington. A patronymic, which
seems otherwise unknown.
Pill (Bristol) and West Pill (Pembroke). Pe. P. c. 1550 Leland
Pille. Pill in these cases, in E. Cornwall and S.E. Ireland, is a
var. of pool, and generally means ' a tidal creek ' ; also ' a running
stream."
PiLLERTON Hersey (Rincton). Dom. Pilarde-, -dintun (e). 1,176
Pilardintone, 1327 Pylardynton, 'village of Pilheard,' a rare name.
Bilheard is also found. The Herce family held the manor in Nor.
days.
PiLLEY (Lymington and S. Yorks). Yor. P. Dom. Pillei. Prob.
' isle of Pila ' or ' Pilu.' See next, and -ey.
PiLSLEY (Chesterfield). Cf. a. 1100 chart. ' Pilesgate," Melton Mow-
bray. ' Meadow of Pilu or Pilwine.' There is a ' Pileford " in
Dom. Yorks. See -ley.
PiLTON (N. Devon and Shepton Mallet) . Dev. P. c. 1130 Wm.
Malmesb. Piltune. Shep. P. 1233 Pilton. Ped sbS ' a palisade
or fence," is not in Eng. a. 1300; so this is prob. ' Pilu's town."
See above, also Pill. But PiUand is Pelland in Exon. Dom.
-PiMLico (London). So spelt from 1598; first found as a place in
1614. Cf. Pymlyco or Runne Red Cap, 1609, a pamphlet on
London life. See, too, N. and Q., 21 Nov. 1908. It seems to
be a personal name, ' old Ben Pimhco " being referred to in 1598.
PiMPERNE (Blendford). 935 chart. Pimpern welle. A puzzling
name. O.W. pimp, W. pump is ' five," but W. em is ' a pledge " ;
PINCHBECK 402 PITCHCOMBE
O.E. erne is ' house/ but there seems no O.E. name or word Pim/p.
Connexion with pimpernel seems impossible. See Oxf. Did. s.v.
Pinchbeck (Spalding). 810 chart. Pyncebek, Dom. Picebech.
1290 Pyncenbent (? error). O.E. pynce or pinca is ' a point ';
but here it is quite as likely to be name of a man. Cf. Dom.
Norfk, Penkesford, and Pineneys Green; and see -beck,
' brook.'
PiNCHFiELD (Hertford). 796 chart. Pinnelesfeld. ' Field of Pinnel,'
no other known.
PiNHOE (Exeter). 1001 O.E. Chron. Peonnho, a. 1130 Sim. Dur.
Penho. Tautology. Corn, pen, W. pinn, penn, ' a height/
and O.E. hoh. Cf. Hoe. Pindetjp (Gloster), old Pinthrup, may
be similar, with its ending a rare var. of -thorpe, ' village.'
Pinkneys Green (Maidenhead), c. 1160 Gest. Steph. Pinchenei,
1161-2 Pipe Pinchenni, 1298 Pynkeny. ' Isle of Pinca,' gen. -an.
Cf. B.C. 8. 665 Pincan ham, 1160-1 Pipe Pinchinei (Hants), and
Pinchbeck. See -ey.
Pinner (Harrow). Named in 1336 chart. Prob., like Asher,
Beecher, Hasler, etc., O.E. pin-ofr, 'pine-tree bank'; cf.
WooLER. The name of the rivulet Pin here will be a back
formation. Pinley (Warwksh.), a. 1200 Pinelei, is also fr.
O.E. pin ; see -ley. We read in c. 1205 Layamon 4057, ' In Logres
was King Piner ' ; but this can have no connexion here. Pennar
Pike (Yorks) will be W. pinn arth, ' head of the height,' or ' high
headland.' Cf. Penahth and Red Pike. Baddeley derives
PiNNOCK, Hailes, Dom. Pignocsire, later Pinnoc, (prob.) fr.
pinnock sb^, found a. 1250, as name for the hedge-sparrow or
some other bird. The -sire in Dom. is for ' shire.' Exon. Dom.
also has a Pinnoc, prob. Kelt, for ' little hill.'
Pipe (Lichfield, Hereford) and Pipe Gate (Mket. Drayton). Pi. P.
a. 1200 Pype, Pipe, which is O.E. for ' pipe.' The city water
has for long been conveyed by pipe from here. Her. P. is also
Dom. Pipe. Cf. Pipe Hayes (' hedges '), Erdington.
PtPEWELL (Kettering). Sic Dom. and 1160 Pipe Roll. ' Well with
a pipe from it,' O.E. pipe.
Pirbright (Woking). 1300-1400 Pirifrith, Pirifirith, Pirifright,
Purifright. O.E. piriyfyrh'^e, ' pear-tree- wood.' Cf. Paulers-
PURY, PiREHTTiL, Stone, Dom. Pirehel, Pireholle, and Potters-
PURY, also next.
PiRTON (Hitchin, Worcester, and Awre). Wor. P. 766 chart.
Pirigton, Pyrigtun, 972 Pyritune, Dom. Peritune. Aw. P. Dom.
Peritone, 'pear-tree village.' Cf. Perton or Purton (Wolver-
hampton), c. 1060 Pertune, Dom. Pertone.
Pitchcombe (Stroud), 1253 Pychencombe; and Pitcht-ord (Shrews-
bury). 1238 Close R. Pycheford, 1298 Redulphus de Picche-
PLAINANGUAEE 403 POLDHU
forde/ Prob. fr. a man Pice, Pic, oT^Picco. See Onom., and
Cf. Pegswood, The verb pitch, ' to throw/ is not foiind in
Eng. till c. 1205. See -combe, ' valley/
Plain AN GFAEE (Cornwall). 'Plain for theatrical plays/ Plain
is O.Fr., L. planus, but gimre is late Corn., L. varia. Cf. Doe-
CHESTER.
Plaistow (London, Sussex, Selborne). Lo. P. old Plegstow, Se. P.
1271 La Pleystow, now called Plestov. O.E, plegstow, 'play-
place, playground,' Cf. Plestins (Warwksh.), a. 1300 Pleystowe,
Pleistouwe. See Stow.
Plashetts (Northumbld). Dimin. of plash sb^, O.E. plcesc, plesc,
' a marsh, or marshy pool.' Plashet is also an Eng. word, found
from fr. 1575, and given in Oxf. Diet, as fr. O.Fr. plassiet
plaschet, dimin. fr. plascq, ' a damp meadow.'
Pleck (Gloster and Walsall). Gl. P. 1220, Plocke. M.E. (found
c. 1315) plecche, ' a small enclosure or plot of ground,' cognate
with Du. plecke with same meaning; but there is no O.E. ploecca,
as Baddeley thinks.
Plemonstall or Plemstall (Chester). 1340 Plemondstow.
' Plegmund's place.' See Stow. But -stall is O.E. steall, steel,
also ' a place,' then ' a stall.'
Pltjmpton (Penrith, Preston, Yorks, and Lewes). Pr. P. Dam.
Pluntun. Yor. P. Dom. Plontone, 1206 Plumton, 1490 Plompton.
Prob. ' plum-village.' O.E. plume. No name like Pluma
in Onom. For the intrusion of p cf. Bampton, Beompton, etc.
Plumstead (Woolwich and Norwich). Wool, and Nor. P. Dom.
Plumestede; Nor. P. 1450 Plumbsted. O.E. plume-sted, ' plum-
place.' Cf. Plumpteee (Notts), Dom. Pluntre.
Plymouth. Sic 1495, but 1231 Close R. Plimmue, 1234 ib. Plime-
muth, c. 1450 Fortescue, The Plymouthe. Plympton, Dom.
PUntone, c. 1160 Plintona, 1218 PHnton. Plymstock, Dom.
Plemestoch. All on R. Plym. W. plym, L. plumbum, is ' lead '';
but some think the root simply means here ' river.'
Plynlimmon Mountain (Wales). 1603 Oiven Penplymon. W.
Pumlumon; c. 1200 Gir. Camb. Montana de Elenit or Elennith.
Pum llumon seems to be W. for ' five beacons.' O.W. pimp,
W. pum, pump, ' five,' and llumon, ' beacon.' Cf. Ben Lomond
(Sc), G. Laomuinn.
PocKLiNGTON (York). Dom. Poclinton, 14 times, 1202 Pokelinton,
1298 Pokelington. Prob. ' town of Puccla,' gen. -Ian, fr. O.E.
pucel, ' a goblin,' prob. connected with puck, ' a fairy.' Cf.
PucKLECHUECH, and Pockley, E. Riding, Dom. Pochelac (for
this ending, cf. Filey) . Possibly this last is fr. Poha or Pohha,
names in Onom. Cf. 1161-2 Pipe Pocheslea, Northants.
PoLDHU (the Lizard). Corn. = ' black pool.'
POLESWORTH 404 POPPLETON
PoLESWOETH (Tamworth). Old PoUes-, Polsworth, 'farm of PoV
Of. Dom. Bucks, Policote, and K.C.D. 641 Polesleah.
PoLLiNGTON (Wellingboro') . Cf. Grant of a. 675 ' Poddenhale/
Winchester. O.E. Poddantun, ' town of Podda,' in Onom. Cf.
PoDMORE (Eccleshall) Dom. Podemore (' moor '), and Poden
(Wore), 860 cMrt. Poddan-, -denho. See Hoe.
PoLTTREiAJsr (the Lizard) , Corn, pol yrhian, ' pool at the boundary/
or else, 'pool of St. Urian.' Cf. Centurion's Copse. Others
say fr. St. Ruman or Ruan, whose bones were translated to Tavis-
tock Abbey in 960. St. Euan's, Major and Minor, are near.
PoNSONBY (Whitehaven) . ' DweUing of Punzun' in Fr. Ponson, on
record c. 1300, whilst another Punzun is named 1179-80 in Pipe,
Yorks. See -by.
PoNTEFRACT. 8ic 1608, c. 1097 Orderic Fractus Pons, 1120 Bull
Pontefractum, c. 1160 John Hexh. Pontifractus. L. pontefracto,
* broken bridge,' a rare type of Eng. name, prob. referring to the
bridge broken down by Wm. I., 1069. Remains of a Roman
bridge were still visible in Leland's time. Cf. Catterick.
PoNTESBURY (Shrewsbury). Prob. O.E: Chron. 661 Posentesbyrg,
' Burgh, castle of Posente.' See -bury.
PONTRILAS (Hereford). W. pont tri glas, 'bridge over three
streams.' It is so still. Pontfadoc (Chesh.),is for Pont Madoc,
' son of Owain Gwynedd,' who, the natives say, discovered
America ! F is aspirated m.
PoNTYPOOL (Monmouth) . As it stands, W. pont y pwl, ' bridge at the
pool,' but commonly held to be pont ap Howel, ' Powell's bridge.'
Pontypridd (Glamorgan), c. 1540 Leland Pont Rherhesh, W. pont
yr hesg, 'bridge of the rushes.' But renamed pont y pridd, lit.
' bridge of clay/ for pont yr hen dy pridd, ' bridge of the old house
of earth/ erected by Wm. Edwards, 1755.
PooLE. 1234 Close R. La Pole, c. 1450 Fortescue Polle havyn.
O.E. pol. Corn, pol, ' a pool.' But Pool, W. Riding, is Dom.
Pouele, which may be * pool-nook.' See -hall.
Poplar (London), c. 1350 Popler. There is no reason to doubt
Dr. Woodward, writing in 1720, ' Popler or Poplar is so called
from the multitude of poplar-trees (which love a moist soil)
growing there in former times.' The Manor of Poplar belonged
to Sir John de Pulteney, temp. Edw. III., which gives about the
earliest mention of the name of the tree in England (see Oxf.
Diet.), O.Fr. poplier, L. populus.
PopPLETON (York). Dom. Popletune, Popletunis, pi. for P. Upper
■^ and Nether. ' Poplar-tree town,' late O.E. popul, dial, popple.
But Papplewick, Nottingham. Dom. Paplewio, is fr. O.E.
papol, 'pebble.'
POE(T)CHESTER 405 PORTSMOUTH
Por(t)chesteb (Fareham). c. 150 Ptolemy Meyas Aifirjv, the
Rom. Portus Magnus, ' great harbour/ c. 1170 Wace Pore-
cester, c. 1205 Layam. Port-cheestre. L. portus, ' harbour/
and castrum, ' camp/ See Chester, and cf. Portsmouth.
Identification with Cair Peris in Nennius is very doubtful.
PoRcuiL (Falmouth) . Local form Perkil. Corn, porth chil, ' har-
bour on the neck of land/ which it is. Chil is same as G. caol,
' narrow, a strait, a kyle.'
PoRiN GLAND (Norwich). Dom. Porringelanda. Porring is an
otherwise unknown patronymic.
PoRLOCK (Somerset). 1052 O.E. Ckron. Portlocan, 1275 Porlok.
Port-loca is ' enclosed harbour,' loca, ' an enclosure.' Cf.
Matlock.
PoRTHCAWL (Glamorgan). W. porth cawell, ' harbour of the weir ' ;
or ' of the hampers or baskets/ Corn. dial, cawel, cowel, ' a
fish creel,' O.E. cawl, ceawl, ' a basket.' Cf, Calbourne.
PoRTH Gaverne, Isaac, Quest (Padstow). Corn, porth, ' harbour,'
L. portus, ' of the goat,' gavem, ' of the corn,' iz, with its adj.
izick, ' of corn,' and ' white,' gunn.
Porthmear (Cornwall). Corn. = ' great harbour,' Mear is cognate
with Eng. more, L. major, G. mor, as weU as W. mawr.
PoRTiNSCALE (Kcswick). Old Portingscale. Thought to be ' the
harbour or ferry by the hut,' of the viking, O.N. skali, ' a
shieUng, a hut.'
PoRTiSHAM (Dorchester), a. 1250 Owl and Night. Porteshom.
' Home on the harbour.' See above and -ham.
PoRTiSHEAD (Bristol). Pron. Posset. 'Head, headland at the
port or harbour.'
Portland. Sic a. 1130 Sim. Dur.; O.E. Chron. 837 Port, v.r.,
Portlande — i.e., ' land forming a harbour or shelter.'
Port Llaitw (S. Wales) . Thought to be c. 150 Ptolemy Louentinon.
Doubtful.
Portreath (Redruth). Corn, porth treath, ' harbour on the strand
or sands.' Cf. Pentreath.
Portskeweth (Chepstow). 1065 O.E. Chron. Portasciht5, Dom.
Porteschiwet, c. 1130 Lib. Land.. Vorthiscemn, a. 1130 Sim.
Dur. Portascith, Gir. Camb. Itin. Eskewin. Doubtful. Perh.
W. porth yscuit, ' harbour at the shoulder.' But the W. name
is said to be Porthiscoed, ? ysgoad, ' a thrusting aside.' See
M'Clure, p. 300, note.
Portsmouth. O.E. Chron. 501 refers to Port, and to a chief Port
who landed here. c. 1097 Orderic Portesmude, 1203 Portes-
muthe, 1213 Portesmue. Very likely it is simply L. portus,
' harbour,' but we have Portington (Yorks) Dom. Portiton,
POSTWICK 406 PRESTEIGN
-inton, which must be fr. a man Port. In 1160-1 Pipe Hants,
we have Portesdon or Poetsdowij.
PosTWicK (Norwich). 1452APossewyk. Nothing Ukely in Onom.
so prob. O.E. post-wic, ' house, dwelling with the posts/ But,
PosTLiP (Gloster), Dom. Poteslepe, 1175 Postlepa, is prob.
' Potta'a leap/ Cf. Biedlip.
PoTTON (Sandy), a. 1130 Pottona. Possibly ' pot- town/ O.N.
pott-r, ' a pot/ Perh. fr. a man Pohta or Poto, names in Onom.
Cf. 1179-80 Pipe, Potton (Yorks), not in Dom., but there we
have PoTTERTON, Dom.Potertun; this is as early as, or earher
than, any quot. for potter, in Oxf. Diet. Potterspuiiy (Stony
Stratford) is, however, in 1229 simply Estpirie. See Pauler-
spury. PoTTERNE (Wilts) is Dom. Poterne, where erne is cer-
tainly O.E. for ' house.'
PoTJLTON LE Fylde (Preston) and Poulton (Fairford and Birken-
head). Pr. P. Dom. Poltun, O.E. for ' village by the pool.'
Fa. P. 1303 Polton.
PowicK (Worcester). Chart. Poincgwic, Dom. Poiwic, 1275 Poys-
wyke, a. 1300 Poywick. Poincg- i§ clearly a patronymic, fr.
Po or Poha, see -ing ; so this is ' dwelling-place of Poha's descen-
dants.' See -wick.
PowYS (this includes Fhnt, Montgomery, Merioneth), also Powys
Cast. (Welshpool), c. 1200 Gir. Camb. Powisia, Ann. Camb.
828 Poywis, 1297 Powys. W. powys, ' a state of rest.'
PoYNiNGS (Hurstpierpoint, Sussex). Dom. Poninges. A patrony-
mic. Nothing in Onom. Poynton (Stockport) is Dom. Pontone;
so evidently Pon was a man's name.
Praze (Camborne). Corn, pras, L. pratum, ' a meadow.'
Frees (Whitchurch) and Preese (Lytham). Ly. P. Dom. Pres.
W. prys, pres, ' copse, shrubs.' Cf. Dumfries (Sc). Preesall
(Preston) is Dom. Pressouede, where the ending is doubtful;
prob. it is for ' wood,' and so a tautology. Also see -hall.
Prendergast (Haverf ord W.) . Sic 1603 Owen. The name is also
found with same spelling in Berwicksh., 1100 Prenegest, 1451
Prendregest, also Plenderguest ; whilst in Roxburghsh. is Plender-
leith, 1587 Prenderleith. A puzzHng name. The first part
may be for O.W. premier, found in Ir. as prenter, ' a presbyter,
a priest,' and the second may be, W. gest, cest, ' a deep glen
between two hills.' Fris. gaast, ' a morass,' seems also possible.
Prescot. ' The cot or cottage of the priest.' O.E. prepst, O.N.
prest-r.
Presteign (Radnor) and Preston (19 in P.O.). Dom. Yorks,
Bucks, and Salop, Prestone, -tun; ib. Warwk., Prestetone. All
= ' priest's town.' In W. Presteign is Llanandras or ' church
of St. Andrew.'
PRESTWICH 407 PUNSBOENE
Peestwich (Manchester). 1301 Prestwyche. O.E. preost-wic,
' priest's dwelling/ Cf. Peestwick (So.) and Prestwood
(Stourbridge), a. 1200 Prestewude; also Prestbnry (Chelten-
ham), Bede Preosdabyrig, Dom. Presteberie. See -bury.
Pbiokwillow (Ely). Called fr. a willow, used for making pricks
or skewers. Cf. the ' spindle-tree.'
Pbinoe- or Peinsthoepe (Rugby), a. 1300 Prenesthorpe. ' Village
of Preon ' — i.e., ' the pin ' or ' brooch,' Sc. preen. Cf. Preen
(Salop).
Peioes Heys (Tarvin, Cheshire) . An ' extra-parochial Uberty '
of 1,100 acres, with houses. See Oxf, Diet, hay sb^, O.E. hege,
3 heie, 4-7 hey{e), ' a hedge.'
Peivett (Alton). Prob, O.E. Chron. 755 Pryfetes floda. Prob.
a personal name of unknown origin. The shrub privet is not
surely known in Eng. a. 1542, and its etymology is very doubtful.
Can Pryf et be for prefect, L. prcefectus ?
Peudhoe or -HOW (By well, Northumbld). c. 1175 Fantosme Prud-
hame (=ham), a. 1200 Prudchou. Prob. ' Prud's height.'
There is one Prud in 0.nom. in Cornwall, while ' proud ' (O.E.
prut, prud) is not used re things tiU c. 1290. See Hoe.
Puokeeidge (Ware). This is a name of the night- jar. See Oxf.
Diet. But the place-name is prob. ' Pucca's ridge.' Cf. Pouke
Hill and Powke Lane (Staffs.), Puckington (Ilminster) and a
' Pokebrook,' 1274 in Lines. Old forms needed. They may
all come fr. puck or pook, O.E. puca, O.N. puki, ' a sprite, demon,
fairy.' See Oxf. Diet., puck sb.^
PucKLECHUECH (Bristol). 946 O.E. Chron. Puc(e)lan cyrcan,
Dom. Pulcrecerce, Sim. Dur. ann. 946, Puclecirce. O.E. for
' church of the goblin,' pucel, prob. connected with pu^k, ' a
fairy.' Cf. Pocklington and Puckle- or Picklenash (Gloster),
' fairies' ashtree.' Gloster also has a Puckshole.
PuDSEY (Leeds) . Dom. Podechesaie, 1183 Puteaco, 1203 Pudeckshee,
1213 Picteaceo. 'Isle of Podeca' {t=Bodeca, 1 in Onom.).
See -ey. ' Poody-Crofte ' sic 1423 Coventry Leet Bk., seems to
be fr. the same name. It is not in Duignan.
PuLLOXHiLL (Beds), c. 1200 Polochessele. 'Hill of Pohc' This
can hardly be the same name as Pollock (Renfrewsh.), 1158
Pollock, Pullock, though it may. The -ele may be for liale,
' nook'; see -hall; or -sele may be O.E. sele, ' a hall, a house.'
PuNCKNOLL (Dorchester). 'Knoll, hillock of Punt,' 1 in Onom.,
short form of Puntel. Cf. 940 chart. Punteles treow (Dorset).
PuNSBOENE (Hatfield) . Not in Dom., c. 1495 Pamsborow. It must
be fr. the same name as Panshanger, also in Herts, no old forms,
' wooded slope of Pan.' The ending -borne is -bourne, ' brook,'
while -borow is -burgh or -boro', q.v. Puncheston (Letterston,
PUEBECK 408 QUANTOCKS
Pembk.) is 1603 Ov>en Pontchardston, a name not in Onom.; but
Punchard is common in medieval France.
PuRBECK. 1205 Purbice, 1410 Pm^brick. ' Brook of the ram, or
wether lamb/ O.E. pur found only in pur lamb; or 'of the
snipe or bittern/ also O.E. pur. Cf. PueeLeet and Pubton,
and see -beck.
PuKFLEET (Essex). O.E. pur-fleot, ' snipe or bittern creek or inlet.*
Cf. Fleetwood.
PuBLEiGH (Maldon) and Purley (Reading and Surrey). Read. P.
Dom. Porlei, a. 1290 Purle. Ma. P. prob. 998 chart. Purlea.
Thought by Skeat to be, like Pubton, ' pear-tree meadow ' ; but
old forms are against this, and prob. these names are to be
taken as in Puebeck.
PtTBSTON (Pontefract) . Dom. Prestun, and so = Preston. But Pur-
shall, (Bromsgrove) is a. 1300 Pershull, ' hill of Piers/ Cf.
'' Piers Plowman/
PuRTON (Swindon and Berkeley). Sw. P. 796 chart. Perytun,
Puritun, lat&r Pyryton, pear-tree town.' O.E. pirige, ' pear-
tree,' peru, ' a pear.' Cf. Paulerspury.
PusEY (Berks), a. 900 Mlfred's Will Pefesigge, later Peuesige;
1066-87 Chron. Abingdon, Pusie, Dom. Pesei, a. 1290 Pesey.
O.E. Pefes -i^e, ' isle of Pefi,' an unknown man. Cf. Pewsey.
PuTLOE (Standish). a. 1200 Puthleleye, 1274 Potteley; Putney
(London) old Putton -heath; and Puttenham (Guildford). All
fr. the common O.E. name Put(t)a, -an. In the first case -ley
' meadow,' has varied with -loe or -low, ' burial mound.'
Pwllheli. Pron. pool-theUy. W. for ' brine pool.' Cf. Treheli,
' house of brine,' ' salt-house,' in Carnarvon also.
PwLL Crochan (Fishguard), 1377 Porttraghan, Tax. Eccl. Port-
crachan, and Pwll y Crochan (Colwyn Bay). Prob. not ' pool
of the pot ' for drawing water, or ' like a cauldron,' same as
Eng. crock ; but fr. W, clochan, ' a Kttle bell ' ; the liquids I and r
easily interchange. - There is another Pwll Crochan, N. of
Llanrian.
Pytchley (Kettering). Dom. Pihteslea, 'meadow of Piht/ or
' Peoht.' See -lev.
Quad RING (Spalding), a. 1100 Quadaveringge. Seemingly a
jjatronymic; possibly fr. Wadbeorht or Vadipert, or fr. Wad-
iveard, names in Onom. But this is quite uncertain. See -ing.
QuANTOCKS (Somerset) and East Quantoxhead. Chart, attrib.
to 681 Cantuc-uudu ('wood'). Dom. Cantocheheve' (' head,'
O.E. heafod). W. cant uch, 'upper, higher circle.' W. vxih
is same root as Ochils (Sc.) and G. uachdar, ' the top, upper
part,' so common in Sc. place-names as Auchter-.
QUAELTON 409 EABY
QuAELTON (Bolton). 1292 Quelton. Prob. 'town of the qoiarry/
stiU in north dial, quarrel, O.Fr. quarriere. See Oxf. Diet. s.v.
quarrel and quarry sbs.^ We find in 1298 ' Thomas de Querle/
now QuarreU (Kinnaird, Stirlingsh.).
QuAHNFORD (Buxton). 1227 i^uerneford. 'Ford of the quern'
or 'handmiU/ O.E. cweorn, cwym. Of. Quaendon (Derby),
'hill Hke a quern/ Quernhowe (Yorks) and Quoen. How-
ever, Baddeley thinks the Querns (Cirencester) corrup. of
Crundles, sic 1286, see CRTiNDAiiE.
QuAERiNGTON (Coxhoe, Durham), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Queorming-
tun, 1183 Querindune, Queringdona. Seemingly patronymic,
fr. O.E. cweorn, ' a quern, a handmill.'
QuATBRiDGE (Bridgenorth) . 895 O.E. Chron. Cwatbrycge; Dom.
Quatford and Quatone, c. 1097 Orderic Quatfort now Quatford
Castle; c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Quadruge, Quathruge. Some think
fr. 0. W. coit, W. coed, ' a wood,' which is not very Ukely. There
is an obscure quut, ' a pimple, a boil,' found fr. 1579. The
Quat- is quite doubtful. Cf. Quothquhan (Sc).
Qtjedgeley (Gloster). c. 1142 Quedesley, c. 1155 ^uedesleg;
also perh. 1136 Quadresse. Prob. ' mead of (an unrecorded)
Cwed.' Baddeley says, cf. Quither (Tavistock), 1286 .-Quedre;
but it is prob. Kelt. Cf. W. cwthr, ' excretory orifice, anus.'
QuEENBOROUGH (Chatham), c. 1460 Queneborow. Called after
PhiUppa, Queen of Edward III., who d. in 1369. Edward built
a castle here. See -burgh.
Queen's Camel (Cadbury, Somerset). See Camel.
QuEMERFORD (Calne). Thought to be Kelt, cumber, ' cor^uence.'
Cf. the Breton Quimper and Comberbach.
QuiNTON (Birmingham and Gloster). Bi. Q. 840 chart. Cwentune,
1275 Quintone. Gl. Q. 848 chart. Cwentone, Dom. Quenintune.
O.E. cwoen, cwen{n), tun, 'woman's' or ' queep's village.'
This is the same name as Quemington, also in Gloster, Dom.
Quenintone.
QuoiSLEr Mere (Cheshire) . Perh. * meadow of the heifer or
quey,' 6-9 quoy, only in North dial. ; fr. O.N. Icviga, 'a, heifer.'
QuoRN (Loughborough). See Quarnford.
QuY (Cambs). c. 1080 Inquis. Cambs. Coeie, Choeie, Dom. Coeia,
1210 Cueye, 1261 Queye, 1272 Coweye, Cowye, O.E. cu -ege,
* cow island.' Cf. Sheppey, and quey (Sc.) for ' a heifer, ta
young cow,' O.N. kviga, also Dom. Devon, Goie. See -ey.
Raby ^Cheshire and Darlington). Ches. jR. Dpm. Rabie. D^r. R.
a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Eabi, -b^; this might be O.N. for ' dwelling
made with poles or stakes,' rd ; but this last also means ' a roe-
deer.' See -by.
27
EADCLIFFE 410 EAINFOED
EiADCLiFFE (4 at least). Devon R. Exon. Dom. Radcliva. Man-
chester B>. 1343 Radclive, -cliffe. Also Dom. Bucks Radeclive.
'Red cliff/ O.E. read (3 roed) clif. Cf. Ratcliffe-upon-Soar,
Dom. Radeclive. Radbrook (For. of Dean), is 1204 Redebroc.
Radfield (Cambs). c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Radefelde, Radesfeld,
Dom. Radefelle, 1284 Radefeld, 1302 Radfelde. Prob. ' Moeda's
field ' ; though here and in other names in Rad-, as Skeat admits,
an origin fr. O.E. read, 3 reed, 'red/ is always possible. Cf.
1158-9 Pipe Rademora (Staffs). Radholme (Yorks), is Dom.
Radun, an old loc. ' on the roads/ O.E. rod. See -ham with
which -holme often interchanges.
Radford (Wrcstrsh. and Leamington). Wor. R. 1275 Radeford.
Le R. Dom. Redeford, a. 1189 Radeford. Perh. ' red, reddish
ford,' O.E. read, 3 reed, 'red'; but perh., as in Radbourne,
' reedy ford '; O.E. hreod, (h) read, ' a reed.' Also cf. two nuxt.
Radham (Gloster) is 955 chart'. Hreodham.
Radlett (Herts). No old forms. Skeat thinks, O.E. rad (ge) l(Bt,
' road meeting-point/ But Dom. Herts has Radeuuelle, which
is prob. 'well of Rada.' Cf. next; and 1161-2 Pipe Raden
-heoh', ? ' height of Rada,' Bucks and Beds.
Radley (Abingdon), a. 1290 Radeley, c. 1520 Raydeley. Prob.
' red meadow,* as in Radcliffe ; see -ley. But Skeat compares
B.C.8. iii. 85 ' Radeleage ' (Wilts), which he derives fr. Rad<i or
Rceda, a pet form of one of the many names in Rsed-; whilst
Radbourne (Southam.), is 980 chart. Hreodburne or 'reedy
brook.'
Radnor (Wales, and old hamlet near Congleton). Dom. Raddre-
nore (prob. the central r is an error). O.E. raden ora, ' edge of
the road or ride '; prob. in the first case the Rom. road which
ran fr. Wroxeter to Abergavenny and Cserleon. The W. name is
Maesyf ed or -hyf ed, prob. for hyfaidd, ' field of the dauntless one.'
Radstock (Bath). Looks like O.E. rod -stoc, ' place on the road.'
Cf. Stoke. But it may be fr. a man, as in next. Cf. too
Radway, Banbury, Dom. Rad- Rodeweie, which Duignan thinks
' red way,' because the soil here is reddish marl.
Radston (Northants). c. 1275 Radistone; also Rodeston. Prob.
' town of Rada or Rodo,' names in Onom. There is also a
* Radeston,' ? Salop, c. 1205 in Layam. But Radwick (Gloster)
is c. 955 chart. Hreodwica, ' reed-built ' or ' thatched dweUing.'
Rainford and Rainhill (St. Helens). 1189-98 Raineford, 1202
Reineford; 1190 Raynhull, 1246-56 ReynhiU, 1382 Raynhull.
Fr. some man with a name in Rsegen- or Regen-. They are
very common, see Onom. — Regenbeald, Regenhild, etc. Rainors
(Gumbld.) is said to have been formerly pron. Renneray, which
is pure N. See -ay. Raines Brook (Warwksh.), a. 1200 Reynes-
broc, is known to be fr. Rainald, the Dom. tenant of the manor.
RAINHAM 411 RAPES
Rainham (Chatham). 811 Roegingaham. Evidently a patrony-
mic, fr. Rcegen or Regen, a name generally found in one of its
numerous combinations, Regenburh, -frith, -heard, etc. Rainton
Thirsk, Dom. Rainincton 1183 Rayntona, will have a similar
origin; only here it is a patronymic. Dom. also calls it Raininge-
wat, where -wat will be O.E. weed, ' ford.' Cf . Wath.
Raisthobpe (Yorks). Dow. Redrestorp. ' Bether's -plsice.' There
is one Reg^er and one Ratherus in Onom. See -thorpe.
Rake (East Liss), Rake End, and the Rakes (Staffs). O.N. rdk,
' a stripe, streak/ Norw. dial, raak, ' footpath,' found in 14th
cny. Eng. as rake, ' a way, a (rough) path ' ; still dial, and Sc.
Rampton (Cambridge), c. 1080 Inquis. Gamh. Ramtune, Dom.
Rantone, 1210 Ramptone. ' Village of rams,' O.E. ramm.
Cf. FoxTON and Shepton.
Ramsbottom (Manchester). A 'bottom,' O.E. botm, north. E.
bodome, is ' a valley, a fertile valley.' Cf. Boddam (Sc.) and
Stabbottom. As to the Ram- cf. next and Ramsley (Salop),
a. 1100 Hremesleage, Dom. Rameslege, ' Hrcem's or Ram'a lea.'
Ramsbury (Hungerford). c. 988 chart. Hremnesburg, c. 1097
Flor. W. Reamnesbyrig. ' Town of Ramni,' a Saxon name
found also in Ramshorn (Sc.) . The root is O.E. hremn,^ raven.'
Cf. next, and 1179-80 Pipe Rammesberia (Yorks).
Ramsden (Charlbury, Oxfd). O.E. chart. Remnesdiin. 'Hill of
Remni,' see above. Perh. it is c. 1450 Oseney Reg. 134 Ramme
dune. But Ramsden Heath, Billericay, is Dom. Ramesdana,
' Dean, valley of Ramni.' See -den.
Ramsey (Hunts). K.C.D. iv. 300 Hrames ege, Dom. Ramesy,
c. 1097 Flor. W. Ramesia. c. 1130 Eadmer Rammesei, a. 1150
chart. Ramesige. Not orig. ' isle of rams,' O.E. ram{m), but
* isle of Hrcem ' or ' the Raven,' O.E. hrcem, var. of hrcemn,
hrafn, ' raven.' Cf. Hjremmesden, now, says Kemble, Rams-
dean (Hants).
Ramsgate. c. 1540 Ramesgate, ' Road,' O.E. geat, ' of Ram,' a
fairly common name. Cf. 940 chart. Hiremnes geat (Wilts),
B.C. 8. 356 Rames cumb, near Hallow on Severn, and Ramsden.
Ranby (Lincoln and Retford). Both Dom. Randebi, ^Rand's
dwelling.' Cf. Ran worth (Norwich), O.E. chart. Randworth.
See -by and -worth. But all names in Rand-, like these and
Rand WICK (Stroud), 1120 Randwyke (O.E. wic 'dwelling'),
may be fr. O.E. rand, rond, ' brink, bank,' O.N. rond, ' shield
rim, stripe,' Sw. and Dan. rand, ' rim, border,' also in Du., seen
in the famous Rand (Johannesburg). Cf. Dom. Lines, Rande.
Rapes of Sussex. Dom. In Rap de Hastinges. One of six districts
■ into which Sussex is divided. Oxf. Diet, says rape may mean
' land measured by the rope,' O.E. rap, O.N. reip ; but that there
RASKELr 412 EAWDON
is no positive proof. Yet cf. Orderic 678 c, Oinnes carucatas
quas Angli hidas vocant fxmiculo [Randolf Flambard] mensus
est et descripsit. Cf. Rope.
IIaskelf (Easingwold). Dom. Raschel. O.E. m-sceye, * roe-deer's
shelf of rock.'
Rastrick (Brighouse). Dom. Rastric. O.E. rcest hryeg, O.N. rast
hrygg-r, ' rest ' or ' resting ridge.'
Rathmell (Settle) . Dom. Rodemele. * Sand-dune of the rood/
or ' cross/ O.E. rod, with the North, a. A ' mell ' is O.N. mel-r;
see Meole.
Ratley (Banbury). Dom. Rotelei, a. 1200 Rottelei, a. 1300
Rotley. 'Good, excellent meadow/ O.E. rot; or fr. rot, 'a
root, an edible root.' See -ley.
Rattlesdbn (Bury St. E.). 1161-2 Pipe Radleston, c. 1420
Lydgate Ratlysdene. Older forms needed. ' Wooded valley
of.' ? Ecedweald var. Badoald, Rcedwealh var. Batuvalah, or
JRcedwulf var. Eathwulf or Eadulf, all forms in Onom. See
-den and -ton.
Raughton Head (Dalston, Cumbld.). 1189 Rachton. Doubtful;
no Hkely name in Onom., and it is phonetically difficult to derive
fr. rache, O.E. rcecc, 3-6 racch, 4-5 rack, ' a hunting-dog ' ; so
prob. named fr. some unknown man. See -ton.
Ravenglass (S. Cumbld.). Prob. W. yr afon glas, ' the greenish or
bluish river/ afon pron. as in Stratford on Avon. All other
explanations seem to break down. But we have 1189 Pipe
'Ravenewich/ (Cumbld.), dwelling of Haven* or ' Hrafn.'
See next.
Raveningham: (Norwich), a. 1300 Eccleston Ravingham. A
patronymic. Prob. most names in Raven-, like Ravenstone
(Bucks), etc., come fr. a man, as in Hrafnsaust and Hrafnseyri
(Iceland), known to be called fr. a settler. See, too, Ramsbuey,
Ramsey, and Renhold, and cf. 1189 Pipe ' Ravenewich '
(Cumbld.).
Ravensthorpe (Dewsbury and Northmpton). De. R. Dom.
Rag(h)enel -torp. No. R. Grant of 664 Ragenildetorp. ' Village
of Ragenald ' or Begenweald, mod. Reginald. Ragh- has become
Raw- and then Rav-. There is also in N. Yorks a Raventhoep,
Dom. Ravenetorp, fr. a man Raven. See above, and see -thorpe.
Ravenstone (Olney and Ashby de la Z.) . Oki. R. Dom. Raveneston.
The man 'Raven's village'; and .R4.VENSWORTH (Richmond,
Yorks, and Chester-le-rStreet) . Ri. R. Dom. R,aveneswet.
Ch. R., a. IIZO Sim. Dur. Raveneswurthe. The man 'Raven's
farm.' See above and -wof th.
Rawdon (Leeds). Dom. Rodum, -un. 01^ loc. *.at rthe ^roods ' or
' crosses.' But W. and H. derive RAWGLrFF and -eold (Lanes),
fr. O.N. rauQ-r, ' red.'
RAWMARSH 413 REDBRIDGE
Rawmarsh (Rotherham). Dom. Rodemesc {for -mersc), 1206
E/umareis. Prob, ' rough marsh/ O.E. ruw, 3 ru, 3-5 rowe, now
row, var. of rough. Dom.'a Rode- may be an error; or fr. a man
Eoda, 2 in Onom. Marsh is O.E. mersc, mcersc, but -mareis is
rather the now almost obs. marish, O.F. marais, -eis, as in
Beaumahis.
Rawnsley (Hednesford) . Duignan says modern, and prob. named
fr. Rawnpike Oak half a, mile away. See RrvTNGTON Pike.
Rawtenstall (Rossendale) . Sic 1585, but 1465 Rowtanstall.
It was on a ' Rowtan clough/ and so prob. means ' roaring,
noisy, boisterously windy place.' It is Oxf. Dict.'s rout vb'*
fr. O.N. rjota, N. ruta, ' to roar,' in Eng. 3 rute, 4 roiite, rowte.
Cognate with rout vb^, O.N. rauta, Sw. rota, ' to bellow or roar.'
1513 Douglas speaks of ' rowtand Caribdis,' and ' a haly routand
well',' while Carlyle in his Reminiscences speaks of ' a rowting
Brig.' It is possible, however, that the first part is the name
Hrothwine or Rothin, of whom there are 3 in Onom. ; -stall is
O.E. steall, steel, ' place, stable.' Cf. Rowten or Roiiten Cave
(Ingleboro'), and Ratten, older Routand Clough (Thieveley Pike).
Rayleigh (Essex) . Perh. ' meadow on the stream".' Ray or
Rea is a frequent name for ' a small river,' the r corning on by
attraction fr. the preceding O.E. art.— ^' on thoere ea,' ' on the
river.' Cf. Nechells, 1161-2 Pipe Raelega (Devon), and Rye.
But Sir H. Maxwell thinks =- Raelees (Selkirk), O.E. rd-ledh,
'roe meadow.' This is confirmed by Raygill, Craven, Dom.
Roghil. See -gill, ' ravine.'
Reagh (Swaffham,. Cambs). 1279 Reche, a * reach ' or extension
of land, O.E. rcecan, ' to reach.' The earliest quot. for the sb.
in Oxf. Diet, is 1536, Limehowse Reche.
Reading. Pron. Redding. 871 O.E. Chron. Readingas, 1006 ih.
Rsedibgan (late dat. pi.), Dom. Redinges, 1254 chart. Rading.
Patronymic. ' Home of the descendants of Reada,' or the Red,
now found spelt as a surname Reid, or Reade.
Reculver (N. Kent), c. 410 Not. Dign. Regulbi, a. 716 chart.
Raeulf, Bede Racuulfe, Raculph. O.E. Chron. 679, Ra-, Reculf'
811 chart. Reacolvensa ecclesia, 1241 Racolor; also Raculfs
Cestre, where Raculf is imagined to be a man's name. The root
is unknown, but the present form has been influenced by O.E.
culfre, culfer, ' a culver dove or wood-pigeon.'
Redannick (the Lizard). Corn, = ' place of ferns.' Cf. W. rhedyn
. It. raithneach, G. raineach, ' fern.' The -ick is the same ending
as Ir. and G. -ach, ' place of,' or ' abounding in.' Cf. Trelissick,
etc.
Redbridge (Southampton)'. Perh. Bede iv. 16. 'A place called
Hreutford, v.r. Reodf ord ' — i.e., ' ford with reeds ' ; but cf.
RfiTFORD.
REDCAE 414 KEEPHAM
Redoab (WMtby). Not in Dom, 1179-80 Redkier. ' Red rock/
O.E. carr, cognate with or derived fr. Keltic car, ' a rock/ See
Cabr Rocks (Sc).
Redcuffe (Bristol). Dom. Redeclive. O.E. for 'red cliff.' Cf.
Clevelajstd. There is another ' Redeclive ' in Cheshire Dom.
Redditoh. (843 chart, in readan sloe, ' to the red slough ')• 1300
Redediche, 1642 Red ditch, Reddiche, ' red ditch ' ; but Reddish
(Stockport) is 1296-97 Radish, which is quite doubtful. The
vegetable radish is found in O.E. as redic, 3 redich, 5 radish.
Redesdale (Mid-Northumbld.). 1421 Redes-, Rydes-, Ridesdale,
a. 1600 Risdale. On R. Mede, which may be O.E. hreut, hreod, or
read, 4-5 red, ' a reed.'
Redmahley d'Abitot (Newent). 963 chart. Reode maere leage,
and 978 ib. Rydem-, Dom. Redmerleie, Ridmerlege, 1275
Rudmereley, Redmereligh, Rudmareligh. Prob. O.E. hreod mere
imh, ' reedy lake meadow' ; see -ley. But it may be as in RoD-
MABTON. Urse d'Ahitot held lands here under the Bps. of Worces-
ter, in Dom.'B time.
Redmire (Yorks). Dom. Ridemare, Rotmare. Prob. ' reedy lake,'
O.E. hreod, read, ' a reed,' and mere. Mire is O.N. myr-r,
' swamp, bog,' and not found in Eng. a. 1300. Cf. above.
Rednal (Bromsgrove). 730 chart. Wreodan hale, 1275 Wredin-
hale. ' Nook of Wreoda,' not in Onom. See -hall.
Red Pike (Wastwater) . 1322 le Rede Pike. Pike, Oxf. Diet, sb^, is
the North. Eng. name for a pointed or peaked hill or mountain,
and is chiefly foimd in Nthn. Lancashire, Westmorland, Cum-
berland, and the Sc. borders. The earliest case cited is c. 1250
Lane. Charters, ' Ad Winterhold pike.' The furthest S. cases
seem to be Thieveley Pike, Rossendale, Rivington Pike, Mid-
Lanes, and Backden, Haw, and Pinnar Pikes in Yorks. The
range is much the same as the kindred fell, and confirms the
suggested deriv. fr. N. or West N. dial. ^J^A;, ' a pointed mountain,'
piktind, ' a peaked summit.' There is one curiously corrupted
example in Northbld., Wansbeck, which is orig. Wannys pike.
Redeuth (Cornwall). Corn, rhe Druth, 'stream, swift current of
the Druids.'
Red Swire (Nthbld.) . c, 1375 Red Swyre, O.E. swira, ' neck, pass.'
Cf. Manor Sware (Sc).
Reedham (Norfolk), c. 1300 Redhamme, 1424 Redeham, 1460
Redham, ' enclosure,' O.E. hamm, ' among the reeds.' See
Redesdale, and -ham.
Reepham (Lincoln), a. 1100 chart, (dated 664). Refham. Perh.
' home on the rock.' O.N. rif, ' a rock, a reef.' Change fr. / to
p is very rare. It may be fr. Ecefen, a name 3 times in Onom.
REETH 415 RHOSCEOWTHER
Reeth (Richmond, Yorks). Dom. Rie. O.E. nt5, ri^e, ' a stream.'
Of. Rye.
Reigate. 1199 Regat, later Reygate. ' Gate, opening (O.E. geat,
2-6 gat) on the ridge/ O.E. hrycg, 4 reg, 4-5 regge, 5 ryge. Its
pre-Oonquest name was Cherchefelle, ' church-field."
Reighton (Bridlington). Dom. Rictone. Prob. 'town of Rica,'
one in Onom.
Remenham (Henley). Dom. Rameham, a. 1290 Remeham, 1316
Remenham. Prob. ' home of the Raven.' O.E. Arce/w, late O.E.
hrdemn, hremn, here a man's name. C/. Ramsbitby.
Rempstone (Loughboro') . Dom. Repestone, c. 1180 chart. Rempes-
ton, Prob. fr. some unknown man. The nearest in Onom. are
Hramhertus and Hramfridus. Mutschmann prefers Hrafn or
Raven, which is at least possible.
Rendlesham (Suffolk). Bede iii. 22 Rendlaesham, id est Rendili
mansio, 1459 Rendelesham. ' Home of Rendil.' But Rend-
COMB, Cirencester, Dom. Rindcumbe, perh. contains an old
river-name. See -combe.
Rekhold (Bedford). Old Ren-, Ranhale (see -hall); but Ahhey
chart. Ravenshold, ' hold, fort of a man Raven or Hremn.' Cf.
Remenham. A man Rauan or Raven is foimd in Dom. at
Beeston, 6 mis. to S.E.
Rennington (Alnwick), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Reiningtun. 'Town
of the descendants of ? Hranig.' See Onx)m., and -ing.
Repton (Derby). 874 O.E. Chron. Hreopodune. Prob. fr. some
unknown man, ' Hreopa's hill.' Cf. B.C.S. 216 Hroppan broc.
Restormel (Cornwall). Old Lestormel. AU the liquids may
interchange. Com, = ' court of TormeV Cf. Listewdrig, called
after the king who killed St. Gwynear.
Rettobd. Sic 1225, but Dom. Redforde, 'red ford.' Perh. Bede
iv. 16 Hreutford, Hreudford, ' reedy ford.' Cf. Redbridge.
Rettendon (Chelmsford). ? 1298 Johannes de Ratingden. Prob.
' hill, fort, O.E. dun, of Reathun or Rethhun,' in Onom.
Revesby (Boston). 1156 Pipe Reuesbi, c. 1275 Righesbey, 1498
Resbie. ' Dwelling of Rewe,' one in Onom. See -by.
Reynoldston (Glamorgan). Reynold is the common O.E. Regen-
hild or -weald. Cf. Ravensthobpe.
Rhayader (Radnor) . W. rhaiadr Gwy, ' waterfall on the Wye.'
Rhiwlas (Bangor and Herefordsh.). W. rhiw glas, ' green slope.'
Rhos (Denbigh and Pembrksh.). Per. R. now pron. Roose. c.
1190 Oir. Camb. and 1297 Ros, 1603 Rose. W. rhos, Corn, ros,
* a dry meadow, a moor, heath.' Cf. Roose and Ross.
Rhoscrowther (Pembroke). 1324 Restrouthur, Tax^ Eccl. Ros-
truther; also Rustruthur, Ruscrouthur, Rescorthurg, 1594
BHUBDLAIf 416 RICHMOND
Rosgrothor. W. rhos is ' moor/ See above. The second part is
doubtful. The early forms remind of Anstruthee (So.)-, c. 1205
Anestrothir, 1231 Anstrother, fr. G. srathair, ' a cart-saddle/
also ' a swamp, a bog.' The latter sense is found in Eng. dial.
Rhuddlan (Flints and Cardigan). Flint R. 1063 O.E. Chron.
Rudelan. Dom. Roelent. a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Rudelant. W.
rhudd llan, ' red enclosure ' or ' church ' ; or more prob. rhydd y
Uan, * ford by the church.'
Rhyd Orddwy (Rhyl). W. = ' ford of the Ordwi/ or ' Ordo vices,'
a tribe whose name is derived from O.W. ord, ' a hammer/
Cf. DnsroRWiG.
Rhyd-y-Groes (Upton-on-Severn). In Drayton Crossford. W.
= ' ford of the cross,' W. croes. It was the scene of one of
Gruffydd's battles in 1039 ; and it still retains its old name.
Rhytonioq (Denbigh). Ann. Cambr. 816 Roweynauc. Said to
have been given to Ehufawn, son of Cunedda Wledig, for his
gallantry in driving the Picts out of N. Wales. The -iog seems
to be here simply a suffix of place; whilst Bhufawn is thought to
be the W. form of Romanus.
Rhyl. Either W. yr kal or haleg, ' the salt marsh,' or yr hel{a), ' the
himting-ground ' (of Rhuddlan).
RiBBLE R. (Preston), c. 150 Ptolemy Belisama, 'most warlike
.one,' another case of river-worship. The BeU- is of course the
same root as L. helium, ' war.' Ptol.'s river may be the Mersey,
c. 709 Eddi Rippel, Dom. Ribel, a. 1100 Ribbel. The first part
may be W. rhe, ' swift motion or current,' and the second is as
in Beh-sama. The Eng. ripple is onomatopceic and quite
recent. Cf. Ripple.
RiBCHESTER (Prcston). Perh. Not. Dign. Bremetonaci. Dom.
Ribelcastre. ' Camp on the Ribble.' See -Chester.
RiBSTON (Wetherby). Sic 1527, but Dom Ripestan, 1202 Ribbe-
stain, ' Stone of Rihba,' or ' Rippa/ only the latter in Onom.
See -ton. But Ribbesford, Bewdiey, is 1023 chart. Ribbedford,
a. 1100 Ribetforde, where the meaning of the first part is quite
unknown. It may be a man's name.
RiccAL (Selby). Dom. and c. 1097 Flor. W. Richale — i.e., 'nook
of Ricca.' Cf. K.C.D. 713 Rican forda; and see -hall.
RiCHBOROUGH (Thauet). a. 65 Lucan Rutupina litora, c. 100
Juvenal Rutupinus fundus, c. 150 Ptolemy Fovrov-n-iai, Bede,
' The city of Rutubi Portus, by the English corrupted into Repta-
cestir;c. 1550 licland Km. Ratesburgh, 1758 Thorn. Retesburgh.
' Burgh, fort or camp or harbour (portus) of Rutub,' an unknown
man.
Richmond (Yorks and Surrey). Yor. R. {Dom. Hindrelache) .
a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Richmundia, c. 1175 Fantostne Rictemunt,
RICKEESeOTE 417 RINGLAN©
c. 1250 Jf. Paris Richemund. Fr. riche mont, ' rich, fertile hill.'
Named by the Breton Alan, who built a castle here on lands
given him by William I. R. in Surrey was orig. Shene, and was
changed to R. out of compliment to Hen. VII., ' Henry of
Richmond/ his father being Edmund Tudor, Earl of Richmond.
RiCKERSCOTE (Staffd.). Of. Dom. Recordine, Salop (-dine prob.
= wardine, 'farm,' q.v.). 'Cot, cottage of Ricard, Ricred,
Beccaredus, Richere or Ricerus '; all these forms are in Onom.
RiCKiNGHALL (Diss) and Rtcknall (Co. Durham). Dur. R. 1183
Rikenhall. ' Hall ' ' of (the decsendants of) Rica.' Cf. chart.
of 679 Ricingahaam, Essex, and Riccal. See -hall. Ricke-
STON, Pembksh., is 1324 Ricardyston, ' Richard's, town.'
RiCKMANSWORTH (Herts). Dom. Ricemareworde, 1303 Rikemares-
worth, ' Ricmcer's farm.' There is an ' Ikemaneswurda ' in
1167-68 Pipe Devon. See -worth.
RroDLESDEN (W. Riding) and Riddleswoeth (Thetford). Dom.
Redelesden, ' wooded vale ' and ' farm of Roed- or Redwulf.'
Cf. Riddlecombe, Chulmleigh. See -combe, -den, and -worth.
RiDGEWAY or RuDGEWAY (Bristol, Pershore, Staffs, Shefl&eld).
Br. R. 950 chart. Hricweg, Per. and St. R. O.E. chart. Hrycg-,
Ricweg, -weye, 1300 Reggewey. ' Way, road on the ridge,'
O.E. hrycg, 3-6 rugge. The Rom. road fr. Chester to Worcester
is called ' la Rugge,' but all Ridgeways are hot Roman. Cf.
Grant of a. 675 Ruggestrate (-street), Hants.
RroiNG (one of the 3 divisions of Yorks) . In Dom. we have ' Est
Treding and Reding,' Yorks, also ' Nort-trading, West-reding,
and Sudt-reding' of Lincolia, also edit. 1783, p. 375, ' Treding
dicit quod non habet ibi nisi ix acras et dimid.' 1295-96 Rolls
Parlt. West redyng, Est-redyng, North redyng; also ' In Comi-
tatu Ebor.' . . . ' et in supradictis tribus Trithing.' Late O.E.
]>riding or priding, fr. O.N. ]>ri^jung-r, ' third part,' fr. O.E.
\>ridda, O.N. jjnSe, ' third.' There is a Riding Mill, Northbld.,
and a Riding burn, c. 1250 Revedeneburne, ? ' valley of Refa,'
an unrecorded name. See -dean.
RiEVATJLX (Helmsley, Yorks). 1132 Rievalle, 1156 Pipe Rieuall,
1200 Riuille, c. 1246 Ryeualle, 1394 Reival. ' Vale of the R. Rye,'
fr. O.Fr. valle, Fr. val, ' a valley '; -vaulx is an old plur. form.
RiLLiNGTON (York). Sic 1391, but Dom. Redlinton, Renhton.
The name is very corrupt; orig. it may have been ' town of
Hredle/ a name in Onom.
Remington (Clitheroe). Dom. Renitone. More old forms needed,
? fr. a man, Hrani.
RiNGLAND (Norwich), RiNGLEY (Manchester), Ringstead (King's
Lynn), RiNGWAY ('Cheshire), Ringwgod (Hants). They are on
the rivers Wensum, Irwell, Nene, Bollin, and Avon, so none can
KINaMER 418 RISHANGLE'S
be connected with the river in c. 1169 chart. Ad sicam (brook,
syke) Polterkeved quae cadit in Ring/ All prob. come fr. O.E.
wring, O.N. wring-r, ' a ring.' See -ley, -stead, etc. There is
also a RiNGBUBGH (Holderness). Dom. Ringheborg, E-ingeburg,
' burgh, castle of Hring/ contracted form of Hringweald or
-wulf ; whilst Rangeworthy (Gloster), 1303 Ryngeworth, is prob.
fr. a similar name. See -worth, ' farm.'
Rengmer (Lewes) . Saga OlafHar. Uringamara. Said to be corrup.
of Regin-mere, ' lake of Regnum, or Regno,' name of Chichester
in Ant. Itin., c. 380. Cf. above.
Ripley (Leeds, Derby, Woking). Leeds R. Dom. Ripeleia, 1202
Rippeleg; Wo. R. K.C.D. 1361 Rippan leah, 'Meadow of
Rippa. See -ley.
RrpoN. Sic 1386, but c. 709 Eddi Hrypi, Bede In hrypum, c. 1050
O.E. Chron. ann. 769 Ripum, 948 ib. Rypon, Dom. Ripum. Prob.
fr. L. ripa, ' bank '; it is on the bank of the Ure. It can
hardly be fr. O.E. hropan, ' to howl or scream.' The -um and
-on are loc. endings — ' on the banks ' of the Ure.
RrppiNQAiiB (Bourne). 806 chart. Repingale, Dom. Repinghale.
Patronymic ; ' Nook, corner of the Repings,' a name not in
Onom. ; but cf. a. 1100 Hrepingas in S. Lines. For hale, ' nook,'
see -hall.
Ripple (Tewkesbury and Deal). Tew. R. 680 chart. Rippell, later
Ryppel, Dom. Rippel. Skeat thinks this must be a personal
name, because of next; if so, this is very exceptional. Some
think it = Ribble ; anyway, it is on a long stream, trib. of Severn.
The Eng. ripple is quite a recent word. Dom. Kent has only
Ripe.
RrppLESMEBE (Windsor). Dom. Riplesmer(e), 1316 Ripplesmere,
' Lake of ' an unknown man ' Rippel.' Cf. Ripplingham
(E. Riding), Dom. Riplingha', 1179-80 Pipe Ripplingeham
Arches. See -ing.
RiSBY (York and Bury St. E.). Yo. R. Dom. Risbi, ' DweUing
of Risa ' or ' Rhys,' a W. name. Cf Reston (Sc), 1098 Ristun,
next. Long Riston (Yorks), Dom. Ristun, and Princes Risboro'
(Bucks), Dom. Riseberge, Risberg.
RiSELEY (Bedford and Reading). Cf. Dom. Bucks Riseberge, and
Northants Ristone. ' Meadow of Risa.' Cf. above. See -ley.
But Rise (Holderness), Dom. Risun, and Rise Cabb, (Darling-
ton), seem to be fr. rise, ' a hill, rising gro^md.' The vb. is O.E.,
though the sb. is only recorded late. The -un in Risim is a common
loc. in Yorks Dorn. See Cabr, ' rock.'
RishaisTQLes (Thorndon, Suffk.). Dom. Ris angra, late O.E. for
' rush-covered slope,' O.E. rise, M.E. rishe, ' a rush,' and han^ra,
* hill-slope.' Cf. Clayhai^geb. The mod. ending -les shows
how easily the liquid r shdes into I.
RISHTON 419 ROCHESTER
RiSHTON (Blackburn). 'Rush -town/ See above, and c/. 'Rise-
tone ' in Cheshire Dom. ; it may be this same place ; also Rissing-
TON (Gloster), Dom. Risendune, ' rushen down/ See -don, -ing,
and -ton.
RiviNGTON Pike (Mid Lanes). Sic 1588, but a. 1290 Roinpik,
a. 1652 Rivenpike, 1688 Ryven pyke, 1673 Riving Pike. The
meaning seems, ' riven, cloven pike or Peak ' ; though no form
of rive (vb. in Oxf. Dic^.) exactly explains Roin {a. 1290). The
vb. nveis O.N. rifa, found in Eng. a. 1300. Cf. Red Pike, and
Rawnpike Oak (Warwksh.), which Duignan says is dial, for ' a
stag-headed tree,' one with dead branches on its top, also spelt
Ranpike, Rampick.
Robin Hood's Bay (Whitby), c. 1550 LeUnd Robyn Huddes
Bay. The legendary Robin Hood is first found in 1377 Piers
Ploioman, and his name is commemorated in cairns, crosses,
caves, oaks, etc., as far S. as Somerset, and as far N. as this.
RoBOBOUGH (2 in Devon). S. Torrington R. Dom. Raweberge,
also old Rougaburga. Doubtful; either 'burgh of Ruga' (see
Routon), or ' rough burgh or fort ' (see Ro"wington), and cf.
Roughcastle (Falkirk) , and Ro wberro w ( Axbridge) . See -borough .
RoEL or Rowell (Notgrove), Dom. Rawelle, is ' roe-deer's well/
O.E. rah.
RocESTER (Uttoxeter). Dom. Rowecestre, a. 1200 Roffecestre,
' Hrof's ' or ' Ralph's castle,' and so = Rochester. See -cester.
Rochdale. Dom. Recedam (see -ham), 1241-92 Rachedale, 1286
Rached, Must be fr. a man Rached or Reced, which may be
contracted fr. Reccared or Riccared, names in Onom. The d has
become merged in the -dale, hence later confusion with Hroche
or Roche, who give name to Rockbeare, Roxburgh (Sc), etc.
The nouns roach and rock, M.E. roche, are both fr. Fr., and not
found in Eng. a. 1250. The R. Roch on which the town stands
is plainly a back-formation. Cf. Pinner, Yeovtl, etc. See -dale.
Rochester, c. 380 Ant. Itin. Durobrevis; Tabula Peutinger.
perh. earher than Itin., Roribis, 604 chart. Hrofibrevi, Bede
Hrofescsestir, 762 chart. In civitate Hrofi; O.E. Chron. ann. 604
Hrofesceaster, Dom. Rouescestre, c. 1386 Chaucer Rowchestre.
A name that has changed. Durobrevis is said to mean ' fort at
the bridges,' duro being perh, cognate with Eng. ' door,' and
brivo is said to be O.Kelt, for ' bridge.' The Peutinger form is a
scribe's corruption. How Duro- became Hrofi- we cannot tell ; but
already Bede beheved that Hrof, Norm. Fr. Rou, was a man, for-
merly primarius in this town. See -Chester, ' a camp.' There
is a Rochester (Otterb'urn), and a Rochecestre, Dom. Salop,
which might be fr. a Norman Roche, cf. next and Roxburgh
(Sc), but more prob. fr. O.E. roh, M.E. roj, roch, ' rough,' prob,
same as Rugby, in Dom. Rocheberie. Cf. Rocester and
ROWINGTON.
KOCHS'ORD 420 ROLLESTON
RooKPORD (Essex and Tenbury). Ess. R. Dom. Rochesfort.
' Ford' of Boc' Cf. Roxburgh (Sc), and Ruxford (Devon), 930
chart. Hrocesford; also Rokeby (Yorks), Dom. Rochebi.
RocKBEARE (Exeter). Dom. Rochsbere. 'Wood of Roche.' See
above. O.E. beam, ' a wood.' Cf. Beer and the persoinal name
Conybeare, also Roxbtjrgh (Sc.) and Rookwlth (Yorks), Dom.
Rocuid, where the ending also means ' wood.'
RocKCLrFFB (Carlisle). 1595 Rowclif. Possibly mod. corrup. for
' cliff of Eou ' or ' Rolls.' Cf. Rochester, in Chaucer Row-
chestre. As likely fr. O.E. ruh, rug, 4-6 rogh, 5-7 roche (So.),
6 rowch (Sc), 'rough, shaggy.' Rockhampton (Thornbury),
Dom. Rochemtune, later Rokampton, is thought to be ' rooks
Hampton,' O.E. hroc.
Rocking (Kent). 78'5 chart. Hroching. Patronymic. 'Place of
the descendants of Hroche.' Cf. Rockbeare and next.
Rockingham (Uppingham). Dom. and 1160 Pipe Rochingeham,
1135 O.E. Chron. Rogingham, 1482 Rokyngham. ' Home of
the Rockings,' or ' descendants of Roche.' See above, and
-ham.
Rock Savage (Frodsham). A splendid mansion was erected here
by Sir John Savage in 1565.
RoDEN R. (Wroxeter), Rodinq R. (central Essex), and Rodington
(Shrewsbury). Roden is perh. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Rutunio.
R'ton is Dom. Rodintone. There are 2 called Roda, gen. -an, in
Onom., and R'ton might be ' town of Roda,' and Roding a
patronymic . See -ing. This is unlikely for a river, and both rivers
are prob. Keltic; whilst R'ton will be ' village near the Roden.'
The root might be W. rhudden, ' a red streak, a ruby,' fr. rhudd,
rhydd, ' red ' ; or these river names might be connected with
W. rhwtioni, ' to produce dregs ' ; but the origin— like that of
so many river names — ^is quite doubtful. There is a ' Gibbe
Ruydinges ' found in Staffs in 1309, a name which might well
be fr. rhudd or rhydd.
The Essex R. gives name to quite a number of places —
Abbot's Roding, Leaden Roding, White Roding, etc.
RoDBORo' (Stroud), c. 740 chart. Roddenbeorgh, is ' Barrow of
Rodda.' RoDLEY, same shire, is Dom. Rodele, but 1163-64
Radelea, and often, later, Rad- and Rud-; so it may either be
fr. a man Rodda, or ' red lea.' See -ley. Rodmarton (Tet-
bury), Dom. Redmertune, is ' Rcedmijer'a town.' Cf. Red-
MARLEY.
RoLLESTON (Burton-on-T. and 3) . Bur. R. 942 chart. Rothulfeston,
1004 ib. Rolfestun, Dom. Rolvestune. ' Hrothwulf's town.' All
the others may not be the same. R. (Notts) is Dom. Roldestun,
RoUestone, 1346 Roldeston, ' town of Rold,' 2 in Onom.
EOLyENDEN 421 EOSSALL
RoLVENDEN (Ashford, Kent). Perh. ' den or dean or wooded
valley of Roland.' The famous R. is in Eginhard, ' Hruodlandus
Brittanici limitis praefectus.'
Roman Wall, The (R. Tyne). a. 1500 Blach Bk. Hexham Miirus
Romanorum.
Romney Marsh (Kent). 697 chart. Rumin -ing, 1052 O.E. Ghron.
Rumenea, 1228 Rumenal, 1288 Contin. Gervase In niarisco de
Romenal. Rumin or Rumen quite possibly represents Roman,
as this district is so full of qonnexion with Rome. The -ey, q.v.,
means ' island.' But form 697 seems more like a patronymic,
'place of the sons of Ruma' ; and this is the most proh. origin.
RoMANBY (Yorks) is Dom. Romundebi, ' dwelling of Hrothmund '
or ' Rodmund.' See -by.
RoMSEY (Hants). Pron, Riimsey. a, 1142 TTm. Malmesb. Rume-
sium, a. 1160 Gest. Steph. Abbas Rumensis, 1298 Romeseje.
' Isle of Rum.' Cf. Rumholt and Rumney.
RooMFiELD (Todmorden) . 1314 Romesgrene, close by— r4.e., ' Green
of Roma ' or ' Ruma,' one in Onom.
Roos(e) (Hull and Fumess). Both in Dom. Rosse. As Rhos
(Pembroke) is to-day pron. Roose, these are clearly the same
name, W. rhos, ' a moor, heath, marsh.' There is also a Roose
(Portkerry, Glam.).
Rope (Nantwich). This is an old place, and prob. means, * a piece
of land meansured by a rope.' See Rapes and nest.
Ropley (Alresford). 972 chart. Ropleah. O.E. for ' lea, meadow,
measured by a rope.' Cf. Rapes.
Rosemarket (Neyland, Pembk.). 1603 Owen Rosmarken. Rose-
is W. rhos, * a moor,' and the present ending is mod. Cf. Rhos-
market, or Rhos y Farket, Nevern, same shire, old Rosavarken.
The name must surely be the same as Rosemakkee (Fortrose^
Sc), c. 1228 Rosmarkensis Episcopus, 1510 Rosmarky, where
W. J. Watson takes the ending for G. marcnaidh, or .mairc-
nidh, old gen. of marcnach, 'place of horses.' No likely W.
origin seems forthcoming; so this may be a rare Gadhelic
survival.
RosER Castle (Carhsle). 1272 Rosa. Named by its builder,
Bp. Manclerk, c. 1240, fr. the rose, symbol of the Blessed Virgin.
The change of -a to -er denotes a ' Cockney ' pronunciation.
Cf. Ktddebminsteb.
Ross (Hereford). In W. Rhossan ar Wy. W. rhoSj 'a moor, a
heath.' Cf. Rhos. Ros- is common in Corn, names; we have
already Roscarel in Dom. Lord de Ros is fr. Ros, iSolderness,
Sic. a. 1130.
Rossall (Fleetwood). Dom. Rus-hale, 1228 Roshale, -hal, 1265
Rossale. ' Nook, enclosure of the horse,' O.N. hross, O.E. ihors.
See -hall.
ROSSENDALE 422 ROUTE
R0SSENDAI.E (N.E. Lanes). Sic c. 1230, 1294 Roscyndale, 1296
Rosendale. ' Valley of Roschil, or ' Roscytel,' nearest name in
Onom. The liquids I and n interchange without much difficulty.
See -dale.
RossETT (Wrexham), a. 1700 Yr orsidd; besides the village 2 or 3
fields in this district are now called Rossett. The W. name means
' the throne/ or ' high seat/ and must refer to some mound in, or
once in, the field. T. Morgan says it is corrup. of rhosydd, pi. of
rhos, ' a moor.' Rosset (W. Riding) is Dom. Rosert, a name of
doubtful meaning.
RosTHERNE Mere (Altrfucham). Looks like ' roost,' O.E. hrost, ' of
the hern or heron,' O.Fr. hairon, Fr. heron, in Eng. fr. 1302. But
it may also be fr. O.E. hyrne, M.E. heme, ' a nook, a hiding-place.'
Cf. Herne Hill.
RoTHERHAM (Yorks and Surrey). Yo. R. Dom. Rodreha, 1242
Roderham. Some say, ' home on the R. Rother,' Icel. rau^-r,
' red.' Others derive fr. O.E. hrv^er, hry'^er, 3- rother, 5 rodder,
' an ox.' Cf. Rutherford (Sc). But this occurrence of the
name in Sussex makes it prob. that the river-name is a back
formation {cf. Rochdale), and that the name of the town is ' home
of B.ro%here,' a known name. But Ryther (W. Riding), I)<ym.
Ridre, must be O.E. nS ofer, 'brook bank'; cf. Rtde, Wooler,
etc. RoTHERFiELD Greys (Hcnley-on-Thames) is 1237 Rethere-
feld, 1242, Retheresfeld, prob. ' ox's field.'
RoTHERHiTHE (Loudon). 1298 Retherhethe, 1460 Redre, 1660
Pepys Redrifife (a plain corruption). Looks like, not ' red
Hythe ' or ' harbour,' but rather ' ox-harbour ' or ' landing-
place.' See above. But cf. ? a. 1 100 Hugo Candidus In Londone
. . . juxta portum qui vocatur Etheredishythe, ' harbour of
Ethered,' var. of the common O.E. Mthelred.
RoTHWELL (Leeds, Kettering, and Caistor, Lines.). Dom. Leeds
and Ket. RodeweUe, Caist. Rodowelle. Ket. R. 1360 Pijpe
Rothewelle, now pron. Rdwell, while Ruthwell (Dumfries) is
pron. Riwel. ' Well of the rood ' or ' cross,' O.E. rod.
ROTTINGDEAN (Brighton). Old forms needed. Referred to c. 1380.
It may be * rotten,' O.N. rotinn, or 'rotting (Icel. and N. rot, vb.)
valley.' The rotten has as one pretty early sense, ' of ground,
soil, etc., extremely soft . . . friable.' This suits the site. But
perh., as in Rawtenstat.l, ' routing valley ' — i.e., one ' making
a roaring noise, boisterously windy.' See Oxf. Diet. s.v. rout
vb^ and vb^, both of Norse origin. No spelling rotting or rot is
given S.V., but we do find rote, rawt, and raut. See -dean.
RouGHAM (Norfolk). Dom. Ruhham, c. 1280 chart. Rucham.
O.E ruh ham, ' rough, shaggy-looking house/
RouTH (Beverley). Dom. Rute, Rutha. O.N. ru'S, * a clearing in
a wood,' a rare word.
ROUTON 423 RUBERY HILL
RouTON (Norfolk). Sic 1451, but 1477 Rowton; also Rowton
(E. Yorks and Chester). Yo. R. Dom. Rugheton, Rugeton.
All prob. ' town of Ruga/ See Rowneb, and c/. Roborough.
RowiNGTON (Warwick). Dom. Rochintone, a. 1200 Rokintun,
a. 1400 Rouhinton, 1378 Rochinton. Doubtful; Duignan
prefers ' rough town/ O.E. roh. See Rochester and Rugby,
-ing and -ton.
RowLAJSTDS Castle (Havant) and Gill (Newcastle). Rowland or
Roland is the 0. Teut. Bodland or Hruodland, fr. hrodj ' famous.'
Cf. RoLVENDEN. GiU is Icel. gil, ' a gap.' Cf. fish-gill. In
names it means either ' a little bay ' or ' a ravine.' Cf. Auchin
GILL (Sc).
Rowley Water (N. of Hexham), a. 1300 chart. Ruleystal (= O.E.
steel, 'stall, place'). Perh. 'rest-meadow,' O.N. ro, Eng.
c. 1200 ro, 4-5 roo, 4 rou, 5 rowe, ' rest, repose, peace.' There
are other Rowleys. Cf. Dom. Bucks, Rovelai, which suggests
some man's name, ? what, whilst Rowley Regis (Dudley) is
a. 1200 Rohele, Rueley, Roele, a. 1300 Rueleg, which is prob.
' rough lea,' O.E. ruh. See Rugby. It belonged to the King
in Dom., hence Regis, ' of the King.' See -ley.
Rowlston (Yorks). Dom. Roolfestone, Rolvestun. 'Town of
Hrolf.' Cf. Rochester.
RowNER (Gosport). Dom. Ruenore, 1114 O.E. Chron. Rugenor.
O.E. Rugan ora, * shore of Ruga.' Cf. Windsor, etc. Also cf.
B.C.S. 699 Rugan die (' dyke '), ib. ii. 516 Ruwanbeorg (Berks),
ib. i. 545 Ruganbeorg, Dom. Norfk. Ruuenore. But Rownall
(Cheadle) is Dom. Rugehala, a. 1300 Roughenhale, Rowenhale.
These last Duignan thinks oblique cases of O.E. ruh, in its weak
declension, ruwa, -an, ' rough nook.' Cf. Rugby, and see -hall.
Roxby (Doncaster) and Roxton (St. Neot's). Dom. Rozebi, a
spelling which Dom. Yorks also gives to Rousby. Dom. Roche-
stone. Prob. ' dwelling ' and ' town of Boo ' or ' Rocga,' names
in Onom, Cf. Roxburgh (Sc.) and Rockbeare. See -by
and -ton.
RoYSTON (Herts and Barnsley). Her. R. c. 1220 Elect. Hugo Crux
Roies, 1263 Croyrois, 1298 Villa de Cruce Roisia, v.r. Rohesia,
• Rosia; 1428 Roystone. Said to be called fr. a Lady Roysia, or
Roese, about whom nothing is known. A lady called Rohais is
known in 1156, and there is a Roese de Lucy, temp. Hen. II.
Crux is L. and croy is O.Fr., Mod. Fr. croix, ' cross.'
RuAbon (Denbigh) . W. rhiw Mabon, ' slope of Mabon,' M eclipsed
by aspiration. Mabon was a saint who founded a church here.
RuAN Major and Minor (The Lizard). For this saint, see Polur-
BIAN.
Rubery Hill (King's Norton). No old forms. Duignan says O.E.
ruh beorh (M.E. berg), ' rough hill.' But cf. 947 chart. Rugan
RUDDINGTON 424 RUNCTON HOLME
beorh (Wilts), fr. a man Riiga, as in B.C.8. 699 Rugan die.
Cf. RowNER. RuAEDEAN-on-Wye, 1281 Rowardin, later Ruwor-
thyn, exhibits a rare var. of -worthy or -wardine, ' rough farm/
RuDDiNGTON (Nottingham). Dom. Roddintone, Rodintun, 1261
Rotinton, 1287 Rotyngton; also Rodington, Riatyngton. ' Town
of Hroda, Rudda, or Ruta,' all names found in Onom. Cf. Hutton
RTn)(E)BY (Yorks), Dom. Rodebi, 1179-80 Pipe Rudebi (see
Hutton), and Rudeford (Glouc), Dom. Rudeford.
RuDGE (Stroud and Salop). Str. 1179 Rugge, Sal. R. Dom.
Rigge — i.e., ' ridge.' See Ridgeway.
Rtjdston (Birchington). Dom. Rodestan, 1206 Ruddestain, which
is prob. not rood-stone, O.E. rod, but ' stone ' or ' town of Roda '
or ' Rudda.' Two of each so named in Onom. See -ton.
RuEFORD (Ormskirk and Notts). Or. R. 1318 Roughford, 1332
Rughford, which explains itself. No. R. Dom. Rugforde, 1161-
62 Pipe Rucford, 1198 Rocheforde. Thus this cannot be the
same as 1160 Pipe Runfort (Notts and Derby). But it is prob.
the same as Rujfford (Holdemess), Dom. Ruforde, and Rtjeeorth
(York), Dom. Ruford. See -forth.
Rugby. Dom. Rocheberie, a. 1300 Rokeby, a. 1500 Rukby. Very
likely fr. a man, ' dwelling of Roc ' or ' Hroca/ both in Onom. ;
and cf. Roxburgh (Sc), also Rocheord and Rockbeare, in
■ the early forms of which we find a plain gen. But Duignan
prefers here, as in Rowley, Rownall, Rugeley, and Rudge-
WAY, O.E. ruh, hruh, 3 ruhe, 4 roh, 5 rouh, roidh {Oxf. Diet, gives
also many forms in -euch, -och, -uch, but calls them aU Sc), also
4 rug{g), 4-6 rughe, rogh{e), 4-5 rou^, row^, ' rough.' See -by.
Rugeley (Staffs). Dom. Rugelei, a. 1200 Ruggeley, Ruggleg, 1217
Rugeleg. ' Rough lea ' (see above), or, quite possibly, ' meadow
of Riiga ' or ' Rugga' both in Onom. Cf. Rowner and Ryton.
See -ley.
RuiSLiP (Uxbridge). Old Ryselippe. Prob. 'leap of some man;
more old forms needed to tell whom, ? Ruga. Cf. Hindlip.
Rumholt (Norfolk). Sic 1293. O.E. rum Twit, 'roomy, spacious
wood.' Cf. Rumworth (Bolton) . ' Roomy farm,' 1205 Rum-
worth. In either case they may come fr. g, man i?wm. (7/. next.
Onom. gives one Ruma.
RuMNEY (Cardiff), c. 1330 R. Brunne Chron. 35. 'The abbey
of Rumeye,' ? this place. ' Isle of Ruma -gen, -an {cf. Romney),
of ' of Rum.' Cf. Rumburgh, Halesworth, and above. See -ey.
Runcorn. 913 O.E. Chron. Rumcofan, v.r. Romicofan, a. 1200
chart. Runcofa, 1377 Runnkorn. O.E. rum cofa^ gen. -an,
' roomy, spacious cave or chamber.'
Runcton Holme (Downham). Dom. Runghetuna. *Towi;i of
Runca,' or some such unrecorded name. +See JIolme,
RUNHALL 425 RUTLAND
RuNHALL (Attleborough). Dom. Runhala. Cf. Dom. Bucks Ruen-
hale, which, on analogy of Rowner, Dom. Ruenore, will be
' Euga'a nook ' or ' corner/ See -hall.
RuNHAM (Yarmouth) . 1285 Runham, 1475 Runnham ; and Rtinton
(Sheringham), c. 1460 Runeton. Prob. both fr. a man Run or
Runa, not in Onom. Not likely fr. O.E. run, 1-4 run, ' a rune,
counsel, speech.' Of. Dom. and 1179 Runtune, now Rounton
(Yorks), 1160-61 Pipe Notts and Derby, Runfort, and above.
See -ham and -ton.
RuNNYMEDE (R. Thames), c. 1220 Elect. Hugo Runemad. ' Mead,
meadow (O.E. mcBd, mcedu) of rune ' — i.e., counsel or speech.
Here Magna Charta was signed in 1215.
RuscoMBE (Twyford and Cainscross). Tw, R. c. 1520 Ruscombe;
also Roscombe, Ruscamp. ' Rush valley.' See -combe and
next; also cf. 1202 ' Risewich '= Ruswick (Bedale).
RusHALL (Pewsey, Scole, Nfk., and Walsall). Pe. R. (or another)
967 chart. Rischale, 972 ib. Hrischeale, Wa. R. Dom. Rischale,
a. 1200 Ruissale, Rushale. ' Rushy nook.' O.E. hrise, risc{e),
4-7 rish, 6-rush, ' a rush.' See -hall. The Rushtons will be
similar, Dom. Stafis Riseton, also Ruswick (Yorks), Dom.
Risewic (see -wick) ; but Ruston Paeva (N. Yorks), is in Dom.
not only Roxtun but five times Roreston, which looks as if fr.
an unknown man Rora, ? G. and Ir. Ruairidh or Rory, Liquid
r when medial readily disappears.
RusHOCK (Droitwich). Dom. Russococ (mid. o an error), a. 1300
Rushoke. The ending is doubtful, ? cock, ' a heap,' N. koTc,
not in Oxf. Diet, till 1398, but we have 1086 Dom. Yorks Lacoc,
now Laycock, ' low heap.' On rush- see Rtjshall. Rushock
(Herefd.) is Dom. Ruiscop, fr. O.E. cop{jp), ' top, summit,
covered with rushes.'
RusHOLME (Manchester) . ' Rushy meadow by the river.' O.E.
holm, Icel. holm-r has this meaning. Cf. Holm (Sc).
RuswAEP (Wbitby). Pron. Riissarp. Not in Dom. Prob,
' rushy heap,' fr. O.E. geweorp, ' that which is cast or thrown up.'
hence ' a heap,' same root as in ' warp and woof.' Cf. Salwabpe.
For the Rus- see Rushall. But a man Rust{a) is seen in
Rtjstington (Worthing) and Rustall (Tunbridge Wells). Cf.
Dom. Wilts Rusteselle, ' Rusta's nook.' See -hall.
Ruthin (Denbigh). 1399 Writ Ruthyn. Looks like W. rhudden,
* a red streak, a ruby/ fr. rhudd, ' red.' The prevailing soil here
is red.
Rutland. As a shire later than Dom., where it is Roteland, 1156
Pipe Rotelanda, 1298 Close R. ' Vic. Northampt., Vic. Rotel.'
c. 1500 Rutland. Prob. ' land full of roots,' O.N. and late O.E.
rot, 3-6 rote, 4 rotte, 6 rott, 9 rut, ' a root,' though often derived
fr. Icel. rau^r, ' red.'
28
BUTTON 426 RTTON
RtTYTON - Eleven - Towns (Shrewsbury). Dom. Rutune. Perh.
' town of Ruta/ 3 in Onom. But it is quite possibly Rutunium,
c. 380 in Ant. Itin. There are Rom. remains here. As for
' the eleven towns/ there are still five townships in the parish.
Also cf. Rotsea (Driffield), Dom. Rotesse, and Ryton.
Rydal (Windermere) and Rydal Beck. ' Rye-dale/ O.E. ry^e,
4-6 ry. Cf. 1179-80 Pipe Ridala (Yorks). For beck, ' a brook/
see Beckermet.
Ryde. 1377 La Rye, La Riche; it was then destroyed by the
French. Riche would be reach sb., ' a bay/ ' the portion of a
channel between two bends.' But La Riche is certainly an
error for Rithe, c for t being a very common error in old MSS.,
they are so alike. Cf. Shottery. Rithe is O.E. rith{e), Firs.
ryd, ride, in Eng. 8-9 ride ; also in Sussex and I. of W. dialect
rithe, rythe, ' a small stream, a brook.' W. rhyd, ' ford/ is
phonetically inadmissible; it would never yield the mod. pron.
Ryde any more than Riche; and there is no ford here. Cf.
Shepreth (Cambs) in Dom. Escepride, Reeth, and Rye.
Rye (Kent) (c. 1060 Ria, 1230 Rya, later la Rie) and Rye R. (Yorks)
(1132 Rie, 1200 Ri, 1394 Rei, forms taken from Rievatjlx).
Not fr. rye, see Rydal. The same as Ryde, fr. O.E. rithe,
' a small stream '; not cognate with ree sb., 'a stream, channel,
river ' (not found till 1422), which Oxf. Diet, thinks may be O.E.
6a, ' stream,' with r fr. the fem. art. as in ' on thsere ea '; but
cognate, prob. with Flem. reie, rui, N.Fris. ride, rie, ' stream-
let, rill.' Cf. Reeth and Hythe; also Ryther (W. Riding),
Dom. Rie, and Peckham Rye.
Ryhall (Stamford). 963 O.E. Chron. Rihala, a. 1100 chart. Rihale,
1528 Ryall. ' Nook, enclosure with the rye,' O.E. ry^e. Cf.
Rydal. Ryttht. (Wragby, Yorks), Dom. RiheUa, is exactly the
same name. See -hall. But Ryall (Worcsr.) is 1275 Ruhale,
and may either be the same, or fr. O.E. ruh, ' rough.'
Ryhope (Wearmouth) . a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Reofhoppas, 1183
Boldon Bh. Refhope, 1197 Riefhope. Perh. ' hope ' — i.e., 'piece
of enclosed land/ with a roof to part of it ' — O.E. hrof, 1-5 rof, Sc.
rif, ' a roof ' ; and see -hope. Reef, ' a rock,' is not in Eng. till
1584. But the phonetics of the first half are very unsatis-
factory with the present evidence. It may represent a con-
tracted form of some man's name in Reef-, Rcefmcer, Rcefwine,
or the like. But Boldon Bh. also has the v.r. Resehoppe and
Roshepp, which only makes confusion worse confounded.
Ryton (Co. Durham, and 2 in Warwk.). War. R. Dom. Rietone,
a. 1300 Ruyton, Rugintune, Rutune; Dur. R. 1183 Ritona. As
with Rugeley, ' Ruga's town,' or ' rough town ' ; but this last
does not sound a prob. name. In 1183 Ritona the i is sounded
as y.
SACOMBE 427 ST. DAVID'S
Sacombe (Herts). Dom. Sueuecamp, -champ, Seuechampe. An
interesting name and change. ' Camp or field/ Fr. champs ' of
Swcef/ a name in Onom. ; ov, says Skeat, ' of the Suevi,' a tribe
of N.E. Germany.
Sapfron Walden. ' Wooded region in which saffron (Fr. safran)
grew.' Walden is a derivative of O.E. weald, ' forest.' Cf.
1577 Harrison England, ' Their saffron is not so fine as that of
Cambridgeshire and about Walden.'
Saighton (Chester). Perh. Dom. Salitone. 'Willow' or ' saugh
town/ O.E. salh, north, dial, saugh, ' a willow.' Cf. Sauchie and
Sattghton (Sc).
Satntbury (Honeybom-ne) . Dom. Svineberie, Hund. R. Seyn-
burie, 1345 Seynesbury. Nothing to do with a saint, but,
' town of Svein ' or ' Swegen,' a Dan. name, common in old
England, now Swayne. See -bury.
St. Albai^'s. Dom. de Sco Albano,c. 1114 O.E. Chron. St. Albane-
stow (= place), 1148 chart. Apud Sanctum Albanum. The
Roman Verulamium. Alhan, England's protomartyr, was
beheaded here, c. 303, and an abbey was built in his honour,
c. 796. Cf. Vertilam.
St. Anthony-est-Meneage and St. Aiithony's Head (Falmouth).
Churches were built at both these places by Normans soon after
the Conquest in honour of the famous St. Anthony, Egyptian
hermit, in the time of Athanasius.
St. Asaph. 1373 ' Evesque de Saint Assaphe.' A bishopric, it
is said, was founded here by St. Kentigern, c. 560, in honour of
Asaph, his favourite disciple. The W. name is Llanelwy,
' church on R. Elwy.'
St. Austell's (Cornwall). Local pron. St. Ossles. The saint was
a disciple of Sampson of Dol, Brittany. Austell is var. of
Osweald or Oswald. Cf. Nostell.
St. Breoch (Cornwall). He was a disciple of St. German of
Auxerre, c. 500. Cf. St. Brieux (Brittany).
St. Briavels (Glouc). 1131 Pipe St. Briavellus. Prob. fr. St.
Eberulphus, c. 600, who also gives name to the Norm. Evroult.
St. Bride Bay (Pembroke). 1603 Bridbay. ' Bay of St. ^n^at^a,'
the famous Bridget of Kildare, a.d. 453-523.
St. Burlan or Bury an (Penzance). Buriena was the pretty
daughter of Aengus, K. of Munster, in time of St. Patrick. Said
to have lived here in 6th cny.
St. David's. Dewi or David was first Bjj. of Menevia (St. David's),
grandson of Ceredig, d. 601. The W. name is Ty Ddem, * house
of David.' Owen, 1603, calls it Mjoiyw.
ST. ERTH 428 ST. MA WES
St. Erth (Hayle, Cornwall). 1536 Ergh. St. Ere was one of the
earliest saints to come over fr. Ireland, c. 500. He was a dis-
ciple of Brendan and father of St. Enny.
St. Fagan's (Cardiff). He was reputed a missionary sent by Pope
Eleutherus to Britain late in the 2nd cny., on the urgent invita-
tion of Lleurwg.
St. German's (Cornwall and King's Lynn). Dom. Devon Germani
S'. He was Bp. of Auxerre, France, and is said to have come
to Britain in 429. Cf. Llanarmon and Week.
St. Gowan's Head (Pembroke). 1603 St. Govens pointe. St.
Cofen, Govein, or Goven, was an early W. saint, wife of Tewdrig
and mother of Mewrig, Kings of S. Wales. We find her name
also in Llangovan (Mon.), and St. Goven's chapel (Pembk.).
St. Helier (Jersey). Named fr. St. Helerius or Hilary, one of the
earliest Breton monk missionaries, who settled in Jersey.
St. Herbert's Isle (Derwentwater) . Bede tells of a presbyter
Herebeorht or Heriberct, who lived here as a hermit.
St. Ishmael's (MiHord Haven), a. 1200 Gir. Camb. Apud Sanctum
Hysmaelem, Sancto Ysmaele, 1603 Owen St. Ismells. This
saint was prob. nephew of St. Teilo; certainly he had nothing
to do with the son of Abraham. In Lib. Land, the name is
Lanyssan, where Yssan is derived fr. Ysfcel. In Tax. Eccl. it
is Ecclesia Sancti Wynnoci, ' church of St. Winnoc ' or Wymocus
or Winelle, as in the 2 Trewinnows (Cornwl.). There are also
in this shire two St. Issell's, that at Tenby in W. Llan Usyllt
or Hussillt, ' church of St. Ussille ' or ' Usyllt,' same name as
Yseult or Isolde of the medieval romances. This one is a man,
father of St. Teilo. See Llandeilo, and cf. Llandyssul.
St. Ive (pron. Eve, Liskeard), St. Ive's (Cornwall and Hunts).
Hun. C. c. 1200 Gervase Seint Ive. Some derive the Corn,
names fr. St. la, an Irish virgin and princess, martyred at Hayle
a.d. 450. Others derive all fr. Ivo or Tvo, a Persian bp. said
to have come over fr. Ireland, and to have d. at Hunts St. I.,
c. 590. They are prob. all too old to be derived fr. Yves, Bp. of
Chartres, in the time of our Henry I.
St. Just (Falmouth and Land's End) . He was deacon of St. Patrick
and tutor of St. Kieran, c. 430. On the meaning of St. Just
' in Penwith ' see Land's End. There are 45 saints called Justus
or Just in Diet. Christ. Biogr.
St. Martin le Grand (London). 1285 Stat. London ' Seint Mar-
tyn le Graunt.' This is the great Martin, Abbot of Tours,
c. 350.
St. Mawes (Falmouth). An Irish saint, who perh. came with
Ruan. See Polurrian.
ST. MICHAEL'S 429 SALT
St. Michael's Mount (Penzance), a. 1066 chart. Sanctum Mi-
chaelum qui juxta mare, 1474 The Mounte. Called after Michcel
the archangel. Cf. Mont St. Michel (Normandy), right opposite,
c. 1205 Layam. Mihseles munte.
St. Neot (Liskeard) and St. Neot's (Hunts). Hun. St. N. 1132
O.E. Chron. ' Prior of St. Neod,' 1161-62 Pipe de sancto Neoto.
He was the eldest brother of Mliied the Great. His relics were
translated from Cornwall to Hunts, and a Benedictine monastery
founded for them in 974.
St. Osyth (Clacton-on-Sea) . 14 . . . Sailing Directns Seint Hosies.
This is prob. Hosius, Bp. of Cordova, famous adviser of Em-
peror Constantine, and prominent figure in the Council of Nicsea,
A.D. 325.
St. Pangeas (London). Dom. Pancratius S'. Pancratius, a
Roman boy of fourteen, was one of Diocletian's martyrs, Bede
iii. 29. Cf. Week St. Pancres.
St. Peter Port (Guernsey). 1286 Close R. St. Peter in Portu
('harbour').
Salcombe (Glouc. and Devon). Gl. S. 1121 Salcumbe, De. S. O.E.
chart. Sealtcimib — i.e., ' salt valley ' ; but O.E. sealh, M.E. salwe,
' willow ' is possible in the first case. See -combe.
Sale (Manchester). Prob. Dom. Salhale — i.e., 'nook among
the willows,' O.E. salh. Cf. Salton, and Saul (Stonehouse),
c. 1120 Salle, prob. ' willow lea.' See -hall.
Saltord (Manchester). Sic in Dom. 1588 Sallford. ' Ford at the
willows.' See above. Cf. Welford. But there are also
Salford (Beds) (old forms needed), and 3 in Warwk., of which
Salford Abbots and Priors (Evesham) are 714 chart. Saltford
(Major et Minor) , Dom. Salford, a. 1300 Saltford, Salford, Sauf ord,
' salt ford,' fr. an ancient salt spring once near the ford on the
Axrow there. Then Salford or Safford Br. on Tame is a. 1300
Scraford, Schrafford Brugge, plainly fr. O.E. scrcef, ' a cave.'
Cf. Shrawardine.
Salisbury and Salisbury Plain. O.E. Chron. 552 Searobyrig,
ih. 1086 Searebyrig, Dom. Sarisberie, c. 1110 Orderic Salesburia,
1232 Sarresbere, 1294 Saresbury, 1297 R. Glouc. The plein of
Salesbuary. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Sorbiodoni (=-dunum) is old
Saresbury. M'Clure conjectures that Sorbio may be Ir. soirb,
' easy ' and perh. earlier, ' level.' But the Saxons prob. thought
Searo or Sar was a forgotten man, and the liquid r easily becomes
I. Cf. Saredon (Warwksh.), Dom. Sardone, Seresdone, a. 1300
Saredune. In Nennius S. is called Cair Caratauc. See -bury.
Salop. See Shrewsbury.
Salt (Stafford). 1004 will Halen, Dom. Selte, a. 1300 Saut (the
Sc. and local pron. to-day). O.W. halen, O.E. sealt, 'salt.'
There were saltworks two miles away; ? any nearer.
SALTASH 430 SANCTON
Saltash (Plymouth). 1279 Esshe — i.e., ' ash-tree.' Cf. Ash. But
it is difficult to see the relevance of the Salt-. Prob. it is a man's
name, as prob. in Saltney. Salt is still an Eng. surname.
There is a Sajlt Box (Ebbworth) where perh. Glastonbury
Abbey kept a store of salt.
Salterford (Notts), Salterporth (Colne), Saiterhebble
(Halifax), Saltersford (Worcestersh.), and Salters Br.
(Alrewas). No. S. Dom. Saltreford. Al. S. a. 1400 Salte-,
Salterbrugge. Cf. c. 1200 chart. Whalley Saltergat, 963 chart.
Sealter ford. O.E. sealtere, ' a salt-dealer or carrier, a (dry)
Salter ' ; this part of Staffs is quite a salt district. On
-forth see -ford. -Hebble seems to be var. of Abele, ' the aspen
tree,' found c. 1440 Prom/p. Parv. as ' Awbel or ebelle tree,' v.r.
' ebeltre ' ; whilst 1830 Forby, East Anglian Glossary, gives
' Ebble, the asp tree.'
Saltfleetby (Louth). 1229 Close B. Saltfleteby. 'Dwelling by
the salt river.' See Fleet and -by.
SaIiTNEY (Chester). Cf. 810 chart. Salteney (Lines), which prob.
means ' isle of a man Salt.' Cf. Saltash and -ey, Salton
(York), Dom. Saleton, is prob. ' willow town.' Cf. Sale and
Salwarpe. But Saltmarsh (Yorks), Dom. Saltemerse, is, of
course, as it says.
Salwarpe R. and Village (Worcester). 770 chart. Saluuerp, later
Salewearpe, Dom. Salewarpe, which looks like O.E. salh-gewearp,
' willow-heap.' Cf. Saleord and Ruswahp. Salt fr. the
earliest times always has a t, and so cannot be admitted here.
Cf., too, Saltley (Birmingham), a. 1300 Salughtley, Salegl',
I Salutely, Salua alias Salegh, plainly fr. O.E. salh, sealh, M.E.
salugh, salwe, ' the willow or saugh.' Similar is Sal wick
(Preston), Dom. Saleuuic. See -wick.
Sambournb (Alcester) and Sambrook (Newport, Salop). 714
Sambume (recent copy of O.E. chart.), Dom. Sandburne, 1327
Sombourne. These both must be 'sandy brook,' O.E. sand;
m and n often interchange. Cf. Bampton, etc. ; and see -bourne.
Sampford (6 in P.O., Devon and Somerset). Cf. 1157 Pipe Sam-
ford ( ? Norfolk) and 1158 Samf ort ( ? Staffs) . Doubtful. Nothing
likely in Onom. Sam- in O.E. and M.E. is a common prefix for
'half '= semi. But 'half ford' does not seem a very prob.
origin, so these too are prob. for ' sandy ford.' See above.
Letter ^ is a very common intrusion, as in Hampton, etc.
Sampson (Scilly). Called after St. S., the Bp. of Dol, Brittany,
b. in Glamorgan in 5th cny., and earlier Abbot of St. Peirio's,
Llantwit. Also commemorated in Guernsey.
Sancton (Yorks). Dom. Santune, 1202 Santona. ' Saint's town.'
* Saint ' is found in Eng. as early as c. 1175 seiyit, L. sanctus,
O.Fr. saint, seint, Eng. 3-5 sant, 4 san, 4-8 sanat, ' holy.' Cf.
Santon and Bishop's Burton, orig. Sanctuary Burton.
SANDAL 431 SAPCOTE
Sandal (Wakefield). Dom. Sandala, -alia, -ale, 'sandy nook/
See -hall.
Sand bach: (Cheshire). Dom. San bee. 'Sandy beck or brook.'
O.E. sand. See Comberbach. Sandgate (Sandbridge, Kent)
is 862 chart, scenget hryc, ' sandy road ridge/ O.E; geat, ' a
way.' Saundby (Notts) is Dom. Sandebi. See -by.
Sandhurst (Glouc, Berks, and Kent). Glo. S. Dom. Sanher,
1167-68 Pipe Sandherst. Ken. S. O.E. chart. Sandhyrst. Cf.
858 chart. Ilia sylva sandhyrst nominatur. ' Sandy, woody
region,' ' forest with sandy bottom.'
Sandleford Priory (S. Berks), a. 1190 Pipe Sandlesford, 1291
Sandellord. ' Ford of a man Sandle,' in O.E. Sandwulf, Sandolf.
Sandon (Chelmsford, Royston, and Stone) and Sandown (I. of W.)
Sto. S. Dom. Sandon, Scandone (error) ; a. 1200 Sandone. O.E.
sand dun, ' sand hill.'
Sandringham (King's Lynn). Dom. Santdersincham. Curious
corruption. This is ' holy Dersingham,' as compared with the
next parish, Dersingham. Fr. saint, L. san^tus, ' holy.'
Sandwich. 993 O.E. Chron. Sandwlc, c. 1300 Becket Sandwych.
' House, dwelling, O.E. wic, among the sand.' But quite possibly
the name is N. sand-vih, ' sandy bay,' as in Sandwick (E. Ross).
Saints Bay, Guernsey. 1309 Saynte, may be a corrup. of this
last. See -wich.
Sandy. Dom. Sande, also in Hants. ' Sandy isle.' See -ay.
Sanford (Glouc.) (1230 Sam-, later Saunforde) and Santord Bret
(Somerset). ' Sandy ford.' Cf. B.C.S. i. 490 Sandforda— t.c,
Sandford (Berks). In Scotland and Ireland we have the name
as Sandyford. Cf. Dom. Salop Sanf ord. The family of Bret or
Brito — i.e., * the Breton ' — ^is very old. Richard le Bret was one
of Beckett's murderers.
Santon Bridge (Cumberland). Cf. Dom. 'Santune' (Cheshire).
833 chirt. Sandtim is Sampton (West Hythe), where, for change
of n to mp, cf. Bampton. The meaning of Santon may either
be ' sand-town,' ' village on the sand,' as above ; or ' saint's
town,' as in Sancton. Kirk Santon (N. Lanes) is Dom. San-
tacherche, ' holy church.'' Cf. Saintbridge (Glouc), 1245 Spnde-
brugge, later Send-, Senbridge, which must have come orig. fr.
O.E. sand, sond, ' sand ' ; sond is found as late as 1512.
Sapcote (Hinckley), perh. like Sapey Pritchard (Bromyard), 781
chart, set Sapian, Dom. Sapie, fr. O.E. scepige, ' fir, spruce fir ';
-cote is ' cot, cottage.' Cf. c. 1130 Wm Malmesh. Sap wic, ? N.
Devon. All of them may be fr. an unknown man Sap or the
like. Salperton and Sapperton (Glouc), the former 969
Saper(e)tune, Dom. Salpretune, the latter Dom. Sapletorne, 1221
Sapertone, are both, doubtfully, derived fr. O.E. seep, ' sap,'
and so perh. ' sapling pear enclosure.' Cf. Perry.
SARK 432 SCAGaLETHORPE
Sark (Channel Islands). 1218 Patent R. Serk and 1219 Serck.
Perh. fr. its supposed shape, fr. O.E. sere, O.N. serk-r, ' a shirt.'
So. * sark.'
Satterthwaitb (Ulverston). 'Place of the sceter.' N. for
' summer farm, log hut used by dairy farmers then.' See -thwaite .
Savernake (Marlboro'). Not in Dom. 1161-62 Pipe Sauernac,
1222 Patent B. Savernac. Perh. 1298 ' Bertramus de Savynaco.'
More old forms needed. Possibly ' Scejfa's oak/ O.E. dc. Cf.
K.C.D. 550 Sseffan mor. For a becoming er, cf. Kidderminster.
It might perh. be ' Severn's, oak.' Severn is still found as a
surname, but only recently.
Sawbridge (Daventry) and Sawbridqe worth (Herts). Dav. S.
Dom. Salwebrige, 1327 Salebrugge, 1598 Salbridge. ' Bridge of
withies ' or ' willows, O.E. salh. See Salwarpe. But the
latter is Dom. Sabrixtewoode, 1 166 Sabrihtesworth, 1428 Sabrige-
worth. * Farm of Scebeorht,' later ' Sabriht/ ' the sea-bright.'
See -worth.
Sawley (Ripon, Clitheroe, Derby). Ri. S. Dom. SaUaia. Prob.
' willow or saugh meadow,' O.E. salh. Cf. Sale, and above;
and see -ley.
Sawston (Cambridge), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Salsintona, Dom.
Salsiton, 1210 Sausintone, 1284 Sausitone; also Ghron. Ramsey
Salsingetun, Selsingetona, which shows the name is orig. a
patronymic, ' village of the Scelsings/ an unknown family.
But we have Dom. Sawesberie (Salop), which suggests some
name in Saw- or Ssew- ; there are several.
Sawtry (Peterboro'). Cart. Rames. Saltreche, ' salt reach.' See
Reach.
Saxmundham. Prob. ' house, home under the protection, O.E.
mund, of the Saxons,' O.E. Seaxe. No name Seaxmund in
Onom. See -ham, and cf. Goodmanham. There is a Mundham
(Norfolk), prob. fr. a man . Cf. Saxon Street (Cambs).
Saxton (Tadcaster). Dom. Saxtim, 1119 chart. Saxtona — i.e.,
' town, settlement of Saxons,' O.E. Seaxe, in this Anglian region.
Cf. Saxby (Melton Mowbray). There was also a Saxton (Wood
Ditton, Cambs.), Dom. Sextone, 1284 Saxtone, which Skeat prefers
to derive fr. a man Saxa. Cf., too, Dom. Essex Saxendena,
and Saxondale (Notts), Dom. Saxeden, 1291 Saxndal. See
-den and -dale.
ScAGGLETHORPE (Malton). Dom. Scachetorp, -ertorp, Scarchetorp;
1207 Fines Scaketorp. The orig. man's name must be repre-
sented by Dom.' a Scacher- {r easily becomes its kindred liquid I) ;
but in Onom. we only find Scacca or Sccecca. Cf. Scackleton
(Yorks), Dom. Scacheldene, evidently fr. the same name; so is
Skeckling (Holderness), Dom. ScacheHnge, ' place of the sons of
Scacel.' To derive fr. O.N. sTcagi, ' low cape^ ness,' accounts
for neither the -le nor Dom.'s -er.
SCALE Y 433 SCOTTEE,
SOALBY (Yorks). Dom. 1178-80 Scallebi, Scalebi. 'Hut or shiel-
ing-abode/ O.N, shale. Cf. Skelbeooke, and see -by.
Soam(p)ston (Yorks). Dom. Scameston, 4 times, 1202 Fines
Scameliston. ' Village of Scamel.' Onom. has only Scamma
and Sceomma, Cf. Scagglethob,pe.
SoARBOEOTJGH. Not in Dom. 1179-80 Pipe Scardeburc, 1194 Eog.
Hoveden Scardleburg, 1297 Schardeburghe, 1436 Scarborough;
also Scarhburge. ' Burgh, castle on the sherd or shard,' O.E.
sceardr—i.e., piece ' sheared ofE.' Scargill (N. Yorks) is in
Dom. Scacreghill, which can hardly be fr. O.N. sker, ' a rock, a
scaur.' See -gill.
ScAWBY (Lines). ' Dwelling on the promontory,' O.N. skage. Cf.
next. But Sgawsby (Brodsworth, Yorks) is Dom. Scalchebi,
1205 Scauceby, ' dwelling of Scealc,' 2 in Onom. Scawton
(Yorks), Dom. Scaltun, is a little doubtful. Cf. Scalby.
ScAWFELL and S. Pikes (Cumbld.). O.N. skage, ' a promontory/
and fjall, N. fjeld, ' a mountain, a hill.' Cf. The Skaw (Den-
mark) and The Scaw of Unst. On Pike, see Red Pike.
SciLLY Isles, c. 400 Sulpicius Sev. Sylinancis (insula), c. 1200
Gervase Insula Suilli, Sagas Syllingar, 1345 Insula de Scilly,
1592 Silley (so now pron.), 1603 Owen Sorlinges commonly
cleped SyUie. In Mod. Fr. Les lies Sorlingues. A little diffi-
cult. The early references are to an insula, or ' island,' and may
refer to the tiny islet of Scilly, in the N.W. of the group, which
has given its name to" the whole. The c in the name is plainly
an intrusion; and the form SorUnges plainly represents the name
as known to the Romans ; the liquids I and r readily interchange.
What the c. 400 ending -nancis represents it is hard to say. But
prob. the Syli- or SniUi is Corn, silli, selli, Bret, sili, ' a (conger)
eel'; so ' isle of eels.' But it might be fr. Corn, syll, sull, ' a
view, a prospect.' Cf. Sully (Cardiff), and see -ey. The earlier
name Cassiterides, ' tin-islands,' must have included part of
Cornwall. Kao-o-ire/atSes goes back to Herodotus, c. 450 B.C.,
and to Strabo.
ScoRTON (Garstang and Darlington). Da. S. prob. Dom. Scortone
(Yorks). Prob. 'town of Scorra' or ' Scorta,' both in Onom.
Cf. Dom. Norfk. Scartune. But Scoreby (Pocklington), Dom.
Scornesbi, must be ' dwelling of ' ? Sceorfioine. See -by.
ScoTBY (Carlisle), c. 1139 Scotebi, 1189 Scottebi. ' DweUing of
the Scots ' ; one cannot be quite sure who are meant. Duignan
construes the Scotlands (Bushbury), as O.E. sceat landes,
' corner lands.' But Scotforth (Lancaster), Dom. Scozford,
must be ' Scots' ford ' {z=ts). See -forth.
ScoTTER (Lincoln), a. 1100 chaH. Scotere. Prob. 'spit of land,
- Icel. eyri, inhabited by Scots.' Cf. Scottow (' Scot's how ' or
' hill ') (Norwich), and Dom. Norfk. Scottesa.
SCOTTON 434 SEASCALE
SooTTON (Yorks and Lines). Yor. S. Dom. Spotton, -tune. ' Town
of the Scots.' Cf. above.
ScouiiTON (Attleborough). Dom. Sculetuna. 'Town of STculi,' a
N. name.
ScRAYESTGHAM (Yoik). Dom. Screngha'. Prob. * home of the sons
of Scrcewa,' 1 in Onom. See -ing and -ham.
SoREMERSTON (Berwick). 1197 Schermereton, later Screm'ston.
Older forms needed. Possibly ' village of Scealdamer.' Cf.
Skelmersdale.
ScRiVEN (Knaresboro'). Dom. Scravinge. 'Place of the sons of
Scrcef or ' Sceorf,' only the latter in Onom. Cf. Scarle (Notts),
Dom. Scorvelei. See -ing and -ley.
ScRTJTON (Bedale). Dom. Scuruetone. 'Town of Scurua' or
' Scyrua,' a monk, or perh. of ' Scurf a,' a Danish jarl, in Onom.
Cf. Sheraton and Screveton (Notts), Dom. Scrivetone, 1284
Scrouton. Scrooby (Notts) is Dom. Scrobi.
Seacourt (Oxford), c. 957 chart. Seofecan wyrthe, Dom. Seuac-
oorde,c. 1130 Chron. Ahingd. Seovecwurde, 1401-02 Seokeworthe.
A most instructive and warning corruption. ' Seofeca's farm ' ;
whilst Seabredge (Staffs) is a. 1300 Sheperugge, ' sheep ridge ' !
See -worth.
Seacroet (Leeds and Skegness). Le. S. Dom. Sacroft, 1199 Secroft.
O.E. see, ' sea,' was also appUed to a lake Hke the Sea of GaUlee;
but there is no trace of such here. So prob. ' sedgy croft ' or
' farm,' O.E. scecg, secg, 5 sege, 7 sage, 9 dial, seag, ' sedge.'
Cf. Seagry, Seaton, and Dom. Northants Sewelle; also see
Ancroft.
Seaford (Sussex). 1234 Close B. and c. 1450 Fortescue Seforde.
' Ford, passage, by the sea.'
Seagry (Chippenham). Dom. Segrie, 1225 Patent R. Seggreye.
O.E. secg rithe, ' sedge-grown strem.' Cf. Sedgefield and Rye.
Seal (Sevenoaks) (c. 1250 chart. La Sele), and Seale (Farnham).
Neither in Dom. O.E. seel, sele, ' a house, a haU.'
Seamer (Yorks) and Semer (Ipswich). Yo. S. Dom. Semers,
Semser, -mer. Prob. O.E. sem, sam {ge)meere, ' half boundary.'
But Sea- seems often doubtful in Eng. place-names. See above
Cf. Dom. Salop Semebre, ? ' half bank ' (O.E. obr). There are
3 men in Onom. called Scemer or Semer.
Seasalter ( Whitstable) . Old forms needed. It may, as some
think, be partly of Brythonic orig. ; but this is doubtful.
Seascale (Cumbld.). ' DwelHng by the sea,' O.N. shdli, formd in
Eng. a. 1300 as scale, ' a hut, a shed ' ; same root as sheal and
shieling. Cf. Galashiels (Sc.) and Bowscale (W. Cumbld.),
which is fr. N. bol sTcali, ' hut, shed dwelling.'
SEATON 435 SEINT
Seaton (9 in P.Q.). Dom. and 1179-80 Pipe Setton (Yorks); also
Dom. Seton= Seaton Boss. 1298 ' Simon de Seyton/ ? whicli.
Not all are on the sea, — e.g., Seaton (Uppingham). So Sea- may
represent some of the many O.E. names in See- or Sea-, ' town
of ? ' The So. Seaton is called after the De Sey family. But
Setton looks like seat-town, with seat in the sense of ' settlement/
country ' seat/ O.E. scet, as in Somerset.
Seaton Carew (W. Hartlepool). Said to be a. 1130 Sim. Dur.
Ceattune, ' town of Geatta.' The hard O.E. c very rarely becomes
s. The Carew may be fr. Henry Carey or Carew (the names are
the same), first Baron Hunsdon, who received lands in Yorks
fr. Q. Ehzabethinl571.
Seckington (Tamworth). O.E. Chron. 755, Secggandune, Ssecan-
dune — i.e., ' hill ' or ' hill-fort of Secca or Seccga '; several in Onom.
Sedbbrgh (Yorks). Dom. Sedberge, 1549 Sedberg. O.E. seed,
3 sed, ' sad,' often in early use ' massive, solid,' also, fr. 1412
' dark, deep in colour '; -bergh is a M.E. var. of Barrow, O.E.
beorh, berh, ' a hiU.' Cf. Dom. Roeberg himdred, later Rugheberg,
Rubergh, name of a now defunct ' hundred ' in Berks.
Sedgeberrow (Evesham). 771 and 964 chart. Secgesbearwe, Dom.
Seggesbarve, 1275 Seggesberrow. Prob. ' Barrow, hill or tumu-
lus of Secg.' Sedgeley (Wolverhmptn.) is c. 1006 chart. Secges
lea. Dam. Segleslei (l for c), a. 1300 Seggesleye, clearly ' Secg's '
or ' Segge's lea,,' though the name is not in Onom. Also cf.
Sedgemoor.
Sedgeeield (FerryhiU). Said to be a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Ceddesfeld —
i.e., ' Ceadda's ' or ' Chad's field.' Note the corruption. Cf.
Shad WELL. Only in 1183 Boldon BJc. it is Seggesfeld, and 1197
Eolls Secchefeld, plainly fr. O.E. secg, ' sedge, rushes ' ; see next.
So that the identification of Sim. Dur. 'a name is prob. wrong.
Sedgemoor (Somerset). It cannot be K.C.D. iii. 386 Sejes mere.
O.E. secg, 5-sedge, is applied to various coarse, rush- like plants ;
mere, of course, is ' lake.' Cf. above.
Sedlesoombe (Battle). ' Valley of Sedel '; cf. B.C.S. 997 Sideles-
ham, and Dom. Kent Sedlinges, the patronymic. See -combe.
Sefton (Liverpool). Dom. Sexton (x an error), 1236 Ceffton, 1249
Cefton, 1318 Sefton. Either fr. a man Sceffa {cf. Dom. Leics.
Sevesbi) or fr. O.N. sef, ' sedge.'
Seighford (Stafford) . Dom. Cestef ord, a. 1400 Sesteford. In Dom.
often st= ht, as Dom. hates gutturals, so this is prob. O.E. seohtre
ford, ' brook, ditch ford.'
Seint or Seoint (Carnarvon). Prob. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Segontium.
Also called Caer Seoint; prob. the same as Cair Segeint in list
appended to Nennius. The Segontiaci were a British tribe who
prob. dwelt near Silchester.
SEISDON 436 SETTRINGTON
Seisdon (Wolverhmptn.). Dom. Seis-, Saisdone, a. 1300 Seisden.
Duignan is puzzled here. Seis- prob. is a contraction of some
man's name, ? Siward, Scewulf, Setilf; it might be W. Sais, ' a
Saxon/ See -don.
Selby. Sic 1483; not in Dom. a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Selebi. May be
' dwelling of ' a man mth one of the many O.E. names in Sele-,
Seleforth, Selewig, etc. But Sel- may also be Icel. sel, ' a shed
at a mountain-farm/ a smtor, or else O.N. sodl, ' happy.' See -by.
Sellacks Maesh (Ross, Herefd.). Prob. 1160-61 Pi'pe Salceia.
Prob. 'isle of Seolca' or ' Seoloce/ names in Onom.; -eia=-ey,
q.v. SeUacks is for Seoloce's. It might be fr. L. salic{e)tum,
' a willow grove ' ; hence the Fr. name Saussaie.
Sellapield (Whitehaven). Hybrid. N. selja, ' a dairy.'
Selly Oak (Birmingham), a. 1200 Selleg', Selley. Doubtful.
Sell- or Selle- prob. represents a man's name, a contraction of one
of the many in Sele-, Seleburh, Selered, etc. The ending may
either be -ey or -ley, q.v.
Selsea. Bede Selaeseu, Selesei (in a. 900 O.E. versn. Sylesea), quod
dicitur Insula vituli marini (' isle of the sea calf'). Seal-
island,' O.E. siol, seol ; Icel. sel-r. See -ea.
Selston (Nottingham). Dom. Salestune, 1284 Seliston. Perh.
same name as 1160 Pipe Selveston (Northants). 'Village of
Sdim,' 2 in Onom. Also c/. Dom. Kent Selesburne and SeUnge,
which postulate a man Sde, and a patronymic. See -ing.
Sel WOOD (now Frome or Frome Selwood). 878 O.B. Chron. Seal-
wudu, c. 893 Asser ' Selundu — i.e., sylva magna in Latin, Coit
maur in British.' O.E. sel, ' good.' Cf. Dom. Hants, Seldene.
Semeb (Ipswich). See Seamer.
Semley (Shaftesbury). ' Half -meadow ' ; O.E. sam, sem. Cf. Dom.
Bucks Senlai. See -ley.
Semp(e)binqham (Bourne). O.E. Chron. 852 Sempi^aham, 1156
Shim-, Shempingeham, ? c. 1290 The Ermitage of Sempling-
ham, c. 1330 Sempyngham. A patronymic. See -ham; and cf.
Shzmplestg. Semple is still a common surname, but it is for St. Paul.
Sennen (Land's End). From Senan, b. Co. Clare, c. 488, Bp. near
Kilrush, and friend of St. David.
Sessay (Thirsk). Dow. Sezai. Doubtful. In Dom. 2 usually = <s;
? ' isle of ScBgeat ' or ' Saietus,' names in Onom. See -ay.
Sethar (Lizard). Corn, for ' gull, sea-mew.'
Settle (Yorks). Dom. Setel. O.E. setl, 'a seat, a resting-place.'
Cf. 939 cJuirt. ' Fram Setle to netles stede,' near Maidstone.
Settrington (Malton). Dom. Sendriton, c. 1100 Seteringetun,
1179-80 Setrinton. Might be ' abode of the scetor (N.) or sum-
mer-farm dwellers.' Only Dom.'s form must then be a mistake.
There is no name in Onom. like Sender. See -ing and -ton.
SEVENOAKS 437 SHAN^LIN
Seven OAKS (Kent and Northwich). J. R. Green thought prob. a
sacred group of trees forming an ancient boundary-mark.
Snooks is a corrup. of this word. The town in Kent does not
seem to go back much before 1400. There is a Sevenstorp in
Dom. Yorks. Sevenhampton (Glouc. and Wilts) is Dom., both,
Sevenhamtone. SeeHAinPTON. Sennington, close by the former,
is a corrup. of the same name.
Severn R., in W. Hafren. c. 90 Tacitus Sabrina, 893 O.E. Chron.
Ssefern> Dom. Saverna, c. 1190 Gir. Camb. Haveren, 1297 B.
Glouc. Seuerne, c. 1450 Saverne. Name prob. pre-Keltic; change
of Kelt, h to Rom. s is according to rule.
Seweeby (Bridlington). Dom. Siward-, Siwarbi. 'Dwelling of
Sigeweard ' or ' Siward.' See -by.
Shackerston (Atherstone). 1298 ' Ricardus de Shakelston.' Prob.
' town of Scecol ' or ' Scecolf,' in Onom. The liquids I and r readily
interchange. Cf. the common surname Shackleton.
Shadforth (Durham). 1183 Shaldeford, Shadeford. O.E. sceald
ford, ' shallow ford.' See Shalcombe, Shalford, and -forth.
Shad WELL (E. London). Said to be * St. Chad's, well.' Cf. Sedge-
field ; but see above. ,
Shaftesbury, c. 893 Asser Sceftesburg, 935 cTiart. Scheftesburi,
982 O.E. Chron. Sceaftesbyrig, 1156 Shaftesbiria, 1228 Saftesbir.'
Prob. not fr. O.E. sceaft, ' a spear, dart, pole,' but fr. a man so-
called. Cf.nextamdB.C.S. 629 Sceafteshangra (wooded slope), also
Scaftworth (Notts), Dom. Scafteorde; and see -bury and -worth.
Shafton (Barnsley). Dom. Sceptone, -tun. 'Village with the
sheep '; O.E. sceap. Cf. Shefford.
Shalbourne (Hungerford). B.C.S. iii. 404 set Scealdeburnan;
Dom. Eseldeborne (a Norm, addition of e, as they could not pro-
nounce our sh ; cf. Sheffield), 1316 Shaldeburne, c. 1540
Shalborne. O.E. sceald hurna, ' shallow brook or burn.' See
next and Shelford.
Shalcombe (I. of W.). Dom. Eseldecome (on E- see above); and
Shalfleet (I. of W.) . 838 chart. Scealdan fleote, Dom. Selde flet.
' Shallow valley,' see -combe, and * shallow river,' see Fleet.
O.E. sceald, 'shallow' (in Barbour schald, same root as shoal),
curiously enough is not in O.E. diets. Form 838, also 939
chart. Scealdan for^, Shaftesbury, suggest derivation fr. a man
Scealda. Skeat does not favour this, but it is quite possible;
cf. Shalstone (Bucks), Dom. Scaldetone. Cf. also Shadforth
and next.
Shalford (Braintree and Guildford). Br. S. Dom. Escaldeforde,
Scaldefort. Gu. S. Dom. Scaldeford. O.E. sceald ford, ' shallow
ford.' See above.
Shankltn (I. of W.). Dom. Sencliz. The z prob. represents a
nasaUzed g or ng, and so this is prob. O.E. sc{e)anca Mine, ' rising
SHAPCOMBE 438 SHELDON
ground, ridge, like a man's shanh ' (M.E. sanhe), or ' legbone/
Cf. Oxf. Diet, shank sb. 8. HUtic is, of course, tlie mod. links.
Shapoombe (Devon). Dom. Scobacoma. ' Valley of /S^co6a.' There
is a Scobba and a Scoppo in Onom. Cf. Shapwick (Bridgewater),
and see -combe. But Shapridge, (For. of Dean) is 1281-82
Sheepridge; O.E. sceap.
Shap Fell (Westmorld.). Prob. 'hill shaped like a bushel.'
O.N. skjappa. Shap Abbey dates a. 1200. Of. Scawfell.
Shaeeshill (Wolverhmptn.). Dom. Servesed, a. 1200 Sareshulf,
a. 1300 Sarnesculf, Sarneshull, Sharnshull, S(h)areshull. A
much altered name. Dom. is prob. ' Sceorfa head,' and Sares-
hulf or -sculf, ' Sceorfs shelf ' of land. Cf. Shelf anger, etc.
Hull is common midl. M.E. for hill.
Sharnbrook (Beds), Dom. Sernebroc, and Sharkford (Hinckley).
Dom. Scerneford. Cf. 792 chart. Scranaburna (belonging to
St. Albans). These all seem to come fr. O.E. scearn, O.N. sharn,
O.Fris. sTcern, N.Fris. sjaarn, ' dung, esp. dung of cattle,' still
in dial, as sharn.
Sharpness (Berkeley, Glouc). 956 chart. On scearpan nesse.
O.E. for 'sharp, pointed headland'; perh. not this one. It is
1349 Sharpenesse. The Berkeley' MSS. forms — Shopenash,
Shobenasse, etc. — prob. refer to another place.
Shattereord (Bewdley). 996 chart. Sciteresford, 1286 Sheteresford.
' Shooter's, archer's ford ' ; O.E. scytere, sceotere.
Shavington (Nantwich) . 1298Shaventon. ' Town of ^Scea/a' in Onom.
Shaw (Melksham and Lanes). Mel. S. Dom. Essages {cf. Shal-
bourne), 1291 Schawe, 1316 Shaghe. O.E. scaga, ' thicket,
wood.' Shaw is common in Sc. names.
Sheen (Surrey and Longnor). Sur. S. O.E. chart. Sceon; Lon. S.
Dom. ib. Prob. O.E. seine, scene, sceone, ' beautiful.' Its use as
sb. seems late. There is also a Sheen Hill (Worcs).
Sheerness. O.N. sJcoerr nes, or M.E. scere nces, ' bright, clear
headland.' The adj. sheer is very puzzling; see Oxf. Diet. The
town is comparatively recent.
Shjiefield. Dom. Scevelt, Scafeld, Escafeld; 1298 Writ Shefelde;
c. 1386 Chaucer Sheffeld. ' Field on the R. Sheaf; O.E. sceaf,
' a sheaf.' On Norm, prefixing of E- in Dom., see Shalbourne.
But Shefford on R. Lambourne (Berks), Dom. Siford, is O.E.
Scypford, ' sheep ford.' Ct. Shafton.
Sheldon (Birmingham) and Shelfield (Henley-in-Arden). a. 1200
Scheldon, 1370 Scheldone, a. 1300 Scelefhull, 1322 ScheKhull.
Prob. both fr. O.E. scelfe, ' shelf-Hke ' or ' shelving hill,' and
'field.' Of. Shelf anger, Shelton (Staffs), Dom. Scelfitone>
a. 1350 Self ton, a. 1400 Schelton; also Dom. Bucks Skeldene,
and Shildon; and see -don and -ton.
SHELF 439 SHEPRETH
Shelf (Halifax). Dom. Scelf. O.E. scelfe, 'shelf' (of rock, etc.).
Cf. Dom. Scelves (Wore.) and Shelfield (Walsall); Dom.
Scelfeld, a. 1300 Schelfhul.
Shelf ANGER (Diss). 1291 Shelf angel. O.E. scelf e-angra, 'shelf-
like, wooded slope.' Gf. Blbchaistgee..
Shelford (Cambridge and Stoke Ferry, Notts). Cam. S. c. 1080
Inquis. Camh. Esceldford, Sceldford; Dom. EseeLforde, 1210
SeKord; cf. K.C.D. iv. 157 Scealdeforda. O.E. sceald, M.E.
schald, scheld, ' shallow.' Cf. Shalbourne, Shalford, and
Shallowford (Stone), a. 1300 Schaldeford. The initial E- is a
Norman euphonic prefix, and quite according to rule.
Shellingford (Faringdon). B.C.S. ii. 373, Scaringaford, but p.
372 XaHngeford (Z for Sh) ; Dom. Serengeford, 1291 Schalinge-
ford, 1316 Shallingford. Curious corrup. ' Ford of the Searings '
or ' sons of Scara.' Cf. Kent, chart. Scarendene.
Shelsley Beauchamp and Walsh (R. Teme, Worcester). Dom.
Caldeslei, 1275 Sceldeley Walleys, 1346 Sheldesleye. Prob. fr.
some man Sceld or Sceald, rather than fr. O.E. scyld, and so
' island like a shield.' See -ey. B. and W. were former owners.
1275 Subsidy Roll says : ' Quod Henricus le Waleys quondam
tenuit.' Waleys, Wallace, Walsh, and Welsh are all the same
name, and mean ' the Welshman.'
Shenboro' and Shenington (Glouc). Sic 1293, but Dom. Senen-
done, 1263 Schenedon. ' Hill ' or ' town of the beautiful man ' ;
O.E. seen, Ger. schon, ' fair, beautiful,' also used as a personal
name, now spelt Chiene, but pron. sheen. We get the patrony-
mic in Shen-, Shengay (Cambs), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Sceningei,
1276 Schenegeye, ' Shening's isle.' Cf. Sheen, Shenfield (Brent-
wood), Shenley (Barnet), Skinflats (Grangemouth), and next.
Shenstone (Lichfield and Hartlebury). Li. S. a. 1100 Scenstan,
Dom. Seneste, a. 1200 S(h)ene8tan, a. 1300 Schenestane; Ha. S.
1275 Scheneston, 1327 Shenston. O.E. scene stan, 'beautiful,
bright rock ' or ' stone.' Cf. Sheen.
Shepley= Shipley, and Shepton= Shipton.
Shepperton (Middlesex). Dom. Scepertone. No likely name in
Onom., and shipper, which is Du. or Low Gter., is not in Eng.
a. 1390; so prob. ' Ship's host or army town,' fr. O.E. scip-here.
Possibly, not prob., fr. Corn, sciber, W. ysgubor, in Eng. 1567
skipper, ' a barn.'
Sheppey (Kent), a. 716 cMrt. Scepeis, O.E. Chron. 832 Sceap ige —
i.e., ' sheep island ' ; also 1229 Close R. Shipweya, 1230 Sypweya.
There is also a Sheppy or Sheep way near Bristol. See -ey.
Shepreth (Royston, Herts), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Scepereie
Dom. Escepride, 1302 Scheperethe. Not ' sheep stream,' O.E.
rith, ride, says Skeat, because of the long i, whilst here we have
only a short e. Prob. fr. O.E. wr(B6, wrced, ' a wreath, a ring, a
SHEPSHED 440 SHILLINGSTONE
bandage, then a fence of twisted or wreathed hurdles.' Cf.
Meldreth, near by.
Shepshed (Loughboro') . 1245 Shepesheved. ' Headland like the
head of a sheep ' ; O.E. Mafod, 2-5 heved ; Dan. hoved, * head.'
But Shepscombe (Painswick), 1263 Sebbescombe, is ' valley of
Sceobba.'
Sheraton (Castle Eden). 1183 Shurutona. 'Village of Scurua'
or ' Scyrua,' a name in Onom. Cf. Scrtjton.
Sherborne. 671 Scireburnensis ecclesia, O.E. Chron. 860 Scira-
buma, 905 Scireburnensis, c. 1130 Wm. Malm. Schireburnensis.
O.E. scire burna, ' brook, burn at the shire or division.' Sher-
BOURN (Warwick) is also Dom. Scireburne, the boundary between
the hundreds of BarHchway and Kineton. And Sherburn
(Durham) is 1183 Sirburne, prob. the same root; whilst Sher-
borne (Glouc), Dom. Sareburne, is doubtful. There is an O.E.
scir, ' bright, pure.'
SHERrpr-HuTTON (Yorks). 1398 Schiref hoton. ' Village, enclosure
on the hoe.' See Htjtton. Presumably a sheriff lived here.
Sheringham (N. Norfk.) . Dom. Sc(h)erninga'/1351 Shiryng-, c. 1460
Sheringham.' Prob. O.E. Sciranham. * Home of Scira/ 2 in
Onom. Prob. here a patronymic. Sherington (Newport Pag-
nell), Dom. Serintone, is prob. fr. same name. No Sera in
Onom. See -ing,
Sherstone (Wilts). 1016 O.E. Chron. Sceorstan, c. 1100 Encom.
Emmae Scorastan, a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Scearstan. Prob., though
not certainly, fr. late O.E. scoru ; O.N. skor, ' a notch, a tally,
a score,' same root as shear ; O.E. sceran. Thus the name may
mean ' stone, rock with the notch or crevice,' or ' boundary
stone,' or ' a standing stone with a sharp edge ' (M'Clure).
Sherwood Forest (Notts). 1189 Pipe Schirewude, 1237 Shirewud
— i.e., ' wood at the shire or boundary.' Cf. Sherborne.
Shbvinqton Moor ( Wigan) . 1200-33 Shefinton, 1268-79 Shevinton,
1322 Skeventon. ' Town, village of Sceafa/ gen. -an. Cf.
Scevintone, Dom. Salop.
Shide (Newport, I. of W.). Dom. Side. Prob. aspirated form of
O.E. side, ' a side,' found in Eng, with the meaning ' slope of a
hill ' as early as c. 1250. For similar aspiration cf. Shareshill
(Wolverhmptn.), Dom. Servesed, a. 1200 Sareshulf, also, in same
district, the Showells, a. 1300 Sewalle, Sewale.
Shifford (Oxford). ' Sheep ford '= Shefford.
Sheldon (Co. Durham). 1211 Selvedon. Prob., as in Sheldon,
O.E. scelfe dun, ' shelf -like hill.' See -don.
Shellingstone (Blandford), also called Shilling Ockford {cf.
Ockbrook). Old Ockford Eskelling, fr. a inan Schelin or
SHILSTON 441 SHOCELACH
Eschelinus in Dom. On the E- prefixed by Dom., see Shal-
BOHRNE. But Shtllington (Hitchin) is c. 1080 SchitlingedunC;
Dom. Sethlindone, Rams. Hist. Schitlingdone, fr. an unrecorded
patronymic ScitUng. Onom. has nothing but Sceaftweald and
Scilling. See -ing, -don, and -ton.
Shilston (several farms, Devon) . Said to be ' shelf stone ' — i.e.,
the site of a dolmen; O.E. scelfe, scylfe, ' a shelf/
Shimpling (Bury St. Edmunds). Dom. Sempingaham; see Semp-
KiNGHAM. On the dropping of the -ham, cf. Woking and
Wokingham.
Shinfield (Reading). Dom. Scanesfelt, 1316 Shenyngf elde ; also
Senefeld, Schunnyngfeld. Skeat thinks the Dom. form a scribal
error, and says ttas is ' field of the Scienings ' or ' sons of Sciene.'
Cf. the mod. name Chiene, pron. Sheen, and next.
Shengay (Cambs). Old Shening-ay. 'Isle of the Scienings.' See
above.
Shipley (Leeds and Salop) and Shipton (10 in all). Dom. Warwk.
Sciplea (in Salop), Yorks Scipeleia. ' Sheep meadow ' and
' sheep village '; fr. O.E. sceap, seep, ' a sheep," and so= Shepley
(Huddersfield), Dom. Seppeleia, and the Sheptons. See also
-ley and -ton. Shepton Mallet (Somerset) has added to it the
name of its former owners; Malet is still a surname. Shtpton-
under-Wychwood (Oxford) is c. 1450 Schiptone under Whic-
wode. See Wychwood ; and cf. Rampton.
Shippen (W. Riding), Dom. Scipen, and Shippon (Abingdon),
c. 1100 Chron. Ahing. Scippene, Scipena; 1316 Shupene. O.E.
scypen, ' a cow-house '; dial. Eng. shippen, shuppen.
SHrpsTON-ON-STOFB. 770 chart. Scepeswasce, 957 ib. Scepwaesctun.
Dom. Scepwestim. A curious contraction. ' Town of the
sheepwash.' Shipton Oliff (Glouc), Dom. Scip(e)tone> is
' sheep-town.' Oliff is the family name Ohve.
Shirley (Solihull, Derby, and Southampton). Sol. S. a. 1300
Schirley. Der. S. Dom. Sirelei. Doubtful. There is no likely
name in Onom., and no O.E. sire. Prob. O.E. scir leak, ' shire
meadow'; cf. Sherborne and Shirbourne (Coventry) (a. 1300
Shirburne), which mean 'shire' or 'boundary brook'; also
Shireoaks (Notts) and Skiblaugh.
Shobdon (Herefordsh.) and Shobnall (Burton-on-T.). a. 1300
Sco-, Shobenhale. ' Hill ' and ' nook of Sceoba,' gen. -an.
See -don and -hall.
Shobrooke R. (Devon). 930 cMrt. Sceocabroc; O.E. for 'brook
of Sceocca ' — i.e., the devil, Satan ! Of. Shuckburgh.
Shocklach (Malpas). Dom. Socheliche. The first syll. must be
as above> and the second is a rare variant of O.E. leah, ' a
meadow.' Cf. SkirlauqA aiid StublacA; and see -leigh.
29
SHOEBUEY 442 SHOTTON
Shoebury (Essex). 893 O.E. Chron. Sceoburg, 994 ib. Sceobyrig.
Hardly fr. O.E. seed, ' a shoe '; prob. ' burgh, fort of Sceoha ' or
' Sceohha,' in Onom.
Shooter's Hill (London). 1549 Latimer, Shooters hyll. Prob. a
resort for archery.
Shobeditch (London). K.C.D. index, a ' Sordic." c. 1360 Soerditch,
1597-98 Shorditch. Stow, 1598, says he had evidence that 400
years before his day it was called Soersditch. Soer prob. is the
name of a man. There are in Onom. Soart and Sogor. Cf. next.
Shore meardng ' sewer ' is not found till 1598.
Shobeham (Sussex, Sevenoaks). Not in Dom. Sus. S. 1234 Close B.
Shor-, 1238 ib. Sorham ; but c. 1 120 Hen. Hunt. Cymensore, ' shore,
border of Cymen/ now represented by KEYi>roE,. Thus it would
seem the Cymen has been dropped, and the ending -sore treated
as if it were a proper name, and the common -ham added.
Shoreham (Kent) is sic a. 1300, and can have nothing to do with
shore either. The last is prob, fr. Du., and not found in Eng.
tiU 14th cny. Shore- here must be a name, as in Jane Shore,
famous mistress of Edw. IV. The only likely name in Onom. is
one Scorra. Cf. next, and 1231 Close R. Sorham (SufEk).
Shorncliffe (Folkestone), ? Dom. Soaneclive (a error for r), and
Shorne (Gravesend). 1160-61 Pipe Shorna. The root seems
to be O.E. scieran, ' to sheer, cut off ' ; pa. pple. scoren, ' shorn,
cut short off, precipitous.' O.E. scearn, O.N. skarn, ' sharn,
dung of cattle,' 6-9 shorn, and a. 1300 chart, schorn-penny, does
not seem likely.
Shorwell (Newport, I. of W.). Dom. Sorewella. ' Well of
Sor{r)a ' (not recorded), or ' Scorra.' See Shoreham.
Shotoveb (Oxford). Dom. Scotorne (error for -ovre). Close R.
1229 Sothore, 1230 Shotor', 1231 Shotovr'. Not chateau vert f
but ^ shot, division of land on the bank or brink'; O.E. obr,
ofer; M.E. overe. See Aldershot and -over.
Shotswell (Kineton). 1123 Soteswalle, -welle; a. 1300 S(c)hotes-
well. 'Well'; O.E. wella, 'of Scot' (in Onom.) or 'the Scot.'
Cf. next.
Shottery (Stratford-on-Avon). 704-09 chart. Scottarith, O.E. for
' stream of the Scots.' How came they here ? 1016 ' on
Scotrithes gemsero,' a. 1400 Shoteriche, Shotrech. Cf. next.
On rith cf. Chtldrey.
Shottesbrooke (Bray). Dom. Sotesbroc, 1189 Schottesbroch, 1316
Sotesbroke. ' Scot's brook.' Cf. 958 chart. Scotteshealh (haugh),
and above.
Shottof (Wooler, Castle Eden, and Flint). Wool. S. a. 1130 Sim.
Dur. Scotadun, but c. 1230 Schottun; Gas. S. a. 1130 Sim. Dur.
Sceottun, 1183 Siottona and Shotton. This name represents
SHOTWICK 443 SHUSTOKE
two, or rather three, different meanings: (1) Scots' 'down or
hill/ (2) ' Scots' town/ and (3) * town, village on which is
levied a scot or tax '; O.E. sc{e)ot, gesc{e)ot, same words as in
* paying your shot.' Without old forms the Flint name is
uncertain.
Shotwick (Chester). 1340 Shotwyk. Prob. * dwelling ' (O.E. wic)
' of a Scot '; but cf. above.
SKRAWARDEsrE (Shrewsbury). Prob. Dom. Salevrdine (cf. Salfoed
Br.), where we have a Nor. scribe making exactly the same
phonetic change as Salop for Shropshire; 1318 Luytel (Little)
Shrowardyn. The Shra- may either mean ' cave ' or a man's
name Scrawa ; see next. The ending means ' farm, holding ' ; see
-wardine. We also have a Stavrdine in Dom. Salop.
Shrawley (Stourport). 804 chart. Scrsefleh, a. 1200 Escreaelei
(Norm, spelling), 1275 Schreweley, And Skeewtley (War-
wick) Dom. Servelei, a. 1300 Screweley, Shreueley, Schreule,
a. 1400 Sravesle, Shreussle. Both may be ' meadow with the
cave ' ; O.E. scroef. But Duignan thinks the forms of the
latter all point to a worn-down form of O.E. scir gerefa, ' shire
reeve, sheriff.' Also cf. B.C.S. 723 Scraewanleah, near Exeter,
which must represent a man's name. See -ley.
Skbewsbitry, also Salop and Shropshiiie. 901 chart. In civitate
Scrobbensis, 1007 O.E. Chron. Scrobbesbyrg, 1083 chirt.
Salopesberia, Dom. Sciropesberie, c. 1097 Flor. Wore. Scrob-
besbyria, a. 1145 Orderic Scrobesburia, c. 1190 Gir. Camb.
Solopusburia, 1271 Salopseburi, 1283 Slopesbiry, 1387 Schroys-
bury, 1461 Schrevisbery, 1485 Shrewsbury; also 1088 O.E.
Chron. Scrobscyre. Shrewsbury is O.E. scrobbes byrg, ' burgh,
castle among the shrubs,' Shropshire is simply Scrobscire, whilst
Salopesbury is supposed to be the nearest that the Norman
could come in pron. to Scrobbesbury. Then the -bury was
dropped, and we get Salop. No Norman could pron. Sc-. Cf.
Sheawaedine.
Sheivenham (W. Berks). K.C.D. vi. 131 Serif enan hamm; O.E.
chart. Scrivenanhom, Dom. Scrivenham, 1316 Shrivenham.
' Enclosure of Serif ena/ an unknown man . Scrivein — i.e . , scrivener
— ^is f oimd in Eng. a. 1300. Cf. Sceuton ; and see -ham.
SHUCKBUEaH (Southam) and Shuce2^all (Hereford). Dom. Soche-
berge, a. 1300 Suckeberge, Shukborow, Schuckborough. Shuck-
nall vrill be O.E. Scuccan heal. ' Nook ' and ' castle of the
Devil ' ; O.E. scucca, ' Satan, a demon, evil spirit.' Cf. Shttg-
BOEOUGH (Staffs), a. 1400 Shokke-, Shukburgh, and Shobeooke.
See -burgh and -hall.
Shustoke (Coleshill and Walsall). Col. S. Dom. Scotescote, 1256
Schuttestok, 1290 Schustoke. Dom. is 'Scot's cottage'; as to
the Scot, cf. Shotteey. But Stoke is ' place.'
SHUTTINGTON 444 SILKMOEE
Shttttington (Tamworth). Dom. Cetitone, 1165 Sheftintone,
a. 1300 Schetynton, 1327 Schutinton. Dom.'s form is abnormal,
and prob. represents a deliberate change fr. the original O.E.
Sceaftingtun (as it would seem), ' village of Sceaffs descendants/
Shtiedington (Leckhampton), 1148 Schurden-, 1157 Scherdyn-
tone, is thought to be fr. Scirgeard or Scirierd, one in Onom.
See -ing.
SiBLE Hedingham (Essex). Dom. Hedingham, but 1488 Henjrng-
ham, 1489 Hevenyngham. It is not easy to explain the change
of % to dJ after 1489. The name is a patronymic, ' home of the
sons of Hcedda ' or ' Headda,' a very common name. See -ing.
SiBSTONE (Atherstone). 'Stone of Siha' or ' Sihha.' Of. Dom,
Sibetune (Salop), and Sibetorp, now Sibthoepe (Notts).
SiCKLiNGHALL (Wetherby). Dom. Sichingal, Sidingale {d error for
cl), c. 1150 Sieclinhale. ' Nook of the Sicklings,' an unrecorded
patronymic, though we do have Suckling. It is prob. ' sons of
ScBcol ' or ' SoBColf '; 1 in Onom. See -ing and -hall.
SiDCUP (Kent). Old forms needed, not in Dom. Prob. ' Sida'a
cop ' or ' hill '; O.E. cop, copp, ' head, summit, hill.' Cf. B.C.S.
159 Sidan ham. The first syll. might be O.E. seed, 3 sed, 4-5
* said, ' sad,' often in early use ' massive, solid,' and also fr. 1412
' dark, deep in colour.' Cf. Sedbergh, and Siddington (Ciren-
cester), Dom. Sudin-, Suditone, plainly fr. Syda or Sidu.
SiDDiCK (Workington). This is said to be O.E. Scidwic, ' dwelling
at the shed ' or ' divide '; O.E. sceadan, ' to separate.' But this
is doubtful; more prob. fr. some man 8ida or Side. Cf. Siden-
HALL (Tamworth), a. 1300 Sydenhale. Sidnall (Cherbury) is
orig. the same. In later North. MSS. of Layamon the Wall of
Severus is Sid-wall. Side sb., O.E. side, is 4-5 sid, and this quite
possibly gives the origin, its root being possibly O.E. sid, ' ample,
spacious, extensive,' Sid wic, ' ample dwelling,' is a very likely
name.
SiDLESHAM (Chichester). B.C.S. 997 Sidelesham. Cf. Exon. Dom.
Sidelham. ' Home of Sidel.'
Sid R. and Sidmouth (S.E. Devon). Dom. Sedemude. Sidmouth
may be Ptolemy's Dunion. The root of Sid may be W. sid, ' a
round, a circling.'
SiLCHESTEB. (Reading), c. 1205 Layam. Selechaestre. c. 150 Ptolemy
Caleva, which may be caled-va, with caled=silva or 'wood.'
Cf. the name Caledonia in Tacitus Agricola. But Sil- or Sile-
chester is also derived fr. L. silex, -ids, ' flint,' and the first syU.
is really quite doubtful. Quite possibly the name is ' good
camp,' fr. O.E. sel, ' good.' Eng. names in -chester, q.v., almost
never have a L. word like silva or silex as the first part.
SiLKMOBE (Stafford), Silkstone (Barnsley)', and Silksworth
(Sunderland). Dom. Selchmore, a. 1400 Selke-, Silkemor; Dom.
SILLOTH 445 SITTINGS OURNE
Silchestone. ' Moor/ ' town/ and ' farm of Seolca.' Cf. Silkby
(S. Lines). See -ton and -worth.
SiLLOTH (Cumbld.). Perh., as Dr. Guest thinks, same word as
Sol WAY. Prob. N. sol wath, 'muddy ford'; O.E. sol, 'mud/
that which ' sullies.'
SiLSDEN (Keighley). Dom. Siglesdene. The name is a little un-
certain ; more old forms needed. It may be ' Sigelac's ' or
' Silac'a,' or else ' Sigefugul'& dean ' or ' woody vale.' See -den.
Sigglesthorne (Hull), Dom. Siglestorne, is fr, the same name.
SiLTON (York). ? O.E. Chron. 779 Seletun, prob. ' village by the
hall ' ; O.E. sele. But it is Dom. Silf tune, Silvetune, winch seems
to be ' town of Seulf/ short form of Scewulf.
SiLVEBDALE (Carnf orth) , c^r^ Siuerdale, ^ Sigeweard's dale. Silver
How (see -how), and Selverside {cf. Ambleside), Lake District,
are thought to be fr. Selver, gen. of the O.N. personal name
Solvr. This will do for North, names, but hardly for Silver
Street, a common name for old roads in the South.
Silverley (Cambs). c. 1080 Inquis. Gamhs. Seuerlaio, also Seiluer-
leia ; Dom. Severlai, 1284 Silverle. ' Silver-like meadow.' Of.
Silverdale (Newcastle, Stafford), Silverhill (St. Leonard's), Silver-
ton (Devon) ; but cf. above. Silverton (Devon) is Dom. Sulfre-
tone. ' Silver town.' Cf. Swestnerton.
Sestder-. See Suitoer-.
Singleton (Chichester), Great Singleton (Preston). Pr. S. Dom.
Singletun, 1168-69 Schingeltona. Our adj. single is Fr. and late,
so this must be M.E. sciricle, L. scindula,a>' shingle,' or thin piece
of wood used as a house-tile, seen also in Dom. Bucks Sincleberia.
Oxf. Diet's earliest quot. is c. 1200.
Sinnington (Yorks). Dom. Sevenictun, Siuenintun, Siverinctun,
Siuerintun. Perh. ' town of the sons of Siferth' short form of
the common Sigefrith. Sifer- has become Siven- and then Sinn- ;
liquids r and n easily interchange. Sinwell (Wotton-under-
Edge) is c. 1220 Sienewell, ' beautSul well'; see Sheen.
SnsroDUN, -don Hill ( Wallingf ord) . Old forms unknown. But
Skeat thinks there is no reason why it should not mean ' synod
down.' The word, in the forms sinoth, synoth, senoth, is often
found in O.E. Chron. for ' a council.'
SiSLAND (Norfk.). Dom. Sislanda, 1450 Cyselond. Prob. ' land of
Sysilt,' a Nor. family, now Cecil. Cf. Chisholm (Sc.) and Dom.
Kent Siseltre. But Siston (Bristol) is Dom. Sistone, 1240
Sixtune, and Syston (Leicester) is old Syche-, Syeston, which
both may be ' town of Sica ' ; 1 in Onom.
SiTTiNGBOURNE (Kent). Not in Dom. 1360 S'Eborne, c. 1386
Chaucer Sydingborne. Prob. ' brook, burn of Sida '; gen. -an.
Cf. Sydenham. It may be a patronymic. Cf. Dom. Sethlin-
done (Beds) and Settintone (Leics). See -bourne.
SKEFFINGTON 446 SKIPWITH
SKEFEmGTON (Leicester). ? 822 chart. Sciofingden^ 1298 Skefting-
ton. The charter form is ' dean, wooded den/ or ' valley of the
descendants of Skiofa or 8kioba '; latter name only in Onom.
See -ing.
Skegness (Lines) is tautological. O.N. shagi, ' a promontory/
with the English later addition -ness, O.E. nces. Skagi is fr. O.N.
sJcaga, ' to stand out.' Cf. skegg, ' a beard.' Skegby (Notts),
Dom. Schegebi, is fr. a man Skeggi, ' the bearded.' See -by.
Skelbrooke (Doncaster). Dom. Scalebro. ' Brook by the hut ' or
' shireling ' ; O.N. skali. Cf. Scalby.
Skellinqthoepe (Lincoln), a. 1100 cJiart. ScalSorpe, which will
mean ' village of Skald ' or ' Skealda.' But Skilltngton
(Grantham) shows that prob. both these names are patronymics,
' dwelling of the sons of Skeald.' A ' Skekelinge ' is mentioned
in Lines in 1528 ; and Scilling is common in Onom. See -thorpe.
Skelmanthobpe (Huddersfield). Dom. Scemel-, Scelmertorp.
' Village of Skelmer ' or ' Scealdamer,' as in next. The liquids
n and r often interchange. See -thorpe.
Skelmebsdale (Ormskirk). Dom. Schelmeresdale. Cf. 901-09
chart. Scealdsemeres hamme. ' Scealdamer'8 dale.' Cf. Skel-
morlie (Sc.) and above.
Skelton (4 in P.G.). Leeds S. Dom. Sceltune, 1179-80 Scelton.
Penrith S. 1189 Schelton. Prob. ' town, village of huts or
booths ' ; O.N. skali. Cf. Scalby and Skelbrooke.
Skerne R. (Durham). Perh. fr. O.N. Skernir, 'the Bright,'
messengre of Frey, god of light, fr. skirr, ' clear, pure, bright.'
Cf. Scarning (Dereham), prob. patronymic fr. Skernir, and
Sharnbrook.
Skerton (Lancaster) . Dom. Schertune. ' Town on the rock ' or
'scaur'; O.N. sker ; so hybrid. Escr6tons, Jersey, shows the
same root.
Sketty (Glam.). For W. ynys Ketti, 'isle of Ketti,' which may
be = Coety (see Coed) . There is a Maen, or rock, Ketti on a
hill here.
Skidd AW (Gumbld.). Old forma needed. Perh. W. ysgeth, pi.
-thau, 'a spear, spears,' fr. its supposed shape; ?/ would soon
drop, and th easily harden into d. The mountain has 3 peaks
or ' spear-heads.'
Skipton. Dom. Scipton, Schipetune, a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Scipe-
tuna. ' Town, village with the sheep '; O.E. scepj sceap.
Skipwith (Selby). Dom. Schipewic, 1200 Scippewic. This seems
to be unlike Skipton, and to mean ' dwelling of Scippa ' ;
though Onom. has only Sceobba and Scepius. The -with is
var. of -wich, q.v., O.E. wic, ' dwelling, house.' This is a very
rare variant.
SKIRBECK 447 SLINDON
Sklbbeok (Boston). Dom. Schirebec, 1216 Scirbe>c. ' Beck, brook
at the shire' or 'dividing-line'; O.E. scir. Possibly fr. O.N.
skirr, ' clear, pure, bright.' Cf. Skerfe. See -beck.
Skielaugh (Hull). Dom. Scirelai, Schirle, Schirelai; = Shirley.
For meaning see above. With -laugh cf. Shooklach.
Skirlenqton (E. Riding) is Dom. Schereltun, 1179-80 Pipe
Sirlinton; prob. fr. a man Scirold or Scirweald.
Sbxelpenbeck (York). Dom. Scarpenbec. 'Brook of Sceorfa'
or ' Scurfa ' ; perh. the Danish jarl in Onom. Of. Boll Rich. I,
Scurpige, Beds. See -beck.
Skyrack (a Yorks wapentake). Dom. Siraches wapentac. O.E.
8cir-dc, ' shire oak,' meeting-place of the hundred. Cf. Apple-
tree.
Slad (Stroud) and Slade (Gower). O.E. slced, sled, ' a valley, deU,
forest glade,' still in use. Cf. Sledmere. But Slatdbtjrn
(Clitheroe), Dom. Slateborne, is prob. fr. O.N. sletta, 'a flat piece
of land.' Cf. Sleat (Sc).
Slaithwaite (Huddersfield) . Not in Dom. Now pron. Slowat.
'Sloe-covered farm' or 'field'; O.E. sla(h), 3-7 slo, 6-9 slae,
' a sloe, the fruit of the blackthorn.' See -thwaite.
Slapton (Leighton Buz., Nottingham, and Kingsbridge). Not.
S. sic 1287. Lei. S. Dom. Slapetone. Cf. Dom. Devon Slape-
forda. Cannot be fr. Eng. skip, ' an opening,' a late word,
. hut ir. a, man Slapa, not in Onom.
Slaughterford (Glouc). 779 cTiart. Sloh tranford, 1154-61
Slaforda. Interesting corrup. 'Ford of the sloe-tree'; O.E.
sloh-treo, gen, pi. tran. An older form of sloe is found in the
Glossaries, slach-thorn — i.e., ' sloe ' (or ' black ') ' thorn.' We also
have an tipper and Lower Slaughter, Stow-on-Wold, Dom.
Sclostre, 1183 Sloctre, ' sloe-tree ' — a curious corruption !
Sleapord. O.E. Chron. 852 Sliowaforda. Prob. O.E. show, sliw ea,
' tench ' or ' muUet river,' and not O.E. slaw, Icel. sljo-r, ' slow.'
The brook here is stiU called the Slea. But it is also thought
to be the ' LafEord ' in Patent B. for 1217 and 1218. Initial s
does sometimes disappear in Gaelic names. See Leven (Sc).
Sledmere (York). Dom. Slidemare. 'Mere, lake in the valley,
dell, or bit of boggy ground ' ; O.E. slced, sled, now slade. Cf.
Slade.
Slindon (Eccleshall, Arundel). Ecc. S. Dom. SUndone, a. 1300
Slyndon. Doubtful. Slim adj. is not in Eng, till 17th cny.
Prob. fr. O.E. slim, 'slime, ooze, soft mud'; m and n often
interchange. Cf. Slineord (Sussex) and Slyne ; also Slimbridge
(Coaley), Dom. Heslinbruge (Nor. scribes often prefix E-, seldom
He-), 1166 Slimbergge, 1224 Slymbrugge.
SLINGSBT 448 SNELLAND
Sltngsby (York). Dom. Sehingesbi, Eslingesbi (Nor. spelling)..
1202 Slingebi. 'Dwelling of' a man unknown, ? Seleivine.
See -by.
Sloley (Cromer, Arley). Ar. S. a. 1200 Slalei, a. 1300 Sloley.
Cro. S. «. 1300 Eccleston Sloler (the r a scribe's or Cockney's
error). ' Slough-meadow '; O.E. sloh. See -ley.
Slyne (Lancaster). Dom. and 1176 Pipe Sline, 1272 and 1310
Scline. Prob. O.E. and O.N. slim, ' slime, soft mud, alluvial
ooze '; m and n often interchange. Cf. Slindon.
Smeeton Westerby (Leicester) and Great Smeaton (Northaller-
ton). Nor. S. Dom. Smidetune, Smet(t)on, 1183 Smetheton,
1211 Smitheton. 'Smooth, level village'; O.E. smethe. Cf.
Smethwick.
Smester (Worcestersh.) . M'Clure thinks that this place on the
little E,. Smestow (stow, ' place '), a trib. of the Stour, is ' sma '
or ' small Stour.' Icel. smd-r, Dan. smaa, O.E. smod, ' small.'
In Sc. the common ending -ster is always for N, sta^-r, ' steading,
farm-place.' Duignan has neither Smester nor Smestow.
Smethwick (Birmingham). Dom. Smedewich, a. 1250 Smeythe-
wick, Smethewyke. O.E. smethe wic, ' smooth dwelling.' Cf.
Dom. Norf. Smethedune. It is on a plain, and so may be
* village on the plain,' as there is a Smeath (Kent), the Smeath
(K.'s Lynn), and Markham Smeath (Swaffham). But Oxf. Diet.
gives for smethe sb. only one quot., c. 1440, and E. AngHcan
dial. See -wick.
Smite (Coventry and Droitwich). Co. S. Dom. Smithh, 1251
Smite. Wo. S. 978 chart. Smita, 1275 Smite. O.E. smita,
which prob. means ' bog, morass, foul place.' There is also a
R. Smite (Notts), in Ldand Myte, c. 1613 Suite.
Smithmeld (London), c. 1425 ' The Priory of seynt Bartholomew
yn Smythfyld.' Referred to early, ? 1154, as ' the smooth
field.' O.E. smeSe, ' smooth.' Smithdown (Liverpool) is
' smooth hill.'
Snailwell (Cambs). c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Snegeluuelle, Dom.
Snellewelle, chart. Sneillewelle, 1169 Sneilwella, 1316 SneyleweUe.
O.E. snoegel, sncegl, sncel, Dan. snegl, ' a snail.'
Sneaton (Whitby). Dom. Sneton. Perh. ' town of 8net ' or
* Simt.' Cf. Snettisham.
Sneinton (now part of Nottingham). Dom. Notintone, 1168-9 Pipe
Snotinton ; so the first part of the name represents the same family
as in Nottingham. But Snainton (N. Yorks) is Dom. Snechin-
tune, ' town of Snecca ' or ' Snocca '; only the latter in Onom.
Snellaitd (Lincoln), Thought to be Norse, ^ Snel'a wood'; O.N.
lund-r, * a grove,' 3 Snels in Onom. Cf. Snelston (Ash-
bourne) and TiMBERLAND.
SNETTERTON 449 SOHO
Snetterton (Norfolk). 1455 Snyterton. 'Town of Snoter' or
' Snothere,' in Onom. Cf. Dom. Derby Esnotrewic (with Nor.E.).
We have also Snitterfield (Warwk.), Dom. Snitefeld, 1151
Snitenesfeld, a. 1300 Snitenef eld ; fr. a man Suite or Suiter,
seen also in Snitterby (Lines), and Dom. Yorks Snitertun. The
liquids u and r often interchange.
Snettisham (King's Lynn). Cf. a. 1199 Snetesham (Salop) and 804
chart. Snattingden (Kent). 'Home of Snat, or Suet.'
Sneyd Green (Hanley). 1410 Snede. O.E. snced, O.N. sneith,
' a small piece, a piece cut or " sned " off, an outlying portion
of a manor.' Cf. Halsnead (Lanes), Snead Common, Stour-
port and Mamble (Salop), Snaith (Yorks), Dom. Esneid, Esnoid.
The E- is fr. a Nor. scribe, a common prefix for him ; and Snyd all
(Yorks), Dom. Snitehala. Duignan says Snead is a common
Midlands name.
Snodland (Kent). 838 chart. Snoddingland. 'Land of the
Snodings ' or ' descendants of Snodda or Suodd.' All these names
are in Onom. ; and Snody is still a surname. Cf. Dom. Snodes-
byrie (Worcs.), now Upton Snodsbury, in 840 chart. Snoddes
lea; also 940 chart. Snodesdelle (Dorset).
Snook. See Blyth-snook.
Snoreham (Essex) and Little Snoring (Fakenham). Dom.
Snaringa, 1454 Litel Snoring. The name Snor, and the patro-
nymic Snoring, are not in Onom. But Snorri is a well-known N.
name. It has nothing to do with Eng. snore, not found a. 1330.
Snowdon. a. 1145 Orderic Mons Snaudunus, c. 1200 Snaudime,
id est, Mons Nivis, a. 1235 Eog. Wendover Snauduna, 1461
Snauwdon. A ' Snowdenhill ' is mentioned near Cambridge in
1447. O.E. sndw dun, ' snow-capped hill.' In W. it is Y
Wyddfa, ' the tomb ' or ' tumulus.'
Soar R. (Leicester). Welsh Red. Bk. of Hergest Sorram, c. 1145
Geoffr. Monm. Sore, 1253 chart. Sor. Perh. N. saur, ' mud,
swamp,' perh. Keltic.
SocKBRLDGE' (R. Eamout). ? the ' Soccabyrig ' in O.E. Chron.
780. It may be Sockburn-on-Tees. There is one Soca in Onom.
SoDBURY (Yate). c. 900 ch<irt. Soppanbyrig, Dow. Sopeberie, 1224
Sobbiri. ' Town of Soppa.' See -bury.
SoHAM (Cambs). Dom. Saham, a. 1200 chart. Ssegham, Chrou.
Ramsey Seham. ' Home in the hollow,' fr. O.E. sigan, pa.
tense sag, ' to sink down, to sag ' ; Bavar. saig, Tyrol, sege,
soga, ' a depression, a swamp.' There was once a large mere
at Soham. Cf. Dom. Norfk. Saha.
SoHO (London). Sic 1632. Said to be fr. the cry of the huntsmen
calling off the harriers — ' So-hoe !' Stow speaks of hunting in
this very district in 1562.
SOLENT 450 SOUTHACRES
Solent. Bede Solente. Breton sol, ' the tide/ Can the -ent be a
Kelt, suffix cognate with the common Tout, end ; cf. W. entrych,
entyrch, ' top, summit ' ? Thus the name might mean, ' head,
end of the tide.'
SouHULL (Warwicksh.) . Dom. Ulverlei — i.e., Wolverley — but a.
1300 Soly-, SuUhull. 'Muddy hiU'; O.E. sol, 'mud, that
which sullies,' syla, ' wallowing places.' Layamon always has
hull for hill, and he belongs to this region; O.E. hill, hyll, 2-5
hull. Cf. AspuiiL, Levenhtjll, etc.; also Soblwell, Lydney),
also spelt Sully, 1281 Sollewalle, ' muddy spring.'
SoLWAY Erith. c. 1300 Sulway, 1682 Sulloway; also Sulliva.
Likewise called Tracht-Romra, fr. G. trdghadh, ' ebbing,' and
Scottwade or Scottiswathe — i.e., ' Scots' ford,' N. and Dan.
wath. O.N. sol-vag-r, 'muddy bay'; O.E. sol, 'mud,' that
which ' sullies.' For vag-r becoming -way, cf. Scalloway and
Stornoway (Sc). (7/. SiLLOTH, Solent, and Solihull. Firth
or frith is Icel. fjor^-r, lH. fjord, ' bay, inlet of the sea.' There is
a El. Salwey near Kidderminster, for which old forms are needed.
Somerby (Grantham and Oakham). Gr. S. Dom. Sumerlede,
Sumerdebi, Sumertebi. ' Dwelling of Somarled ' or ' Sumarli'6i.'
The most famous of this name was regulus of Argyll, d. 1166,
ancestor of the Lords of the Isles. See -by.
Somerford (Staffs), Somerford Keynes (Swindon), and Gt.
SoMERFORD (Chippenham). Sta. S. a. 1300 Somerford. ' Ford
usable only in summer.' There are 37 Sumor- or Sumrefords
in Dom.
Somerset. 878 O.E. Chron. Sumor sset, 1204 chart. Sumerset,
1443 Somerset. ' Seat, dwelling of the family Sumor,' seen
also in Somerton in this shire.
SoNNiNG (Reading). B.C.S. i. 56 Surminges, Dom. Soninges,
c. 1280 Sunninge, 1316 Sonnynge. ' Place of the descendants of
Sunna.' Sunna, Sunno, and Suno are all in Onom. Normans
wrote on for O.E. un. Skeat is doubtful of connexion with
sun-worship. Cf. Sundon and Sunninghill.
Sotwell (Walhngford). Dom. Sotwelle, c. 1280 Sottewell. ' Well
of Sola ' — i.e., the foolish man, the ' sot.' Sola, Soto, and Sotus
are all in Onom. The sb. sot is in Eng. c. 1000, but is fr. O.Fr.
sot, of unknown origin.
SouLBXJRY (Leighton Bzd.) and Sotjlby (Kirkby Stephen). Prob.
' burgh ' and ' dwelling of Sola,' 2 in Onom. See -bury and
-by, and cf. Dom. Bucks Solintone. But Souley End (Bed-
worth), Dom. Soulege, is ' meadow on the R. Sow.' See -ley.
SouRBY (N. Lanes). Dom. Sorbi=SowEBBY.
Sotjthacres (Ripley, Yorks). Dom. Sotesac', Sosacre. 'Acre,
field of Sotu,' a man in Onom.
SOUTHALL 461 SPAESHOLT
South A TJ. (Middlesex). Modern, after Noethall, which is
ancient.
SoTJTHAM (Warwksh.). 980 chart. Sutham, 1043 ib. Southam,
Suoham, Dom. Sucham. ' South house ' or ' home.'
SouTHABiPTON. O.E. Chrou. 837 Hamtun, c. 1100 Flor. Wore.
Suthamtone, -enses, a. 1145 Orderic Suthamptona, c. 1175
Fantosme Suhantune. ' South Hampton ' or ' home-town ' or
' home-stead.' Cf. Northampton.
South Leigh (Axminster). c. 1305 St. Kinelm Soup le3. ' South
meadow.' Cf. Leigh and -ley.
Southminster (Essex), a. 716 chart. Sut5mynster — i.e., 'south
church.' See -minster.
SoxjTHROP (Lechlade). Cf. a. 1100 chart. Suthorpe, in the Mid-
lands. ' South thorpe/ q.v., also found in the form throp.
South Shields. ' South huts or shielings.' The root is Icel.
skjol, O.N. sJcali, 'a shelter'; Icel. skjold-r, 'a shield/ Cf.
Shieldhill (Sc).
SouTHWARK. 1023 O.E. Chron. SuSgeweorc, Dom. Sudwerche,
1160-61 Pipe Sutwerc, Sagas Sydvirke, c. 1386 Chaucer South-
werk. ' South work ' or ' fort ' ; same root as in bulwark and Wark^
Southwell (Notts). 958 chart, at Suthwellan, Dom. Sudwelle.
Sow E.. (Staffs and Warwk.). War. S. O.E. chart. Sowa, Sow,
Dom. Sowa, Sou. St. S. a. 1200 So we. Origin unknown; not
O.E. sv{iu, c. 1150 suwa, ' a sow.'
SowERBY (2 in Yorks) and Sowerby Row (Carlisle). Yor. S. Dom.
Sourebi, Sorebi, 1179-80 Sourebi. Car. S. 1189 Sourebi.
' Dwelling amid the mud ' or ' swamp ' ; N. saur. Cf. Sourby,
also Sorbie and Soroba (Sc.) . See -by.
SoWLEY (now a lake near Lymington). Prob. ' South meadow.'
See -ley.
Spaldestg. Dom. SpalUnge, a. 1100 chart. Spalda, 1154 O.E. Chron.
Spaldelyng. ' Place of the descendants of Spalda '; a patrony-
mic. Cf. next. Spaldington (E. Riding) is Dom. Spellinton,
4 times, so that a var. name Spalla or Spella must have existed.
Spaldwiok (Hunts). Cf. Dom., Spaldes forde, now Spalford,
Notts. ' Dwelling/ O.E. wic, * of Spalda.' See above.
Sparkford (Bath), 1298 Sparkeforde. Older forms needed.
Prob. ' ford of Spearhafoc ' or ' Sperauoc,' 2 in Onom. Prob.
not ' sparkling ford/ fr. O.E. spoerca, spearca, ' a spark.' Spark-
hell (Yardley) is fr. a family of Spark, known here in 1275.
Sparsholt (Winchester). 963 chart. Speresholt; also chart. Speeres-
holt, Dom. This is prob. ' holt, wood of Spere,' a man; cf.
Spernal, (Alcester) [Dom. Spernore (' bank of Spera ') ; but
it may be ' wood for spear shafts,' O.E. spere, ' a spear.'
SPEEN 452 SPROWSTON
Speen (Newbury). Supposed to be c. 380 Ant. Itin. Spinis (loca-
tive), 821 Grant Spene, Dom. Spone, 1316 Spene. Usually said
to be L. spinae, ' thorns/ and Newbury, the ' new burgh/ as
contrasted with the old Rom. Spinae. But Skeat says the
vowel sounds make this impossible, because O.E. Spene would
not be pron. Speen, but Spaine(r-) . He says Spene is an adj .
fr. O.E. spon, ' a chip, thin plank,' hence, he supposes, ' a
wooden tile for roofing ' ; and so Speenham, a form also found,
would be ' shingled house.' Skeat's case is not fully demon-
strated ; but cf. SrNGLBTON.
Speeton (Bridlington). Dom. Specton, Spetton, Spreton. ' Town
of ?' Onom. has a Spieta. It may be as next.
Speke (Liverpool). Prob. called after Walter L'Espec (Nor. Fr.
for 'a woodpecker'), who founded Kirkham, Rievaulx, and
Warden Abbeys, temp. Hen. I.
Spelsbuby (Charlbury). Dom. Spelesberie. 'Burgh of Spila,'
one in Onom. Cf. Spilsby; and see -bury.
Spetchley (Worcester). 816 chart. Spsecleahtun, 967 ib. and
Dom. Speclea, 1275 Spechesleye. Duignan thinks ' vegetable
garden of ' an unrecorded ' Spoec.' See Leighton, or leak tun.
Spilsby (Lines.), also Spilsbuby (Mamble). 1275 Spelebury, 1327
Spellesbury. ' Dwelling ' and ' town of Spila ' or * Spille.' See
-by and -bury.
Spinney (Cambs). Prob. O.Fr. espinaye, L. spinetum, 'place of
thorns, a small wood,' fr. O.F. espine, L. spina, ' a thorn.' But
Spennpthorne (Leyburn) is Dom. Spennigetorp, which must be
a patronymic, fr. Spen, or Spens, a name still in use.
Spofforth (Harrogate). Dom. Spoford. ? 'ford of Spot,' a
recorded name. See -forth.
Spondon (Derby). Prob. O.E. 'sp6n dun, ' hiU like a spoon,' which
was orig. a chip of wood, O.N. spdnn. Cf. Speen, Dom. Spone-
lege (Salop) and Spon End (Coventry). There is no name like
Spon in Onom., but we have 1231 Close R. Sponton, (Suffk.)
as well as Spoonley (Sudeley), 1320 Sponley.
Spreyton (Bow, Devon). Dom. Spreitone. 'Town of Sprae,'
shotr form of Spraecalirvg , 2 in Onom.. It also has Spcer, Sperri,
and Sperus.
Sproatley (Hull), Dom. Sprotelei, and Sprotborough (Doncaster),
Dom. Sproteburg. 'Meadow' and 'Burgh, castle of Sprot{t),'
3 in Onom. See -burgh and -ley.
Sprowston (Norwich). ' Town, village of Sprow,' 3 in Onom.
Cf. Dom. Sprostune (Cheshire), and Sprouston (Sc), Dom.
Yorks Sprostune is now Sproxton ; and there is another Sprox-
tbn near Melton Mowbray.
SPUESTOW 453 STAINTON
Spurstow (Tarporley). Dom. Spurstone. Prob. 'stone' or else
* stow ' (O.E. for ' place ') ' of Spor or Sporri,' one in Oriom.
Perh. fr. O.E. spura, spora, Icel. spori, ' a spur.'
Stackpole (Pembroke). 1594 Stacpoll, -pole, 1603 Stackpoole.
Hybrid. O.N. stak, ' a cliff, an isolated rock/ common in N.
of Scotland, and W. pwl, ' a pool, a small inlet of the sea.' But
Stackhouse (Yorks), Dom. Stacuse, is prob. ' house like a
stack ■" ; O.N. stakk-r, Sw. stack, and Dan. stak. The -house here
will be O.N. too — hus. Stakesby (Whitby), Dom. Staxebi, and
Stakes Hill (Cosham), seem to imply an otherwise unknown
man, Stoecc.
St ADDLE Bridge (Northallerton). Cf. 838 chart. ' Estre Stadel-
ham ' (Limming, Kent). Stadel seems to be the name of a
man not in Onom.
Stadment (Hereford). M'Clure derives -ment fr. O.Corn. menedh,
also menit, menyth, ' a hill.' Cf. Longmynd. Stad- is uncer-
tain; it may be for O.E. street, L. stratum, 'a (Roman) road.'
Cf. Stradfeld for Straffield, in Dom. The liquid r could
easily drop out. As likely it is W. ystad, * a furlong, a
stadium.'
Stafford. 1016 O.E. Chron. Stsefford, 1071 Staffordescir, Dom.
Stat-, Stadf ord. ' Ford which needs a staff ' ; O.E. stcef.
M'Clure thinks it here means ' a guiding rail.' This town is
mentioned earlier on coins, as early as Edgar (958-75) — Stseth,
which is O.E. for ' bank, shore, waterside ' {cf. Statham) ; so
Stseth or Stathe may have been the orig. name, and -ford a
later additon,
Stalndrop (Darlington) and Stainforth (Doncaster). Dom.
Stainforde. ' Stone-built village ' and ' stoney ford.' O.N.
steinn, ' stone, rock.' See -thorpe and -forth.
Stadster Ker (Selby) . /Sic 1259. St. may be, as it still is, a man's
name. It may be O.E. stan (or rather O.N. steinn) ofer, ' stone,
bank, rocky bank.' Cf. Stadstburn (Yorks), Dom. Stain-,
Stanburne, and Staestland (Halifax), Dom. Stanland. Ker is
var. of Carr, ' a rock.' See Redcar.
St ACNE, Stane (Cambs), and Staines (R. Thames). Cam. S. Dom.
Stanes. Tham. S. 969 Stan^, 993 O.E. Chron. Stane., Dom. and
1228 Stanes. O.E. stdn, ' a stone, a rock.' Skeat points out
that the mod. spelling, Staines, not Stones, shows Scandinav.
influence. Cf. Icel. steinn, ' a stone.' Cf. too Dom. Stanes
(Wore), now Stone.
Stainton (5 in P.O.). Rotherham S. Dom. Stantone, 1179-80
Steinton. 'Stone-built village'; Icel. steinn, Dan. and Sw.
sten, O.E. stan, ' stone, rock.' Cf. Stainland (Halifax), Dom.
Stanland, and Stenton (Sc), and above.
STAITHES 4^4 STANTON
Staithes (Yorks). Not in Dom. O.E. StcB^, 'shore, river-bank/
with the common pi. -es. Cf. Staitord, and Stath (Glouc),
1304 Staith.
Staleybeidge. 'Bridge at the stall'; O.E. sIcbI, steall, 'place,
stall, stable.'
Stalisfield Green (Faversham). Local pron. Starchfel, an
example of the common change of liquid I into r. In Dom. it
seems to be Stanefelle, an instructive instance how all the
liquids, here I, n, and r, can interchange. Thus the name orig.
is * stoney field.'
Stalmine (Preston). Sic Dom. and 1212. Hybrid. O.E. steall,
' place,' and O.N. minni, ' meeting of two roads ' or ' rivers.'
Cf. ArRJvnnsr.
Stamford. Bede, Dom., and Pipe Stanford, 922 O.E. Chron.
Steanford, Steamfordd. O.E. for ' ford with the stones '; O.E.
stdn. Interchange of m and n is common. Prob. stone and
stem are the same in root. Cf. Stanford (Berks and Notts),
Dom. Stanford. There are 7 Stanfords in P.O.
Stamfordham (Newcastle-on-T.). 1201 Stanfordeham. See above
and -ham.
Standish (Glouc. and Wigan). Gl. S. 872 chart, and Dom. Stanedis
(also Stanhus — i.e., 'Stone house'; cf. Stenhousemthr, Sc).
Wi. S. 1177-78 Stanesdis, 1180-1206 Stanedis, 1211-13 Stanedich,
1332 Standissh. O.E. stdn edisc, ' enclosure, park, enclosm-e
with the stone wall.' The -isc has become -ish just as in dish,
O.E. disc. Skeat derives this and Farndish (Beds), Dom. Fernadis,
fr. O.E. disc, ' dish, cup, hoUow, concave place in a field '; but
for these latter meanings Oxf. Diet, gives nothing a. 1810. Cf.
Cavendish.
Standon (Eccleshall). Dom. Stantone = Stanton ; whilst Stand-
hill (Oxon) is a. 1300 Standelf, ' stone-delf ' — i.e., quarry.
See ddf sb^, fr. vb. delve, ' to dig.'
Stanhoe (King's Lynn). 14 . . . Liber Sharbur, Edwinus . . .
vocavit Mam Stanhoghiam, quae postea vocabatur Stanhowe.
' Rocky point of land.' See Hoe. ? What Edwin is referred to.
Cf. 1179-80 Pipe Stangaho (Yorks).
Stanley (5 in P.O.). c. 938 chart. Stanlea3e, ? which; 940 chart.
Stanleyghe (Wilts); Dom. Yorks Stanlei, 12 times; 1156 Pipe
Stanlega (Warwick) ; 1369 Mem. Ripon Staynlay (Wakefield).
O.E. Stan lea^e, locative, nom. leah, ' stony meadow.' See -ley.
STAintf ER (Sussex) . Dom. Stan mere— i.e., ' stony lake.' Cf. the
name Granmer — i.e., ' crane lake.'
Stanstpd (Wrotham, Kent). 810 chart. Stanham stede — i.e.,
' stone house place.'
Stanton (20 in P.O.). Dom. Stantun(e) (Yorks, Salop, Notts, and
Staffs) . ' Stone-built town ' or ' village ' ; O.E. stdn, ' stone.'
STANWAY 456 STAVERTON
Stan WAY (Colchester, Toddington, and Winchcombe). Cf. Dom.
Staneweie (Salop), and 1189 Pipe Stanwega (Cumbld.). ' Way,
road paved with stone '; O.E. stdn. Dom. Yorks Stenweghe(8),
Steinuege, is now Stanwick. Stein- is clearly fr. O.N. steinn,
not O.E. Stawell (Leach and Bridgwater) is Dom. Glouc.
Stanewell.
Stanwell (Middlesex). Dom. Stanwelle. 'Stone well' — i.e.,
prob. ' well surrounded by a stone wall.' Cf. Stone well.
Stapenhtll (Burton-on-T. and Stourbridge). Bu, S. Dom. Stapen-
hille. St. B. 1342 Stapenhull. ' Hill of Steapa, -an/ one in Onom.
Stapleford (7 in P.O.) and Stapleton (4 in P.O.). Romford S.
Dom. Staplefort. Cam. S. B.C. 8. iii. 687 Stapelford, Dom. Staple-
ford (also Notts). ? c. 1150 Grant Stapelfordia, Notts. 1179-80
Pipe Stapleton (Yorks). O.E. stapul, stapol, 'a stake, an up-
right post, a pillar ' ; then ' a market.' Staplow, -loe (Cambs),
is Dom. Staplehou, 1428 Stapulho ; O.E. hoh, ' heel, projection.'
See Hoe. Curiously, Stapleton (Yorks) is in Dom. both Staple-
tone and Staplendun, ' hill of the staple ' ; while Stapleton (N.
Lanes) is in Dom. Stopeltierne, ' market of the lord,' G. tigheama.
Cf. Thrimby.
Staebeok (Harrogate). Old Osbern-stahbec. 'Rushy brook';
Sw. Starr, a ' rush '; Icel. hehk-r, ' a brook.' Cf. Stab (Sc).
Starbottom (Skipton). Dom. Stamphotne (plainly an error).
Prob. ' rushy bottom ' or ' valley '; O.E. hotm. See above; and
cf. Ramsbottom.
Start Point (S. Devon). O.E. steort, ' a tail, a promontory.' Cf.
Land's End. For Starteorth, a corrupt form, see Stbad-
broke. Steort reappears in many names — Stert (Devizes,
Glouc, and Somerton), Stert I. and Point (Bridgwater, perh.
1184 Pipe Sterte), Stirtloe (see -low) (Hunts), etc. ; also Stardens
(Newent), 1301 Styrtesden, For Star.ton see Staverton.
Statham (Warrington), not in W. and H., and Stathern (Melton
Mow.). Prob. both fr. O.E. stceth, 'bank, waterside, shore.'
O.E. erne is ' house.' Cf. Staithes.
Staunton (5 in P.O.). 1297 Scotch Roll (Chancery) Steynton, 1302
Staunton (Notts). O.E. stan tun, ' stone-built village.' Cf.
Stanton and Stenton (Sc.) . ; but the u here shows Nor. influence.
Stavelby (Knaresboro', Kendal, and Chesterfield). Kn. S. is
prob. Dom. Stanleia {n for u), p. 65a. Dom. has nothing else
for the first two, and for Ch. S. Stavehe. The Stave- is doubt-
ful; prob. it is, hke Stafford, which was orig. not fr. staff, but
fr. O.E. stceth, ' bank, shore, waterside,' mod. dial, staithe, ' a
river landing-place'; th has also become v in Stevenage.
See -ley.
Staverton (Daventry, Cheltenham, Totnes). Da. S. 1156 Stauer-
tun. Ch. S. Dom. Starventon, 1230 Stauerton. Cf. Starton
STAXTON 466 STEVENTON
(Coventry), 1163 Stauerton, and Dom. Staurecote (Salop).
These all may be ' town of Stanhart,' var. of Stanheard or
Stanhere. But at any rate To. S. is a. 1100 chart. Stofordtune,
Dom. S(t)overton, which looks like ' Statfoed town/
Staxton (York). ' Dom. Stacstone, Stactone. No man Stac in
Onom., so this is perh. a tautology; O.N. stak, ' a cliff, isolated
rock,' and O.E. stdn, ' stone, rock.' But see Stakesby s.v.
Stackpole, and -ton.
Stechtord (Birmingham). 1242 Stichesford, a. 1300 Stichford,
Stycchefford. Stetch is dial, for ' a ridge between two furrows
in ploughed land ' ; perh. cognate with stake and stick. But this
also may be fr. Stifec. Cf. Stetchworth, Stivichall (Coventry),
and Stewkley.
Steeple (Southminster) . Cf. Dom. ' Steple ' (Cheshire). O.E.
stepel, ' a church steeple,' same root as steep. There are six
places in P.G. like Steeple Ashton, Steeple Claydon, etc. We
already have ' Stepelknoel ' in 1228 Close B.
Steeton (Keighley). Dom. Stivetrme, 1298 Stiveton. ' Town of
Styfa.'
Stepney (London and Hull). Lon. S. old Stebenhythe, Stiben-
hede, Stebunhethe, 1503 Stepney. On the analogy of Steven-
age, which has much earher attestation (there is no trace, it
seems, of Stepney till 1299), almost certainly O.E. cet stithan
hydde, ' at the stout, strong landing-stage,' or Hythe. But the
name has certainly been influenced by thoughts of Stephen, a
name which, however, O.E. Chron. always spells Stephne, and
no spellings with b seem to occur. The form Stepney (see -ey)
is quite late ; so presumably is the name at Hull.
Stetchworth (Newmarket). K.C.D. iv. 245 SteuicheswortSe, 269
Steuecheworde, Dom. Stiuicesuuorde, Stuuicesworde, 1235
Stivecheswrthe, 1383 Stewcheworthe. ' Farm of Sty fee ' or
' Stifec.' Cf. Stecheord and Stukeley. But Stitchbrook
(Lichfield) is Dom. Tichebroc and a. 1300 Sichelesbroc,
Stichelesbroc, ' brook of Sticcele.'
Stevenage (Herts). K.C.D. iv. 176 Stichensece, Stithensece, Dom.
Stigenace, 1199 Stivenach, a. 1199 Stiphenage, c. 1250 Stitenache,
Hundred B. Stepenacth, 1303 Stivenhach. O.E. cet stithan
hoBCce, ' at the strong hatch ' or ' gate ' ; influenced by the name
Stephen or Steven, for which the first part was mistaken by
Nor. scribes. Cf. Cocknage, Staveley, and Stepney.
Steventon (Berks, Whitchurch, and Beds, where also spelt
Stevtngton). Dom. Stivetune, 1291 Stiventon, 1316 Styving-
ton, c. 1540 Stevynton. The name has been influenced by
Stephen, but orig. it must have been Styfan tun, * Stifa's village.'
Cf. Steeton.
STEWKLEY 467 STOCKWELL
Stewkley (Leighton Buz.). 974 chart. Stiveclei, 1040 ib. Styve-
clea; later Stiucle. Prob. not ' Sty fee's meadow/ (c/. Stetch-
worth), but ' meadow in the clearing in the wood '; O.E. sty fee
is said to mean this. Cf. Stijkeley.
Steyning (Sussex). Dom. Staninges. ' Place of the descendants
of Stan ' or ' Stein.' Patronymic.
Sticklepath (Okehampton). Dev, dial, stickle, ' steep.'' Prob.
same root as in stickleback ; O.E. sticle, ' a prickle.'' We get
the sb. in Harrison Stickle, a hill near Windermere.
Stillingeleet (York) . Dom. Steilingfled, Steflinflet, also Steflinge-
feld (error). Stefiing must be a patronymic, perh. fr. Stefan or
its dimin. See -ing; -fleet is 'river' — see Fleet. We get the
same name in Stttt.tngtok (Easingwold), Dom. Stivelinctun.
Stilton (Helmsley and Peterboro'). He. S. Dom. Tilstun, 3 times.
' Tila's town/ Pe. S. not in Dom. It seems a case of meta-
thesis.
Stinchcombe (Dursley). 1150-60 Stintescombe, 1220-89 Stinctes-
cumb. Prob. ' valley of Stinta ' — i.e., ' the stinted, or stunted
one.' Cf. Dom. Norfk. Stinckai, and Stlnsford (Dorset), old
Styntes-, Stinchefford.
Stirchley (Birmingham and Shifnal). B.C.S. 71 Stercan lei. Cf.
Stbicklaot) and 1155 Pipe Sterchelai (Wilts). 'Meadow of
Sterca ' or ' the stirks.' See -ley.
Stisted (Braintree). Dom. Stiesteda. This must be the same as
1231 Close R., Stisted', Tystede. It seems to be 'sty-stead' or
place; O.E. stige, Ban. sti, 'a sty, a pen.' But Tisted is
' Ticca' 8 stead.'
Stockingford (Nuneaton). 1155 Stoccingford, a. 1300 Stockeford.
Duignan says stocking means ' a grubbing-up of woodland or
waste, and preparing it for cultivation.' Cf. Stocking (Hares-
feld), 1205 Stockem putte, ' pit at the tree-stocks ' ; an O.E. loc,
stoccan.
Stockport. 1488 Will Stopforde, a. 1600 Stoppord, -ort, and
still locally pron. Stoppert. Prob. not fr. O.E. stoppian, ' to
stop,' but ' ford of Steapa ' ; one in Onom. The orig. ending
might be -worth, ' farm,' q.v. The form Stock- seems quite recent.
Stockton-on-Tees. 1183 Stoktona, 1208 Stocton. O.E. stoc, stocc,
means ' a stock, stem, stick, block.' The meaning here is ' fenced-
in village.' Cf. next. There are 7 Stocktons in P.G. Stock-
ton-on-the-Forest (York) is Dom. Stocthun, while St. near
Harewood is Stochetim, and Stockton-on-Teme is 958 chart.
Stoctune.
.Stockwell and Stock-vtellflat, or S. Green (Lambeth). 1296
Stokwelflatte. Prob. 'well with the stocks or stakes aroimd
it.' Cf. above and the Stockwell (Glasgow).
30
STODMARSH 458 STORT R.
Stodmarsh (Canterbury). Perh. fr. an unknown man 8tod. Cf.
Dom. Essex Stodfelt, Norfk. Stodeia (see -ey), and Salop Stodes-
done. Most of these may be fr. stud. See Stoodleigh.
Stoke (many). E.g., 808 chart. NorSstoc (Somerset), Dom. Stoca,
Stocha (St.-on-Trent). O.E. stoc, 'place/ lit. what is stuck in
or down, a stake. Dom. has 31 cases of Stoche {ch=k) and
32 of Stoches.
Stoke Bruern (Towcester). 1370 Stoke Brewerne — i.e., 'brew
house." Cf. Whithorn (Sc). O.E. hwit erne.
Stoke Poges (Bucks). Sic 1612, but Dom. Stoches. Amica,
heiress of this Stoke, married Robt. Pogis, knight, in the
12th cny.
Stokeslby (Yorks). Dom. Stocheslage, ' Meadow of the Stoke '
or ' place.' Cf. Stokesby (Gt. Yarmouth) ; and see -ley.
Stone (Kent and Kidderminster). Kent S. 993 O.E. Chron. Stane
See M'Clure, p. 280. Kidd. S. Dom. and 1275 Stanes, 1327
Stone. See Staine. Stone (Staffs) is a. 1300 both Stane and
Stanes.
Stoneham (Winchester). Bede iv. 16, 'The place called Ad
Lapidem ' ; O.E. vers. Mt Stane. See -ham, and cf. Stone-
house (Stroud), 1229 Stanhus, and Stoneleigh (Coventry),
Dom. Stanlei.
Stonehenge (Salisbury). Sic 1529, but c. 1120 Hen. Hunt.
Stanenges, c. 1145 Geoffrey M on. Stanheng,c. 1205 Layam. Stan-
henge, 1297 R. Glouc. Ston heng, and -hyngel. M'Clure thinks
of O.E. Stan hanger ' sloping stones '; hange=hangra or angra.
Cf. Clayhanger, etc. There is an early tradition that the
circle was erected at the instigation of MerUn the enchanter,
in memory of 460 nobles slain by Hengist the Saxon in 472.
But the W. bard Aneurin says it existed even before the time
of Ambrosius, the opponent of Hengist.
Stonewell (Lancaster) . 1418 Stanewelle, and Stoneywell (Lich-
field), a. 1300 Stoniwelle, a. 1400 -walle. = Stanwell.
Stonnall (Walsall), a. 1200 Stanhale, Stonhale. See -hall. Cf.
Stancil (Yorks), Dom. Steineshale. Prob. ' stoney corner.'
Stoodleigh (Tiverton) and Sttjdley (Warwksh. and W. Riding).,
Wa. S. Dom. Stodlei, a. 1300 Stodelegh. W. Rid. S. Dom.
StoUai (5 times), 1202 Fines Stodlee. ' Meadow of the breed-
ing stud ' ; O.E. and O.N. stod. Cf. Stotfold, but also Stod-
MARSH. See -leigh. Duignan says the Stude, Ch. Lawford, a.
1300 de la stude, is a var. of stead, ' homestead ' ; but prob. it is
fr. stod too.
Stopham (Pulboro'). Sic 1238 Close B. Prob. ' home of Steapa/
2 in Onom.
Stort R. (Essex) . See Bp's. Stortford.
STOTFOLD 459 STRATFOED
Stotfold (S. Yorks and Baldock). Yo. S. Dom. Stod-, Stotfald.
Ba. S. 1007 chart. Stodfald. O.E. for ' enclosure, fold for the
breeding stud/ Cf. Stoodleigh, and Stodfauld burn {sic 1542),
near Cullen (Banffshire).
Stottesdon (Cleobury Mortimer) . Sic 1 160 Pipe. ' Hill of 8totta '
(not in Onom.) or ' 8tut' Of. B.G.S. 787 Stutes hyl ; and see -don.
Stoulton (Worcester). 840 chart. Stoltun, Dom. Stotune, 1275
Stoltone, 1332 Stotton. O.E. stol-tun, ' stool town/ a unique
name, perh. referring to some seat of civil or ecclesiastical
authority, now forgotten. Stutton (Ipswich) may be fr. Stut.
Cf. B.G.S. 787 Stutes hyl.
Stoub, R. (Kent, Dorset, Worcester, Staffs). Ke. S. a. 700 chart.
Sturia, 839 Stura. Wo. S. 757-985 chart. Sture. St. S. 781
cJiart. Sture, and so Dom. Skeat inclines to associate with Eng.
stir. Perh. cognate with Bret, ster, steir, ' river.' There is a
tiny R. Stour (Cambs), on which is Stub- or Stourbridge; but
it must be an invented name, for we have, 1199-1200 Steresbrig,
1201-02 Steresbreg, 1418-19 Sterrebridge, 'bridge of Steer,' a
personal name fr. O.E. stior, ' steer, ox.' Cf. Bull, and Stearsby
(Yorks), Dom. Estiresbi, Stirsbi. Stourbridge (Worcester) is
1333 Sturbrugg, and Stoubton is 1227 Sturton.
Stow (7 in P.G.). Dom. Bucks Stov. Lichfield S. 1221 Stowe.
O.E. stow, ' a place, village, town.' Gf. Chepstow, etc.,
Stowick (Henbury) is 1316 Stokewicke.
Stbad broke (Suffolk). 13 ... in Matt. Westmr. Strodbrocke.
' Brook '; O.E. broc, ' on the (Roman) road or street '; O.E. street.
Gf. next. Dom. Yorks Stradford has now become Startforth.
Stroat (Tidenham) is 956 chart. Street.
Straeeield or Stratfield Mortimer (Reading). Dom. Stradfeld ;
later, Stratf eld. ' Field on the street or Roman road ' ; O.E. street.
Gf. next, Streatley, and 1160-61 Pipe Northants Strafford.
Stramshall (Uttoxeter). Dom. Stagrigesholle (a bad shot!), a.
1300 Strangricheshull, -hall, Strangeshull, a. 1400 Strongeshull.
The first part is ' Stranglic'B ' or ' Stronglic's ' (both in Onom.) —
i.e., ' the stronghke's ' — while the second varies between -hall,
q.v., and -hill, midl. hull.
Strangeways (Manchester). 1326 Strangwas. Popular etymol-
ogy! Orig. O.E. Strang wdse, 'strong, stiff ooze' or 'mud.'
Gf. Alrewas, etc. W. and H. prefer to derive fr. O.E. woesc,
' washing up ' of water. But none of our names in -was ever
show a trace of a final c.
Stratford, Stony, on Avon, and 3 others. Avon S. 691 chart.
aet Stretfordse, 714 ih. Straetforda. O.E. Ghron. 675 Stretford
(Lines). Dom. Essex and Warwk. Stradford. They all mean
' ford on the stratum ' or ' Roman road,' O.E. street. Gf.
Stkaffield. There is a Straford in Dom. (Salop), and a Straf-
STRATHFIELDSAYE 460 STUBLACH
ford in 1160 Pipe Northants; whilst Straf(f)ord. or StrafEorth
is name of a wapentake in Dom. Yorks.
Stbathfieldsaye and Stratfield or Steaitield Mobtimer
(Reading). Dom. Stradfeld in Redinges' hundred — i.e., 'street-
held,' or field near the Roman way. The -saye is the s of the
gen., and -ay, ' islet ' or ' watery spot.' See above.
Steatton (7 in P.G.). Dom. Stratun (Salop), Strattone (Bude),
1156 Strattun (Leicester). 'Town, village on the street' or
' road/ Prob. they all stood on Roman roads. See above.
P.O. has also 10 cases of Stretton, and there are 4 in Warwk.
alone, 2 in Dom. as Stratone, and, of course, all the same name.
S.-on-Fosse and S.-under-Fosse refer to the Rom. Fossway or
road fr. Lincoln to Exeter; L. fossa, ' a ditch.' It is caUed in
O.E. chart. Fos and Foss. Stretton (Burton-on-T.) is found
so spelt as early as a charter of 942 ; also cf. Stubton.
Steeatley (Reading). B.C.S. i. 108 Strset-leah, Stretlea. Cf.
c. 700 Kent chart. Stretleg. ' Meadow on the street or stratum.'
See Stratfokd, and cf. Stretham (Cambs), c. 1080 Streatham,
and Strelley (Notts), Dom. Straleia, 1166 Pipe Stratlega, and
so the name as Streatley. But Steeetthoep (S. "Yorks) is Dom.
Stirestorp, 'village of Stir'; ? the majordomo of Harthacnut.
The same name recurs in Stearsby (Yorks), Dom. Stirsbi.
Strensall (N. Riding). Dom. Strenshale. Perh. ' nook of Streon.'
See -hall. But Strensham (Pershore) is 972 chart. Strengesho,
' hill ' (see Hoe) ' of Streng ' — i.e., ' the strong.' Strong and
Strang (Sc.) are still common surnames. By 1275 it is Strenge-
sham.
Strickland (Westmorld.). Dom. Stercaland. ' Stirk land '; O.E.
styrc, styric, ' a young bullock or heifer.'
Strood (Rochester). 1160 Pipe Stroda; and Strotjd (Glouc), 1200
La Strode. O.E. strod{e), a common charter word for ' marshy
lai\d.' Cf. Stretaston (Monks Kirby), a. 1400 Strodaston, ' East
town in the marshy land,' and Stroud Green (N. London),
which has no old history.
Strumpshaw (Norfolk). Dom. Stromessaga, 1452 Stromsaw, 1454
Strumpeshawe. Doubtful. There is no likely name in Onom.,
yet Strome- prob. represents a man. The ending may either
be shaw, ' a wood ' q.v., or ' haw, ' a hedge ' ; O.E. haga.
Stubham (Ilkley). Dom. Stube (-e ?=-ey, q.v.), and Stubhotjse
(Harewood), Dom. Stubhuson (a loc). O.N. stubb-r, stobbi, O.E.
styb, ' a stump, a stub.' Here ? ' house made of stumps,' or
' beside the stump.' See -ham.
Stublach (Middlewich) . Not in Dom. But there were orig. two
hamlets. Stubs (prob. O.E. styb, ' a stub ' or ' stob ' or ' stake,'
Icel. stubbi, stobbi, stubbr, Dan. stub, ' a stump ') and Lache {Dom,
Leche — i.e., O.E. leah, lea^, ' meadow').
STUDLET 461 SULHAM
Sttjdley. See Stoodlbigh.
Stfkeley, Great and Little (Hunts). Chart. Styvec lea, Stivec-
lea, Dom. Stivecle. ' Styfec's meadow.' Cf. Stetchwobth.
On sty fee see Stewkley. See -ley.
Stuntney (Ely), c. 1080 Inquis. Camb. Stuntenei, 'Isle of the
weak or foolish man ' ; O.E. stunta, stunt. See -ey.
Stubton (2 in Lines, Retford, and Cambridge). Re. S. Dom. Estre-
tone, c. 1200 Strattone; also Stubton Gbange (Yorks), Dom.
Stretun, = Stratton. Old forms needed for the others.
Stubby (N.E. Kent). 679 chart. Sturia. See Stoub and -ey.
Stutton (Ipswich and Tadcaster). Ta. S. Dom. Stutone, Stouetun.
' Town of Stut, one in Onom., contracted fr. Stutheard or Stuthere.
Cf. B.C.S. 787 Stuteshyl, and 1160-61 Pipe Somst. StutteviU.
Suckley (Worcester). Dom. Suchelei, 1275 Sukkeleye. ' Meadow
of Succa ' or ' Sucga.' Cf. B.C.S. 1234 Succan pyt, 958 chart.
Sicanbyrig, on R. Stour (Stafford), and Sugwobth. See -ley.
SuDBBOOK (Grantham, Chepstow, and Glouc). Like next, these
may all be 'south brook'; O.E. su^S, O.N. swS-r, Dan, syd,
' south.' But cf. Sotebroca, Dom. Devon, ' brook of Sota/ 2 in
Onom.
SuDBUBY (Worcester and Suffolk). Wo. S. 963 chart. Suthan byrig.
Su. S. O.E. Chron. 798 Sudberi; also Suthberi; a. 1200 Sudbiri,
1471 Sudberrye. ' South burgh ' or ' fort.' Cf. Sudeley (2 in
Glouc.), Dom. Sudlege, 1250 Suthlege. See -bury.
SuPFiELD (N. Riding, Aylsham, Cromer). York S. Dom. Sudfelt.
' South field.' See next.
SuppoLK. Orig. the southern part of East Anglia. 1076 O.E. Chron.
SuSfolc, c. 1175 Fantosme Sufolke, 1478 Suffolk. 'The South
folk.' Cf. NoBEOLK. EarHer — e.g., 1010 O.E. Chron. — ^it was
Eastengle or Engla, now East Anglia.
SuGNALL (Eccleshall). Dom. Sotehelle (error), a. 1200 SogenhuU,
a. 1300 Suggenhale, -hille; and Stjgwobth (Sunningwell, Berks),
Dom. Sogorde. Cf. 1293-94 'Suggeden' (Salop). 'Farm of
Sucga.' See Suckley and -worth. In Sugnall the ending
varies between -hall, q.v., and -hill, midl. hull, as often.
SuLHAM (Reading) and Sulhampstead (Berks). Skeat says not
the same names. Dom. Soleham, c. 1130 Chron. Abingd. Sule-
ham, also Soulham, which is prob. ' home of Sula.' Cf. Sulan-
broc, -ford, and -graf, all in O.E. charters, and Dom. Suletime
(Salop), and ib. Soleberie (Bucks). But c. 1290 Sylhamsted,
1402 Syllampstede, 1428 Silhamsted, c. 1540 Sulhampsted
Banaster (now Bannister, fr. a Norman*), and S. Abbatis, now
* A Robert Banistre was Nor. lord of Prestatyn, Flint, in 1164.
SULLY 462 SURTEES
S. Abbots. These persistent y forms must represent an O.E.
a, and not u, so this is prob. ' homestead in a miry place/ O.E.
sylu. Cf. Sowlk- or Sookholme (Notts), 1189 Pipe Sulcholm,
1230 Close R. Sulgholm, ' miry meadow,' fr. O.E. sulig, sulh,
' miry, wet ' ; and see -holm. Soulby (Cmnbld.) is ' dweUing
of Solva/ Cf. Hampstead.
Sully (isle off Glamorgan), a. 1300 Taxatio Sulleye, 1610 Sylye.
M'Clure's suggested connexion with Silures seems very doubtful.
More likely ' Isle of Sulf/ 2 in Onom. See -ey. However, it lies
at the mouth of the rivulet Sili, which T. Morgan says may mean
' hissing water.' It may contain the same root as Scilly.
Curiously Stjlley (Lydney) is 1281 SoUewalle, ' muddy spring.'
See above.
Stjnbtjby (Hampton Court), a. 962 chart, set Sunnanbjnrg, Dom.
Suneberie; also Sunnabyri. 'Burgh, castle of Sunna' — i..e,
' the sun ' ; O.E. sunne fern,, Icel. sunna. Cf. SmfDON.
SuNDERLAim. The orig. town was Wearmouth. This ' Sunder-
land ' occurs first in 1183 Boldon BJc. as, presumably, land
sundered from Bp's and Monk's Wearmouth, land specially
privileged, fr. O.E. sundor, ' apart, special ' ; sun-, syndrian,
' to separate.' Cf. Sundeiilajtdwick (Drifl&eld), Dom. Sundre-
lanwic (see -wick), Dom. C!hesh. Sundreland, and perh. Sinder-
hope (Allendale). But Sinderby (Thirsk), Dom. Senerebi, is
perh. ' dwelling of Bind-, Sundbeorht/ an old Teutonic name.
See -by and -hope. There was also a ' Sunderland ' found in
Wstrsh. charters. On it now stands Sunday's Hill (Spetchley),
a curious example of popular etymology.
SuNDON (Dunstable). K.C.D. 920 Sunnan dun, which may be
' hill of the sun,' but quite as likely ' fort of Sunna.' See
Stotbtiry.
SmrarNGHiLL and -well (Berks). Old Suninghull, Sunningehulle
(hull=hiU; cf. Solihtjll, etc.). B.C.S. i. 506 Sunningauuille,
ih. iii. 108 Sunninga wylle, Dom. Soningeuuel, c. 1290 Sunninge-
well. ' Hill ' and ' well of the Sunnings.' See Sonnlng.
SuBBiTON. See Noebiton.
Suellngham (Norwich). Dom. Sutherlinga-, Suterlinge-ham.
' Home of the dwellers in the South ' ; a patronymic. See -ing,
Cf. Easterling, ' a dweller in East Germany,' etc., and Suther-
land (Sc).
Surrey. Bede iv. 6 In regione sudergeona; O.E. vers. Suthrigra
lande, 838 Suthreie, 1011 O.E. Chron. Suthrige, c. 1175 Fantosme
Surrei, c. 1386 Chaucer Surrye. 'Southern kingdom'; O.E.
ric, Hge — i.e., south of the Thames.
SuRTEES (Co. Durham). 1211 Super Teisam. L. super, Fr. sur,
' on the Tees.'
SUSSEX 463 SWANLAND
Sussex. . c. 800 Nennius Sutsaxiiin (inflected), O.E. Chron. 449
Suf$ Sexa, 891 ib. SuSseaxas, c. 1330 E. Brunne Southsex.
(Land of) 'the South Saxons/ Cf. Essex, and Wessex, or
' the West Saxons/
Stjtterton (Boston). Sic in chart, of ? 810. The Onom. has only
a Sulfa, so this will be ' town of the soutar ' or ' tailor ' ; O.E.
sutere, O.N. sutar.
Sutton (38 in P.G.). B.C.S. ii. 224 Sut5tun, Dom. Sudtone; later
Suthtun, Suttone (Berks) ; Dom. Suttone (Surrey and Cambs.) ;
1160 Pipe Sutton (Kent). 'South town.' But 825 chart.
Suthtune has, in one case, in Worcestersh., become Sodington.
Dom. Yorks has Sudtun or -tunen 23 times, and Sutun 10 times.
Sutton Coldfield. Dom. Sutone, a. 1200 Sutton Colmesfeld,
Colnes field, a. 1400 Sutton in Colfield. ' South town ' (see
above) ' in Colm's field.' Colm is short form of Columba or
Golum, as in Inchcolm (So.) ; and the liquids m and n, though
not so commonly as I and r, tend to disappear. Cold- is a late
and ill-informed corruption.
SwAiTHAM (Cambridge) and Swatfham Bulbeck. K.C.D. iv. 245
Suafham, Dom. Suafam, 1210 Swafham. ' Home of Swcef.' Cf.
SwAVESEY. SwAEiELD (Norfk.) is c. 1150 Suathefeld, which
may be for ' Swcef s field' too. Onom. has nothing nearer.
For a similar change cf. Stevenage.
Swainsthorp (Norfolk). 1451 Sweynnysthorp, 1458 Sweynsthorp.
' Village of Swegen ' or ' Sweyn,' or ' of the swain or herd or
swineherd.' Of. Swainby (Yorks), Dom. Suanebi, and Swaeptset
(N. Lanes), Dom. Suenesat, ? ' seat of the swain.' Cf. Somerset.
See -by and -thorpe.
Swale R. (Yorks and Kent). Yor. S. Bede Sualua, O.E. vers.
Swalwa, 1155 Pipe Svaledale. Kent S. is a salt-water strait.
M'Clure thinks connected with O.E. swellan, ' to swell,' and
compares the numerous Ger. Schwal-bachs. Cf. Swalwell.
Swalloweield (Berks). Dom. Solafel, c. 1290 Swalefeld; later
Swaleewefeld. O.E. swealwe, swalwe, ' a swallow.'
Swalwell (Co. Durham). 1183 Boldon Bh. Sualwels. Perh.
' Sualo's well,' 1 such in Onom. As likely fr. same root as Swale.
Swanage (Bournemouth). O.E. Chron. 877 Swana-, Swanewic,
O.E. for ' swans' dwelling.' It might also be swana wic, ' swine-
herds' dwelling.' For the phonetic changes involved in the
change of -wic into -age cf. the forms of Knowledge v. in
Oxf. Diet. Cf., too. Cranage, 'cranes' dwelling' (Congleton).
Greenwich to-day is pron. Greenage. But Swanboro' Tump
(Pewsey, Wilts) is a. 900 K. Alfred's Will Swinbeorg, ' swine's,
mound ' or ' Barrow.' Thus Tump is but a tautology.
SwANLAND (Brough). 1298 Swanelond. Cf. above.
SWANSEA 464 SWINNERTON
SwAiTSEA. 1188 Sweynsei, c. 1190 Gir. Camb. Itin. Sweineshe
quod et Kambrice Abertawe ('mouth of E,. Tawe ') vocatur;
1210 Sueinesheia, 1234 Sweinesheie, 1298 Sweynese. * Isle of
K. Swegen ' or ' Sweyn,' d. 1014, who thrice invaded England
from Denmark. Cf. Swainsthorp, and Swancote (Wore), 1275
Swanecote, ' cot of the swain ' or ' swineherd/ See -ea,
SwABDESTON (Norwich). 'Town of Swearta/ 3 in Onom., or 'of
Swe,OTda.' Cf. B.C. 8. ii. 174 Sweordestan (Glouc).
SwAELTNG (Kent). 805 cMrt. Sueordhlincas. 'Links for sword-
play '; O.E. sweord. Cf. Swerford, and 941 chart. Suuyrdling
(Twickenham) .
SwARTH (Ulverston). Dom. Warte; but the other Dom. Yorks
Warte is Warter Himdred. ? fr. O.E. sweart, ' swart, swarthy,
black, dark ' (place), or sweard, O.N. svord-r, ' sward, turf.'
SwAVESEY (Cambridge). Dom. Svavesye, 1266 Suauiseye, 1346
Swafsey. ' Isle of Swcef/ lit. one of the tribe Suevi, now the
Swabians. Cf. Swaetham and Swaythorp (E. Riding), Dom.
Suauetorp. See -ey.
SwERFORD (Oxford). Perh. a. 800 cJiart. Sweord ora, O.E. for
' sword bank ' — i.e., level bank fit for fighting with swords.
Cf. SWARDLINQ.
SwETTENHAM (Congletou). ' Home of Sweta,' gen. -an, or 'of
Swet.' Sweting is also in Onom. Cf. Dom. ISTorfk. Suatinga,
patronymic, and Swetton (W. E-iding), Dom. Suatune.
SwiNBROOK (Burford, Oxon). 'Swine's brook'; O.E. swin, O.N.
svin. Cf. Dom. Bucks Svene-, Sueneborne, or ' Swinburne ' ;
see -bourne. Swindon — ^there are 3, Dom. Wilts and Glouc.
Suindone — ^is, of course, ' Swine's hill.' Swilland (Ipswich) is
c. 1330 chart. Swinnlonde.
SwESTE (Hull). Dom. Swine, Suine. 'Swine island,' with -e = -ey.
O.E. swin, ' swine.'
Swineshead (Boston, Hunts, Eccleshall, and Spetchley). Bos.
S. 786-96 chart. Suinesheabde, a. 1100 ib. Swyneseheved. Ecc.
S. Dom. Sueneshed. Sp. S. 989 chart. Swinesheafod, a. 1300
Swynesheved. Prob. 'height of the swine'; O.E. sunn; but
possibly fr. a man Sigeioine, which would contract into Smne ;
so Duignan.
SwiNPORD (Rugby). Cf. 808 chart. Swinford (Somerset), and
958 chart. Swinforda (on R. Stour, Staffd.). ' Swine's ford.'
SwiNNERTON (Staffs). Dom. Siilvertone, 1205 Silverton, 1206
Soulverton, 1298 Swynnreton, a. 1300 Swinaferton, Swyne-
farton, a. 1500 Swynerton. A name which has changed; orig.
' Silver town '; O.E. seolfor, siolfor, 2-7 siluer, 3-4 suluer ; ? why
so called. Cf. Silverton. But its present form is fr. some
unrecorded man with a name like Swinafer, or ? fr. swine ford-
SWINTON 465 TALKE
SwiNTON (3 in Yorks, and Manchester). Dom. Yorks, Suintml
5 times. 1179-80 Pipe Suineton (Yorks). Prob. 'town of
Swegen (also Suen, Svein),' a very common name in Onom.
There is also Swinden (Craven), Dom. Suindene, prob. fr. O.E.
swin, ' swine.' See -den.
Sydenham (S. London and Wallingford) and S. Damaeel (Tavis-
tock). B.C. 8. 759"Sidanham. O.E. for ' home of Sida.' The
London S. is 1675 Evelyn Sydnam. The Tav. S. at first be-
longed to the Damarels.
Symond's Yat (Hereford). ' Opening, pass, gate ' (O.E. geat) ' of
Simund ' or ' Sigemund.' Cf. Yatton (Bristol), and Yethoim
(Sc).
Syeescote (Tam worth). 1100 Siricescotan, a. 1200 Sirichescote,
Sirescote, but Dom. Fricescote {F error for S). Form 1100 is
O.E. for • cots, cottages of Sigeric ' or ' Siric/ — i.e., ' the vic-
torious.' Syebston (Notts), Dom- Sirestune, and Syresham
(Brackley), Dom. Sigres-, Sigreham, are fr. the same name.
Cf. Dom. Salop Sireton, and Syreford (Glouc).
Tachebrook, Bishop's, and T. Mallory (Warwick). K.C.D. 751
Taecelesbroc, Dom. Taschebroc, Tacesbroc, a. 1200 Tachelesbroc,
• Brook of ToBcel.' Cf. Tackley (Oxford), Dom. Tachelie. The
Mallorys were old lords of the manor here. Sir Thos. Malory of
the Morte d' Arthur prob, belonged to this shire.
Tadcaster. 1066 O.E. Chron. TatSa, Dom. Tatecastre. Prob.
' Camp of Tada.' Cf. B.C. 8. 1152 Tadan leah— i.e., Tadley
(Basingstoke), and Tod wick; also Tadlow (Cambs), Dom.
Tadelai, and Dom. Surrey, Tadforde. See -caster.
Taparn Spite or Tavernspite (Whitland, Caermthnsh.) ; also
Taearnaubach (Tredegar). Tafarn is just the W. form of L.
taherna, Eng. tavern. Spite is a corrup. of L. hospitium ' hos-
pice,' the ' hospital.' Cf. Llanspyddyd (Brecon) and Yspytty
Ystwyth. Tafamau is the plur., and bach means ' a hook,'
prob. for attaching horses; but the meaning of the name is not
very clear.
Tajff R. (S. Wales), c. 1540 Leland Thave. Its oldest recorded
■ form is found c. 1130 in Landavia — i.e., Llandapf; it is very
doubtful if also in the early forms of Cardut. Prob. Keltic,
aspirated form of Tam or Tame (see Tamworth), meaning
' quiet ' or perh. ' wide ' river.
Talke (Stoke-on-T.). Dom. Talc, a. 1300 Talk; now called more
fully ' Talk o' the Hill.' As talc, ' mica,' is quite late in Eng,, this
last may be a tautology, like Barrhill (Sc), fr. W. twhh, ' a
height, a hill,' the G, tulach, which gives us many Sc. names in
Tilly- and Tulhe-, Cf. Talkin (Brampton), which may be a
dimin., and also Talog, which may be the origin here.
TALOG 466 TANTON
Talog (Caermarthen) . W. talawg, * high-fronted ' or ' high house/
not a thatched cottage.
Talsabn (Lampeter). Prob. ' the end of the road/ W. tal, ' fore-
head, front/ and sarn, ' road.' It is at the end of Sam Helen,
an old Roman road.
Tamab R. (S. Devon), c. 150 Ptolemy Tafiapos, c. 988 chart. Tamur,
997 O.E. Chron. Tamer. Prob. same Kelt, root as Taff and
Tam. See below. The -ar will be terminational.
Tameeton Foliot (Crown Hill, Devon). ? Dom. Tanbretone.
' Town on R. Tamae.' Gilbert Foliot, Bp. of Hereford, 1149-63,
was a native of this place. In Exon. Dom. we also find a
' Tamerlande.'
Tamworth. 840 chart. TomeworSig, later chart. Tamanwor^ig,
913 O.E. Chron. TamaweortSige, 918 ib. Tamanweort5e, 943 ib.
Tamwurth, a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Tameweorde. 'Farm on R.
Tame,' which is Kelt, for * qniet, calm,' mod. W. tato (w = as-
pirated m), G. tdmhach, same root, and Thames. M'Clure
derives fr. a man Toma or Tuma ; but Eng. rivers are not called
in this way after a man ; and there is no Toma or Tama in Onom.,
only one Tomus and Tuma, while the place is never found with
a u.- Connection with O.E. tarn, torn, ' tame,' is quite conceivable.
Tamhorn, near by, is Dom. Tamahore, a. 1200 Tamenhorn,
' horn, hornlike bend of the Tame.' See -worth and -worthy.
TA2TEIELD (Ripon). Doubtfully thought to be K. Alfred's Dona-
felda. Dom. Tanefeld. It may be ' field of Teona/ Cf.B.C.S.
801 Teonan hyl ; eo regularly becomes a. Certainly nothing to
do with tanning.
Tai^kebville (once in Warwick). 1120 Tanc' villa, 1157 Tanchar-
uille, c. 1175 Tankarvile. Really a Norm, name, ' town,' Fr.
ville, ' of Tancred, Tancrad, or Thancred,' a name common
enough in O.E. There is now no Tanker ville in England, but
there is a Tankersley (Barnsley), Dom. Tancresleia.
Tanshelf (Pontefract). Sic in 1257 chart., but 947 O.E. Chron.
Taddenes scylfe — i.e., ' Tadden's shelf ' or ' ledge,' O.E. scelfe,
scylfe. There is Sh Tada,-'gen. -an, in Onom., hut no Tadden. The
form in Dom., Tatessella, only puzzles us a little more. It is the
same name as Tattebshall.
Tansley (Matlock and Dudley) and TAiifWOBTH (Birmingham).
These all postulate a man Tan or Tana, not in Onom., but cf.
Tanwobth. We must not invoke W. tan, ' fire.' However,
Duignan says, the Dudley name is rightly Tansy Hill, fr. the
wild tansy, or potentilla. See -ley and -worth, ' farm.'
Tantoit (Stokesley, Yorks). Dom. and 1209 Tameton. It is on
a R. Thame; also see Taunton. Similarly Tanworth-in-
Arden, a. 1200 Taneworth, a. 1500 T(h)oneworthe, is ' farm on '
TAPLOW 467 TAVERHAM
a little river, which Duignan thinks would once be called Tan or
Tone. See -worth.
Taplow (Maidenhead). Dom. Thapeslav. 'Burial mound of
Ta/pa;' the h in Dom. is a Nor. insertion. Cf. B.C. 8. 993 Tapan
hal. See -low.
Tabannon R. (Wales). This, says Anwyl, may be the Keltic
goddess of Thunder, W. taran.
Tahdebigge (Bromsgrove). c. 1000 cMrt. Tserdebicga, a. 1000
Terde bicg, Dom. Terdeberie, 1158-59 Pipe Terdebigga, 1283
Tyrdebigg. There is nothing likely in Oxf. Diet, to give origin to
-bigge, though it surely must be = the Norse Biggin or ' build-
ing.' For the first half we must postulate a name Terde or
Tarde ; only a rare Tyrd{d)a seems known.
Tabn Wading (little lake, Hesket, Penrith.) 1089 chart. Tarn-
wadelyn, c. 1360 Terne Wathelyiie. O.N. tjorn, ' a tarn, a
mountain lakelet.' Many Wadas in Onom., but nothing nearer
in the way of a man's name.
Tabraft Kaines or Keynston (Blandford). 935 chart. Terenta,
a. 1225 Ancren Riwle Tarente. Prob. =TAiiAiraoN. Cf.
1160 Pipe Tarenteford (Kent).
Taerengton (Ledbury). Not in Dom. Hardly fr. W. iaran,
' thunder.' No likely man's name in Onom., unless it be Tora,
gen. -an.
Tabbing (Worthing). 941 chart. Terring. 'Place of the sons of
Terr,' a name not in Onom. See -ing.
Tass R. (Norfolk). Prob. W. tas, ' what binds, a band.'
Tatentttt.t. (Burton-on-T.). 771 chart. Taten hyll, 'hill of Tate,'
fem. of Tata. See next, and cf. Tattenhaul (Chester), Dom.
Tatenale, and Tatworth (Somst.). Tatham (N. Lanes). Dom.
Tathaim, is fr. the same name in its male form.
Tattebshall (Boston). Dom. Tateshale, 1161-62 Pipe Tateshal,
1249 Tateshall, a. 1450 Tatessall. 'Nook of Tata.' The r
results fr. a ' Cockney ' pron, Cf. Kiddeeminstbb. See -hall.
Tattingstonb (Ipswich). 1199 Tatingetun. 'Village of the de-
scendants of Tata,' a common O.E. name. Cf. above. See -ton.
Taunton. Sic 1499, but O.E. Chron. 722 Tantun (so pron. still),
Dom. Tantone. 'Town on the R. Tone,' prob. same root as
Tame, Thames, etc, the liquids m and n not rarely interchang^ing,
and so ' quiet ' river. Cf. Tanton. Not prob. are derivations
fr. W. tan, ' fire,' or tonn, ' unploughed land.' Taynton (Newent)
is Dom. Tet-, Tatinton, ' town of Tetta ' or ' Tata.' See above.
Taverham (Norwich). Sic in Dom. Taver- may stand for Ta</^ere
or Tatbeorht, names in Onom. ; th often becomes v. Cf. Steven-
age, etc. See -ham.
TAVISTOCK 468 TEME R.
Tavistock. 997 O.E. Chron. Tefingestoc, Taefingstoc, Dom. Taue-
stoch, c. 1130 Eadmer Tavestoc, c. 1145 Wm. Malmes. Tavis-
tokium^ 1155 Tauistoche. Tefingestoc is an O.E. patronymic,
' place of the Tcefings/ but, as it is on R. Tavy, these will mean,
' dwellers on the Tavy,' a Keltic root same as Tame and Thames,
only aspirated. Cf. G. i^mh, * rest, quiet.' See Stoke, and
c/. next; also 1179-80 Pipe Taueston (Yorks).
Taw R. (N. Devon). Sic 1068 O.E. Chron. c. 1097 Flor. W. Tavus,
1166-67 Pipe Taui. Also Tawe R. (Swansea), c. 1190 Gir.
Camb. Tawe; also said to be old Tafwy (W. gioy, ' river '). W.
taw, ' silent, quiet,' same root as Tame (see Tamwoeth), Tavy
(see Tavistock), Thame, etc., the m here being aspirated.
Tawton (Devon). Dom. Tawetone, 1157 Pipe Tautun. See
above.
Taynton (Burford). = Teignton, also see Tatjnton.
Tean R. and hamlet (Staffs) . Dom. Tene, a. 1400 Tejme. Like so
many river names, doubtful. Cf. Teign and Tyne. Tain
(Sc.) is 1223 Tene, and generally thought fr. N. ; but fr. what ?
Teddington (R. Thames and Warwk.). Th, T. sic 1427, but 969
cJiart. Tudintun, 1279 Todington, Wa. T. 969 chart. Tidinctune,
1016 ib. Tiddingtun. ' Town of the sons of Tidda ' or ' Tuda,'
gen. -an, a common O.E. name. Grave scientific men in the
20th cny. have actually thought it meant * Tide-end-town ' !
Cf. Dom. TedenesvUe (for -hulle) (Salop), which is 'hill of
? ' Teden,' whilst Dom. Bucks Tedinwiche suggests a man Teda
or Teoda, 1 in Onom. There is also Teddesley (Penkridge).
Sic a. 1300. See -ley. But Teddestoton (Tewkesbury) is 780
chart. Teottingtim, 977 ib. Teodintun, Tidingctun, c. 1046
Theotinctun, Dom. Teotin time. 1275 Tedinton. ' Town of the
sons of Teotta ' or ' Tette ' (this is common). See -ing.
Tees R. a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Tesa, 1387 Teyse. Perh. fr. W. tesach,
' wantonness,' fr. tes, ' heat of the sun.' The R. Test (Hants)
is sometimes called Tees, and the Teise, trib. of R. Medway, will
be the same name. They may all be pre-Keltic.
TeignR. Mod. pron. Tinn. 739 c^ar^ Teng. Dom. Taigne, Teigne ;
and Drews Teignton (S. Devon). 1001 O.E. Chron. Tegntun,
Dom. Teinton, Taintone. Perh, fr. W. teneu or O.E. \ynne,
W. Fris. ten, tin, ' thin, slender.' The Drews comes fr. Drewe
de Teignton, landholder temp. Hen. II. Cf. Taynton (Burford),
Dom. Tentone.
Telpen Pt. (Amroth). W. telpyn, ' a lump.'
Teme R. (Wore). O.E. chart. Temede, once Tamede. Seems
the dame as Thames ; but it is said to be in O.W. Tefaidd, Tefedd
if = v, and V = aspirated m). On it was Tempsiter. Cf.
Tempsford.
TEMPLE EWINa 469 TEWIN
Temple EwufG, Gbaeton, etc. Such names indicate lands of the
Knight Templars.
Tempsfoed (Sandy). 921 O.E. Chron. Tamese-, esaforda, Dom.
Tamiseford. There was another R. Thames here; the form
Temps is said to come through the Norse sagas. C/. Teme.
Tenbuhy (Wore). Dom. Tametde-, Tamedeberie. 'Burgh, fort
on the R. Teme/ which is the same root as Tam-worth and
Thames. See -bury.
Tenby. 1248-49 Tinbegh, 1325 Tyneby, 1350 chart. Tynby, in W.
Dinbych y Pysgod. See Denbigh. There are a good many traces
of the Norseman hereabouts ; and there is little doubt that Tenby
is corrup. of Den-by, ' Danes' dwelling.' Cf. Danby, and see -by.
Tendeing (Weeley, Essex). Dom. Tendringa, and Ten-, Ton-
deringae (ae='isle,' ; see -ey). A patronymic, ? fr. Tondheri,
2 in Onom. See -ing.
Tenterden ( Ashf ord) . Sic 1439 ; so now meant for ' Dean, wooded
valley where tenters were spread for stretching cloth.' This
word in English goes back to the 14th cny. Cf. 1408 Nottingham
Rec. ii. 60 ' Johannes London occupat unum croftum cum
taynters.' But in Dom. it is Tintentone, fr. some unknown
man, Tinta or Tenia.
Tern R. (W. Staffs), a. 1200 Time, Tyrne, Turne. Prob. M.E.
terne (found in Wstmld. in 1256). Dan. tjern, N. tjom, ' a tarn,
a small hill lake.' Cf. Ttbt.ey.
Tbrrington (York, K.'s Lynn, and Wisbech). Yo. T. Dom.
Teurinc-, Teurintone, 1202 YorJcs Fines Theverington. Doubt-
ful. Wis. T. Dom. Terintune. Patronymic, ? fr. Theodhere or
Teherus or Theudor, names in Onom. See -ing.
Tetbtjry (S. Glouc). 680 chart. Tettan Monasterium, c. 1000 ih.
Tettanbyrig, Dom. Teteberie. ' Burgh of Tetta.' Of. next,
Tatbnhill, Tetsworth (Oxon), and Titteswobth. See -bury.
Tettenhall (Wolverhampton). O.E. Chron. 593 Teotanhealh,
ih. 910 Teotanheale, Dom. Totehala, c. 1120 Een. Hunt. Totan-
hale, a. 1300 Tetenhale. ' Nook, enclosure of Teota or Tetta.'
Skeat thinks Teota a form of O.E. tota, ' a spy, a look-out,' a
tout ! Cf. ToTLEY ; and see -hall.
Tetton (Sandbach). Dom. Tedtune. May be ' Tette'^ town.' See
above ; but perh. ' people's town.' Cf. Theteord, a. 1200 Tedf ord.
Tevershall (Mansfield). Dom. Tevreshalt, 1284 Teversalt, and
Tevbrsham (Cambridge). Dom. Teuresham, Teuersham, 1210
Teuersham. ' Holt, wood,' and ' home of Tefere/ an unknown
name. See too -hall.
Tewin (Welwyn). Dom. Teuuinge, and Theunge, 1166 Tiwinge.
' Place of the sons of Tiw.' He was the Teutonic Mars, or god
of war. See -ing.
TEWKESBURY 470 THEMELTHOEPE
Tewkesbury. Dom. Teodechesberie, c. 1146 Wtn. Malmesb.
Theochesberia, 1157 Tiochesbiria, 1201 Teokesberi, c. 1350
Teukesbury. ' Burgh of Teodeca/ or ' Theoc/ a Saxon hermit,
settled here; soon after a monastery was here founded by Odo
and Dodo, dukes of Mercia, 715. Cf. 963 chart. Teodeces leage,
near Redditch, now Tidsley.
Tey R. (Essex) . Chart. Tiga(n) . May be same as Great Tey, O.E.
tih, teah, teag, ' a paddock.' Cf. O.E. leah, ' meadow,' often
found as lea^, and to-day usually -ley in names. Or fr. O.E.
tyge, ' a diverting' (of a water-course).
Teynham (Faversham). 801 chart. Tenham. Prob. 'home of
Thegn ' or ' Degn,' the nearest forms in Onom. Derivation fr.
O.E. ten, ' ten,' can hardly be thought of; but possibly the name
is = TwYNHAM. It is now in a marshy region, near a creek of
the Swale.
Thame R. (trib. of Thames, Aylesbury, also N. Yorks, 1209 Tame)
and Thames R. Latter is c. 50 B.C. J. Gcesar Tameses, c.lOO
Tacitus Tamesa, c. 893 Alfred and 1297 R. Olouc. Tamese; v.r.
in Mf. Temes, 1377 Langland Themese, 1503 Thamyse, 1649
Thames. Keltic root, meaning ' quiet, silent,' or perh. ' wide
river.' W. taw (aspirated form), ' still,' G. tdmh, ' rest, quiet,'
tdmJiach, ' quiet, dull, heavy.' Same root as Tamar, Tame,
Tavy, Taw, Teme, etc. Skeat, however, declares the origin
quite unknown. The initial Th- is a Norm, innovation, which
it is really absurd to retain. On the -eses cf. Isis and Ouse ; it
must be Kelt, for ' river.'
Thai^et. 80 Solinus Ad-Tanatos, 679 chart. Tenid, Bede Tanet,
a. 810 Nennius, Tanet, 1461 Thenede. Thought to be Keltic
for ' fire,' O.Ir. teine, gen. tened, W. and Corn. tan. But tann
also seems to be Kelt, for ' an oak.' If the former, it will prob.
mean ' place of beacon-fires.'
Thatcham (Berks). B.O.S. iii. 432 Thaecham, Dom. Taccham,
Taceham. The charter name is O.E. for ' thatched house,' or,
more exactly, as in Sc, ' a thack hoose.' Norman scribes often
wrote t for th, as to them the h was mute. Cf. Thaxtbd.
THAXTED(Dunmow). 1528 Thackstedd. C[f. 1298 Thaxton. O.E.
thcec stede, ' thatched,' lit. ' roofed place, steading, or farm.'
Cf. above.
Thelwall (Warrington). 923 O.E. Chron. Delwsel — i.e., 'wall,
rampart made of deals, boards, or planks,' O.E. ^el, pell. Cf.
Theale (Reading), which Skeat thinks must have meant a place
where a plank was thrown over a stream; also cf. Et^m bridge
and Felbridge, and Tilbridge (Upton-on-Severn), 1275 Tel-
drugge {d for 6), plainly from same root.
Thbmelthorpe (Norfolk). Not in Dom. 1477 Thymbilthorpe.
Prob. not ' village where thimbles were made,' O.E. thymel, fr.
THENFOED 471 THORMANBY
thuma, ' the thumb ' ; see -thorpe. It is fr. a man Tymbel, in
Onom., also seen in Thimbleby (Yorks), Dom. Timbelbi. But
Great Timble (Yorks) is Dom. Timble, Timbe, and is perh.
' mound, hill like a thimble ' ; only Oxf. Diet, gives no form with
b till 15th cny.
Thbnpobd (Banbury). Not in Dom. 1298 Teneford; perh. 'ford
of harm ' — i.e., where some grave accident took place, O.E. teona,
3-6 tene, ' harm, injury.' There was in 958 chart, a ' Theonfan-
forth,' on E.. Stour (Stafford), but this cannot be the same name.
Dom. Oxon. has Tentone, now Taynton (Burford), also Teigtone;
this suggests a first syll. = Teign.
Therfield (Royston, Herts). 796 chart. Thyrefeld. Prob. ' Thy-
ra'a field.' Cf. B.C.S. 702 Thyrran mere. Thyra is still a
woman's name in Denmark.
Thetford (Suffk. and Ely). Suf. T. O.E. Chron. 870 Theodforda,
1094 ib. Theotforda, Dom. Tetford, c. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Tedforde
(cf. note on Thatcham), 1237 Thefford. Ely T. Dom. Tedford,
Lib. de Hydh Theedford, 1157 Pipe Roll TetforS. ' Ford of the
people,' O.E. fedd — i.e., ' large, wide ford ' (Skeat).
Thinqoe (Suffolk) . Dom. Thingehov, Tingehv. ' How or mound
of the thing ' or provincial assembly. Cf. Dingwall and Ting-
wall (Sc). The ending -oe is O.N. haug-r, ' mound, cairn, how/
See Howden.
TBiBKLEBy (Thirsk). Dom. ^Torchilebi, Turchilebi, Turgilebi,
Turgislebi, -gisbi. 'Dwelling of ThurkiW or 'Turchill,' con-
tracted fr. Thurcytel, a common name. See -by.
Thirsk (Yorks). Dom. Treske, c. 1150 Treses, 1202 Tresc, Tresch,
c. 1350 Thresk. Prob. Keltic tre esk, ' house on the water '
(G. uisge) — i.e., the Codbeck. Sec Esk, Usk, etc. If it be Keltic,
it is a very exceptional name in these parts. (7/. Thbesheield. "
Thixendale (New Malton, Yorks). Dom. Sixtendale, Sixtedale.
' The sixteen dales,' which go to form the township.' O.E. syx-,
sixtyne, ' 16 ' ; there is no form in Oxf. Diet, without t.
Tholthobpe (York). Dom. Turulfestorp, Turolvestorp. 'Village
of Thurnmlf ' or ' Turolf,' 3 in Onom. See -thorpe.
Thobalby (Aysgarth). Dom. Turoldesbi, Turodes-, debi, 'Dwell-
ing of Thurweald ' or ' Turold,' several in Onom. Cf. Tharles-
thorp (Yorks), Dom. Toruelestorp, and Thorlby (Yorks), Dom,
Toreddereby, Torederebi, prob. fr. Thurweard or Toruerd;
also Tarleton (Preston), old Thurweald -tun. In O.N. the name
is Thorvaldr; cf. Trodais, Jersey. See -by.
Thobmanby (Easingwold). Dom. Tormozbi, Turmozbi {z=ds or
ts) . ' DweUing of Thurmund, Thurmod, or Thurmot,' all names
in Onom. ; so = next. Of. Thobmabton, now usually Fabming-
TON, and Thrumpton (Notts), Dom. Turmodestun.
THORNABY-ON-TEES 472 THEELKELD
Thobnaby - ON - Tees. Dom. Thormozbi {z=ds). 'Dwelling of
Thurmod ' or ' Thurmund.' Of. above; and see -by.
Thobnbuby (Glouc.) — 896 chart. Thornbyrig, Dom. Turneberie — and
Thorncombe (Chard). 1417 Thornecombe. Prob. 'burgh/
and ' valley with the thorn-trees ' ; but former may be fr. a
man Thorn, still a personal name. Cf. Thoenton. Thorn-
holme (Yorks) is Dom. Thirnon, also Tirnu", a loc. ' at the
thorns." See -ham and -hohne. Cf., too, Thirntoft (N. Yorks),
Dom. Tirnetoft, ' croft, farm with the thorn-tree.'
Thorneb, (Leeds). Dom. Tornoure, -eure. ' Thorn-tree bank/
O.E. ofr. See -over.
Thoeney (Chichester and Cambs). Chi. T., 1048 O.E. Chron.
Thornege, 1066 ib. Thurneie. Cam. T., Dom. Torny, 1158
Torneya, 1169 Thorneia. There is also one on R. Thames near
London. O.E. Thorn-ege is, of course, ' thorn isle.' See -ey.
c. 1170 Wace, Roman de Bou, 1065, writes of the London T.:
' Ee est isle, Zon est espine, seit rainz, seit arbre, seit racine,
Zon6e 90 est en engleiz. Isle d'espine en franceiz.' This is
another illustration how hard a Norman found it to reproduce
our Eng. th.
THOBNGUMBAiiD (Hull) . Dom. Tomo. * Thorn-tree of Gumbeald '
or ' Qundbeald,' both names in Onom.
Thorkeam (King's Lynn), a. 1300 Eccleston Turnham (which is
now the Norfolk pron.) . Th again ! See above and -ham.
Thoenthorpe (Yorks). Dom. Torgrimestorp. ' Thorgrim-r's place.
See -thorpe. But Thoenington (Nhbld.) is said to be old
Thoburnham, or ' Thorburn's ' or ' Thorbeorn's home.' The
latter is found in Lib. Vit. Dunelm.
Thoenton (15 in P.O.). In Dom. Yorks it occurs 34 times as
Torneton, Tornitun, Torentun, Tornenton. Either ' village with
the thorn-trees,' O.E. thorn, or ' of Thorn,' a man. Cf. Thobn-
buby.
Thobp Abch (Boston Spa, Yorks). Dom. Torp. 'Village by the
shieling or summer-farm,' Norse G. argh. See Anglesabk and
-thorpe.
Thoepe Aitdlin(g) (Pontefract). Old Audelin, cf. Audlem, Dom.
Aldelime ; and see -thorpe, ' village, (Uttle) farm.'
Thoepe Contsantine (Tam worth). Dom. Torp, a. 1300 Thorp
Constantin, A family so called fr. Constantine, Normandy.
Thbapstone (Oundle). Prob. ' Thorpe on the rock.' See Thoepe.
Cf. Thboapham (Yorks), Dom. Trapun, a loc, ? ' at the village.'
See -ham.
THEELKE1.D (Penrith). Cf. Dom. Trelefelt— i.e., ThreHalds (N.
Lanes). The Threl- is uncertain. It may be contracted fr.
Thorkell. Thurkleby (Yorks) is Dom. Turchilebi. -keld is ' well,
spring.' See Keld.
THRESHFIELD 473 THUKMASTON
Threshfield (Skipton). Dom. Treschefelt, Freschefelt. A little
doubtful. The Thresh- may be Keltic, as in Thirsk. But th
does interchange with /, as in Fenglesham, and so it may be
' fresh/ See Freshwater.
Thrimby (Shap). Z)om. Tiernebi. ' Dwelling of Tierwe/ the mod.
name Tierney. Onom. has one Thrim, but nothing like Tierne,
which is the almost exact phonetic representative of G. tigh-
earna, ' lord/ O.W. tern ; and this may be the word here.
Cf. Stapleeord, but also Thurne. See -by.
Throckenholt (Wisbech). O.E. Chron. 657 (late MS.) Throkon-
holt. ' Wood for sharebeams or plough-heads/ O.E. throe. Cf.
Holt. Throckmorton (Fladbury), c. 1200 Troche-, c. 1220
Trokemertum, -mardtune, 1275 Throkemorton, can hardly be
fr. the same root. The ending will be ' mere-town," ' moor-
town,' or perh. ' boundary-town,' O.E. {ge)mcere ; whilst Throe
will be a personal name. Gf. 939 chart. Throcbryge, Hants,
ThrocMng (Herts) (patronymic), and Throckley (Northbld.).
Throwley (Ham), T. Forstal (Faversham), and Throwleigh
(Okehampton). H. T., a. 1300 Truleg. ' Meadow of the cofan,
tomb, or grave,' O.E. thruh, thru{u)ch, 5 throh, throw, and still
in So. and N. dial. Cf. Througham (Glouc), pron. Druffum,
Dom. Troham, later Truham. See -ham and -ley.
Throop (Christchurch) and Thrupp (Mid Oxon and S. Northants)
= Thorpe.
ThrYbergh (Rotherham). Dom. Triberga, -ge. Prob. * three
barrows ' or ' mounds,' O.E. jiri ; and see Barrow. Cf. Sedbergh.
Thtjndersley (Rayleigh) . Dom. Thunreslau. ' Meadow (or
' mound,' see -low) of the god Thunor ' or ' Thor.' See -ley.
Thurgoland (Sheffield). Dom. Turgesland. Prob. ' land of Thur-
god ' or ' Turgot/ a common O.E. name. THtrRQARTON (Notts)
is Dom. Turgarstime.
Thitrlaston (Dunechurch and Hinckley). Dun. T. Dom. Torlave-
stone, a. 1300 Thurlaveston. ' Village of (an unknown) Thur-
laf; but Hin. T. c. 1190 cJiart. Thurkeleston, ' village of Thur-
hill ' or ' Thurcytel.' Old forms needed for Thurlestone
(Kingsbridge) and Thtjrlstone (Sheffield). Thurlston (S.
Yorks) is Dom. Turulfestone, Turolveston, ' Thurumlf's ' or
' Turolf's, town ' ; while Thurstaston (Birkenhead) is Dom.
Turstaneton, ' Thurstan's town.' It is now pron. Thirsaston.
Thtjrlby (Bourne), a. 1100 chart. Thurleby. ' Dwelling of Thur-
kill ' or ' of Thurlac' See -by.
Thurleigh (Bedford) and Thurlow (Suffolk). 'Meadow' and
' hill of the god Thor ' or ' Thunor/ an old Scandinavian and
Saxon deity. Cf. Thursday; and see -leigh and -low.
Thtjrmaston (Leicester), c. 1200 Turmotestona. ' Thurmod's ' or
' Thormood'a town.'
31
THUKNE 474 TIBBERTON
Thtjene (Yarmouth). 1477 Thirne. There is in Eng. c. 1300
theme, ' a girl, a maid/ fr. O.N. ])erna ; but this will not suit for
Thurne. Thubnham (Lancaster) is Dom. Tiernun. It is prob.
that these names come fr. thorn, the tree, even though it is never
found with an » or w in Oxf. Diet. But ' Thorne ' is found alone
as a place-name in Dom. Yorks. Tiernun, according to all
analogy, should be an old loc. (see -ham), ' at the thorn-trees ';
and will be the same name, originally, as Thornholme (Yorks),
which is in Dom. Thirnon and Tirnu'. Cf. Thornbury and next.
Thtjrnscoe (Rotherham). Dom. Ternusc, -usche, which must be
Kelt, either for ' chief, head stream,' O.W. tern. Cf. Ttntekn,
or for ' vehement stream,' W. tern. Also see Usk; and cf.
Thuisk. But the present name, a Norse corrup., is ' thorn-tree
wood/ O.N. skog-r. Cf. Buescough. It is now pron.
Thrunsker.
Thitbrock (Grays). Dom. Thurrucca. O.E. furruc is 'the bilge
of a ship,' in mod. dial. ' a heap of dirt,' and ' a drain.' This
place must surely have been orig. one where filth and dirty
water gathered. Cf. West Thureock.
Thtjrsford (Dereham) and Thurslby (Godalming), 1305 Thyrs-
forde. ' Ford ' and ' meadow of Thor,' the thunder god. For
spelling with u, cf. Dom. Essex, Turestapla, and Thursday; and
see -ley. There is a now obs. Thxjrseield (Newcastle-under-L.),
which was Dom. Turvoldes feld, a. 1300 Thurfredesfeld, and
Torvedeston. ' Town of Thurweald ' or ' Thorold.' Cf. Thoresby
(Notts), Dom. Turesbi.
Thurston (Bury St. E.). Dom. Turstanestuna. ' Town of Thur-
stan.' Cf. Thurstaston (Birkenhead), pron. Thursiston, Dom.
Turstaneton. There is also a Thurstonland (Huddersfield), Dom.
Tostenland, prob. a scribe's error.
Thuxton (Attleboro'). Dom. Thustuna. The man's name here is
uncertain. The nearest in Onom. is Thochi, var. of ToJcig ; but
we have also several called Toc{c)a, a Toce, and a Tocga.
Thwaite (Eye), c. 1150 chart. Thwete. O.N. thveit, lit. 'a piece
cut off,' fr. thvita, ' to cut,' then ' a small bit of land.' Cf.
Crossthwaite, etc. Thwaite End (Irton, Cimibld.) is actually
said to have been corrupted into Ayners !
Thwing (Hunmanby, Yorks). Dom. Twenc, Tuinc, Tuenc; 1206
Twenge. Seems to be the rare O.E. iwing, ' a mass, a lump,'
lit. what is pressed together, fr. twengan, ' to pinch, squeeze,
twinge.' Cf. Dom. Salop Tuange.
Tibberton (Salop, Droitwich, and Glouc). Dr. T., 978 chart.
Tidbriht-ingctun, Dom. Tibbertun, 1275 Tybrytone. Gl. T.
Dom. Tebristone (on st, see p. 26), later Tyber-, Typertone.
' Town of Tidbeorht ' or * Tidhurh.' On 978 see -ing.
TIBTHORPE 475 TILLINGHAM
TiBTHOEPE (Driffield). Dom. Tibetorp, Tipetorp. ' Village of
Tiba ' or ' Tibba.' Cf. Dom. Tibetune (Salop), and also Tipton.
See -thorpe.
TiOH-. See Titch-.
TiOKEiLL (Rotherham). c. 1097 Flor. W. Tyckyll, 1119 chart.
TykjU, Sim. Dur. ann. 1102 TychiU, 1194 Hoveden Tikehil.
' Hill of the tike/ Icel. tik, ' a bitch,, a cur,' Sw. tik, ' a boor.''
But Dom. Tichele-vorde (Salop) must be ' farm of Ticel/ an
unknown man; and Ticknall (Derby), chart. Ticcenheal, is
' Tica'a nook.' Of. Dom. Bucks Tichesla and Ticheforde; also
TiTCHBORNE and TlXALL.
TiOKTON (Beverley). Dom. Tichetone. ' Town of Tica ' or ' Ticca.'
Gf. above; also 1166-67 Pipe Tichesoura (Rutld.), and 1460
Paston Tychewell.
TiDMARSH (Pangbourn). 1316 Thedmersshe, 1428 Tydemershe,
c. 1540 Tedmarsh. ' Tydda'a marsh,' 6 Tidas or Tydas in Onom.
Cf. TiDENHAM (on Wye), 956 chart. Dyddan-harome, ' enclosure
of Dydda/ but Dom. Tideham, 1253 Tudenham. See -ham.
TiDSLEY or Teddesley Wood (Pershore) is 963 chart. Teodeces-
leage, ' Teodec's lea.' Cf. Tewkesbury.
TiDNOCK (Cheshire). Prob. dimin. of W. tyddyn, * a farm.'
TiDWELL (E. Budleigh, Devon), a. 1300 Todewil, ToddviUe, Tode-
vil, TudewiUe, ToudeviUe. ' Tuda's, ' or ' Todea's, pool,' O.E.
wcbI, ' a whirlpool, an eddy, a fish-pool.' Cf. ]\Iaxwell (Sc.)'.
The name prefixed occurs in a great variety of forms — Tida,
Toda, Tuda, Tudda, Tydda. Cf. Tidmarsh.
Tilbrogk (St. Neots). Prob. ' Brook of Tila or Tile/ 4 in Onom.
Cf. TiLFORD, and 1179-80 Pipe, TiUul (? ' Tila's hiU ') (Yorks).
But some think of W. twll, ' a hole.' This is not prob.
Tilbury. Bede Tilaburg, Dom. Tilleberie, c. 1120 Hen. Hunt.
Tilaburh, c. 1200 Westilleberie (West Tilbury), 1278 Tillebury.
' Tila's fort or burgh.' See above, and -bury.
TiLEHURST (Reading). K.C.D. iv. 157, Tigelhyrste, 1316 Tyghel-
hurst, c. 1540 Tylehurst. This must mean ' tile wood or copse,'
O.E. tigel, L. tegula, ' a tile.' They may have been made here.
TiLFORD (Farnham, Surrey), c. 1160 Tileford. ' Tila's ' or ' Tile's
ford.' Cf. Tilbrogk. Tiln(e) (Notts), Dom. Tilne, Tille, 1189
Pipe Tilnea, is ' Tila's isle.' See -ay.
Till R. (Northumbld.). a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Tillemuthe, W. twll,
' a hole,' or perh. tyle, ' a steep, an ascent.'
Tillinqham (Southminster). B.C.S. 8 Tillingeham, and Tilling-
TON (Petworth and Stafford). Pet. T., Dom. TeUingedone and
Tedlingha {d prob. error). St. T. Dom. TiUintone. 'Home'
and ' village of the sons of Tila.' Cf. Dom. Bucks Telingham.
See -don, -ham, -ing, and -ton.
TILLY WHIM CAVES 476 TISTED
Tilly Whim Caves (Swanage). M'Clure says Com. toulen veyn,
' holes in the rocks/ Cf. Durlstone. But one may also con-
jecture W. tuell gwyn, ' clear, bright covert/
TiLMANSTONE (Dover). 1298 Tihnanneston. 'Tovm of Tilman/
3 in Onom. A ' tillman ' is a ploughman or peasant, found as
an Eng. -word as early as Cursor Mundi. Cf. 940 chart. Til-
mannes dene.
TiMBERHANGER (Bromsgro ve) . Dom. Timbrehangre ; Timbeelaj^d
(Lincoln), 1204 Timberlun; Timbeeley (Cas. Bromwich), 1301
Timberweissiche (timber-way -syke, O.E. sic, sice, 'rivulet,
ditch'). All fr. O.E. timber, O.N. timbr, 'timber, wood for
building purposes.' -hanger is O.E. hangra, ' wooded slope.'
Cf. Clayhangee, and -land here is O.N. lund-r, ' grove, wood.'
Cf. Toseland. Also see -ley.
TiNGEWiCK (Buckingham). Dom. Tedinwiche, a. 1199 Tingwic.
Seems to be ' dwelling of Teda, -an, Tigga, -an, or Thegn, all
in Onom. More old forms needed. See -wick.
TmsLEY (Sheffield). Dom. Tinestawe, Tirneslawe; also Tineslege
(under Derby). 'Meadow of Tinna' {cf. Boll Rich. I., 'Tin-
neston,' Kent) ; or, rather, as the liquid r has early disappeared,
' meadow of the thorn-tree,' O.E. yorn. Da. and Sw. torn.
Cf. Thoenbuey. On -lawe see -low, ' mound,' which is
not= -ley.
Tentagel (Camelford). c. 1205 Layamon Tintageol, edit. c. 1275
Tyntagel, 1536 Tyndagell; also Dundagel. Corn, dun, din diogl,
' safe fort ' or ' castle.'
Tenteen (Chepstow). O.W. for * castle of the chief.' Cf. above
and K. Yoi-tigern, and Caer Guor-thigirn, Nennius ; also G.
tighearna, ' lord,' and Thrimby.
Tipton (Staffs), a. 1300 Tibinton, Tybeton. ' ViUage of Tiba.'
St. Tibbe, or Tybba, was patroness of hunting and hawking. Cf.
TiBTHORP.
TiELE Brook (Tewkesbury). 780 chart. Tyrle, 785 ib. Tyrl. Prob.
fr. E. Fris. tirreln, tirhn, 'to turn about quickly,' the Sc. tirl.
But TiELEY (Market Drayton) is Dom. Tireleye, Tyrlegh,
'meadow on the E-. Tern,' the liquid n having disappeared;
whilst TiRLEY (Tewkesbury), formerly Trinley, is Dom. Trinleie,
c. 1220 Trinlega, where the Brook name has got confused with
the name of some man. Trimma and Trumwine are nearest in
Onom. See -ley.
TiSBURY (Salisbury), a. 716 chart. Dyssesburg. ' Castle of Tisa '
or ' Tiso,' both in Onom. See -bury.
TiSTED (Hants). 941 chart. Ticcestede, Dom. Tistede. ' Home-
stead, farm of Ticca.' But cf. Stisted.
TI(T)CHBOIlNE 477 TODWICK
Ti(t)ohbobne (Alresford), Titchfield (Fareham), Titohmarsh
(Thrapston), and Titchwell (Norfolk). 909 chart. Ticceburna,
1298 Tycheburn; O.E. chart. Ticcenesf eld ; 1298 Tychemershe;
1450 Tichewill. ' Burn or brook/ ' field/ ' marsh ' and ' well of
Ticca, Tica, or Ticcea,' all names in Onom. But any of them
might also come fr. O.E, ticce{n), Ger. zieke, ' a kid/ Cf. Tixall
and Tickenhill (Bewdley). See -borne.
TiTTENSOR (Stoke-on-Trent). Dom, Titesoure, a. 1200 Titesoura,
Titnesovre, a. 1300 Titneshovere. ' Bank, brink, edge/ O.E.
obr, ofr, ofre, ora, * of Tita/ -an, or ' Titel,' both in Onom. Cf.
BoLSOVER, Edensob, Tittleshall, etc. TiTTESwoRTH (Leek)
is a. 1300 Tet(t)esworth, ' farm of Tette ' or ' Tcta,' both in
Onom. See -worth.
Tittleshall (Swaffham). 1425 Titeleshale, c. 1471 Tytlyshall.
' Nook of Tyttla ' or ' Titillus,' both in Onom. See -hall.
Tiverton (Chesh. and Devon). Ch. T. Dom. Tevretone. De. T.
Dom. Tovretone, Exon. Dom. Touretona, Tuuertone, 1166-67
Pipe Tuuerton, later Tuyverton. Thought also to be a. 900
K. Alfred's Will Tuiford= Twypord and -ton, O.E. ttoi, ' double,
twd, tu, ' two,' and so ' double-ford-town.' In Dom. re is regu-
larly= er ; and in W. still/ is pron, v. So the vret or vert is O.E.
ford, 3 vord. Cf. c. 1190 Qir. Camh. Milverd-icus for MiLford.
The d of ford has in Tiverton become merged in the t of -ton.
Cf. TwERTON and TeverseCall.
TiVY R. (Cardigan), c. 800 Nennius Tivis, or Teibi; and see
Aberteivi. Prob. = Towey.
Tixall (Stafford). Dom. Ticheshale, a. 1200 Tikeshale. 'Nook
of Tica.' Cf. TiOKNALL and Dom. Bucks Tichesla. See Titch-
BORNE and -hall.
Tockenham (Swindon) and Tockington (Glouc). B.C. 8. 481
Toccanham, Dom. Tochintune, 1298 Tokynton. ' Home ' and
' town of Tocca.' Cf. Tocketts (Yorks), Dom. Tocstune, also
Toscotune; and Tockwith, Dom. Tocvi, ' Tocc's wood,' O.N.
Toki- vith-r, Dan. ved. Cf. Le Van Tocque, Jersey.
ToDENHAM (Chipping Norton), c. 804 chart. Todanhom. 'En-
closure of Toda ' or ' Tuda.' Of the latter, there are many in
Onom. Cf. Dom. Bucks Todeni. There are also 3 Todding-
tons, Dom. Todintun (Glouc), 1314 Todinton (Lanes). See
-ham and -ton.
ToDMORDEN. ' The Morden of the tods or foxes.' Tod, common
still in Sc, is fr. Icel. toddi, ' a bunch of wool,' referring to the
fox's tale. Cf. c. 1170 Newminster Cartul. Todholes. There are
2 Mordens, at Mitcham andWareham. This is O.E. mor, denu,
' moorland valley.'
ToDWiOK (Sheffield). Dom. Tatewic. 'Dwelling of Tata.' Cf.
Tad caster. See -wick.
TOFT 478 TOOTHILL ^
ToPT (Dunchurch, Beccles, and Cambridge), Toft Hill (Bp.
Auckland), Toftwood (Dereham). Ca. T., Dom. Tofth,
1302 Thofte. O.N. toft, adopted into O.E., ' cleared space for
the site of a house/ then ' homestead, (small) farm ' ; also some-
times ' a knoll or hillock.' J. H. Turner gives 5 places ending
in -toft in Yorks — Altofts, Arnoldstoft, Langtoft, Thirntoft,
Willitoft. In these cases Dom. speUs -toft or -tot. In the
defunct ElestoU it inserts an I. Duignan records none fr. Staffs
or Worcester. It recurs in Ametot. Jersey.
ToLLESBUHY (Witham) . * Burgh of Tolla/ Cf. Tolesby (N. Riding)
Dom. Tollesbi. Tollerton (York), Dom. Tolentun, ToUetun,
is also Tollantun, the n of the gen. being changed to its kindred
liquid r, perh. through Norse influence, Tolthorp (Yorks),
Dom. Toletorp, is fr. the same name. Cf. Tolworth (Surbiton) .
See -worth. Tollerton (Notts), Dom. Troclauestone, 1166
Pi'pe Turlaueston, 1294 Thorlaxton, c. 1500 Torlaston, is
difficult. The forms represent either Thurlac or Thorlaf.
Tolpiddlb (Dorchester). Prob. 'clump of trees beside the small
or puddly stream,' fr. toll sb,* which Oxf. Diet, says is now
dial. fr. Kent to Hants. This toll, first found in 1644, is of
unknown origin. See Piddletown. Tollerdlste (Wore),
1327 Tolwardyn, means, thinks Duignan, not ' toll-farm,' but
* farm free fr. toll or tax,' O.E. toll has this meaning. See
-wardine.
Tonbrtdge or Tttnbridge. Dom. Ton(e)bridge, c. 1097 Flor.
Wore. Tunebrycgia. Prob. ' bridge of Tuna/ common in Onom.
A little stream called the Tun here joins the Medway. It may
be a later back formation, or ? W. tonn, ' land unploughed.'
Cf. 1303 R. Brunne Eandl. Synne 10586: ' So long he ITumna]
leuede yn that estre (place) that for hys name he hy^t (was
called) Tuncestre.' This last name seems now lost.
Tong (Bradford and Shifnal). Br. T. Dom. Tuinc. Tonge
(Middleton, Manchester), 1227 Tonge, 1285 Toung, Tong, 1551
Tongue. Tong Park (Shipley). O.E. tunge, O.N. tunga, Dan.
tunge, * tongue, tongue of land, promontory.' Cf. Dom. Wore.
Tonge, and Tongue (Sc), Tong Fold (Bolton) is now pron.
Tornfont.
TooLEY Street (London), c. 1650 St. Tulie's Street. Corrup. of
' St. Olave'e, Street.' , The Danes were settled here, and Olaf
was patron saint of Norway. Cf. tawdry, fr. St. Audrey's or
Ethelreda's fair.
TooTHELL (Ongar, Alvanley, Chesh.). It may be a tautology, as
toot or tote is found in Eng. for ' an isolated, conspicuous hill, a
look-out hill,' fr. 1387. The O.E. totian is found only once,
meaning * to protrude, peep out'; but the vb. tote, 'to peep
out, peer, gaze,' is common fr. a. 1225. There is also O.E. tota,
' a spy, a look-out, a tout,' often a proper name. See next.
TOOTING 479 TORRISHOLME
Tooter, too, is found as a sb. fr. Wyclif, 1382, ' one who gazes, a
watchman,' as in Tooter Hxll (S. Lanes). Of. Tothill, and
Cleave Toot (Bristol). The name toot to-day seems chiefly
S. Wstn.; but we have a Tote-hill, Hartington (Northumbld.),
and a Tuthill stairs (Newcastle) .
Tooting (London). 727 chart. Totinge, Dom. Totinges, 1228
Toting', 1229 Thotinges. Patronymic. ' Place of the sons of
Tota/ Four called Tota and 2 Tuta in Onom. For pi. ending
in Dom. cf. Barking, Woking, etc. ; and see above. But Toton
(Notts), Dom. Tolvestune, 1189 Pipe Turuerton, is fr. a man
TTiorolf.
ToPOLiiTB (Thirsk). Dom. Topeclive, 1301 Topclive. ' Chff of
Topa, Tope, or Topp/ all forms in Onom. Cf. Cleveland.
ToppESFiELD (Halstead). 1298 Toppesfelde. 'Field of Toppa.'
See above.
TopsHAM (S. Devon), c. 1072 Toppeshamme, 1297-98 Topesham.
' Enclosure of Toppa or Topa.' See above. The -ham here is
O.E. Tiamm, ' enclosure, place hemmed in.'
ToROROSS (Kingsbridge), Torpoint (Cornwall), etc. Tor or Torr
must be Kelt., though already found as torr in an O.E. Dorset
chart, of 847. As a name, it is chiefly confined to Cornwall,
Devon, and Peak (Derby) district. Corn, toor, tor, ' hill, promi-
nence' (though this form is denied existence by Oxf. Diet.),
W. twr, O.W. twrr, ' heap, pile,' as in Mynydd Twrr, old name
of Holyhead Mtn., G. tdrr, ' a heap, a pile, then, a bill, lofty or
conical, a mound, a heap of ruins.'
ToRKSEY (Lincoln). 873 O.E. Chron. Turces ig(e), Turices ige,
a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Torchasia. 'Isle of Turca or Turc,' but
• hardly of ' the Turk.' Cf. B.C.S. 165 Turcan den. See -ey.
ToRPENHOW (Wigton, Cumbld.). c. 1200 Thorphinhow. ' Mound,
cairn,' O.N. haugr, ' of Thorfinn,' a common name in Cumbld.
in 12th cny. Cf. Brant How and Maeshow (Sc).
Torquay. Kelt, tor cau (in W. pron. kay). ' Hill by the hollow.'
See ToRCROss. Qicay is a quite recent spelling of Jcay or key, ' a
wharf,' and the pron. key instead of kay is recent, too. Of
course, Torquay really has nothing to do with quay.
ToRRiNGTON (Devon). 1156 Pipe Torentun, 1219 Torintun. Perh.
' town of Tora,' gen. -an, one in Onom. But Torentun in Dom.
Yorks, 1179-80 Pipe Torenton, always seems for Thorijton.
Cf. Dom. Chesh., Torentune.
ToRRiSHOLME (Morecambe)". Dom. Toredholme. ' Meadow by the
sea of Thored,' a common O.E. name. See -holm. Cf. Tort-
worth (Glouc), Dom. Torteuord, 1364 Tortheworth, where the
name seems to be Torth or Torht, which is var. of Thored ; also
found in Onom. as Thord, Thorth, and Tori.
TOSELAND 480 TRAFFOED
ToSELAiiTD (Hunts). Dom. Toleslund. 'Grove/ O.N. lund-r, * of
ToU/ a N. name. Of. Timbebland. But Tostock (Bury St.
E.) and 1167-68 Pipe Devon, Tosby, imply a man's name like
Tos. See -by and Stoke.
ToTHiLL (London). 1250 Patent R. Tothull, c. 1590 Totehill, 1598
Stow the Tuthill, 1665 Tuttle, 1746 Toote Hill= Toothill.
Wyclif, 2 Sam. v. 7, has ' the tote hill Syon.'
ToTLAJSTD Bay (I. of Wight). ' Look-out land.' See Toothell.
ToTLEY (Sheffield). Dom. Totele. The site is so commanding *
is prob. O.E. totan leak, ' meadow of the spy ' or ' look-out/ t'^.:
' tout.' Cf. Tettenhall and next; also Totenhull sic a. 16(<.*..
now Tutnell, Tardebigge.
ToTNESS (Devon). 930 chart. Tottaness, c. 1205 Layam. Tottena
1250 Totenas, 1297 Tottenays. ' C^ape of the look-out ' >..-.;■
' coastguardsman/ O.E. tota, -an. See Toothill and -ness.
Tottenham (London). Dom. Toteham, a. 1124 Totenham, 1479
Totnam (the mod. pron.) . ' Home of Tota ' or * Totta.' Cf.
above, and Tottno (Oundle), 1229 Close R. Toteho. ' Hoe,
hill of Tota.' See -ham.
Tottebidge (S. Herts). Not in Dom., unless it be there Torinch,
? an error. 1291 Tatterigg. ' Ridge of Tata' or ' Totta/ both
names common in Onom; but cf. Tothill. Ridge is O.E. Jirycg,
Icel. Jirygg-r, Dan. ryg, ' a ridge of land/ lit. ' the back.'
ToTTTNGTON (BuTy and Thetford). Cf. Dom. Teotintune (Wore).
' Village of Teta, Tetta, Tetto, Teotta,' all forms in Onom. See
-ing.
TowAK Head (New Quay), c. 1130 Tohod (an error), c. 1180
Thohon. Corn, tovoan, W. tywyn, ' seashore.' The th- in c.
1180 will come fr. a Norm, scribe. Cf. Towyn. Jago, in
Cornw. Gloss, gives towan, towin, tewen, tuan, or tyen, as ' Cornish
words for a dune or heap of sand.'
TowcESTEE (Northants) . 921 O.E. Chron. Tof eceaster, Dom. To ve-
cester. ' Camp, settlement of Tofig ' or Tof or Toui, all forms
in Onom., and Tofig very common. It now stands on the
R. Tove, but this name seems to be a late back formation.
TowTHORP ( Yorks) , Dom. Tovetorp, is ' village of Toui.' Similar
is TowTON (S. Yorks), Dom. Touetun.
TowY R. (S. Wales), c. 1130 Lib. Landav. Tywi (so still in W.),
Ann. Cambr. 1095 Stra tewi. Perh. same root as W. tywio,
' to spread out.' Cf. TivY.
TowYN (Abergele and Merioneth). W. tywyn. Corn, towan, * sea-
shore, place of sands.' Cf. Towan.
Trafford (Manchester). Sic 1292. Wyld and H. conjecture
' trough-like ford.' O.E. troTi.
TEAWSMAWR 481 TRENANS
Trawsmawb (Oaermarthen) . W. traws is * across/ and mawr, G.
mdr, ' big/ Cf. Trawsfynydd (Merioneth), ' across the moun-
tain/ W. mynydd. Traws is L. trans. But here it must be W.
trawst, ' rafter ' — ' the big beam/ ? why.
Treales (Preston). Z)om. Treueles. Seems Kelt. ?* house in the
field/ W. and Corn, tre, ' house/ and Corn, gwel, gweal, ' field.'
1160-61 Pipe Hereford, Trivel, must be the same. W. has also
tra for 'house,' as in Pipe ib., Trawent, ? 'windy house,' W.
gwynt, ' wind.'
Tee Asser (Pembroke) . W. tre or tref, ' house of Asser/ It was
the birthplace of Asserius Menevensis, friend and biographer of
Alfred the Great.
Trecastle (Brecon). 1298 Close R. Tria Castra — i.e., 'three
camps.' But, of course, W. tre is ' house, village.'
Tredington (Shipton-on-Stour, and Tewkesbury) . Sh. T. 757 chart.
Tredingctun, 964 ib. Tyrdintune, 991 ib. Tredintune, Dom.
Tredinctun. Te. T., Dom. Trotintune, 1221 Tredigtone. ' Town
of the sons of Tyrdda,' a comes or earl, its known early owner.
Transposition of r is common. 1280 Close R. Tradington, now
Trotton (Sussex), will rather be fr. Treda, given in Onom. as
abbot in Wore, Mercia, c. 775; so might the other place, too.
But Tred WORTH (Glouc), 1284 Truddeworth, is also fr. Tyrdda,
See -ing and -worth.
Treeton (Rotherham) . Dom. Trectone. ? * town of Trecca' a
Yorks name in Onom. Or, as it is also Dom. Treton, it may
simply be fr. tree, O.E. treo. Cf, Tresham (Hawkesbury), sic
in 972 chart.
Trefecca (Talgarth, Brecknockshire) . W. = ' house of Rebecca ' or
' Becky.' The mod. W. tra, tre, or tref, is ' house, village, town,'
in O.W. trev. Seen in 1324 Traueger, now Trefgarn (Pembk.).
For this, cf. Tregaer.
Tregaer (Monmouth). 1325 Tregeyr, and Tregeare (Egloskerry,
Cornwall). Prob. 1285 Chse R. Tregear. ' House, settlement
by the castle,' O.W. gaer, W. caer, Bret. ker. Cf. Trefgarn and
T^eflerw (Pembk.), ' nice, delicate house.' But Tregaron
(Cardingsh.) is fr. Caron, a saint of unknown history.
Tre-Gvo3ngn (Cornwall). Corn.= ' house, village of bees.'
Trelawne Inlet (West Looe) . Corn, tre lawn, ' clear, open town-
let ' ; lanm is cognate with Ir. and Brit, lann, W. llan. Com. Ian,
' enclosure, open space among woods,' seen also in Eng. lawn,
found earher as laund.
Trelleck (Monmouth). 1347 Rolls Parlmt. Trillek. W. tre llech,
* house made of flags or flagstones.'
Tremaine (Launceston). Corn, tre meini, 'house of the stones/
or ' of the dolmen,' maen.
Trenans (St, Austell). Corn.= ' house in the valley,' W. nant.
TRENT R. 482 TROTTERSCLIFPE
Trent R. and Trentham (Stone). Btde and O.S. Chron. 633
Treanta, 924 ib. Treonta, c. 900 Asser Terente, Dom. Trenta;
also a E,. ' Trent ' in Wore, K.C.D. iii. 396. Dom. Trenham,
1156 Pipe Trentham. H. Bradley's ingenious conjecture, that
in Tacitus Ann. we should read ' Trisantonam ' pro ' castris
Antonam/ and make Trisantona the orig. form of Tre(h)anta,
seems far-fetched. The origin seems unknown. It cannot be
the same as the famous counsel of Trent (Tyrol), which is the
L. Tridentum.
Treryn Din as (Land's End). Corn. = ' castle of the fighting-
place,' treryn, now pron. treen. Cf. 1268 Norwich Assize Rolls
Treneham. There is no name like Trena in Onom.
Tresco (Scilly) and Trescowe (Marazion). Dom. Trescau. Corn,
for ' house beside the elder-tree/ still called scaw in Cornwall,
Com. scawen, as in Bosoawen, Bret, scao, scav, scaven.
Tresellian R. (Truro) seems to be Corn, for ' house of eels/ silli,
' an eel ' ; but if so the ending is unexplained.
Trb SpmiDiON (The Lizard). Corn.= ' house of spirits or ghosts.'
Trevinb (Letterston, Pembroke). Black BTc. Carw. Trefdyn, -dun,
W. tref ddin, ' house, village on the hill.' Trevethin (Mon.)
is the same name, 1285 Close R. Trevedyn, W. tref y din. But
Trevean (Cornwall) is Dom. Trebihan, Corn, tre bean or vean
(W. bian, bihan), ' little house.'
Trimdon (Co. Durham). 1183 Tremeldon. A curious contrac-
tion; older forms needed. Perh. ' hill of Trumweald/ the nearest
name in Onom.
Trimpley (Suffolk and Bewdley). Su. T. Dom. Tremelaia, Trem-
lega; Be. T. Dom. Trinpelei; 1275 Trympeleye. 'Meadow of
some unknown man. There is one Trimma, a Mercian monk,
in Bede. See -ley.
Tring (N. of London). Dom. Trevinga, Trevng, Treunge; 1211
Traynge ; 1^3 Trehynge. ' Place of the sons of Tryg.' See -ing.
Thring is stiU a common surname (de Thring is found 1273) , and the
Th- may have been orig. Norm., and so the 7i would then be mute.
Tritton (E. Kent ? now) . a. 1200 Tritton. Said to be fr. Trithona
(or Frithona) 5th Abp. of Canterbury, and first English one.
Troedyrhtsv (Glam.). W.= ' base of the slope.' Cf. Troedybryn.
Troon (Camborne). W. or Corn. trioyn=G. srdn, 'a nose, point,
cape.' Cf. Troon (Sc).
Troston (Bury St. E.) . Dom. Trostuna. On analogy of next this
may be * Trota's town.' Onom. has nothing Likelier. Cf. Dom.
Chesh. Trosford.
Trotterscliffe (W. Mailing). Pron. Trosley, which shows -cliffe
to be a recent ' improvement ' ; so is Trotter- ; the man here
recorded is prob. Trota, one in Onom. ' Trota's mead.'
TROUTBECK 483 TUBNET
Troutbeck (Penrith and Windermere), c. 1080 Bek Troyte. It
may be fr. a man Trota in Onom. Trout is fr. Fr. truite, and
would hardly be looked for in Cumberland c. 1080; whilst
Troyte is still an Eng. surname. Troutsdale (E. Riding) is
Dom. Truzstal. Here also trout is doubtful; it may be fr.
Truthec, a name in Onom. In Dom. z is for ts or tcs ; while -stal
will be O.E. steall, steel, ' place.'
Trowbridge (Wilts). {Dom. has a Troi near here.] c. 1160 Gest.
Steph. Trobriga, 1212 Trobrigge. Unless fr. a man Trota, this
is prob. fr. W. tro, ' a turn ' ; the river on which it stands is called
the Biss. But the name may be a hybrid. Trowell (Notts),
Dom- Trowalle, Mutschmann derives fr. O.E. trSow, ' a tree.'
Trumpet (Ledbury) and Trumpington (Cambridge) . K.C.D. iv. 245
Trumpintun, 1270 Trumpington, 1297 Trumpiton. The latter
name is perh. corrup. of Trumbeorht's or Trumberct's town.'
Any such name as Trump or Trumping is unknown. But the
former is prob. W. ' hill-ridge with the croft or land-portion
on it.' W. trum, G. druim and peth, Pict. pit, pet, ' a portion.'
Trunch (N. Walsham). Dom. Trunchet, Truchet; 1426 Trunche.
A rare case in this region, plainly W. tru)yn diet, * point ' lit.
' nose of the wood/ O.W. chet, cet, coit, mod. W. coed. Cf.
Chetwood. Cf. Troon (Sc), and 1179-80 Pipe Yorks Trun-
field, not in Dom. This last may be contracted fr. ' Trununnc'a
field.' Ft. tranchet, ' paring-knife, chisel-shank,' seems out of
the question for Dom.'s Trimchet. The Trunch (Oakridge)
seems to have as old form The Trench, here in its oldest mean-
ing, ' lane through a wood.' Ozf. Diet, gives no spelling of
trench with u.
Truro. Old Treuru, Triueru, 1536 Truroo. Corn, tre vuru (pi. of
vor), ' three ways '; 3 main roads meet here.
Trusham (Chudleigh) and Trusthorpe (Mablethorpe) . The man's
name here is uncertain. Cf. Trewsbury (Cirencester), Dom.
Tursberie, c. 1300 Trussebyry. W. H. Stevenson inclines to
connect this with O.E. trus, ' brushwood.' Cf. Dom. Norfk.
Treus. See -bury, -ham, and -thorpe.
, Trwyn-y-Gwyddel (Cardigan Bay). W.= 'cape of the Gael.'
Cf. Troon (Sc.) and Murian-'r-Gwyddel (Harlech), name of
ancient fortifications. W. trwyn is same as G. srdn, lit. ' nose.'
Trysull (Wolvermptn.). Pron. Treezle. 984 chart, and later,
Tresel, Dom. Treslei. It means trestle. This occurs in O.Fr.
trestel, but that is fr. Bret, treustel, fr. treust, trest, ' a beam,'
found also in W. tresll, fr. trawst, so the root is Keltic, though
very early in O.E. — e.g., Trescot near by is 1006 Treselcote,
' hut built in trestle fashion.'
Tubney (Mareham). c. 1290 Tubbeney, 1316 Tobbeney, c. 1540
Tubney. C/.5.C./S.ii.514Tubbanford. 'MeoiTubba.' See-ey.
TUDDENHAM 484 TWISTON
TuDDENHAM (2 in Suffolk) . 1298 Tude'ham, 1450 Tudenham, 1477
Todenham. ' Home of Tuda ' or ' Tudda,' names common in
Onom. Cf. TuDHOB (Spennymoor), Tudhope and Tudworth
(Yorks), Dom. Tudeworde.
TuGBY (Leicester) and Ttjggal (Alnwick), a. 1130 Sim. Dur.
Tugga- and Tughala. Cf. 958 chart. Tigwella, on Stour (Staffd,) .
' Dwelling ' and ' nook of Tuga '; one in Onom. See -by and -hall.
TuNBRiDQE Wells dates from 1606. See Tonbrldge.
TuNSTALL (Eorby Lonsdale, Yorks, Stoke-on-T., Suffolk). Kir. T.
Dunstall; Yor. T. Dom. Tonnestale, 1179-80 Tunstale; Sto. T.
1272 Tunstall; Suff. T. c. 1460 Tonstale; also B.C. 8. iii. 605
' the old Tunsteall ' — i.e., Brockley Hall. O.E. tun steall, ' en-
closed place ' ; a stall is properly ' a farm-yard.' The name is
always changing into Dunstall; in Staffs we find it so on four
occasions. Of. Dom. Norfk. Tonstede. See -don and -ton.
TuBNANT Brook (S. Wales), c. 1130 Lib. Landav. Nant tri neint
— i.e., ' valley of the three valleys.'
TuRVEY (Bedford). Dom. Toruei, -ueie; ? a. 1153 Lib. Eliensis
Torneia. Cf. Dom. Bucks Turvestone. ' Isle of Turf,' or ' of
Turfida,' nearest name in Onom. See -ey.
TuSMOBE (Oxon.). Dom. Toresmere, 1216 Thuresm'e, 1274-79
Tursmer. ' Lake, mere of the god Thar.' The liquid r has
vanished.
TxTTBURY (Burton-on-T.). Dom. Toteberie, a. 1200 Tuttebury,
Stuteberie,; a. 1300 Tuttesbiri, Tutesbury. 'Burgh of Tota,'
or else, ' look-out castle ' ; the castle commands a wide prospect.
Cf. TooTHELL and Tottenham, also Tfitstall Cross (Broms-
grove), Dom. Tothehel, a. 1300 Tot(t)enhull, ' Tota's hill.'
Tuxford (Notts) . Sic c. 1350, but Dom. Tuxfarne (error). 1454 Tux-
f orthe. ' Ford of Tucca, Tuca, or Tucu,' all in Onom. See -ford
and -forth.
Tweed R. and Tweedmouth. ? a. 600 Avdlanau Ty^; Bede
Tuidus, Twidus; a. 800 Hist. St. Cuthbt. Tweoda; c. 966 Pict.
Chron. Tede; a. 1130 Tweda; a. 1150 Thveda; 1211 Tydemue.
Perh. fr. W. twyad, 'a hemming in,' fr. twy, * to check, to bound.'
TwERTON-ON-AvoN (Bath). Dom. Twertone= Tiverton.
TwiCEJENHAM. Prob. 704 chart. Twicanhom, and 793 chart. Twit-
tanham, with t for c, 948 Twiccanham, c. 1200 Gervase Twiccen-
ham. Prob. ' home of Twica ' or ' Twicga,' in Onom. ; or fr.
O.E. tmcen, ' place where two roads meet.' The derivation of
M'Clure, p. 214, seems far-fetched. Twigworth (Glouc), 1242
Twyggenwrthe, is plainly ' farm of Twicga.'
TwiSTON (Clitheroe) . Prob. 1318-19 Twysdenne, which is a hybrid ;
W. twys, ' top, tuft, head/ and O.E. denu ' (wooded) valley.'
TWIZEL 485 TYWARNHAILE
TwizEL (Norham), Twizel House (Bamboro'), and Twysell
(N. Durham). Nor. T. c. 800 Hist. St. Cuthbt. Twisle, 1183
Tuisela. Dur. T. 1183 Tuisill. O.E. twisla, 'confluence/ fr.
twislian, ' to fork, to split/ The pron. to-day is Twy-zel. Of.
Haltwhistle and Dom. Yorks Tuislebroc.
TWYFOBD (5 in P.O.). Northumb. T. Bede Ad tuifyrdi quod signi-
ficat ' ad duplex vadum/ [Evesham T. 714 chart. Tuiforde,
a. 1000 Twyfyrde.] 956 chart. Twyfyrd (Glouc), Dom. Bucks
Tveverde, ib. Oxon. Tuiforde, 1298 Twyforde (prob. Herts);
also 1160 Pipe TwiuerS (Kent). O.E. twi ford, 'double ford.'
Cf. Tiverton and Twerton. But Twiver (Glouc.) is for ' the
Weaver ' river.
TwYNHAM (Christchurch). Sic in Dom. O.E. tweon ean, ' between
the rivers/ O.E. ea. Twynholm (Sc), c. 1200 Twenham, is
the same name. Cf. the Rom. Interamna and Dom. Hant^
Tuina.
Twi-, Twyning (Tewkesbury). 814 chart. Bituinseum, Dom. Tve-
ninge, Tuninge; 1221 Tweninges. This is O.E. betwynum, be-
tweonan 6as, ' between streams/ ea being later supplanted by
-ing with same meaning (see p. 56). Cf. Twynham and 902
O.E. Chron. Tweoxn eam, Tweoxnam, ? = Twyning.
Tyburn (London). Dom. Tibume,c. 1420 Lydgate Tyburne. Prob.
' two burns ' or ' brooks/ O.E. tivi, ' two.' See -bourne.
Tydd or TiD St. Giles (Wisbech). 1293 Tyd. ^erh. W . tuedd/ a.
region, a coast.' Skeat says fr. a personal name Tidi, and
compares Tidmarsh, Tidworth, etc. But this is abnormal.
Tyddyn Wysgi (Anglesea). W.= ' farm by the water.' Cf. Tid-
NOCK and Use, and ' whisky.'
Tyldesley (Manchester). Sic c. 1430. ' Meadow, lea of the tent,'
O.E. tyld, teld. Weekley suggests ' Tilda's ' or ' Matilda's lea.'
Tyne, R. etc. Bede Tinus, Tyne; a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Tina and
Tynemuthe; c. 1145 Wm. Malmes. Tinemuthe; 1151 Pipe Tin-
dala; 1178 Tyndale. Ptolemy's TiVa is prob. the Haddington
Tyne (Sc). Perh. fr. W. tynu, 'to draw, pull,' G. teanu, 'to
move, stir, proceed,' or fr. W. tyno, ' a green plot, a dale.'
Tysoe ( Warwicksh.) . Dom. Tiheshoche; a. 1200 Tiesoch, Thiesho,
Thisho, Tyeso; a. 1300 T(h)ysho. ' Height of Tihha ' or ' Tih.'
See Hob.
TYTHERmaxoN (Thornbury). Dom. Tidrentune, c. 1170 Tidring-
ton, ' town of the sons of Tidhere.' See -ing and -ton.
Tywarnhaile (Cornwall) . Corn, ty war an hayle, ' house on the
tidal river.' Cf. Hayle. We get this ty or ti (G. tigh) in such
Dom. Cornw. names as Ticoith, ' house in the wood,' Tiwarthel,
etc. Cf. Chyandoub.
UCKFIELD 486 ' ULLENHALL
UoKEiELD (Sussex). Not in Dom., but 1240 Close B. Quicfeld.
Perh. ' Field of Ucca ' or ' XJcco,' both in Onom. Cf. B.C.S. 158
Uckinge esher, Ucetngton (Glouc), Dom. Hochinton, 1221
' Uchintone, and Uukinghall (Wore), 1275 Hugingehale,
where we get the patronymic; also Upton (Pembk.), in Gir.
Camb. Ucketune, Uccetuna. 1240 Qiiic- looks like O.E. cwicu,
c{w)ucu, ' moving, shifting, alive/ as in quicksand ; but this
sense is not in Oxf. Diet. a. 1340.
Umtngton (Berks). B.C.S. ii. 376 Uffentune, Dom. Offentone.
1291 Offingtone, Offentone; also about same date, Uffinton,
' Town, village of Uffa/ a common name in Onom. Cf. UfEnell
(Pershore), and next.
Uffoed (Melton). Sic a. 1100. ' Ford of Ufa/ a common name in
Onom. Cf. above.
Ufton (Southam and Theale, Berks). So. U. c. 1000 XJlfetune;
Dom. Ulchetone (error) ; a. 1300 Ulston, Oluston, Oulfton, Oluf-,
Olughton; Th. U. 1317 Uftone. The latter may be fr. Ufa, as
above; it is now called U. Newet (prob. = Newent). Cf. Dom.
Somt. Vfetone. But aU the other forms point to ' town of Ulf/
Nor. Fr. form of the common Wulf.
Ugborough (Ivybridge). Dom. Ulgeberge. 'Town, burgh of ?
Onom. has one Olfgeat or Oluiet; and cf. Ugthorpe. See
-borough.
Ugglebabnby (Sleights, Yorks). Dom. Ugleberdsbi, 1179-80 Vgul-
bardebi. ' Dwelling of Ugelbert ' ; one in Onom. See -by.
Ugthobpe (Grosmont, Yorks). Dom. Ugetorp, Ughetorp. Prob.
' village of Huga ' or ' Hug/ both names in Onom. Cf. Ughill
(Yorks), Dom. Ughil ; and see -thorpe.
Uloeby (Alford and Lines). Dom. Uluesbi. 'Dwelling of Ulf/
Cf. Dom. Bucks Vlchestone. See -by.
Uley (Dursley). Dom. Euulege, later Huelege. 'Yew-tree
meadow,' O.E. iw, eow. See -ley.
Ulgham (Morpeth). 'Home of V Cf. Dom. Bucks Oilgi, and
Chesh. Ulchenol (? Uha'^ knoll'). No Ulga in Onom. It may
be like the next, ' home of the Owl/ nickname of some man,
O.N. u^la, O.E. ule. Ulchester, or Outchester (Belford), may
have a similar origin. Some identify it with a. 700 Bav. Geogr.
Oleiclavis.
Ullenhajll (Henley-in-Arden). Dom. Holehale, a. 1200 Hulehale,
1257 Hunhal, 1326 Uhihale, Ulehale, Holenhale. 'Nook of
the owl,' O.E. ule, -an, 6-6 howle, 6 houle, 7 oole ; O.N. ugh,.
And Ulls WATER, as well as Uldale (Cumberland), are, of
course, fr. the same bird; prob. through N. rather than Eng.
Ullett Rd. (Liverpool) is for owlet, 1542 oulette. Cf. 1211
Ulecote (? Co. Durham) and Oubrough (Yorks), Dom. Uleburg,
ULLESKELF 487 UPMINSTER
Ulenburg, also Ulcombe (Maidstone), with which, prob. goes
940 chart. Olencumb (Dorset). But Ullingwick (Glouc),
a. 1200 OUinggewike, 1212 Wyllynwyck, is ' dwelling of the sons
of Willa.' See -ing and -wick.
Ullbskelb' (York). Dom. Oleslec, Oleschel. 'Ledge of Olla' or
' XJla,' both forms in Onom. O.E. scelfe, scylfe, ' a shelf.'
Ulley (Sheffield), Dom. Ollei, is fr. same man's name. See -ey.
Ulromb (Yorks). Dom. Ulfram, Ulreham. ' Home of Ulfarr/
N. form of the common O.E. Wulfhere. See -ham.
Ulveestone. Local pron. Ooston. Dom. Vluerston, 1196 Olues-
ton, 1202 Vlveston, 1230 Ulveston. Prob. ' town of Wulfhere,'
a very common name. Cf. Dom. Chesh.. Ulvre, Bucks Vlf re-
stone; also Ulveeley (Acock's Green), Dom. Uluerlie, a. 1200
Hulferle. Cf. Owsthorpe with Ooston; also cf. Woolverstone
(Ipswich). Ulmston (Nthbld.) is c. 1316 Ouston, prob. fr. a
man Ulfhelm.
Umberleigh (Devon) is var. of Amberley and Ombersley,
' pitcher meadow,' while Umberslade (Henley-in-Arden), a. 1200
Ombreslade, is ' channel, watercourse,' O.E. {ge)ldd, ' of the
pitcher,' O.E. amber, omber. Cf. Cricklade.
Unoleby (Yorks). Dom. Unchelsbi, Unglesbi, Unchelfsbi. Prob.
' dwelling of Wuncild,' one in Onom., which also gives one Hun-
chil, or Runcytel, seen in Dom. Yorks Hunchilhuse. Eng. uncle
is fr. Er. See -by.
Unstojste (Sheffield) (not in Dom.) and Unsworth (Manchester).
1522 Undesworth. There are 2 Unas but no Unda in Onom.
See -stone and -worth.
Unthank (Alnham and Haltwhistle, Northumbd., and 3 in Cumbld.).
Common, too, in Sc. {q.v.), where found 1228 Vnthanc. O.E.
un- anc means ' ingratitude,' and the reference may be to the
barrenness of the soil. But Canon Taylor says it denotes a
piece of ground on which some squatter had settled ' without
leave ' of the lord.
Uphill (Weston-s.-M.). Dom. Opopille. Doubtful. Perh. 'hill
of Oppo ' or ' Oppa,' both in Onom.
Upleatham (Redcar). Dom. Upelider, 1204 Uplium. The Dom.
is plainly O.N. upp a hli^ar, ' up on the slope or hill-side.' Hli^
is also O.E. for ' slope,' cf. Lbith Hill; and 1204 is an old
loc. from it, now, like all these Yorks locatives, turned into -ham
iq.v.). Kirkleatham is Dom. Westlidu'. But Upleadon (N.W.
Glouc.) is ' upon the B. Leadon.' See Ledbury.
Upminster (Romford), a. 716 chart. Upmynster, Dom. Upmon-
stra. ' Upper ' or ' high-up church.' Cf. Upton and Upthorp
(Shipston-on-Stour), 990 chart. Uppsthrop.
UPPER WTCHE 488 TJXBRIDGE
Uppee Wychb (Malvern). O.E. wic, 'dwelling-place/ Cf. Dom,
Wiche (Salop), and Droitwich.
Upsall (Thirsk). Dom. Upesale, Upsale, Upeshale; 1179-80 Hup-
sale. This is prob. O.E. up seel, ' upper hall/ 4-7 sale, 5 sail.
Thus the ending, unlike most old names in -ale or -all, is not
-hall iq.v.). Cf. Upminster.
Upton (24 in P.G.). 962 chart. Uptun (on Severn), Dom. Yorks
and Salop Uptune, -tone, Berks, Glouc., and Warwk. Optone,
Bucks Opetone, Suffk. Opituna. O.E. up tun, ' upper, high-
up village/ Oldest of all perh. is Upton Warren (Bromsgrove),
714 chart. Uptone. The Warins and Fitz-Warins owned the
manor in the 13th cny. Upton (Pembk.), 1603 Owen Vpton,
is c. 1190 Gir. Camb. Ucketune, Uccetuna, fr. a man Ucca, as
inUCKFIELD.
Upware (Cambs). 1349 Upwere. O.E. up wcer, 'upper weir' or
'fish pool.' C/. Upwell (Wisbech).
Upwood (Huntingdon). Cf. 1060 chart. ' Uppwude cum Ravelaga
berewico suo.' ' Upper wood.' Cf. above.
Ure, E.. See York.
UsK R. In W. Wysc. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Isca, 1050 O.E. Chron.
Wylisce (' in Welsh ') Axa, Dom. Huscha, c. 1130 Lib. Landav.
Huiso, c. 1250 Layam. Uske. Kelt, uisc, ' water, river,' same
root as G. uisge, ' whisky,' Axe, Otjse, and Ux- bridge.
UswoRTH (Washington, Co. Durham). 1183 Useworth. * Farm
of Osa,' a common name; no Usa is recorded. Cf. Otjse. See
-worth.
Utley (Keighley). Dom. Utelai. 'Meadow of Uta.' Cf. 839
chart. Uhtlufe (Kent). There are 2 Utas, and also 4 Utels in
Onom. See -ley.
Uttoxeter. Pron. tJxeter. Dom. Wotocheshede {d for th as
usual, medially, in Dom.) ; a. 1200 Uttockeshedere, Uttoxe-
shather, Huttokeshagh, Ottokeshather ; a. 1400 Uttoxhather,
Uttoxeshather, Uttoxatre, Uttockcestre; a. 1600 Utcester,
Utseter, Uttecester. The analogy of Exeter tempts one, and
Chambers's Encycl. actually invents an O.E. Uttocceaster ; but
the name has nothing to do with -cester or ' camp.' The first
half must represent an unrecorded man Wotoc {ch in Dom. is
the usual Norm, softening), or Uuottok. Cf. the mod. names
Whittock and Whytock. The second half, -hedere or -bather,
must surely be Norse, the O.N. heith-r, ' a heath, a moor.' Eng,
heath would yield no r, and ' Wotoc's heather ' is a very unlikely
name, though heather is a much earlier and wider spread Eng.
word than Oxf. Diet, knows. See Hatherleigh.
Uxbridge (Middlesex). Not in Dom., but it has an Exeforde near
Bedfont. 1139 Oxebridge; later Woxbridge. It is on the
VALLE CRUCIS 489 WADBOROUGH
R. Colne, so Ux- or Oxe- here may be = Usk, ' river, water/
Oxf. Diet, gives no case of ox becoming ux in Eng. ; but O.N. for
' ox ' is uxe or oxe. This is to be viewed as one views Oxtobd.
Valle Cbucis Abbey (Llangollen). L.= 'in the valley of the
Cross." Cistercian abbey founded here, c. 1200, by Madoc ap
Gruffydd. In W. it is Llan Egwest. Le Clos du Valle, Guernsey,
1135 Wallus, however, is fr. O.N. voll-r, 'a field.'
Vauxhall (Lambeth). 1363 ' Faukeshalle juxta London.' Fawkea
was a powerful baron, in the reign of K. John, who built ' La
Salle ' (the hall) ' de Fawkes.'
Ventnor (I. of Wight). Ventanora must mean 'shore, edge,
brink of the Venta.' Venta is common in Eng. place-names of
Roman times, Venta Belgarum, Icenorum, Silurum, etc. {i.e.,
Winchester, Caistor near Norwich, Chepstow, etc.). M'Clure
(pp. 32-33) shows that Venta is not Keltic but late Latin, the
meaning being ' market, place where things are sold/ L. vendere,
venditum. Cf. Wentnor.
VEEULAM-St. Albans. Bede ' Verulamium ' or in Eng. ' Verla-
macsestir or Vsetlinga-csestir,' v.r. Vseclinga-Caestir. In Bede's
O.E. versn., over 100 years later, Werlameceaster or Waeclinga-
ceaster. c. 1205 Layam. Verolam or Verolamestun. Verlam
or Werlame seems to have been a river name, about which
M'Clure has some conjectm:es, drawn fr. Whitley Stokes (see
his p. 40) . VsetUnga reminds of Watling Street.
Vbuwood (Wimborne). Old forms needed. But cf. 1179-80 Pipe
Verli (Yorks), which may be ' lea, meadow of Verca ' or ' Werm'
There was one, abbess at Tynemouth. Bom. Wilts has a
Vergroh (S.W. of Dorchester).
Vradden or Bkaddn (Cornwall). To guess, as some do, ' chough's
abode,' and derive fr. Corn, vran, Ir. and G. bran, ' a crow,
chough, Cornish crow,' is to leave the d quite unaccounted for.
Braddan was a Keltic St. of the 7th cny. Cf. Kirk Braddan
(I. of Man).
Vyrnwy (Montgomerysh.). Perh. W. hryn (6 aspirated) gwy,
'hill with the stream.' But Vreny or Breni Vawr (Pem-
broke), is not 'big hill' (W. mawr, 'big'), but prob. 'big
prow,' O.W. hreni.
Waberthwaite (Millom). ' Place, farm of ' ? Old forms needed.
Perh. fr. a Wyberth in a Cumbld. charter, c. 1080, or fr. Wac-
beorht or Weardbeorht, names in Onom. Perh. fr. Walbert or
WealhbeorU, as in Walberswick (Sfk.). See -thwaite.
Wadborough (Pershore). 972 chart. Wadbeorh, Dom. Wadberge.
These are just O.E. for ' woad-hill,' woad being a plant for dyeing
blue. See -burgh.
WADDINGTON 490 WALDRINGriELD
Waddington (Lincoln), c. 1300 Widdindune — i.e., O.E. Wyddan
dim, ' hill of Wydda.' Cf. B.C.S. 960 Wyddan beorh. The
name Wada is also common in Onom., and Wid and Wida are
also found. For the tale of the mythic Wade and his boat, see
Kemble Saxons in Engld. 1., 420.
Waddon (Croydon). Prob, a. 900 B.C.S. ii. 196 Hwsete dun, Dom.
Watendone, Wadone, 1287 Whatdon; and Waddon Hill (Ship-
ston-on-Stour), chart. Hwsetdune, both being O.E. for ' wheat
hiU.' Cf. Whaddon and Dom. Bucks Wadruge, ' wheat ridge.'
Wadeford (Chard). Tautology. O.E. weed, dial, wath, Icel. vaS,
' a ford.' Cf. Langwade (Cambs), 1210 Landwath, 1284 Land-
wade. Cf. Wath. Wassand (Yorks), Dom. Wadsande, is prob.
fr. the same root.
Wadenhoe (Oundle). 1166-67 Pipe Wadeho. 'Hill, height of
Wada.' Cf. B.C.S. 50 Wadan hlaew, Waddington, and next;
and see Hoe.
Wadswokth (Hebden Br.) (Dom. Wadeswrde) and Wadworth
(Doncaster) (Dom. Wadewrde). 'Place, farm of Wad, Wada,'
or ' Wade.' See Waddington, and cf. Wadsley (Sheffield),
Dom. Wadesleia, Wadelei; only in Dom. Derby it seems given
as Wodnesleie, ' meadow of Woden ' {cf. Wanborough) ; also
cf. 940 chart. Wadlea3e (Wilts). See -worth.
Wainixeet (Lines). 1396 Waynflete. Fleet is 'river,' Wain is
^^ not the Rom. Venonio, which is High Cross; it may be W.
[i^ gwaen, ' plain, meadow,' as in Waenfawr, ' big plain,' Carnar-
ifi^i von. But WAiNLODE-on-Severn, 1424 Waynelodus, is ' wain,
^^wagon ferry,' O.E. {ge)ldd.
Wakefield. Dom. Wachefeld, c. 1350 Wakefeld. Perh. ' field
of the vigil or wake ' ; O.E. wacu, so Skeat. But cf. 1332 Molls
Parlnd. ' Le Seigneur de Wake,' which suggests ' field of a man
Wake.' Li Onom. are Wacca, Wacco, and WoAih, whilst Wac is
common in early Rolls.
Walbrook (London). Perh. c. 1140 Walebroc. See Oxf. Diet.
s.v. Husting. ' Brook by the (London) Wall.'
Walcot (Pershore, Alcester, Norwich), Walcote (Lutterworth),
and Walcott (Lincoln) . Pe. W. a. 1200 Walecot, Dom. Warwk.
and Salop Walecote. ' Cot, cottage by the wall,' O.E. weall ;
though perh. wale is dat. of O.E. wealh, ' stranger, foreigner,
Welshman.' Cf. Walsall.
Walden Stubbs (Pontefract). Perh. 1179-80 Pipe Yorks Alanus
de Stublis. Doubtful. Stubbs is prob. fr. Sc. and G. stob, ' a
stake, a stump.'
Waldringfield (Suffolk). Local pron. Wunnerful ! Waldring-
prob. means ' the descendants of WeaMhere,' a common name in
Onom. See -ing.
WALES 491 WALlilEESLEt
Wales. 922 O.E. Chron. On Norj? Wealum, Eall Norp Weallcyn;
as name of the country perh. first in 1046 O.E. Chron. Into
Wealan; Dom. Rex de Nort-Wales ; c. 1160 Gest. Steph. Waloniaj
c. 1175 Fantosme North Wales. In 1055 O.E. Chron. also called
Brytland or ' Britons' land ' ; whilst in O.E. Chron. the people
are called Wealas, passim. O.E. weal, wealh, fern, wylen, is ' a
stranger, a foreigner/ then, ' a slave ' ; so Wales is ' land of the
strangers/ from the Anglo-Saxon point of view. Earle thinks
we get the same root not only in the Ger. Welsch, but in Wal-
loons, Wallachla, and canton Wallis in Switzerland. We get
the older name in c. 1145 Geoffr. Monm. ' Kambria, in their
British tongue Kambri.' The mod. W. name is Cymru or
Kymru, fr. cym -bro, ' the compatriot, the native of the country.'
Wales (Sheffield), sic Dom. also Walls, seems to be an inflected
form of O.E. weall, ' wall, rampart.' But Walesby (Newark),
Dom. Walesbi, is fr. wealh. See -by.
Waleord (Ross) and Waleoed Heath (Shrewsbury) . ' Ford at
the wall,' or possibly 'the well,' O.E. weall or well{a). Cf.
Dom. Surrey Walforde. Walham (Berkeley) is old Waleham,
prob. fr. O.E. wealh. See above.
Walk Mill (Burnley and Cannock), Walker Barn (Macclesfd.),
Walkeord (Christchurch). All fr. to ' walk,' Sc. wauk, ' to full
cloth,' O.E. wealcan, ' to turn about,' wealcere, ' a fuller.'
Walkingham (Elnaresboro') . Dom. Walchingha', and Walking-
ton (Beverley), Dom. Walchinton. ' Home ' and ' village of the
sons of Wealh ' or ' the foreigner.' See WalEvS, and -ing. But
W A LKERINQH AM (Gainsboro'), Dom. Walcheringeham, is 'home
of the sons of Walchere.'
Wall Heath (Dudley). 1332 Kingswallhuth (= heath). Ancient
earthworks near by. There is a fort near Wolverhampton, ' The
WaUs.'
Wallingford. c. 893 chart. Wehnga ford, 1006 O.E. Chron.
Weahnga ford, 1216 ih. Walinge ford, 1298 Walinford, 1373
Walyngforde. ' Eord of the Wealings ' or ' sons of Wealh,' or
' sons of the foreigner.' See Wales. We get a Norm, spelling
in Wm. of Poitiers Guarenford. Cf. Wallington (Surrey),
Dom. WalUngeha, and Dom. WaUtone (Salop). But Walling-
WELLS (Notts), 1278 Wellandwell, is fr. O.E. weallende, 'boUing,
bubbling up.'
Wallsend (Newcastle). 1382 Dur. Halm. Rolls Campus de Wal-
leshond. ' End of the (Roman) Wall,' whose other end is
Bowness (Cumbld.), bui^t by Hadrian, c. 130. Wallop (Stock-
bridge), Dom. Wallope, -lop ; 1217 Close R. Welhop, prob. means
' piece of land enclosed with a wall,' O.E. vjeall, Fris. wal. See
-hope.
Walmersley (Bury) . ' Meadow of Waldemar ' or ' Wealdmcer,'
this only, and this but once, in Onom. Cf. 1220-51 Cockersand
WALMESFORD 492 WALWORTH
Chart. Waldemurfeld. Wyld and H. omit both this and Walmer
Br. (Preston). See -ley.
Walmesford (Northants). O.E. Chron. 657 Welmesford. Perh.
' Ford of ' ? some unknown man. But both it and Walmley Ash
(Sutton Coldfield), a. 1300 Warmleye, are more prob. fr. O.E.
walm, wielm, ' a boiling or bubbling up, a spring.' Cf. Ewelm
and Walmgate (York).
Walney I. (Barrow). 1127 Wagneia, 1189-94 Wageneia, 1227
Wagneia. ' Isle of Waga/ gen. -an. The I must be a mod,
intrusion. See p. 82, and -ey.
Walpole Highway and St. Aistbrew (Wisbech). ? a. 1244 ATict-
deed Villa de Walepol. ' Pool at the wall,' O.E. weall, ' a wall,
a rampart.' There seem to have been men named Walpole in
Norfk., a. 1200.
Walsall. 1004 Walesho (see Hoe), a. 1100 Waleshale,a. ISOOWales-
Walsale. ' Nook, corner of the Welshman.' See Walcot.
Walsham, North and South. Dom. Walessam, -esha; 1373 Will
Edw. Block Pr. ' Robert de Walsham.' Prob. ' home of Wale/
2 in Onom. See Walcot and -ham.
Walsingham (Norfolk). K.C.D. 782 Waelsinga-, Dom. Walsinga-,
a. 1340 Walsyngham. A patronymic^ fr. Weds, a name in
Beowulf. See -ing.
Waltham (9 in P.O.) and Walthamstow. Kent. W. 727 chart.
Waltham, 1001 O.E. Chron. Wealtham, Essex and Berks Dom,
(and chart, a. 1067) Waltham. ' Home of Wealt ' ; Weald and
Wealda are also in Onom. As the spelling is always with t it is
not at aU likely to be ' home in the weald/ O.E. for ' wood,'
same root as wold. Skeat, because we never find any sign of
a gen. in even the earliest charters, thinks it cannot be from a
man, and conjectures an O.E. wealt, ' unsteady, ill-built, de-
cayed,' comparing the known unwealt, ' steady, firm,' and Icel.
valt-r, ' easily upset.' See -stow.
Walton (21 in P.O.). Carlisle W. Bede, ' The royal vill caUed Ad
murum' ('at the Wall'); Suffk. W. 1046 chaH. Wealtun;
Blackburn, Stone, and Epsom W. Dom. Waletone. Two in
Warwk., Dom. Waltone. Peterboro' W. 1147 chart. Walton.
' Town with or at the wall or rampart,' O.E. weall. There are
prob. over 50 Waltons in England; some may be fr. O.E. weal,
' stranger, foreigner, Welshman,' dat. wale. Cf. Walcot. Dom.
varies all through between Wal- and Wale-. In Dom. Yorks
Walton, Waleton, or Waliton occur 10 times. White Walton
(Berks) is B.C.S. 762 Wealtun, whilst Bps. Walton (Hants) is
909 chart. Wealtham. See above.
Walworth (S. London). Dom. Waleorde. *Farm of Wale.'
Cf. above ; and see -worth, regularly -orde in Dom. Walsworth
(j11ouc.">, old Wale-, Wallesworthe, is the same name.
WAMBROOK 493 WAPENBURY
-Wambeook (Chard). Said to be ' Woden's brook/ Cf. Wan-
BOEOUGH. Old forms needed; it is not in Dom. It might be
' Wamba's brook/
Wampool R. (N.W. Cumbld.). c. 1080 chart. Pollwathoen; also
Wathanpol. W. pwl, G. poll is our Eng. pool, but all these
words tend to mean ' a stream/ in Sc. a pow, also. Wathan may
perh. be the same root as W. gwydden, Corn, gwedhen, ' a tree.'
Wanborough (S^^indon and Guildford). Neither will be O.E.
Chron. 591 Wodnesbeorge, Woddesbeorg, fr. the god Woden.
But Sw. W. is Dom. Wemberge^ 1245 Wamberge, and Guil. W.
is 1147 Wenebergia. This seems to be ' burgh, fort of Wana,'
2 in Onom. There is a Wodnesborough (Kent), a. 1300 Wodnes-
berge, but this cannot be the O.E. Chron. name either. Cf.
Wednesbtjey. But Wajstdale, which occurs several times in
Cumbld. and Yorks, is prob. fr. O.N. vang-r, ' field ' — i.e., valley
partly cultivated.
Wandswoeth (S. London). Dom. Wendelesorde, Wandesorde.
' Farm on the R. Wandle,' prob. W. gwen dol, ' fair, beautiful
mead.' Connexion with the Teutonic Vandals, whose homes
was between Vistula and Oder, or with the Slavic Wends, who
dwelt nearer Britain, in the same latitudes, is quite doubtful.
Cf. K.C.D. 1283 Wsendlescumb, 1223 Patent R. Notts Wandles-
legh, and Hutton Wandesley (Yorks), Dom. Wandeslage, all of
which point to a man Wandel or Wanda. There is one Wandel
in Onom. Cf. Wendlebuey and Windsoe. See -worth.
Wansbeck R. (Northumbld.). a. 1700 Wannys pike water. This,
then, is a corrup. of ' Wanny's peak.' There are no genuine
becks in Northbld., they are all hums. For pike see Red Pike;
but who or what is Wanny ? Perh. the same as the Sc. wannis
in BeUenden's Livy, which is ' scars, wens,' O.E. wenn.
Wai^sboeoitgh (N. Devon). Not in Dom. The associating with
Woden, seeing that it fails of proper authentication in some other
cases, is uncertain here also. Prob.= WAifBOEOUGH, though
the ending may be = Baeeow. Cf. Wajstseoed (Driffield and
Northants). But also see next.
Waijsdyke, The (Bath), a. 1145 Wm. Malmes. Wodnesdic — i.e.,
' dyke or rampart of Woden,' the famous Saxon god, also called
Odin. But Wanswell (Berkeley), 1170-90 Weneswell, is fr.
a man Wene.
Waittage (Berks). O.E. chart. Waneting, Waeneting; 1238 Wanet-
ing ; c. 1540 Wanting ; so the ending -age seems quite modern.
Patronymic. ' Place of the Wanetings,' an unknown family.
See -age and -ing.
Wapenbtjby (Leamington) {Dom. Wapeberie, 1198 Wapenbiri),
Wapley (Yate) (Dom. Wapelei, 1163-64 Pipe Wappelai), and
Wappenham (Towcester) {Dom. Wapeham). ' Burgh, mead,
and home of Wap{p)a,' an unrecorded name. Cf. Waplinq-
WARBLETON 494 WARHAM
TON (Yorks), Dom. Waplinton, which gives an extended form.
See -bury, -ham, and -ley.
Warbleton (Heathfield Tower, Sussex). Dom. Warhlitetone. C/.
Dom. 'Werblestun' (Chesh.). Prob. corrup. of 'town of
Wembeald,' 3 in Orvom.
Warborough (Wallingford). 913 O.E. Chron. Weardbyrig, O.E.
chart. Weardburh. ' Guard -burgh or fort,' O.E. weard, ' a
guard, a watch, a ward.'
Warboys (Hunts). Dom. Wardebusc. A little doubtful. It
seems to be ' guard bush,' ' bush of the watch,' fr. O.E. weard
and O.N. bush-r, ' bush, wood,' not found in Oxf. Did. till c. 1250.
Cf. Dan. varde, 'a beacon, a landmark.' But the ending has
certainly been influenced by Fr. hois, ' a wood.' Cf. p. 64.
Warbubton (Altrincham). Dom. Wareburgetun, a. 1200 Wer-
burton. ' Town of St. Werburga,' daughter of Wulfhere, K. of
Mercia, Abbess of Ely and then of Chester (d. c. 875), where a
monastery was dedicated to her, c. 1057.
Warden (Hexham), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Waredun, 1183 Wardoiia.
Possibly ' sentry hill,' O.E. wcer, Dan, var, ' wary, on guard.'
Or fr. a man Ware, one in Onom. See -don.
Wardle (Nantwich). 1602 Woodhull. Cf. Dom. Yorks Wardille,
now Warthill, and Dom. Worcr. Warthuil. ' Ward or guard
hill,' which often becomes hull in this region and to the S. of it.
Cf. AsTLE, Solihull, etc. See, too, Wahborotjgh.
Ware (London), a. 900 Guare, Dom. Waras, 1210 Wares (? 1304
Eolls Parlmt. I. 163. 1, In Villa Warr). Perh. O.E. wcer, iver, ' a
fence, a wear, an enclosure for fish.' However, Skeat is con-
fident it is simply O.E. waras, 'dwellers'; a very bald and
curious name. Cf. Canterbury; also Dom. Wwk. Wara, and
Warton. Dom. uses wara for ' the outlying part of a manor,*
prob. fr. same root as ward — i.e., 'defence.'
Waheham. O.E. Chron. 876 Werham, 978 ib. Wserham. ' House
at the wear.' See above. But cf. Warden, Warley, and
Up WARE.
Waresley (Hartlebury). 817 chart. Waeresleye, 980 ih. Weres-
Isege, c. 1108 Wseresley, a. 1200 Wareslei. ' Meadow of Wcer.'
But Waresley (Sandy) is ' wether'^ lea,' ' ram's meadow.'
Wabgrave (Berks, on Thames). 1061-65 chart. Weregravse, Dom.
Weregrave, later Wergrave. O.E. wera groef, ' grave of the
men'; wer, ' a man,' and graf, groef, ' a trench, a grave.' Cf.
Gabgrave, etc.
Warbam All Saints (Wells, Norfk.). Sic c. 1160 Gest. Steph.
Either = WareSam, ' home at the wear,' or fr. a man Warr or
Ware. Skeat derives Warfield (Berks), Dom. Warwelt, fr.
O.E. wcer, ' a weir.' Cf. Warley and Wharrari.
WARK 495 WARSTOCK '
Wabk (Northumbld.) . 1 157 Pipe Werch, c. 1 175 Fantosme Were, lit.
' work/ hence ' fortification/ Cf. bulwark, outwork, etc., and next.
Warkworth (Northumbld.). a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Werceworde.
1150 Werkewurthe, c. 1175 Werkewde, c. 1460 Warcorth.
' Place, manor with the work or rampart.' Cf. above, Wark-
leigh (N. Devon), 796 cJiart. Wrkeleye (Wilts), and Warkwood
(Redditch), 1242 Werewode (prob. re for re).
Warley (Halifax) {Dom. Werla) and Warley Common (Brent-
wood) (Dom. Wareleia) . Doubtful. See Wareham, Warham, and
-ley. Warley Wigorn (Halesowen) is Dom. Werwelie, a. 1400
Werulege, Wereulegh, Werweleye, which Skeat thinks prob. ' Wcer-
wulf'a mead.' Wigornia is the common L. for Worcester.
Warmington (Oundle and Banbury). Oun. W. 963 O.E. Chron.
Wermiagtun. Ban. W. Dom. Warmintone. A patronymic;
there are no likely names in Onom., unless it be WcRrmoer or
WcBrmann. But Warsmswoth (Doncaster) is Dom. Wermes-,
Wemesford, which implies a man Werm or Weorm-, so does
Warmfield (W. Riding), Dom. Warnesfeld, and Warndon
(Wore), Dom. Wermedun, 1275 Warmdone. Cf. Worm's Head.
See -ing, -ton, and -worth.
Warminster (Westbury). Dom. Guerminstre, 1165 Pipe War-
menist', a. 1228 Wermenistr'. The War- may be as in Warham,
but as Dom. has no dislike for initial O.E. w, Guer- may be for
W. giverdd, gywrdd, ' green, verdant,' and so ' green-looking
church '; dd easily disappears. See -minster.
Warrenton (N.E. Northumbld.). Old Warndham. Doubtful.
There are 2 called Woerin or Warin in Onom. Cf. Warrenby
(Redcar), not in Dom., and next. John, earl of Warrenne
(b. c. 1240), is 1297 ' erl of wareine,' O.Fr. warene, -enne, ' a
piece of ground or preserve for breeding rabbits.'
Warrington. Dom. WaLLtitune, 1175-82 W'linton, 1255 Wherin-
ton, 1277 Werington. Grig. ' town of Waling,' or ' the foreigner.'
See Walungford. But early the liquid I dissimilated into r,
and the name became ' town of Warin,' of whom there are several
in Onom. Cf. Warenberie, Dom. Cheshire, and the personal names
Warren and Waring, prob. fr. OJ^. vcenngi, 'a confederate.'
Warsash (Southampton). Perh. contracted fr. ' Wcerstan's ash,'
the man's name is fairly common. Cf. Dom. Hants Warschessele
(= -hale or -hall, q.v.) and next, and Borrowash.
Warsop (Notts). Sic 1230, but Dom. Wareshope, Warsope.
' Valley of Wcer' or ' Ware*; Icel. hop, ' a haven, a place of
refuge.' Cf. Sc. Hobkirk; also Warslow (Leek), Dom. Weres-
lie, 1300 Werselow. See -hope, -low, and -ley.
Warstock (Birmingham). Duignan says, a. 1500 Jiar side, 'hoar
stoke ' or ' boundary place,' and says Warridge (Bromsgrove)
shows the same change. Old forms seem lacking.
WAETER 496 WATCHET
Waetee (York) . Dom, Wartre (re sounded er) . Doubtful. Cf. -er.
Possibly ' ward, guard, sentry bank/ Wassail Grove (Hale-
sowen), 1275 Warselde, seems to have been similarly, ' ward-
settle ' or ' watch-tower ' (O.E. seld or setl, synonyms).
Wakton (Carnforth, Preston, Atherstone, and Staffs). Ath. W.
1285 is Wavertone (still sometimes so called) and St. W. 1272
Wavertime. ' Aspen - tree town.' See Waveetbeb. But
Pres. W. is Dom. and later Wartun, which points to some man
War{r). Cf. Ware and Waedlb.
Warwiok. 915 O.E. Chron. ' This year was Wserinwic built,' yet
701 chart. ' in Wserincwicum,' also chart. Wseriugwic, Dom.
Warwic, a. 1145 Orderic Guarewicum, 1258 Warewik. ' Dwell-
ing of the Wcerings.' Waring is still a common name. Cf.
Waeeington. There was said to be a tribe of that name on
the S.W. coast of the Baltic (Shore's Origin ofA.-S. Race, p. 36).
However, Wabwick (Carlisle) is 1120 Warthewic, ' dwelling of
Wearda,' nearest name in Onom. See -wick.
Wash, The (Lines), and Wash or Guash R. (Rutland). Often said
to be Kelt, for ' water ' ; but almost certainly O.E. wdse, ' ooze,
soft mud,' as in Washfield (Tiverton), 1166 Pipe Wasfeld,
AiiBEWAS, etc. Cf. O.N. veisa, ' stagnant pool, puddle.' The
Wash at low water looks like a collection of muddy sandbanks.
Cf. next and Wass (York). Dom. Wore, and Glouc. has Wase-
bume, -borne, the latter now Washboubne (Beckford).
Washford (Somerset). Exon. Dom. Wasforda. Perh. ' ford of
Wassa ' or ' Wasa.' Of. next. More likely fr. O.E. wdse, ' ooze,
soft mud,' O.N. vds, ' wetness,' as above. Cf. Vason, Guernsey.
WASHiNQBOBOtrGH (Lincoln), a. 1100 Grant o/664 Wassingburge.
' Burgh, castle of the descendants of Wassa.' Cf. B.C.S. 236
Wassanburn. But Skeat says Wasing (Berks), Dom. Walsinge,
a. 1290 Wawesenge, 1316 Wausynge, is ' home of the Wcelsings '
or ' sons of Wcels/ a name found as early as Beowulf. Washing-
ton (Co. Durham) is 1183 Wassyngtone, 1197 Wessinton, plainly
a patronymic fr. Wassa. See -ingft
Waskeei.ey (Darlington). Mawer thinks this a hybrid; N. was^
' hardship, toil, danger,' and kjcer, kjerr, ' marsh, wet copse,'
so 'dangerous, marshy ground,' as it is still; and -ley {q.v.).
Cf. Wasdale (Cumbld.).
Waspebton (Warwick). 1043 chart. Waspertone, as also in K.C.D.
939. Duignan says, O.E. wdse- perig- tun, ' mud or fen, pear-
tree town.' This looks peculiar. It is prob. fr. some unre-
corded man; at any rate Vosper is still a known Cornish
surname. Cf. Dom. Devon Wasberlege.
Watohet (Somerset). 915 O.E. Chron. Weced, 988 ib. Wecedport.
Dom. Wacet, a. 1300 Wechet. O.E. woecce, ' a watch,' fr. vxican,
• to watch, wake,' and cete, ' cot, hut ' ; so ' watch-cot, outlook
WATCHFIELD 497 WATTON
hut/ The hard O.E. c normally becomes tch in mod. Eng., as
in Bletohley, etc. Cf. Datohet.
Watoheield (Shrivenham). 931 chart. Waeclesfeld, Wachenesfeld,
later Uacenesfeld. ' Field of Wacol ' — i.e., ' the wakeful one,'
early confused, says Skeat, with O.E. wacen, ' vigilance, keeping
watch.'
Waterbeach (Cambridge). Dom. Bech, Bece. See Landbeach.
Waterley (Rochester) . 774 chart. Wseterlea, ' meadow by the
water.' Waterloo (London) has perh. the same meaning, -loo
being the Elem. equivalent of O.E. leah. See Oxf. Diet. s.v.
lea sb^.
Water Orton (Coleshill). a. 1300 Overton. ' Upper town on
the river ' Tame.
Wateord (Herts, Rugby, Shenstone). He. W. 946 will Watford,
chart. Watforda, 1390 Wathf ord. Ru. W. Dom. Wat- and Wad-
ford. Prob. ' ford of Wata ' or ' Wada,' both in Onom., the
latter very common ; but the absence of all trace of the gen. is
not usual. Weddington (Hinckley) is Dom. Watitune. Cf.
Watton and Watnall (Notts), c. 1200 Wattenhou.
Wath-on-Dearne (Rotherham). Dom. Wat, Wate. Wath is a
common Eng. or Scandinavian name for ' a ford.' See Wade-
EORD, and cf. Watlas (Yorks), Dom. Wadles (? O.N. lest, ' a
burden, a last ') . The R. Dearne is fr. O.E. derne, dyrne, O.Fris.
dern, ' iddden, obscure, secret.'
Watling St. (Roman road ' fram Dovere in to Chestre,' R. Glouc.
174). 880 chart. Waethnga street, 926 ib. Wsec-, Wsexlinga
strsete, 1013 O.E. Chron. WaetHnga Streete, v.r. Wat-, Wsec-,
Sim. Dur. ann. 1013 Waetlinga strete, 1387 Trevisa Watlynge
strete. Orig., some say, the name of the Milky Way, by which
the hero-sons of Woetla were supposed to march across the sky.
But it seems really to have been orig. the road N. fr. London to
Verulam or Waetling csester. Cf. M'Clure (pp. 40-41), and
next. For Street, cf. Birchley Street (Atherstone), a. 1300
Birchelei stret. In W. it is Hynt St. lalm, ' St. James's Way.'
See Duignan, s.v., and next.
Watlestgton (Battle, Wallingf ord and Downham) . Ba. W. Dom.
Watlingtone, Wa. B. ib. Watelintune, in O.E. chart. Wseclinctune,
Hwsetlinga time, Weetlinc-, Waetlingtune. ' Town of the Wat-
lings.' See above and cf. Dom. Watelintune (Berks) and
Wathngeseta (Norf k.) . Who Wcetla or Watla really was is quite
unknown. This is evidently a patronymic. See -ing.
Wattlesborough (Wroxeter). It stands on Watling Street.
See -borough.
Watton (3 in P.G.). Yorks W. Bede Wetadun, O.E. for * wet hill,'
Dom. Wattune, Waton. But W. Herts is K.C.D. vi. 212 Wad-
WAUN 498 WEDNESBURY
tune, Dom. Watone, 1210 Wattone. ' Town of Wada ' or
' Wade,' still a common surname. C/. Watford.
Watin. See GwAm? . Wawne (Hull) , not in Dom., must be the same.
Wavendon (Woburn Sands) . Dom. Wauuendone. ' Hill of Waga,
Wagan ' or ' Vagan,' all names in Onom. See -don.
Wavbney R. (S. Norfolk). As rivers are nearly all Kelt, this is
prob. a form of W. afon, ' river/ pron. as in Stratford-on-Avon,
with the Eng. ending -ey. For a somewhat similar prefixing of
w, cf. Wemyss (Sc), from G. uamh ; also Wodin and Odin, and
our pron. of one.
Waver R. (Cumberld.). c. 1080 Wafyr. ? fr. W. gwefr, ' amber/
fr. its colour; but prob. O.E. wcefre, ' wandering, restless.'
Waverley (on R,. Wey, Farnham). 1155 Pipe Wauerle. Abbey
founded here 1128. Wey might be contract, of Waver {q.v.)
and -ley. There is also possible O.E. wceferlice, ' belonging to
theatres,' though one would need evidence to vote for such an
origin. More likely is the supposed O.E. wcefre, * the aspen- ■
poplar.' See Wavertree. There are also 2 Wavertons
(Chesh. and Cumbld.). and see Warton.
Wavertree (Liverpool). Pron. Wartree. Dom. Wauretreu
(Chesh,), O.E. wcefre, 'restless.' This must refer to some
trembling tree like the aspen. Duignan holds that there must
be an O.E. wcefre, ' the aspen poplar.' Cf. above.
Wear R. and Wearmouth (Durham). Bede Were, c. 800 Hist. St.
Cuthbt. Wirra. Possibly c. 150 Ptolemy OveSpa; also Bede
Viurae muda or Wiremuth, a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Weremuthe,
Giuramuthe. M'Clure connects with Kelt, gyrwe, ' fen, marsh,'
and with Jarrow. This is uncertain. In 1160-61 Pipe Nthbld.
is a Werewurda, ? ' farm of a man caUed Weir.' See -worth.
Weaver R. and Weaverham (Cheshire). Dom. Wevre, Wivre,
Wivreham. The root must be Keltic; perh. W. gwyf, 'that
yields, is smooth, is drawn out,' hence gwyfr, ' a wire ' ; possibly
W. gwefr, ' amber,' fr. the colour of the water. Cf. Waver
and Wyre. See -ham.
Weaverthorpe (York) . Dom. Wilfretorp, Wifretorp, 1206 Wyuer-
torp. ' Village of Wiferth,' var. of Wilfrith, a very common
O.E. name. See -thorpe.
Wedmore (Weston-s.-M.). Sic in Dom., but O.E. Chron. 878
WeSmor. ' Moor of the agreement or pledge,' O.E. wedd-mor.
A treaty was signed here in 878. Cf. wedder and wether and
wadset in Sc.
Wednesbury and Wednesfield (Wolvermptn.) . (? O.E. Chron.
592 and 715 Wodnesbeorge, -beorh, -byri; cf. Wanborough);
Dom. Wadnesberie, a. 1200 Wodnesbyrg, -beri, Wodenesbeorh.
994 and Dom. Wodnesfeld. ' Burgh, fort ' and ' field of the
WEEFORD 499 WELLINaBORO'
god Woden ' (Ger.) or ' Odin ' (N.). There is said to have been a
temple of Woden at Wednesbury. See -bury.
Weeford (Lichfield) {Dom. and later Weforde) and Weeton (Leeds)
{Dom. Widetun). The North and Sc. wee is late, and not to be
thought of. Both are fr. O.E. wid (pron. weed), 'wide'; the
d was bound to disappear before / and t. Wideton, in Dom.
Yorks, also represents Weighton and Wyton (E. Riding),
where wid has taken on its mod, pron. wyde, our ' wide.'
Week St. Germans and St. Pancras (Devonsh.) and St. Mary (Bude).
Perh. a. 800 chart. East and West Wixna (Devonsh.). Corn.
gweek, fr. L. vicus, ' a town, village,' O.E. wic, ' a dwelling/
See St. Germajs-s and St. Pancras.
Weighton (E. Yorks). Little W. is Dom. Widetone, O.E. wid tun,
' wide village.' Cf. Weeton. But ' Widetona ' (W. Riding)
is now WiDDiNGTON, and Weighton Market is Dom. Wicstun,
' Wicga's or Wyga's village ' ; it is now pron. Weeton.
Welboitrn or -burn (Lines and Yorks). Lin. W. O.E. Chron. 675
(late MS.) Wsetelleburne — i.e., ' burn, brook of Weatla ' ; one
in Onom. Cf. Watling St. But W. Yorks, Dom. Wellebrune,
is ' brook which comes out of a spring ' ; well has this meaning.
See -bourn. C/.Welbeck (Worksop), 1189 Wellebec, 1290 Welbec.
Weldon (Kettering). 1363 chart. Weldone. O.E. wella-dun,
' well hill.' Similar is Welbury (Northallerton), Dom. Welle-
berge. See -bury.
Weleord (on Lambourn, Bucks). 949 chart. Weligforda, c. 1540
Welleford. ' Ford at the willows,' O.E. welig. Cf. Salford,
which also means ' willow ford.' But Welford (Stratford-on-
A.) is Dom. Welleford, a. 1200 Walleford, 1221 Wehieforde; prob.
' ford of the Welsh.' See Wales.
Welham (Mket. Harboro', E. Retford, and New Malton). Ret.
and Mai. W. Dom. Wellon, -un, O.E. loc. ' at the wells.' But
M. Har. W. Dom. Weleha, prob. ' home of Wale ' or ' Wealh ' ;
several in Onom. Cf. Wales. See -ham.
Welland R. (Northants). 921 O.E. Chron. Weolud, which looks
like W. gwcelod, ' base, bottom.' The -ud has now been nasa-
lized into -and. But Welland (Upton-on-Severn) is 1196
Weneland, 1297 Wenlond, 1461 Wenelond. ' Land of Wenna.'
Cf. Wallingwells.
Wellesbourne (Warwick). 862 chart. Welesburn, Dom. Wale-
borne. Doubtful. Duignan prefers, ' brook of the stranger,
serf, or Welshman,' O.E. wealh, dat. wale. Cf. Walcot, and
see -bourne,
Wellingboro', Wellingore (Lincoln), and Wellington (Here-
j ford). 1154-61 chart. Wellingoura, c. 1030 c/iar^. Weolintun.
The Welling- will prob. represent the same name as in Wal-
WELLOW 600 WEND OVER
LiNGFOED. The ending -gore or -ore may either be O.E. gdra,
4 goore, 4-9 gore, ' a triangular or wedge-shaped piece of land
at the side of a field' (c/. Kensington Gore), or fr. O.E. ora,
' edge, brink, border.' See -boro'.
Wellow (Newark, Bath, and Yarmouth I.W.). Bath W. Dom.
Wilege, Yar. W. Dom. WeHge, O.E. welig, wilig, ' a willow-tree '
here prob. in loo. But W. (Newark) 1278 Welhagh, 1302 -hawe,
is prob. well-haugh. See HIaughton.
Wells (Somerset and Norfolk). Som. W. 1087 O.E. Chron. Wel-
lensis secclesia, 1231 Welles. Nor. W. a. 1200 Welle, 1298 Wells.
O.E. wella. ' a spring, a well,' with mod. Eng. plur. Som. W.
was founded in a.d. 704, and called from 3 springs in the garden
of the bishop's palace.
Welney (Wisbech). O.E. welkin ig, ' isle of the well or spring.'
Welshpool, c. 1530 Rolls Papers, * the Welshe poole.' On the
adj. Welsh, O.E. wylisc, see Wales. It is said to have been
called Welshpool to distinguish it fr. Poole (Dorset). The W.
name is Trallwm, whose traditional meaning, ' the greedy
swallow,' seems very doubtful.
Welton (Lincoln; 7 in P.O.). Dom. Welleton, ' village by the
well.' Cf. Welham. Welleton occurs 10 times in Dom. Yorks.
Welwyn (Herts) . O.E. chart. On WeUgun — i.e., ' at the willows,'
a loc. Cf. Hallam, ELclham, etc., and Wellow.
Wem (Shrewsbury). Dom. Weme. O.E. wenn, ' a swelling, a wart,
a wen ' ; often in 14th cny. wem — m and n readily interchange.
Wembuby (Plymouth). 951 O.E. Chron. Wicgan beorge, c. 1120
Hen. Hunt. Wienbeorhe. ' Burgh of Wicga '; several in Onom.
Cf. K.C.D. 1296 Wicgan die. There is a ' Weneberge ' in Dom.
Surrey.
Wendlebuby (Bicester), Dom. Wandesberie, 1216-1307 Wendebur,
Wendlebur, 1274-79 Wendelbur, and Wendling (Dereham),
Dom. Wenlinga. Said to be fr. the Vandals, a doubtful state-
ment. The name Wendel, and other such as Wendelhurh, are
to be foimd in Onom., so that connexion with the Vandals could
at most be indirect. The -ing is the sign of a patronymic.
See Wandsworth, Windsob, and -bury.
Wendon or Wajndon (Northbld.) . c. 1300 Egilsaga Vinheide (-heide
is O.N. hei'S-r, ' a heath ') ; also Weondun, which seems to be
O.E. Weohhan dun, ' hill of Weohha ' or ' Wehha ' ; 1 in Onom.
Wendovbb (Bucks). K.C.D, 593 Waendofron, Dom. Wendovre,
1155 Pipe Wendoura. Cf. 958 chart. Windofere, near R.. Stour
(StaSd.). O.W. gwen dubr, mod. W. gwyn dwfr, ' clear river.'
Cf. Andovbr, Dovee, etc., also Deveeon (Sc). Connexion
with the Wends (see Wtkdsoe) is very unlikely.
WENDY 501 WERRIN'GTON
Wendy (Royston, Herts.), c. 1080 Wendeie, Dom. Wandei,
Wandrie; 1316 Wendye. ' Isle of Wenda.' Cf. a. 1199 ' Wend '
(Norfk.) in Roll. Rich. I. This may refer to a Wendish settler.
Gf. Wandsworth. See -ey.
Wenlas R. W. given glas, ' white ' or ' fair stream.'
Wenlock, Much and Little (Salop). Dom. Wenloch, a. 1163
Wenlock. W. gwen llwch, ' clear lake ' or ' pool.' But in W.
it is Llan Meilien, ' church of St. Milburga/ or simply Llane.
On this use of Much, see Oxf. Diet., s.v.
Wennington (Lancaster and Rainham, Essex). La. W. Dom.
Wininctune, Ra. W. 961 chart. Winintune. ' Town, village of
the Winings/ or ' sons of Wine.' Cf. Dom. Sussex, Venningore,
and Wen-, Wincote (Glouc), Dom. Wenecote, 1175-76 Winecota,
' cot of Wine ' or ' Wynna.'
Wensley (Leyburn, Blackburn, Matlock). Le. W. Dom. Wendres-
laga, Wentreslage; 1204 Wandeslei. Not in W. and H. The
name here is uncertain; it may be that of Wendretha, saint and
virgin, but more old forms needed. Cf. 1223 Patent R. Wandles-
legh (Notts), and Dom. Bucks Weneslai (prob. fr. Wenna or
Wenni in Onom.). See -ley.
Wensum R. (Yarmouth). Cf. Bede Wantsumu, Thanet. M'Clure
thinks this is a Teutonic want or went, ' a way,' common in
dial:, and -sonu a qualifying adj., as in winsome, etc. Cf. next.
Wentbbidge (Pontefract). Went, ' a way or a ford '; see above.
But Wentwobth (Cambs and Rotherham) is Cam. W. Dom.
Winteworde, 1291 Wynteworth, 'farm of Winta/ in Onom.
But Ro. W. is Dom. Wintre-, Winteworde. ' Farm of the man
Winter.' Cf. Wintebingham. See -worth.
Wentnob (Bp.'s Castle, Salop). Dom. Wantenoure. ' Bank,
brink, edge/ O.E. ofer, obr ; M.E. overe, ' of Want '; 1 in
Onom. Also cf. Ventnoe.
Wenvoe (Cardiff). Said to be Norm, corrup. of W. gwyn fa,
'blessed place'; gwyn, gwen otig. means 'white, clear,' and
Gwynfa is now popular W. for ' Paradise.' The -voe rather
suggests Norse influence, it being Norse Eng. for ' bay'; O.N.
vag-r, Icel. vo-r. Cf. Van Rouget, Jersey.
Webqs, The (Wolverhmptn.) . a. 1300 Wytheges, a. 1400 Wytheges,
Withegges, Wyrges. ' Wythy hedges,' fr. O.E. withig, ' a willow,'
and hecg{e), ' a hedge.' A curious corruption. Dom. Hants
Wergeborne is prob. fr. a man. Cf. O.E. dweorg, duerg, ' dwarf.'
Werneth (Stockport and Oldham). St. W. Dom. Wamet. Old W.
1558-59 Wyernyth, 1572 Wyreneth. Perh. 'place of alders';
W. gwern, old pi. gwernedd. Same root common in Sc. names as
Feaen.
Webbington (Peterboro' and Stoke-on-T.). Prob. 'village of a
man Wera.' Cf. Dom. Bucks Verendone; and see -ing and -ton.
WERWICK 502 WEST THURROCK
Weewick. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Viroviacum. Doubtful. Wer-
miglit be W. gwyr, ' pure, fresh/ Cf. Wabwiok and Winwick,
and above; also Wervin (Chesh.). ? Dom. Wiveorene, 1387
chart. Wyrvyn, a puzzling name. See -wick.
Wesenham Heath (Norfk.). Dom. and 1245 Wesenham. ' Home
of Wesa '; not in Onom., but cf. Wessington (Alfreton).
Wesham (Preston) . 1235 Westhus, 1262 Westesham, 1524 Wessom.
It has varied between O.E. west hus and west ham, both meaning
'west house ^ or 'home.' Cf. Dom. Wesberie (Salop). There
is an unidentified ' Westhuse ' in Dom. Yorks, near Maunby.
Westbuey (Bucks, Glouc, and Wilts) . Glo. W. 793-96 Uuestburg,
Wil. W. 794 Westbyri, 1053 O.E. Chron. Weestbyrig, Dom. Bucks
and Wilts Westberie. ' West burgh ' or ' town.' Cf. Dom.
Wesberie (Salop).
Westcote (Chipping Norton) and Westcott (Dorking and Ayles-
bury). Dor. W. Dom. Wescote. Cf. 1179-80 Pipe Westcotun
(Yorks), the latter a loc. ' West cots ' or ' huts.'
Westerdale (Grosmont, Yorks). 1179-80 Westerdale. 'Western
dale '; Icel. vestr., 'the West.' Cf. Westerdale (Caithness).
Westminstbr. 1040 O.E. Chron. Westmynstre, Dom. abbas West-
monasteriensis. This means the minster or abbey church West
of London. See -minster.
Westmorland. 966 O.E. Chron. (MS. of ? a. 1200) Westmoringa-
land, ' land of the dwellers in Westmor ' (see infra), as yet only
the barony of Appleby; 1131 Pipe Westmarieland, c. 1175
Fantosme Westmari(e)lande, 1194 Hoveden Westmerilande, 1200
Westmorland (often later Westmari-), 1461 Westmurland. Prob.
not ' west moor land,' but ' land on the West border of England,'
the land to the W. of this not being EngHsh till late. O.E.
{ge)mmre, ' boundary, border.'
Weston (33 in P.O.). In Dom. always Weston(e). * West town '
or ' village.' Dom. Bucks, Westone= W. Turville.
Weston -UNDER-LizARD (Shifnal). Dom. Westone, a. 1400 Weston-
under-Lusyerd, a. 1500 Weston-subtus-Luceyord, Lizard is
a. 1100 Lusgerd, a. 1200 Luseiard, a. 1300 Lusyard. Duignan
thinks this is luce-yard or ' fish-pond ' ; only luce, ' a pike,'
O.Fr. lus, luis, is not found in Eng. a. 1338. Lizard, the animal,
is not found till 1377, but then as lusarde, O.Fr. lesarde, L. lacerta.
It is not likely to be the origin. It might be louse-yard, ' court-
yard full of lice '! O.E. lus, luus, 3 luse.
Westow (York). Not in Dom. Said to be O.E. wif-stow, ' woman's
place.' ' Wifestede,' in Dom. Yorks, is now Winstead.
West Thurrock (Grays), c. 1460 Westthirrok. 'Thurrock' is
O.E. \urruc, ' a small ship (?), the bottom of a ship, the bilge.'
Hence it comes to mean, as it does still in several county dialects,
* a heap, esp. of mud.' In Kent it means ' a covered drain.'
WETHERAL 503 WHAPLODE
Wetheral (Carlisle) and Wetherby (Tadcaster) . c. 1120 Weder-
hal, Dom. Wedrebi. ' Hall ' and ' dwelling among the wethers
or rams/ O.E. wether, Sc. wedder. Cf. Wedderburn (Sc).
Or else Wedr may be a man's name, as in next. Skeat prefers
the ' sheep ' origin for Wetherley (Cambs), c. 1080 Inquis.
Camb. Wederlai, WeSerlai; Dom. Wederlai; 1166 Wederleah;
1284 Wetherle.
Wetheringsett (Stowmarket). K.C.D. 907, 932 Wederinge sete.
Cf. 1298 ' Johannes de Wethering'ton.' ' Seat, abode of the
descendants of Wedr.' Cf. above.
Wetwang (York). Dom. Wetwangham. Curious name. O.N.
voett or vett vang-r, used in Iceland for ' place of summons,' fr.
vett-r or voetti, ' a witness,' and vang-r, ' a field.' The -ham
rarely drops off; but perh., as ham is O.E., it never should have
been on. Cf. Lingwang, ' heather field,' sic in Notts chart.,
c. 1160, and Goldswong Terrace, Nottingham.
Wetwood (Eccleshall, Staffs). 1298 Wetwude. O.E. woet wudu,
' wet wood.' But Wetmoor (Burton) is a. 1100 Withmere or
* withy lake.' Cf. Westwood (Yorks), Dom. Westude.
Wey R. (Surrey), a. 675 Grant Waiemu])e, where it joins the
Thames (late MS.). Kelt, gwy, ' river,' esp. a slow-flowing one.
Cf. Wye and Suthld. G. uidh, * slow-flowing water.' Also
Weybridqe, a. 675 Waigebrugge, 727 chart. Weibrugge, Dom.
Webruge. Cf. Weymottth. This Wey may also have con-
nexion with the waga, ' deep waters ' of the O.E. Glosses, a. 900;
and the O.E. and Kelt, words may be cognate.
Weymottth. c. 1450 Fortescue the Weymouthe. There is another
little R. Wey here.
Whaddon (Cambs, Bletchley, and Glouc). Ca. W. c. 1080 Inquis.
Camb. Phwaddune, Dom. Wadone, -dune; 1210 Waddon; 1302
Whaddone. Gl. W. Dom. Wadune, 1221 Waddone. O.E.
hwcete dun, ' wheat hill.' Cf. Waddon and Whatcomb and
Whatton (Nottingham), Dom. Watone.
Whalley (Blackburn). O.E. Chron. 798 Hwselleage, Hweallaeg;
Dom. Wallei; c. 1120 Hen. Hunt Wellehaie; a. 1400 Whalleye;
a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Walalege. Prob, ' whale island '; O.E. hwcel,
O.N. hval-r, or rather ' marshy region called after Whale.' But
how comes such a name here ? Prob. ' whale ' was the name of
a man, a viking. Two Hwalas in Onom.; there is also a Whaley
Br. (Stockport). W. and H. prefer to derive fr. O.N. hwall, ' a
hill.' But it is to be remembered that whale can certainly
become whnll on Northern tongues. O.N. hwall is a very rare
word. See -ey.
Whaplode (Holbeach, Lines). 810 chart. Cappelad, 1236 Quappe-
lode, c. 1275 Quappelade. There is one Cape, but no other name
likely in Onom., and it is hard to see how the name could be fr.
O.E. cceppe, ' cap, cope.' There is an 0. Du. quappa, ' a toad,'
WHAEFE R. 504 WHICKHAM
a possible origin. Aspirated c often turns to wh- in Gaelic
place-names. Cf. Colquhohn, Dalquhaiiran, Dalwhtstnie,
etc., in Sc. The -lode is O.E. lad, ' a lode, a canal, a waterway,
a lead'; in Sc. ' lade.'
Whabfe E,. and Wharfedale (Yorks). a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Hwerf,
Hwerverdale (-er shows a gen.). Prob. Icel. hvarf, 'a turning,
a shelter '; O.E. hweorfan, ' to turn.' Cf. Qtjahfe (Sc).
Whaream (York). Dom. Warron, -an; 1199 Warham. Warron
seems to be loc. of O.E. wcer, ' a weir,' ' at the weirs.' Cf.
Waefield and Hallam; and see -ham.
Whatcomb or Watctjmbe (Berks). Dom. Watecumbe, O.E. hwcete
cumb, ' wheat valley.' Cf. Whatcote (Kjneton), Dom. Quater-
cote (error), 1183 Quatcote, 1301 Wathcote (perh. fr. a man),
Whatfield (Suffk.), and Whetecombe (Dorset), also Waddon
and Whaddon.
Whatley (Frome). ' Wheat meadow.' Cf. Dom. Essex Wateleia,
Whateley Hall, Gas. Bromwich, 1278 Wateley, Wheatley (Tam-
worth), a. 1600 Whateley, and Wheatley (Doncaster and Notts),
Dom. Watelage and Wateleia. But Wheatenhurst (Glouc),
Dom. Witenher(s)te, is ' wood of Hwita/ gen. -an.
Wheal (common in Cornwall). Corn, huel, ' a mine,' or, at times,
gwel, ' a field.' There is a ' Hvele ' in Dom. Salop, and R.
Wheelock (Sandbach) may be the same root, or at any rate
Keltic, the -lock being perh. W. llwch, ' a lake, a pool.'
Whelde-ake (York). Dom. Coldrid (3 times). Dom.'s form prob.
means ' cold ' or ' cool stream ' ; O.E. col riih. The (h has become
d also in Cottered, Ryde, etc, and it is quite in accord with
rule for c to aspirate and become wh. Cf. Whaplode . Wheld ale
(W. Riding) is Dom. Queldale {qu= w),h:. 0. ^.ceald, cold /cold.'
JBut the present ending -drake needs more old forms to explain it.
Whenby (Easingwold). Dom. Quennebi, 1202 Quenebi. ' The
woman's house '; O.N. Icvenna, ' a woman, a quean.' See -by.
Wheenside (W. Yorks). Hybrid. W. g^M^erw, ' plain, moor.' On
-side, see Ambleside.
Wherwell (Hants). 1048 O.E. Chron. to Hwerwillon {loc), c. 1145
Wm. Malmes. Werewelle. O.E. hwer-milla, ' pot or cauldron well.'
Whicheord (Shipton-on-Stour). 1128 Wicheford. 'Ford of the
wych '; O.E. mce, M.E. idche, prob. ' the wych elm ' or ' hazel.'
Cf. WiCHEORD and Wychwood. But Whichcote (Wootton
Bassett) is old Wykles-, Wikeles-, Wyghelscote. ' Got, cottage
of Wicel,' a name not in Onom., perh. contraction of Wichelm or
Wichelinus, known forms.
WmcKHAM (Swalwell, Durham). 1183 Quykham. Fr. O.E. cwcw,
1-3 cwic, 3-6 quik, quyk, 5 whik, whyk, lit. ' living, endowed with
life,' but here in sense 2, Oxf. Diet-, ' consisting of animals, live-
WHINLATTER 505 WHITEHAVEN
stock/ as in ' quick stock/ ' quick goods/ etc., found fr. O.E. on
to 18th cny. O.E. Mm must here mean ' farm.' See -ham.
WHEsriiATTEE, (hill, Bassenthwaite) . W. gwyn lletJir (G. leitir), ' fair,
clear slope.' Of. Dullatur (Sc.) and aU the Ir. names in Letter-.
WHmrELii (Shap), sic in 1203 chart., is prob. fr. the common
name Wine. Whin,. the rock, is late. See -fell.
Whtppingham (Newport, I. of W.). Dom. Wipingeham. 'Home
of the descendants of Wippa '; 1 in Onom. Cf. Whipley in
CHnt, Dom. Wipeleie. See -ing and -ham.
Whissendinb (Oakham), c. 1230 Rob. GrossestesteWissenden. ' The
dean of ' prob. ' Hwithyse,' the nearest name in Onom., and
common there. The -dine or -den will be O.E. denu, M.E. dene,
dane, ' a valley deep and wooded.'
Whistley (Reading). B.C.S. iii. 511 Wiscelea, c. 1130 Chron.
Abing. Wisseleia, Wischeleia; c. 1400 Wirselay. Skeat says
' meadow lea ' ; E. Fries, wiske, ' a small meadow ' ; Ger. wiese,
* a meadow ' ; in Eng. usage, moist or low-lying. (7/. Wiskford.
Whiston (Worstrsh., Penkridge, Cheadle, Prescot, Rotherham).
Pe. W. 1004 chaH. Witestun, Dmn. Witestone; Wo. W. 1262
Wytstan, Wystan, a. 1400 Wyston, Whiston; Che. W. Dom.
Witestone; Pr. W. 1190-1292 Quistan, 1385 Whistane; Ro. W.
Dom. Widestan, Widestha'. Perh. all O.E. hvnt stan, ' white
stone ' or ' rock ' ; though some may be ' town of Hwit ' — i.e., the
white man — and Widestan looks like ' wide, broad stone.'
Whitacre, Over and Nether (Coleshill), Dom. Witacre (also sic in
Nthants),a. 1300 Wythacre, Wytacer, a. 1400 Whitacre, is either
' white (O.E. hwit) field,' or ' withy field ' ; O.E. withig, ' a willow '
or * withe.' But 1289 contiu. Gervase Whetekre, prob. in Hants,
is ' wheat-field '; O.E. hwcete. Acre is adopt, of L. ager, 'field.'
Cf. Birkacre (Chorley), Whatcomb, Wetmoor (Burton), a. 1100
Withmere, etc.
Whitby. Dom. and a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Witebi, 1298 Wythby.
' Dwelling of Hwita.' Cf. B.C.S. 724 Hwitan beorh. But in
Bede Streonshalh, Streoneshalch — i.e., it is said — ' sinus fari,'
' bay of the Hghthouse.' Streonshalh suggests a G. sron shealg,
' nose, point of the hunt.' See -by.
Whitchtje,C5H (12 ia P.O.). 1001 O.E. Chron. Hwitciricea, ? Hants,
Dom. Warwk. Witecerce, 1326 Whitcherche, 1166-67 Pipe Devon
Wicherche. In Tax. Eccl. Album Monasterium is the name of
several Whitchurches. ' White church.' Cf. Whitfobd (Sur-
rey), Dom. Witford, and Whitkirk (W. Riding).
Whitehaven. Sic 1300. From O.E. hcefen, O.N. hofn, * a haven,
harbour, 'or ' sheltered inlet of the sea.' The ending is rare in
Eng., and prob. denotes Norse influence. Cf. Mtltord Haven
and Stonehaven (Sc). The name seems sometimes to have
been contracted into Whitton.
WHITEWELL 506 WHITTLE SEAME RE
Whitewell (Dore, Sheffd.). 942 O.E. Chron. Hwitan Wylles geat.
The Ewita or ' White ' here is prob. a man. Cf. Whitby. There
is another Whitewell Bottom (Manchester), whilst P.G. has 5
Whitwells, or ' white wells/ Dom. Yorks Witeuella, etc.
Whitland Abbey (Caermarthensh.). c. 1190 Gir. Camb. Alba
Landa, or ' white land.-' Its old W. name was Bangob, y Ty
Gwyn ar Dav, or ' Bangor of the Wbite House on the R. TafE.'
Whitley (S. Northbld., 2 in York, and 2 in Warwk.), Nor. W.
1322 Whiteley; Yo. W. Dom. Witelaia; War. W. Dom. Witeleia,
1376 Whyteleie. * White meadow.' See -ley.
Whitminster (Stonehouse). c. 1188 Oir. Camb. Album monas-
terium. ' White abbey ' or * abbey church.' See -minster.
Whitmobe (Newcastle-imder-L.). Dom. Witemore, 1242 Wyte-
more. ' White moor ' ; O.E. hwit m6r.
Whltnash (Leamington). Dom. Witenas, 1327 Whitenasshe.
' White ' or ' whiten ash-tree ' ; O.E. hunt, in dat. -an. ' Ash '
is O.E. cesc.
Whitstablb (Kent). Dom. Witenestaple. ' Market of Wita/ or
' the wise/ gen. pi. witena. Cf. Barnstaple and Witenagemot.
WHiTSimBROOK (Wore). K.C.D. 570 Wixenabroc. Prob. ' brook
of the Huiccii.' See Worcester. Wicga is a very common
name in Onom. It is a curious corruption.
Whitttngham (Alnwick and Preston). Pr. W. Dom. Witingheham,
Witingha; Sim. Dur. ann. 883 Hwitingaham (? that near N.
Berwick); Al. W. 1160-61 Pipe Witingeha. * Home of the
Whitings ' or ' sons of White ' or ' Hivita ' — i.e., the white man.
There is one Hwiting, found in Kent and Wessex, in Onom. Cf.
Whittingham (Sc.) and Dom. Salop Witentrei, and next. Whit-
tinge (Hartlebury), 1325 Whyteling, may mean ' white heather/
as Duignan thinks. Prob. it is a patronymic fr. Witulf or Wit-
beald, or some such name. See -ing.
Whittington (8 in P.G.). Carnforth, Gloucester, and Oswestry W.
D(ym. Witetone; Lichfield W., 925 chart. Hwitantone, -tune;
Stourbridge W. a. 1300 Whytynton, Whitenton. 'Town of
Ewita, Wita,' or ' Witta ' — i.e., the white man. Cf. above and
-ing.
Whittlebxjry (Towcester). Not in Dom. 1284 Close B. Wytle-
bery. * Burgh of Witla.' See next and -bury.
Whittleseamerb (now drained). O.E. Chron. 657 (late MS.)
Witlesmere. ' Lake of With,,' a name not in Onom. Cf. K.C.D.
iii. 101 Insulam quae Witlesig nuncupatur, now Whittlesea
(Peterboro'), c. 1080 Witleseie, Dom. Witesie, 1394 Witleseye.
The Witla or Witol may be fr. O.E. witol, ' wise/ or else short
for Witwulf. Cf., too, Whittlesford (Cambridge), Dom.
Witelesford.
WHITTON 507 WICKEN
Whitton (3 in P.O.). Perh. 1156 Pi'pe Wihtuna (Yorks) may be
Whitton (Doncaster). There is one WiM in Onom. But these
names should prob. all be ' white town/ Of. Whitohueoh, etc.
WniTWEiiL (5 in P.O.). Dom. Norfk. Witewell, Yorks Witeuella.
O.E. hwit wella, ' the white well."
Whitwobth (Rochdale and Co. Durham). Dur. W. 1183 Whit-
wortha. O.E. hwit worth, * white-looking farm.'
Whixley (York). Dom. Crucheslaga, Cucheslaga (twice); 1281
Close E. Quixeley; c. 1300 Quixley {qu=w). ' Meadow of ' prob.
*Cuca' ; one in Onom. On aspirated c=wh, cf. Whaplode;
and see -ley.
Whoelton (Barnard Gas.). Dom. Wirveltun, 1202 Wher-, Whor-
uelton. Obscure. Perh. fr. a man Wernweald or Wernwulf,
names in Onom.
WiBSEY (Bradford) {Dom. Wibetese) and Wibtoet (Lutterworth)
(1004 Wibbetoft, Dom. Wibetot). ' Isle ' and ' farm of ' prob.
not Wibha but ' Wigbeorht, Wihtbeorht, or Wibert/ all forms in
Onom. ; r readily disappears. See -ey and -toft.
WiCAUGH (Malpas). Old Wichenhalgh, later Wj^cough. 'Haugh,
river-meadow/ O.E. halech, halh, of some kind of tree, O.E.
wice, M.E. wiche, wyche. Cf. the wych elm and hazel ; or else,
' of Wicga/ a common name in 0)iom. Wichenfoed (Wor-
cester) being 1007 chart. Wiceneford, confirms derivation fr.
wice, * ford of the wych elms.'
WiCKFOED (Ely), a. 1200 Wycheford. See above. Possibly fr.
O.E. wicce, ' a witch'; but cf. Whichfoed. Whilst Wiohi^or
(Lichfield), a. 1100 Hwiccen ofre, Dom. Wicenore, a. 1200
Whichnore, Wytchnor, a. 1300 Wychenovere, is prob. ' bank,
edge of the hutch,' O.E. hwiccen ofr or ofer, where hutch is not
the same as, but is often confused with, the O.E. hwicce, M.E.
whicche, mod. dial, whitch. Cf. Edensoe. There was also a
tribe Huiccii (see Woecestee), from which prob. comes Wioh-
BOLD (Droitwich), 692 chart. Uuicbold, or ' house, royal dwell-
ing of the Huiccii.'
Wick (Littlehampton, Pershore, Bristol, Cowbridge). Dom. Wiche,
Wicha, passim. Like Wyck (Rissington, Glouc.) and Wyke,
prob. all the Eng. names are O.E. wic, ' dweUing, village,' L.
vicus, not N. Uke the So. Wick, ' a bay,' and the Jersey Vicqs.
The Cow. W. is said to be orig. W. y wig fawr, ' the great
wood ' or * thicket.' Similar is Wicwee (Denbigh). See -wick.
WiCKEN (Soham and Stony Stratford). So. W. 1210 and 1284
Wykes, 1395 Wykyne. Wykes is M.E. pi. of O.E. wic, ' dweU-
ing, village,' and form 1395 is a M.E. loc. for O.E. wicum, ' at
the villages.' But in some cases, and in Wykin (Coventry),
a. 1300 Wykene, the name may be = quicken sb^, Oxf. Diet.,
WICEENBY 508 WIGAN
found fr. 1387, in 6 whicken, 9 wicken, wiggin, ' the rowan or
mountain ash.' Cf. Rowanteee (Sc).
WiOKENBY (Lincohi). Cf. 605 chart. Wycingesmarce (? near
Canterbury). 'Dwelling of Wicing,' 3 in Onom., prob. same
word as viking, O.E. wicing, ' a sea-rover.' Cf. Wigauthokpe,
Dom. Bucks Wichendone, and above.
WiOKEESLEY (Rotherham) . Dom. Wincreslei, Wicresleia. 'Mead
of Wingcer or Winegcer.' See -ley.
WiCKTORD (Essex). Bom. Wicfort, later Wykeford. Either fr.
O.E. wic, ' village/ as next, or fr. a man Wicga or Wyga ; prob.
the former, as we have Wicford in Dom. Salop.
WiCKEAM (Berks, Hants, Herts, Banbury) (Be. W. B.C.S. i. 506
and 1154-58 Wicham) and West Wickham (Cambs) {K.C.D.
vi. 98 Wicham). Skeat in his Berks, but not in his Cambs, says
this name is also in chart. Wichamm. Either ' village enclosure '
or ' village home.' See -ham and -wick. Wickhambbeattx
(Canterbury) is chart. Wichsema. Cf. Dom. Norfk. Wichhatun
and Wykeham. However, Child's Wickham is different, and
Wickham Ford (Evesham), near by, is 709 Wicwon, 792 Wig-
wenn; K.C.D. iii. 396 on Wicweoniga, Dom. Wiquene, 1275
Wike Wanef ord, 1332 Wykewane ; a difficult name, which must
go with Child's Wickham. Wickwab (Chipp., Sodbury),
Dom. Wichen, is ' village of John La Warre,' to whom K. John
gave it.
WiCKLEWOOD (Wymondham, Norfk.). Cf. a. 1100 Wecelle burne,
which cannot have been far away, and Dom . Surrey Wachele-
stede. The name Wecela or the like is not in Onom., nor is there
anything like it in the O.E. Diet.
WiDDiNGTON ( W. Eliding, Newport, Essex) . Dom. Yorks Widetona.
Cf. Dom. Glouc. Widindone, and Surrey Wdintone. ' Town of
Wida, Widda, or Widia,' all in Onom. It may be a patronymic.
But WiDDiAL (Herts) is Dom. Widihale, ' withy nook,' O.E.
withig, Dan. vidie, ' a willow, a withe.' See -hall.
WiDECOMBE (Ashburton, Devon). B.C.S. 164 Widan cumban,
Wessex chart. Widcumb, O.E. wid cumb, ' wide valley.' But
WiDFORD (on Windrush). Dom. Widiforde, 1231-34 Wythiford,
is ' withy ford,' O.E. withig.
WiDNES (Liverpool). 1241-42 Wydenes, 1256 Wydnes. O.N.
vid'-r TUBS (O.E. wid ncBs), ' wide nose or ness or promontory.'
Wij'OL or WiFORD (Berks). Dom. Wiford, which Skeat thinks
prob. the orig. name and = O.E. wic-ford, ' ford by the village.'
Cf. Wickham. It is not easy to explain the form Wieol
without further old forms, though r easily replaces I.
WiGAN. 1245 Wygayn, Wigayn; a. 1281 Wygan, Wigan. Said
commonly to be Kelt, for ' battle, beating, wigging ' ! and to
WIGBOROUGH 50^ WIGHTON
be the only Kelt, town-name in Lanes, which is nonsense. Free-
man thought the very old church of St. Mary le Wigford (Lines)
was the site of a battle. But the only likely origins in W. are
gmg, ' a grove, a nook, a cove/ or gwyg, ' a veitch ' ; whilst
. gwegio is ' to totter, to wag.' The -an or -ayn (c/. Gavin and
Gawayne) will be terminational. To derive fr. W. gwig is more
likely than to make the name O.E. Wicgan, a gen. ' Wiga's '
(Sc. town). This would be abnormal; but c/. Beedon, Coven,
etc., and the two next, also Waghen (Yorks), Dow. Wagene,
1179-80 Wagane. There are 2 men Wighen in Onom., 4 called
Wagan, and 1 Wagene. More illuminating is Wigantsoepe
(York), Dom, Wichingastorp, 'village of the Wicings.' See
WiCKENBY. But if Lanes Wigan is for Wicing, a patronymic,
it is once again quite abnormal.
WiQBOEOUGH (Somerset). 1408 chart. Wiggebeare, which looks
like a tautology, W. gwig, ' a grove,' and O.E. hearo, ' a wood,'
as in Beer, Conybeare, etc. But if this is O.E. Chron. 851
Wicganbeorg, as it may be, then it is ' Barb,ow of Widga' a
common name in Onom. Of. Dom. Essex Wicghebga, and
Wigwold (Cirencester), old Wygewold, 'wold, high moor of
Wicga.' See -boro'.
WiGGiNTON (Yorks, Tamworth, Banbury, and Tring). Yo. W.
Dom. Wichistun; Tam. W. a. 1100 Wicgintun, Dom. Wigetone;
Tr. W. Dom. Wigentone, 1303 Wygentone. ' Town, village of
Wicga, -an/ common in Onom., which has also 2 Wighen^,
Of. Wiggins Hill (Sutton Coldfield), a. 1300 Wygenesliul,
Wiginghul.
WiGGLESWOBTH (Long Preston). Dom. Wiclesforde and Win-
cheleswrde. 'Farm of Wincel.' Cf. Winchelsea. On the
interchange of ending, see -worth..
WiGHELL (Tadcaster). Dom. Wicheles. Doubtful; Dom.'s form
may be for ' Wicga's nook ' — i.e., fr. hale or -hall {q.'V.) rather
than -hill.
Wight, I. of. 77 Pliny Vectis, c. 110 Sudonius Vectis Insula,
Bede Vecta, a. 810 Nennius Inis gueith, O.E. Chron. 449 Wiht,
a. 1200 Gueid vel Guith, quod Latine divortium dici potest,
c. 1400 And. Pet. Isle de Wight. Prob. O.W. gueid, gueith,
' division ' ; there is also a W. gwth, ' rage, violence, also a
channel, a conduit.' Cf. Girisbrooke, Winwideield, and
Wythburn. Of course. Insula in L., inis in O.W- (mod. W.
ynys), and isle in Fr. all mean ' island.'
WiGHTON (Walsingham). c. 1426 Wyghton. 'Town of Wiht,'
one in Onom. So Wightwick (Wolvermptn,), though Dom.
Wistewic, a. 1300 Wystewyk and Wytewyk, is plainly ' Wiht's
village.' Dom. often has st for ht; it so hates gutturals Cf.,
e.g., WlLBRIGHTON.
WIGMORE 610 WILLINGTON
WiGMORE (Herefordsh.). Dom. Wigemore, 1283 Wygemor. Prob.
' moor/ O.E. mdr, ' of Wiga ' or ' Wicga or Wigga,' all common
in Onom. Cf. Wigborough. But it may be W. gwig mawr,
' great thicket/
WiGSTON (Leicestersh.). Dom. Wichingestone. <. * Town of the
viking/ O.N. vihing-r, O.E. wicing.
WiGTOFT (Boston). Sic 1484 Prob. 'farm of Wiga'; but cf.
above, and see -toft. Cf. Wigsley (Notts), Dom. Wigeslei.
WiLBRAHAM (Cambs) and Wilburton (Ely). 1156 Wilbureham,
1302 Wilburham, K.C.D. vi. 98 Wilburhton. ' Home ' or ' town
of Wilburh/ a woman. But Wilbrighton (Gnosall), Dom.
Wilbrestone, a. 1300 Wylbricton, is ' Wilbrihfs town.'
Wilder (Stourport and Bedford). St. W. 1275 Wybeldone — i.e.,
' hill of Wigbeald, Widhmld, WilbmU, or Wih'aU,' all forms in
Onom. See -don. But Bed. W. is Dom. Wildene, O.E. wild
denu, ' wild, waste valley.' See -den.
Wiley or Wil R. (Wilts), a. 800 chart. East and West Willa,
c. 893 Asser Guilou, 940 chart. Wilig. This last is O.E. wilig,
' willow,' but the root is prob. W. gweilgi, * a torrent.' Cf.
Abergwili; or possibly O.W. gwyll, ' a fairy,' and so this would
be a haunted stream.
WiLLENHAiiL (Coventry and Walsall). Wal. W. prob. the c. 732
chart. Willanhalch, 996 Willanhale, Dom. Winehala, Winenhale,
a. 1200 Willenhal(e) ; Gov. W. a. 1400 Wihiehale, Willenhale.
' Nook ' or ' meadow, haugh, of Willa.' See -hall.
WiLLERBY (Scarboro' and Hull). Dom. Wilgardi (for -debi), Hull.
' Dwelling of Wilgeard,' one in Onom. See -by. Willersey
(Honeybourne), c. 850 chart. Wylleressie, Dom. Willersei, is fr.
the same name. See -ey.
WrLLESDEN (London). Dom. Wellesdone, 1561 Wilsdone. Dom.
might be O.E. welles dun, * hill of the well ' {cf. Wherweix) ;
but Willa is a common man's name in Onom. The -den is
evidently a late corruption. But there is a Wilsden (Craven),
which is Dom. Wilsedene.
Willey (Lutterworth). Dom. Welie, 1129 Wilee. Prob. ' meadow
of the willow,' O.E. welig, wilig. Cf. WilHtoft (E. Riding),
Dom. Wilgetot, ' willow farm.'
Willestgham (Cambridge and Gainsboro'). Cam. W. K.C.D. iv.
245 Uuuilingeham, Dom. Wiuelingehem, 1750 Wivelingham;
Gain. W. 1301 Wyvelingham. Patronymic. * Home of the
Wifelings ' or * sons of Wifel,' a known name. Cf. Wivelis-
COMBE. See -ing.
WiiiiiiNaTON (Bedford and Durham), Bed. W. Dom. Welitone,
Dur. W. a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Twilingatun, Twinlingtun. In both
cases a patronymic. In the former, * town, village of the sons
of Willa ' {cf. above) ; in the latter, fr. some unknown man and
WILLOUGHBY 511 WINCHCOMBE
his sons. Onom. gives one Tulling at Exeter, but nothing nearer.
It might be 'village of the twins'; c/. Ger. zwilling. But
WiLLiNGTON (Shipston-on-S.) is Dom. Ullavintone, a. 1300
Wolyngton, 1327 Wolamynton, which is prob. a patronymic,
' village of the sons of Wulflaf/ See -ing.
WiLLOUGHlBY (4 in P.O.), Rugby W. Dom. Wilebere (-bury),
Wilebei, -bee, a. 1300 WiHbi, 1327 Wylughbi. Also 1298 Wylghe-
by, 1419 Wylleby, perh. Lines. Notts W. Dom. Wilgebi. Perh.
' dwelling of Willech,' 2 in Onom. ; more prob. fr. O.E. welig,
wilig, ' a willow.' See -by.
WiLMCOTE (Stratford-on-Avon) and Wilnecote (Tamworth).
Str. W. 1016 cMrt. Wilmundigcote, Dom. Wilmecote, a. 1200
Wilmunde-, a. 1400 Wilmoncote. Ta. W. Dom. Wilmundecote,
1224 Wilmecote, a. 1300 Wilmondecote, 1356 Wylmyncote.
Both are ' Wilmund'a cottage.' The -ig- in 1016 is a remnant
of the patronymic -ing.
Wilmington. See Wimblington.
WiLSHAMSTEAD (Bedford). 1327 Wilsamstede. * Will's Hamp-
STEAD ' or ' home-place.' Willu is common in Onom.
Wilton (3 in P.O.). O.E. Chron. 871 Wiltun, prob. near Salisbury.
' Town of the tribe Wilscetas.' Cf. next. But Wilton (Ross), like
Bishop's Wilton (York), Dom. Wiltone, is ' town of Willa/ a
name common in Onom.
Wilts. 1011 O.U. Chron. Wiltunsch-, 1298 Wiltesh. {sic). Wilts
is a contraction of Wilscetas, ' sitters, dwellers on the R. Wil.'
So says Asser.
Wimbledon. O.E. Chron. 568 Wibbandime, ' Wibba's hill,' Cf,
WiBSEY. The b has been nasalized. But it may be fr. Winebeald.
WiMBLiNGTON ( Mauch.). 1387 Wilmyngton, 1539 Wymehngton.
Willmington. Patronymic. ' Town of the Wilhelmings '
(Skeat). Cf. Wilmington (Honiton and Dartford).
WiMBORNE (Poole). O.E. Chron. 718 Wimburn, ib. 871 Winbuma
mynster. Cf. Dom. ' Wimberie ' (Chesh.). Doubtful. Perh.
' burn, brook of the battle,' O.E. {ge)winn, ' battle, strife.' But
WiMPOLE (Cambs) is Dom. Winepole, 1302 Wynepol, 1346
Wympole. ' Pool of Winu,' a known name ; the pool is still
there. Wimbome very likely has a similar origin.
WiNCAwroN (Somerset), a. 800 chart. Hwinca. Prob. a man's
name, nasalized form of Hwicca. Cf. Whixley, and see -ton.
WiNCTTAM (Northwich). Dom. Wimundisham, later Wymincham.
' Home of Wymund.' Cf. Wymondham.
WiNCHCOMBE (Glouc). 803 chart. Wincelcumba, 1053 O.E. Chron.
Wincelcumbe, a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Wincencomb, Wincelcumb,
c. 1305 St. Kenelm Wynchecumbe. Perh. ' valley of Wincel '
(not in Onom.) or ' Winca.' Cf. Winchelsea. But O.E.
wincel, ' a corner,' is as likely. See -combe.
WINCHESTEE 512 WINFEITH
Wn^CHESTEE. c, 150 Ptolemy Venta, 5ecZe Ventse Civitas, O.E. vers.
Wiutancestir, 0 E. Chron. 755 Wintanceastre, ib. 1036 Win-
ceastre, c. 1100 Flor. W. Wintonia, c. 1175 Wincestre, 1297
R. Glouc. Winchestre. In W. Caer Gwent — i.e., ' fort, castle on
the plain, clearing or open country/ See -Chester.
WiNCHELSEA (S.W. Kent). {Dom. Winchelesmere), 1288 contin.
Gervase Winchelese, 1297-98 Wynchelese, -chilse. ? ' Isle of
Wyncel.' See Winchcombe and Winkleigh and -ea,
WrNCLE (Cheshire). Dom. Winescol, a. 1200 Winchal. Prob.
' hill of Wina/ 3 in Onom. O.E. hyll, ' hill,' regularly became
hull in the Midlands fr. 2 on, Cf. Asphll.
WrNCOMBLEE(Northumbld.). OM Wynkhamlea. Doubtful. Perh.
O.E. Wincan leak, * meadow of Winca,' one in Onom. Cf.
Wincolmlee (Hull).
Windermere, a. 1130 Sim. Dur. ann. 791 Wonwaldremere (a
corrupt reading), 1157 Winendemere, 1196 Winendremer, 1196-
1748 Winandermere. More and better old forms needed. The
first part may be Kelt, and contain W. gioyn, ' clear, white,
beautiful'; -mere is O.E. mere, 'lake.' W. and H. derive fr.
a hypothetical Norseman Vignandr, a name, they say, exactly
equivalent to the known O.E. Wigno]). This is ingenious, but
our verdict must be ' not proven.' There is a Winder (Frizing-
ton, Chimbld.) which certainly looks like W. gwyn dwr, ' clear
stream.' Windeeton (Warwksh.) is 1327 Wyntertone.
WiNDRTJSH E. (Oxford). 779 chart. Uuenrisc, Die Heilige Engl.
Wenrisc. Prob. Keltic. Cf. W. gwyn, fem. gwen, ' fair, clear,'
and rhysgiad, 'an overgrowing.' The ending is plainly influ-
enced by O.E. rise, ' a rush.'
Windsor. [K.CD. iv. 165 Wendles ore], Dom. Windesores, 1096
O.E. Chron. and Eadmer Windlesora, a. 1145 Ord. Vit. Windres-
soris, 1297 R. Glouc. Windelsore; also Wyndelshore. 'Bank,
border, shore,' O.E. ora, ' of Wendel or Windel.' The liquids
I and r easily interchange. The O.E. name Wendel or Wcendel,
thinks Skeat, is akin to the Teutonic tribe, the Vandals. Con-
nexion with the Wends, a Slavic race, cannot be thought of.
Cf. Wendlebtjry and Windlesham (Camberley) ; also Bggnor,
CuMNOR, etc.
WiNFARTHiNG (Diss). Dom. Wineferthinc, later Wynneferthing.
Prob. patronymic, ' place of the sons of Winefrith.' See -ing.
But perh, ' the ferding ' (common Dom. term), or quarter of a
hide of land, ' of Wynne,' the common O.E. Wine. Cf. Pinfarth-
ing (Amberley) ; Pin- ? = O.E. penn, ' sheep-fold.'
WiNFOP.D Eagle. See Aquilate ; and cf. next.
WiNPRiTH (Dorset). Chart. Wenfrut. W. gwen ffrwdd, 'white,
clear stream.'
WINKLEIGH 513 WIRKSWORTH
WiNKLEiGH (N. Devon). Dom. Wincheleie. C/. 1298 'Thomas
de Wyncelade/ ' Winca's meadow/ or, as likely, ' WinceVs
meadow/ Cf. Winchcombe, Winchelsea, Dom. Northants
Winewincle, etc. See -leigh. Winksley (Yorks), _ Dom.
Wichingeslei, is a patronjrmic, ' meadow of the sons of Winca.'
WiNNiNGTON (Mket. Drayton). Dom. Wennitone. 'Town of
Wenna/ -an, or ' Wenni.'
WiNSLOW (Bucks). Chart. Uines hlau, 'Wine's hill'; Wine is
common in Onom. See -low. Cf. Winsley (Bradford-on-
Avon), Dom. Wineslei (Salop), and 792 chart. Uuineshauue
(belonging to St. Albans), also Winson (Bibury), Dom. Wines-
tune, ' Wine's town.'
WmsTER R. (Derby and Westmld.). W. gwyn, ' white, clear,' and,
thinks M'Clure, ster, common river name in Brittany, of which
the many British cases of Stoue. may be another form.
Winterborne (14 in Dorset; also Berks, Wilts, and Glouc). 1155
Pipe Winterburne (Glouc). Presumably, ' bourne, burn,' O.E.
burna, ' stream, which runs only in winter,' O.E. winter.
WtNTERHOLD PiKE (N. Laucs). Sic c. 1250 in chart. Either ' hold
for dwelling in in winter,' O.E. winter, or ' Winter's hold'; the
name is still a personal one. Cf. B.C.S. 761 Wintres hlsew.
Hold is O.E. heald, 3-hold, found fr. c. 1205 in the sense of ' lair,
den, place of refuge.' Cf. Scawtell Pikes.
WiNTERiNGHAM (Doncaster). Dom. Wentrigha', -rigena; 1298
Wyntringham. Patronymic. ' Home of the sons of Winter or
Wintar,' both forms in Onom. Cf. above, and see -ham. Wrsr-
TERTON (3 in P.G.), Dom. Norfk. Wintretuna, is fr. the same
name ; so is Wentworth.
WiNTON (N. Yorks, Kirby Stephen, Patricroft, Bournemouth).
Yo. W. Dom. Winetune. ' Town of Wine,' a common O.E.
name. But Winthorpe (Newark) is Dom. Wimuntorp, ' village
of Winemund.' See -thorpe.
WnsrwicK (Warrington) . ? the Cair Guinntguic of a. 810 Nennius,
which will be Kelt for ' fair, clear village,' W. gwyn. Corn, gwin,
and Corn, gweh, L. vicus, ' village.' But all analogy would
lead one to say, ' dwelling of PTme,' a common name in Onom.
See -wick.
WmwiDEiELD. Freeman thinks =Wingfield (Derbysh.). On
the R. Uinuaed, says Bede iii. 24, which will be Kelt. Vindo,
W. gwyn, ' clear, white,' and ? O.W. gueid, gueith, ' division,
channel.' If so this may now be represented by the R. Went
or Wynt, a trib. of R. Don.
WiRKSWORTH (Derbysh,). 835 chart. Wyrceswurthe. This may
be the * farm of a man Weorc' Cf. B.C.S. 1282 Weorces mere,
and Dom. Bucks Wirecesberie. Or it may be, ' farm, with the
WIREAL 514 WITHAM
fortification or outwork or bulwark/ O.E. weorc. Cf. Waek,
c. 1175 Werk and Dom. Wirceshel, now Worsall (N. Riding),
and Wircesburg, now Worsbrough (S. Yorks). It is prob. fr. a
man's name. See -worth.
WiRBAii (Birkenhead). 895 O.E. Chron. Wir heala, Dom. Warhelle,
a. 1100 Wirhalas. The name has a Keltic look {cf. W. gwyr,
' pure, fresh/ and Corn, hal, ' a moor ') ; but Sir E. Anwyl does
not favour this. The W. name used to be Cilgwri, ' retreat of
Owri.' If the present name were * Gwri's hall/ O.E. heall, we
should have prob., though not certainly, had a gen. sign in 895.
So we must leave the name doubtful. See -hall. Wyrley
(Walsall) is Dom. Wireleia, a. 1200 Wirlege, which Duignan
derives fr. O.E. wir, * the wild myrtle.' This may be the root
of Wirral, too. Cf. Woreall.
WiSBEOH. O.E. Chron. 657 Wisebece, K.C.D. v. 4 Wisebeche, 1298
Wysebeke. 'Beach of Uui,' 4 men called Uui or Uvius in
Onom.y all East Anglians too. Cf. Wisley. Beach is not found
in Oxf. Diet, till c. 1535. Cf. Landbeach. Skeat derives Wis-
fr. O.E. Wia-ea^ ' Ouse stream,' as the Ouss once flowed past
here. The early spellings of Ouse do not support this, and the
pronunciations seem always to have been distinct.
WiSHAW (Tamworth). Dom. Witscaga, a. 1200 Witteshage, a. 1300
Wissawe, a. 1400 Wyschawe, -shawe. ' Wita's wood,' O.E.
scaga, ' a small wood, a grove.' Cf. Wishaw (Lanarksh.).
WiSHFORD (Salisbury). 'Ford on the meadow,' E. Fries, wislce,
Low. Ger. msche, Ger. wiese ; in Eng. udsce seems to mean a
small meadow, moist and low-lying. Cf. Whistley, and next;
also the Wysshes (Siddington).
WiSKE Moor (Northallerton). Might be Kelt. = G. uisge, ' water,*
or whisky ! More likely, ' meadow moor.' See Wishford.
Cf. Appleton Wiske.
Wisley (Worcester). 759 chart. Uuisleag. ' Meadow of Uui.'
Cf. WiSBEACH.
WiSTANSTOW (Craven Arms). Cf. Dom. Wistanestune (Chesh.).
'Place' (O.E. stow) 'of Wistan' or ' Wigstan,' ^ Wihstan,' or
' Winestan ' — all forms in Onom.
WiSTON (Pembk. and Steyning). Old forms needed for Stey. W.
? Dom. Wistanestun. Cf. Wisley. Pem. W. is old Castell
Gwis, in W. Cas Gwys, ' castle of Owys ' — i.e., Wiz, the Nbrm.
knight who built it.
WiTCHAM (Ely). Dom. Wiceham, 1302 Wychham. 'Home of
Wioa,' or ' by the witch-elm,' O.E. wice. Cf. Witcheord, near
hj, Dom. Wiceford.
<
WiTHAM (several). Somerset W. Dom. Witeham, c. 1170 Witte-
ham, now pron. Wit-am; O.E. hmt ham, ' white house.' Essex
W. Dom. Witham is pron. Wit-ham, and is on a R. Guith ; while
WITHEEIDGE 615 WITTEKSHAM
R. Witham (Lines) is pron. Widh-am. It is said to be 1115
chart. Witham; but c. 1190 Gir. Camh. Widhema, Die Heilige
Engl. Withma, 1240 Wima, 1281 Wyme. LeUnd says it takes
name fr. the place Witham, where it rises 8 miles beyond Grant-
ham. But very likely both these last are Keltic, ? with the
root O.W. gueid, gueith, ' division, separation, a channel/ 941
O.E. Chron. Hwitanwyllesgeat is the mouth of E.. Witham.
There is a ' Wyfie ' in 796 chart. Wilts.
WiTHERiDGE (Devon). Dom. Wederige, Exon. D. Wedreriga.
Perh. a. 800 chart. Widerigge. ' Ridge' or ' rigg' (as in Sc. and
N. Eng.) ' of Widr ' or ' Wither.' Cf. Withersfield.
WiTHERNSEA (Hull) {Dom. Widfomessoi, Wilfornes) and Withern-
wiCK (Hull) {Dom. Widf ornewic) . The Dom. forms seem erro-
neous, or / has replaced th (see FenglesbCam) ; and both names
are prob. patronymics — ' peninsula ' and ' dwelling of the sons
of Wihthere/ 3 in Onom., whilst we have Wihthering in B.C. 8.
779. See -ea and -wick.
Withersfield (Newmarket). 'Field of Wither/ 4 in Onom. Cf.
a. 1100 Grant of 664 ' Wytherington,' near Peterboro'.
WiTHiEL (Bodmin) and Withiel Florey (W. Somerset). Ck)rn.
withell, ' a lion,' fr. the supposed look of the place. Cf. Lost-
WITHIEL.
WiTHiNGTON (4 in P.O.). Cheltenham W. 736-37 Grant Wudian-
dune, Dom. Widendune. ' Hill (O.E. dun) of Widia or Wudga/
3 in Onom. Cf. Dom. Bucks Withungraue.
WiTHYBROOK (Briuklow) is 1198 Widebroc, which should mean
' wide brook ' ; but the mod. pron. shows it is only the common
Nor. d for th medial, and the name really is fr. ().E. withig, ' a
willow, a withe.' So is Witcombe (Birdlip), 1330 Wydy-
coumbe, later Wydecombe; though Baddeley thinks it, 'wide
valley.'
WiTLEY (Godalming, Halesowen, Worcester). Ha. W. a. 1500
Whiteley. Wo. W. 964 chart. Wittleage, 969 ih. Witleag, Dom.
Witlege. Cf. Dom. Chesh. and Devon Witelei. Either O.E.
hwit leah, ' white mead,' or ' meadow of Wita,' 3 in Onom., as
in Witney (Oxford), ' isle of Wita.'
WiTSON (Newport, Mon.). Old forms needed. We may cf. 1157
Pipe Witsand, or ' white sand ' (Beds.).
WiTTENHAM (Abingdon). B.C. 8. ii. 224 Wittanhamme, c. 1540
Whittenham Comitis (' of the count or earl ') and Wittenham
Abbatis ('of the abbot'). 'Enclosure' (O.E. hamm) 'of
Witta.'
WiTTERSHAM (Pcasmarsh, Sussex). ' Home of Wither/ 3 in Onom.
Cf. B.C. 8. 60 Uuidringa muth — i.e.. West Wittering (Sussex),
patronymic fr. Wither or Widr. Cf. Witheridge.
WITTON 516 WOLST ANTON
WiTTON (7 in P.O.). Droitwich W. 714 chart. Wittona, 1043 Hwi-
tona; Birmingham W. Dom. Witone, a. 1400 Wytton; Norwich
W. Dom. Witona, 1179-80 Pipe Witeton (Yorks). Prob. all
O.E. hmt tun, ' white village ' ; but cf. Witley and Wittenham.
Witton-le-Weae, (Bp. Auckland), a. 1130 Sim. Dur. Wudu-,
Wudetun — i.e., ' Wood-town/ See Wear.
WiVELiscoMBE (Somerset). Cf. 941 Wifeles cumbe (Sussex).
' VaUey of Wifel' Cf. also B.C.S. 699 and 1067 Wifeles ford
and ham, Dom. Chesh. Wivelesde, and Yorks Wifleshale, now
Wilsill (see -hall), Willingham and Worston. See -combe.
WiVENHOE (Essex), c. 1452 Whevenho, Wevenho, Wefnow.
' Hob, height of Wifa,' gen. -fan.
WiVETON (Norfolk). Dom. Wiuetona, 1482 Wyveton, Weveton.
'Village of Wifa.' Cf. above. Wiverton (Notts), Dom.
Wivretune, is fr. Wigferth or Wifare.
WoBURN Sands (Bletchley). 969 chart. Woburninga (jemsere) —
i.e., ' district of the dwellers on the Woburn.' 1155 Wobburne,
O.E. wo, woh hurna, * crooked stream or bourne or burn,' Cf.
a. 675 Grant * Woburne brugge ' (Surrey), and 796 chart. Wo-
burne (WUts). There are, or were, also several Womeres in
England — ' crooked lakes.'
WoDNESBOROUGH (Kent), a. 1300 Wodnesberge. ' Burgh or
Barrow of the god Wodin or Odin.' Cf. Wanborough.
WoKESTG. a. 715 chart. Wocchingas, O.E. Chron. 777 Wocingas,
Dom. Wochinges. Patronymic. ' Place of the sons of Wocc,'
one in Onom. Also Wokingham or Oaktkqham or Ockingham
(Berks), c. 1280 Wokingham, c. 1540 Okj-ngham, 1568 Oking-
ham. ' Home of the Woccings.' See -ham and -ing,
WoLLASTON (Stourbridge and Wellingboro'). St. W. 1327 Wolars-
ton, prob. ' Wulf gar's town*; the name is common. But
WoLLASHiLL in Same shire is 1275 Wollaueshull, ' hill of Wulflaf,'
a still commoner name. Similar is Wolt^aton (Notts), Dom.
Olavestune. Welling. W. seems to be Dom. Walesdone, ' hill
of Wale,' 2 in Onom. See -don and -ton.
WoLSELEY (Rugby). Dom. Ulslei, a. 1200 Wulfsiesleg, a. 1300
Wulseleye. ' Meadow of Wulfsige or Wulfsie,' a very common
name in Onom., and a fuller form of Wolsey (ELing's Lynn), 1166
Pipe Wulsi — i.e., ' woK's isle,' O.E. wulfes ige. See -ley and -ey.
WoLSiNGHAM (Co. Durham). Sic 1183. 'Home of Wolsin,' var.
of the very common name Wulfsige. See -ham.
WoLSTAjsTTON (Stoke-on-Treut) . Sic c. 1350, but Dom. Wistane-
tone, 1198 Wulstanestone. 'Village of Wulfstan,' a common
O.E. name. Cf. Dom. Salop Vlestanesmude. However, Dom.'a
form will rather represent Wigstan or Wistan, also a very com-
mon name. Wolstrop (Glouc.) is old Wulvesthrop, ' thorpe,
village of Wulf.'
WOLVERHAMPTON 517 WOODCEOFT
Wolverhampton. 985 chart. Heantune, 994 chart, of Wulfrun
(corrupt copy), Hamtune, Hantone, 1006 chart. Heantim, JDom.
Hantone, -done, Dom. Wore. Wrehantone, a. 1200 Wulfrune-
hanton, -nhamtun, Wolvernehampton. Hean tiine is the
inflected form of O.E. heah tun, ' high town/ which not seldom
gets confused with Hampton. This, then, has become ' the
hampton of Wulfrun/ daughter of K. Edmund. She foimded
a college here, and endowed the church with great possessions,
in 994.
WoLVERLEY (Kidderminster) and Wolverton (Warwick). 866
chart, (late copy) Wulfferdinleh, Wulferdinlea, 1046 ib. Wulf-
weardiglea, Dom. Ulwardlei, 1275 WolfEardeleye, Dom. Ulwardi-
tone, 1150 Wlwarditone. ' Meadow of the sons of ' and ' town
of Wulfweard (c/. -ing). But Wolvershill (Nuneaton), a. 1300
Wulfareshull, and Wolverton (Pershore), 977 Wulfringetime,
984 Wulfrinton, Dom. Ulfrinton/l275 Wolfertone, are ' hill of '
and ' town of the sons of Wulfhere/ a very common name.
Cf. 854 chart. ' Of Wulfherescumbe on Wulfheres clif,' and
WoRDSLEY. From Wulfhere also is Wolverton (Basingstoke),
Dom. Ulvretime, Vluretune; whilst Wolverton (Bucks) in
Dom. has the patronymic -ing — Wluerintone.
WoLVEY (Nuneaton), a. 1200 Wulfeia, 1251 Wolveye. 'Isle of
Wulf or ' Wolf.' See -ey. But with Wolviston (Stockton-
on-Tees), cf. Dom. Suffk. Wluerthestuna, which is prob. ' Wulf-
heard's town.'
WoMBLETON (Nawton). Dom. Winbeltun, Wilbetun, 1235 Wim-
bleton. ' Town of Winebeald.'
WoMBOFRNE (Wolvermptu.) . Dom. and later Wamburne, a. 1300
Wombeburne, Wamburn. Prob. ' brook in the hollow,' lit.
'womb,' O.E. loambe, womb{e). Cf. Wombridge (Sialop) and
WoMBWELL (Barnsley), Dom. Wanbuelle, -la. See -bourne.
WoMERSLEY (Pontcfract) . Dom. Wilmereslege. ' Meadow of
Wulfmoer ' or ' Ulmar,' a very common name.
WoNERSH (Guildford). Old forms needed. Won- may be for
' Wana's,' a name in Onom. ; -ersh is almost certainly ersh or
arrish, both forms in Oxf. Diet, as var. of eddish (q.v.), O.E.
edisc, of obscure origin, ' a wheat-stubble, a cleared corn-field,'
found in dial. fr. Devon to Sussex. Cf. Cavendish.
WooDCHESTER (Stroud). 740 chart. Wuduceastre, Dom. Wide- and
Udecestre. ' Fort, town in the wood/ O.E. wudu. See -Chester.
WooDCOTE (Warwick, Bromsgrove, and Reading). Wa. W. Dom.
Widecote, 1165 Wudcote; Br. W. Dom. Udecote, 1275 Wodecote.
* Cot, cottage in the wood,' O.E. wudu.
WooDCROET (Chepstow). {Cf. a. 1100 Grant of 664 ' Wodecrofte,'
near Market Deeping.) O.E. croft, ' a field, a small farm.'
WOODEND 518 WOOLPIT
WooDBND (Shipley, Towcester, etc.). There are 3 in Stafidsh.,
which mark the bounds of the Forest of Arden.
WooDHAY (Eantbury, Berks). 1316 Wydehay^c. 1540 Woodhay.
' Wood fence or hedge/ O.E. Tiege (also haga and hecg, but these
are distinct words). Cf. Oxhey.
Woodstock (Oxford). Dom. Wodestok, -stock; 1154-71 Wudes-
toca, c. 1160 Gest. Steph. Wodestoc, 1163 Wdestoke. ' Place,
settlement in the wood.' Cf. Stoke, Hadstock (Cambs), etc.;
whilst WooDMANCOTE (3 in Glouc.) is 1230 Wdemenecote,
' woodman's cot.'
WooKEY and Wookey Hole (Wells). 1231 Patent B. Woky.
Prob. O.W. guocov, mod, W. gwcof, ' a cave.'
WoOLACOMBE Traoy (N. Devon). Dom. Olecube, Exon. D. Vla-
cumbe; Dom. also has Wolnecome. Cf. 941 chart Uulecumb,
(Twickenham) . ' Valley of Wola,' one in Onom. ' WiUehnus
de Traci ' {sic chart. 1174) lived here. He was one of the mur-
derers of Beckett.
WooLAVLNQTON (Bridgwater). O.E. chart. Wulflafing tun. 'Vil-
lage of Wulflaf's children.' Cf. Woollaston (Staffd.), Dom.
UUavestone, and WooUavington (Sussex) ; also WooLASTON-on-
Severn, Dom. Odelaweston, 1218 Wolavestone, where Baddeley
postulates an unknown Wudelaf. See -ing and -ton.
WooLEE (N. Northumbld.). Local pron. Oolor. 1197 Rolls Wel-
loure, Testa de Nevil Willore. ' Well on the bank or edge,'
O.E. ofer, ohr, now usually -over, as in Ashover, Shotover, etc.,
but often contracted as in Asher, Hadsob, Hasleb, etc. In
more recent times the vowel sounds have been transposed, and
the name now is locally suppoed to denote ' a wool market ' ;
and, indeed, W. was a great wool centre. But, as will be seen,
Eng. place-names in Wool- very seldom have any connexion
with wool. E.g., Wooldale (S. Yorks) is Dom. Ulvedel, ' dale
of ?7Z/' or 'the Wolf,' etc.
WooLHAMPTON (Berks). Dom. OUavintone, c. 1280 Wulavinton,
1428 Wolamptone. A name which has changed. Not orig. the
Hampton or ' home town,' but the ' town, village of Wullaf or
Wulfflaf or rather ' of the Wulflafings,' or ' sons of Wulflaf .' Cf.
the N. Olaf and K.C.D. vi. 243 Wullaiingland and Woolavington.
WooLLEY (Wakefield). Dom. Wiluelai. ' Meadow of the willows/
O.E. wilig, welig. Gf. Willey.
WooLMEE Gbeen (Stevenage). Chart. Wulfmser. ' Boundary,
district,' O.E. {ge)mcBre, ' of a man Wulf.'
WooLNOTH St. Mary (parish, London) . Prob. fr. Wulfnoth, brother
of K. Harold (d. 1066).
WooLPiT (Bury St. Edmunds). Dom. WKpeta. ' Wolf -pit/ O.E.
wulf-pyt. Gf. 1148 Glouc. chart. WIpitta.
WOOLSTONE 519 WOKKINGTON
WooLSTONE (Shrivenham, Berks). Dom. Olvricestone, c. 1280
Wulfricheston, Wulvricheston, 1316 Wolfricheston. ' Town,
village of Wulfric' See -ton. This name shows how hopeless
it is to try to guess origins ! Woolscott (Warwk.) is equally-
hopeless, for it is Dom. Werlavescote, ' WcBrlafQ cottage/
WooLSTON (Bp's. Cleeve) is simpler — Dom. Olsendone, 1316
Wolsiston — i.e., * Wolsi's,,' fuller, ' Wulfsige's, town."
Woolwich. Dom. Hulviz (Norman phonetics !), Text. Bojfensis
Welwic, a. 1400 Wolwiche. The O.E. form is said to be Wule-
wic, prob. ' dwelling, house for wool,' O.E. wul, wull, Icel. ull,
' wool," and O.E. wic. See -wich.
WooRE (S. Chesh,). Dom. Waure. Gf. Brownsover (Rugby), Dom,
Gaura, a. 1300 Waure, Bruneswaure, -wafre, which Duignan
derives fr. a supposed O.E. wcefre or wafre, ' the aspen poplar.'
Cf. Wavertree.
WooTTON (13 in P.O.) and Wotton (2). Dom. Vdetune (Salop),
Wodetone (Staffs), Wotone (Warwk.), Utone (Glouc). Woot-
TON Rivers (Marlboro'), c. 680 chart. Wdetun, B.C.S. i. 506
Uudetun (Berks) . ' Wood-town,' ' dwelling in the wood.' Hill
WooTTON (Leamington) is Dom. Hille, 1327 Hull wottone; while
WooTTON Wawen (Henley-in-Arden) goes back to 723 chart.
Widu tun, 1043 Wagene de Wotton, p. 1350 Wawenes and
Waunes Wotton. Wawen, O.E. Wahgene, was a great local
proprietor before the Conquest.
Worcester. 691 chart. Weogorna civitas, Bede Provincia Huic-
ciorum, O.E. vsn. Hwicna Gemaere (territory), a. 810 Nennius
Huich, c. 800 chart. Hicca, c. 802 ib. Wegoranensis civitas,
Wigornensis ecclesia, 804 ib. Wigornacestre, 836 ib. Weogur-
nacestre, c. 897 Mlfred Wiogora ceastre, c. 1075 Wigraceastre,
c. 1100 Flor. Wore. Episcopatus Wigornensis, 1274 Wirecestre,
c. 1290 Wyricestre, 1297 B. Glouc. Wurcetre, 1666 Merrett
Wostershire. Mod. pron. Wu-ster. Some think it is the Cser
Guiragon or Guveirangon of Nennius. Gf. Wroxeter. ' Fort
of the Euiccii ' or ' Wigorna ' — i.e., prob. ' the forest men,'
O.W. guig, gwig, ' a grove.' See M'Clure (p. 165), and cf.
Whicheord, and the Wyre forest once in this shire. Hu- and
Gu- both equal W.
Word (Kent and Sussex) and Worth (Eastry, Kent, and Ware-
ham). O.E. worth, ' a farm,' in Dom. always -word(e), -vord(e),
-orde. See -worth. The people at the Kent Word always call
it Worth.
WoRDSLEY (Stourbridge), a. 1200 Wuluardeslea, a. 1300 Wol-
wardele. ' Meadow of Wulfweard.' Gf. Wolverley. See
-ley.
Workington (W. Cumbld.). 1300 Werkenton. 'Town of (the
sons of) Weorc,' one in Onom. See -ing.
WOEKSOP 520 WOESTEAD HALL
Worksop (Eetford). Dom. Werchesope, 1189 Pi/pe Worcheshope,
1285 Wyrkesop, 1456 Worsop. Prob. ' Hope, harbourage, or
valley of Wore' Of. Woesley and Warsop; but also c/.
Wark. See -hope.
WoRLESTON (Nantwich) . Not in Dom., but c/. Dom. Bucks Vorls-
done. ' Town, village of Worla,' a name not in Onom. Cf.
Whorlton.
WORLINGHAM (Suffk.)> WORLINGTON (Soham), and WORLTNGWORTH
(Framlingham) . All three in the same county, and yet in each
the Worling- has a different origin. They are in Dom. War-,
Werlingaha, ' home of the sons of Warl ' ; WiriUntona, where
the name is doubtful, Onom. has one Wernweald ; and Wyrling-
wortha, ' farm of the Wyrlings.' See -ing and -worth.
WoRMEGAY (King's Lynn), c. 1150 Wirmegeie, 1232 Wurmegaye,
Red Booh Wirmingai, Patronjrmic. ' Isle of the Wyrmings,'
or ' sons of Wyrm/ the Snake. Cf. WorminghaU (Thame).
See -ay.
WoRMESTGEORD (Essex). Dom. Widemondefort, later Withermond-
ford, 1481-90 Howard Bks. Wyrmyngforde. ' Ford of Wither-
mwnd/ an unrecorded name, but Onom. has Widmund and
Witherwine. Withermond could easily become Wyrmyng-, and
wyrm is O.E. for ' worm,' hence the confusion and present
spelling. WoRMiNGTGN (Glouc), Dom. Wermetim, is simply
' town of Wyrme ' or ' Wurm.' See -ing.
WoRMLEiGHTON (Southam). 956 chart. Wilmanlehtune, Dom.
Wimeres-, menestone, a. 1200 Wilmelathune {t for c), 1327
Wilmeleghtone, a. 1400 Wormleytone. ' Wilman's Leighton,'
a very remarkable corruption ; 2 Wilmuns in Onom. The Dom.
forms show how unreliable Dom. may be.
Worm's BLead (Pembrokesh.). Low Dutch, prob. Flemish form
of Orm's Head. See p. 79.
WoRRALL (Sheffield). Dom. Wihala, -hale. Possibly ' wild myrtle
nook ' ; O.E. wir. See Wirral and -hall.
WoRSBORo' (Barnsley). Dom. Wircesburg. ' Burgh, town of
Wire ' or ' Wore' Cf. next, and see -burgh.
WoRSLEY (Manchester and Abberley). Ma. W. 1296-97 Werkslegh,
1293 Workellegh. ' Mead of Were' Cf. above and Worksop.
But Ab. W. a. 1200 Wermeslai, Wervesleye, 1275 Worvesle,
1327 Werwesle, 1332 Worsley. Prob. 'mead of Wcerwulf.'
See -ley.
WoRSTEAD Hall (Walsall), a. 1560 Walstede, -stode. 'Stead,
steading, farm of Wealh ' — i.e., ' the stranger.' Woeston
(Stafford) is c. 1300 Wiveleston, Wyverstone, Wyfridestone,
Worliestone. The name shows variations, but prob. is ' town
of Wifel.' Cf. B.C.S. 699 and 1067 Wifeles ford and ham, and
WiVELISCOMBE.
WOETfl 621 WREXHAM
Worth. See Word and -worth.
Worthing, also Worthen (Shrewsbury, perh. c. 1350 chart.
Worthyn). Prob. the dat. of O.E. wor\>ig, ' enclosed farm.'
Cf. Tamworth and Worthy (Winchester), which is the same
name, 1001 O.E. Chron. Worthige. See -worth.
Wortley (2 in Yorks and Wotton-under-Edge) . Yo. W. Dom.
Wirtleie, Wirlei, Wrleia, 1298 Wurtele. Wo. W. old Wurthelye,
Worteley. Prob. O.E. wyrt leak, ' field for growing roots ' —
turnip or suchlike. Worton (Yorks and Potterne), Dom.
Yorks and Wilts, Werton(e), is prob. the same.
WouLDHAM (Rochester), c. 970 chart. Wuldaham. Prob. 'home
of ' an unrecorded man.
Wrangle (Boston). Dom. Weranghe, 1276 Wrangle, 1396 Wrang-
hill, Wrangel. Prob. O.E. wer, waer, ' a fence, enclosure for
fish, a weir,' and angel, ' fish-hook ' ; so, ' weir for fishing in.'
Wrathing (Cambs and Suffolk). Cam. W. Dom. Waratinge, chart.
Wrsettincge, 1167 Wreting, 1210 Wrotinge, 1302 Wrattinge.
' Home of the sons of Wrcetta ' or ' the man with the wart ';
E. Anglian wret. Dom. inserts an a, and makes it Warat-, to
help a Norman's pronunciation. See -ing.
Wrawby (Brigg) and Wray (Lancaster and Windermere). Cf.
1612-13, in N. Riding Rec, ' A parcell of meadow called the
Wraie ' ; N. loraa, ' a corner, a landmark.' Cf. Capernwray
(Lanes), ' chapman's, merchant's corner,' Haverah, and Wrae
(Sc.) See -by.
Wraysbury (Staines). Not in Dom., but old Wyrardisbury,
' Town, burgh of Wcerheard ' or ' Werardiis,' a common name
in Onom. See -bury.
Wrekin, The (Salop). ? a. 600 Llywarch Hen. Dinnle Wrecon,
a. 900 chart. Wreocensetun. Prob. same root as Wroxeter, q.v.
Possibly same root as W. gwrechyn, gwrachin, ' a crabbed fellow,'
but this is doubtful.
Wrelton (Pickering). Dom. Wereltun. More old forms needed;
? fr. Werdwulf or Wernheald. Cf. Wressel, also E. Riding,
_Dom. Weresa. This may be the same name as Dom. Wore.
Weredshale, interpreted by Skeat as ' O.E. weoredesheale, " a
place occupied by a host," wherein a set of men squatted in
company.'
Wrexham. In W. Gwrecsam, corrup. of the Eng. name. In Saxon
days it was in Mercia, not Wales. 1160-61 Pipe Chesh.
Wristlesham, 1222 chart. Madoc ap Gruffith Wrechceosam,
1236 Wreccesham, Wrettesham {t common error for c), 1291
Wyrcesson, 1316-17 Wrightlesham, c. 1620 Beaumont and Fletcher
Rixum. Prob. ' home of Wryhtsleof' one in Onom. ; 1160 has
the regular Nor. st for guttural h, which the Norman could not
abide. See -ham.
34
WRIBBENHALL 522 WYLE COP
Wribbenhall (Bewdley). Dom. Gurbehale, a. 1100 Wrbenhala,
1240 Wrubenhale. ' Wrobba's nook/ See -ball.
Wbittle (Cbelmsford). Prob. 692-93 chart. Writolaburna (brook),
1^ 1234 Close B. Writel. Perb. Keltic ; c/. W. gwrthol, ' backwards/
Wbithinlgton (Bath) is Dom. Writelinctune/ a patronymic,
» prob. based on the same root. See -ing.
Wbookwahdine (Wellington, Salop). 'Farm of Wrocc' Cf.
Wboxall, and see -wardine.
Weotham (Kent) and Weottesley (Wolverhampton). Dom.
Wrotolei, a. 1200 Wrotelei, Wroteslea. ' Home ' and ' meadow
of Wrot.' See -ham and -ley.
WB,oxAiiL (Ventnor and Warwk.). Ve. W. 1038-44 chart. Wrocce-
sheale binnan Wiht. War. W. a. 1200 Wrocheshal(e), Wroke-
shal. ' Nook of Wrocc* Of. Wroxhill (Beds) and Wroxton
(Oxon). See -hall.
Wboxetee (Shrewsbury), c, 150 Ptolemy Urioconio, c. 380 Ant.
Itin. ibid., also Virocono. Prob. also a. 810 Nennius Caer
Guiragon or Guoricon, or Umahc, Brut y Tywysogion Caer-
wrangon. Wroxeter is for Wrocn'& caster. (7/. Exeter, and
see -caster. It may contain the same root as Wreken. M'Clure
thinks Virocono may contain the name of Verica, son of the
Keltic King Commios.
Wyohwood (W. Oxon.). O.E. Ghron. 841 Huicceuudu, Dom.
Huchewode, 1284 Whyche-, Whucchewode. ' Wood of the
Huiccii.' It formerly belonged to the bishops of this tribe, who
perh, took their name fr. O.E. wice, M.E. wiche, ' a tree,' prob.
the wych elm, or hazel. See also Worcester and Wicheord.
Wycliffb (Teesdale). Dom. Witchve— i.e., ' white chfE,' O.E. hwit
clif; there is one here; but a. 1130 Sim. Dur. WigecHf — i.e.,
' cliff of Wiga/ 4 in Onom.
Wycombe (Bucks). Dom. Wicombe, c. 1350 Wycombe, 1387
Trevisa Wycomb malban. Mod. pron. Wick-am. ' Valley of
the Wye,' a httle trib. of R. Thames. Of. 1160-61 Pipe Sussex
Wicumba. See -combe.
Wye, R. Dom. Waia, c. 1097 Flor. Wore. Weage, Latin Chrons.
Vaga, c. 1130 Lib. Landav. Gwy, which is W. for ' river, stream/
Of. Wey and Wycombe.
Wyke (Bradford) and W. Regis (Weymouth). Dom. Wiche.
' Dwelling.' See -wich. Regis, L. ' of the king.'
Wyken. See Wicken.
Wylam (Northumbld.). 1201 Wilum; a loc, as in Kilham, etc.,
' at the wells '; O.E. wiell{a), ' a spring, a fountain.' See -ham.
Wyle Cop (Shrewsbury). M'Clure thinks Wyle is same as Wyla,
prob. gen. pi. of wygel. both words in the early O.E. glossaries.
WYMONDHAM . 523 YAR R.
with the meaning ' cave.' Cop is O.E. cop, copp, ' top, summit.
See Oxf. Diet., cop sb^.
Wymondham (Norf k. and Oakham) . No. W. c. 1 150 Wimundehame.
* Home of Wimund,' a common O.E. name. Cf. Dom. Wimmi-
disham (Chesh.), now Wincham, and Wimmitorp (Notts), now
Winthorpe. See -ham, here prob. ' enclosure.'
Wyre, R. (Lanes). Sic a. 1300. Wyre Forest (Wstrsh.).
Always Wyre. There is also Wyre Piddle (Pershore), Dom.
Pidele, 1290 Wyre Pidele. Any of these may be fr. W. gwyr,
' oblique, sloping, bending,' or gwyre, ' pure, fresh, lovely.'
But all is doubtful. Cf. 1235 Close R. Wirbm-ne. Duignan
cites the rivers Wyre Fawr and Fach (W. mawr and bach),
' great and little spread,' fr. Cardigansh.
Wysall (Nottingham) . Dom. Wisoc, 1302 Wishow, 1637 Wysshaw.
' Hill,' O.E. hoh, ' of Uui ' ; cf. Wisley. Onom. has only 1 Wizo.
The present ending is quite recent; cf. Watnall.
Wytham (Ojdord). O.E. chart. Wihtham, c. 1130 Chron. Ahing.
Uuihteham, Wictham, c. 1540 Wightham. ' Home of Wihta '
or ' Wiht. Wythburn (Keswick) may be fr. the same man's
name, but is prob. = Wight, a Kelt root.
Yaldeng (Maidstone). Not in Dom. 1230 Close R. Ending.
More evidence needed. Possibly patronymic fr. Gelda, 1 in
Onom. See -ing.
Yale (Derbysh.). W. ial, ' open IsLnd.' Cf. Llanarmon-yn-
Yale (Mold).
Yanworth (Hazleton). Dom. Teneurde, 1221 Jeanworth, 1251
Zaneward. ' Farm of Ean,' short for Eanbeorht, or the hke.
See -worth.
Yapham (E. Riding). Dom. lapun, 1230 Japun. Perh. a loc,
'at the gaps'; O.N. gap, 'chasm'; Sw. gap, Da. gab, 'open
mouth.' Gap is not found in Eng. till c. 1380. See -ham.
But Yapton (Arimdel), not in Dom., will be fr. a man Geppa ;
2 in Onom.
Yar R. (I. of Wight) and Yare R. (Gt. Yarmouth). Forms see
Yarmouth. The Yare is perh, c. 150 Ptolemy Gariemios, c,
380 Notit. Dign. Garianno, whilst the earhest sure form is
Dom.'s G«rne. M'Bain held that Yare is = Yarrow (Sc),
which is G. garbh, 'rough). So Garianno will be Kelt, for
' rough river ' ; the -enn- or -ann- or -ne representing a Kelt, word
for ' river,' like G. abhuinn. Cf. the rivers, Gar-onne, Guadi-ana,
etc. The Yar may represent the simple Kelt. adj. for ' rough,'
its earhest known form being Dom.'s Er. However, Arnoliefe
(Skipton) is once in Dom. Gerneclif, where Gerne must be O.E.
earn, ' an erne ' or ' eagle.'
YAEDLET 524 YAXHAM
Yabdley (Birmingham). 972 chart. Gjordleahe, Dom. Gerlei, 1275
Jerdeleye. Yabdley Hastings (Northants), a. 1124 Jerdelai.
* Enclosed meadow/ fr. O.E. geard, ' a yard, a court.' See -ley.
Yabkhill (Hereford). 811 chart. Geard cylle, which is O.E. for
' Yard vessel/ a strange name for a place. O.E. geard is ' yard,
enclosure, dwelling.' Kiln is O.E. cylene, and not to be thought
of here. In any case the corruption is notable. Yartledon
(Glouc), old Yarcledon, Yacledon, and Zarkley, Baddeley
derives fr. the dial, yark, ' ragwort.'
Yarlett (Stone) . Dom. 1300 Erlide, a. 1500 ErUd, a. 1600 Yerlett.
Doubtful; an abnormal name. Duignan's O.E. geard lyt,
' little yard,' seems out of the question. The name seems
Norse; O.N. earl- or iarl- hlith, O.E. eorl-hlith, ' earl's ' or ' jarl's
slope.' Th certainly could harden into t or dr — medially it often
does in Dom. — and the Eng. earl is 6-7 yerle. The Sc. -lets seem
generally to have been orig. -leth, as in Cromlet, Hurlet,
and Passelet, old form of Paisley.
Yarm (N. Riding). Dom. larun, Gerou (u error for n). larun
looks like an O.E. loc. ; see -ham. But the name is prob. O.E.
gerum, ' room, space,' or geruma, ' a place ' ; gerume, ' roomy.'
Yarmouth, Great. Dom. Gernemua, c. 1130 Eadmer and 1167
Pipe Gernemutha, 1223 Jernemue, 1278 Magna Jernemouth,
1461 Yarmouth. Yarmouth, Little (Suffolk) is 1229 Close
B. Parva Gernem'. Yarmouth (I. of Wight) is Dom. Er mud,
1231 Close B. Erem'. Oxf. Dict.'s earliest quot. for mouth in
the sense of ' river mouth ' is a. 1122.
Yarneield (Stone and Somerset). 1266 Ernefeld, 1327-79 Erne-
fen, a. 1600 Yernfyn, Yarnefylde. Som. Y. Dom. Gernfelle
{II as often for Id), O.E. gearn feld, ' yarn field,' or else ' fen.'
Cf. Yarnwigk (N. Riding), Dom. Gernwic, ' house for making
yarn.' See -wick.
Yarwell (Wansford, Northants). Not in Dom. 1238 Jarewell.
Doubtful. Possibly fr. O.N. jara, poetic word for ' a fight, a
combat.'
Yatesbury (Calne). C/. Dom. Bucks lateberie. ' Town, burgh of
Geat ' or ' Geot.' See -bury. But Yate (Bristol), 778 chart.
Gete, Dom. Giate, is O.E. cet Geate, ' at the gate.'
Yattenden or -don (Berks). Dom. Etingedene, 1316 Yatindene,
1365 Yatyndene, 1428 Yatendene. ' Dene, valley (O.E. denu,
often coniused in names with O.E. dun, ' hill, down ') ' of the
Geatings ' or ' sons of Geat.' Cf. B.C.S. iii. 68 Geates cumb
(Cumnor), and Yatting (Kent), 1235 Close B. Jatingden.
Yaxham (Norfolk) and Yaxley (Peterboro') . 1477 Yeaxham. 940
chart. Geakeslea, 1235 Close B. Jakesli. There is also one at
Eye (Suffolk) . ' Home ' and ' meadow ' of Yeaca,' not in
Onom. See -ham and -ley.
TEADON 525 TIELDEN
Yeadon (Leeds). Dom. ladun. Prob. an old loc, * at the roads/
or ' on the way/ fr. O.N. gata, Da. gade, ' a road, a way ' ; the
So. gate. We see t become d also in Yokefleet (N. Yorks), iDom.
lucu-, lugufled. See Fleet.
Yeabsley (Yorks). Dom. Eureslage, O.E. eofors liaJi, ' wild-boar's
field '= EvEESLET. Cf. Yeveeing.
Yedding or Yeading (Middlesex). 793 cTiart. Geddingas. Patro-
nymic, 'Home of the sons of Oeddi/ one in Onom. Cf. the
mod. surname Giddings.
Yelveeton (Norwich and Dartmoor). No. Y. prob. Dom. Ailuer-
tun, ' town of Mlfweard,' a common name. Da. Y. is doubtful.
Said to be Elford-town, as the Elfords once had a seat here.
This is phonetically very doubtful. Perh. it is Dom. Utvretone
{Ut- error for TJI-), and so ' town of Ulf heard ' or ' Ulfard,' var. of
the very common Wulfheard. There is an Elf orde in Dom. Devon.
Yenlet (several at mouth of Thames). 789 chart. laegnlaad, 808
chart. Genlad (Kent), Bede Genlada, said to be O.E. gegn,
' opposite, over against,' and lada (gelad), ' way, passage.'
Perh. one origin of Eng. inlet. Cf. 1570-76, Lambarde Peramh.
Kent (1826) 234, ' A thing yet well known in Kent and expressed
by the word yenlade or yenlet, which betokeneth an Indraught
or Inlett of water into the land.' Inlet is found as early as
a. 1300 Cursor Mundi, In-late.
Yeo, R. There are 3, one in N. Devon, 2 in Somerset. The one
near Crediton is 739 chxirt. Eowe. Possibly fr. Ir. eo, ' yew-
tree ' river. W. J. Watson, ' with hesitation,' derives the R. Ewe
(Ross-shire) from this root. Cf. next.
Yeovel and Yeovilton. a. 800 chart. Gifla, Dom. Givele, Ivle,
chart. Gavylton. Though Yeovil is on R. Yeo, it orig. had
nothing to do with Yeo. Gifla or Gavyl seems to be O.E.
gafol, geafl,, ' a fork, a forked opening ' ; cognate with G. gabhal
or gobhal {bh=v), 'a fork,' as in Gavell (Kilsjrth). The mod.
name is made up of Teo and Fr. ville, a truly modern compound !
There is also said to be a St. Ivel, fr. whom the town took its
name. No such name appears in the Diet. Christ. Biogr. Cf.
Galeoed, Ilchestee, and Yielden.
Yeveein(g) (Wooler). Bede Ad gefrin, a. 1120 Hen. Hunt. Adge-
brin. Doubtful. ? containing W. gwefr, 'amber,' 'amber-
coloured.' Yaverland (I. of Wight) is Dom. Evreland, fr. the
name Eofor, Eofer, or Ever, i.e., ' the Boar.' Cf. Eveesley, etc.
Ybwbaeeow (hill, Wastwater). 1322 Yowberg. ' Baeeow
mound-like hill, with the yews ' ; O.E. iw.
Yielden (Beds). Dom. Giveldene. 'Dean, wooded vale at the
forked opening ' ; O.E. geafl. See Yeovil and -den. Yielding
Teee (Broom, Wore.) may have the same root, but it is 1275
Gyldintre, which looks like ' tree of Gilda,' gen. -an. Onom,. has
only Gildeioine.
YNYS GLANACH 526 YOXAL
Ynys Glanach (Anglesea). a. 1190 Qir. Camh. Enislannach.
W. = ' island of Glanach,' or perh. ' isle of the landing or going
ashore'; W. glaniad. Also caUed Priesthohne (O.E. and Dan.
holm, ' a small, low island ') and Puffin Isld. But T. Morgan
says the W. name now is Ynys Seiriol, fr. a saint who erected
his cell here in 6th cny.
YocKLBTON (Shrewsbury). Dom. Loclehuile, error for Geochulle,
just as Dom. has Locheshale for Yoxall. This seems to be
' village of the yokel,' at least, there seems no likely man's name ;
only yokel, ' a boor, a country lout/ is, so far as records go, a
recent and dial, word, for which we can find nothing earlier than
Jamieson's yochel, ' a big, stupid person.' Prob. it is derived
fr. yoke, and meant orig. 'a ploughman.' But cf. Giqgles-
WIOK.
York. c. 380 Ant. Itin. Ebur-, Eboracum, Bede Ecclesia Ebora-
censis, c. 780 Alcuin, a resident there, Euborica civitas, O.E.
Chron. 738 Eoforwic, a. 998 Richer Eurvich, c. 1000 Mlfric
Eferwic, Dom. Euruic, 1198 Hoveden Everwic, c. 1205 Layam.
' icleped Eborac, seoS^en Eoverwic,' 1275 ib. Euerwich. Layam.
2666 says the name used to be Caer Ebrauo, fr. the good K.
Ebrauc, 1298 Everwyke, 1479 Surtees Misc. York. Also York-
shire, 1065 O.E. Chron. Eoforwicscire, c. 1386 Chaucer York-
shire. The name orig. was the Kelt. Ebur-, Eborach, which
Gluck says is Jr. ebrach, ' muddy,' fr. abar, Ir. and G., ' a marsh,'
with the common ending -ach, ' place of.' But the Angles may
have taken it to be ' town, dwelling,' O.E. ivic, ' on the R. Ure '
or ' Eure,' which looks like G. iubhur, Ir. ibar, * a yew.' Cf.
the Eburones, a tribe in Belgium, Caesar B.O. 2. 4. 4, Eborius,
Bp. of York, at the Council of Aries, a.d. 314, and the
Eburovices, the tribe who have given name to Evreux. The
mod. W. name is Caerefrog, the descendant of Layam.'s Caer
Ebrauc, ' castle of Ebrauc' The present pron. York comes
through the influence of the Danes, who called it Jorvik— ^*= y.
YonLGEAVE (Bakewell), Dom. Giolgrave, and Youlton (N. Riding),
Dom. loletune. Prob. ' yellow grave ' and ' town ' ; O.E.
geoh, -lu, ' yellow ' ; but lole- may represent a man Oola, 2 in
Onom.
YouiiTHORPE (Pocklington). Dom. Aiultorp. Doubtful; hardly fr.
O.E. ule. Mid High Grer. iuwel, iule, ' an owl ' ; prob. ' village of
Howcel, Howel, Huwal, or Owel,' recorded names of British
princes. But cf. above. See -thorpe.
YoxAL (Burton - on -T.). Dom. locheshale (see Yookleton).
a. 1300 Yoxhal(e), Jokesal, a. 1400 Yokeshale, Joxhale. No
likely name in Onom., so prob. ' nook ' or ' meadow of the
yoke.* O.E. geoc, gioc, ioc — i.e., as much as could be plowed
by a yoke or pair of oxen in one day. See -hall. Similarly
YoxFORD (Saxmundham) is Dom. Gokesford.
YE AEAN 627 ZOY
Yr Aran, etc. See Aran, etc. 7r or y is the W. article ' the/
yr being used bef . a vowel or h.
YsPYTTY (Betws y Coed) and Ysfsttty Ystwyth. Corrup. not of L.
hospitium, ' a hospice, a hospital/ but of L. hospes, -itis, * a
guest,' and W. ty, ' house,' and so, ' an inn.' Cf. Tatarn
Spite and Aberystwyth.
YsTAiiYFERA (Glam.) . Old ynys tal f era (perh. iorfuriau) , * meadow
at the foot of the high walls ' — i.e., ' hills.' But W. ystal is
' a stall,' audi f era or hera, ' a stack of hay or com.'
YsTRAD MYNACH (Cardiff). W.= ' monk's meadow.' W. ystrad is
same as G. srath or ' strath,' but in W. means rather ' a meadow '
or ' rich lowland.' However, the original name is said to have
. been Y-Maenarch, named after one of the Earls of Hereford.
Zennor (St. Ives). There seems to be no saint of this name.
Perh. Com. and W. lender, ' cold, coldness,' Com, iein, W. min,
'cold.' Of. the personal name Jenner.
ZoY (Somerset), c. 725 chart. Soweie, Dom. Sowi. O.E. su i-^e,
' sow isle.' Initial s regularly becomes z in this region. Cf.
Chedzoy, Bridgwater, 1257-1300 chart. Chedeseye, 'Cedda'B
isle.' See -ey.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
H. Alexandee: Plaoe-Names of Oxfordshire. 1912.
H. Alexander: Place-Nam es and Dialect Study (Yorks Dialect Sooy.). 1911.
E. Anwyl, Celtic Religion. 1906.
W. St. CTiATTC Baddelby: Plaoe-Names of Gloucestershire. 1913.
BjSbkman; Nordische Personennamen in England. 1910.
DiCTIONAEIES:
A New English Dictionary, edited by Sir J. A. H. Murray, etc. Oxford. 1888 sq
Dialect, Joseph Wright. 6 vols.
Anglo-Saxon, Bosworth-Toller.
Cornish, R, Williams, Lexicon Comu-Britannicum. 1865.
Gaelic, Macleod and Dewar. 1853.
Icelandic, R. Cleasby and G. Vigfusson. 1874.
Welsh, W. 0. Pughe and R. T. Pryse. 2 vols.
W. H. Dttignan: Place-Names of Staffordshire. 1902.
W. H. DtHGNAN: Place-Names of Worcestershire. 1905.
W. H. DtriGNAN: Place-Names of Warwickshire. 1912.
Encyclopedia Bbitannica. 11th edit.
E. Fbeeman : History of the Norman Conquest. 4 vols.
E. Ebeeman: History of William Ruf us. 2 vols. 1882.
Gazetteebs:
Cassell's, of Great Britain and Ireland. 6 vols. 1900.
Comprehensive, of England and Wales, edited by J. H. Brabner. 6 vols.
A. Good all: Place-Names of South-West Yorkshire. 1913.
G. de Gbuchy: The Settlement of Normandy [and Channel Islands], 1911.
J. S. Hell: Place-Names of Somerset. 1913.
J. B. Johnston: Place-Names of Scotland. 2nd edit. 1903.
W. L. Jones : King Arthur in History and Legend. 1911.
A. Mawee: The Vikings. 1913.
E. M'Clube: British Place-Names in their Historical Setting. 1910.
F. W. Moorman: Place-Names of the West Riding. 1910.
T. Morgan: Place-Names of Wales. 2nd edit. 1912.
H. MtrrscHMANN: Place-Names of Nottinghamshire. 1913.
G. Owen: Description of Pembrokeshire, edited by H. Owen. 2 vols. 1892-1897.
W. G. Sbaele: Onomasticon Anglo-Saxonicum, 1897.
W. W. Skeat: English Dialects. 1911.
W. W. Skeat: Place-Names of Cambs. 1901.
W. W. Skeat: Place-Names of Hunts. 1902.
W. W. Skeat: Place-Names of Herts. 1904.
W. W. Skeat: Plaoe-Names of Bedford. 1908.
W. W. Skeat: Place-Names of Berks. 1911.
W. W. Skeat: Place-Names of Suffolk. 1913.
W. Thobnbtiry and E. Wauobd: Old and New London, also Greater London.
2 vols. 1898.
J. H. Tttenee: Yorkshire Plaoe-Names in Domesday Book (Bingley).
H. C. Wyld and Hiest: Place-Names of Lancashire. 1911.
Zachbisson: A Contribution to the Study of Anglo-Norman Influence on English
Place-Names. 1909.
The History of Northumberland, by C. J. Bates, 1895; of Cumberland and of
Westmoriand. by R. S. Ferguson, 1890 and 1894.
O.E. Charters in Birch, and Kemble, and in A. S. Napier and W. H. Stevenson,
Anecdota Oxoniensia. 1895.
For those who wish to continue their researches in the original sources, the early
Charters, Rolls, and Chroniclers, much useful guidance will be found from the
Bibliography in Searle.
The above list simply contains the modern books found most useful by the writer,
together with several others which proved inaccessible to him in Scotland, or which
have been published so recently that he has been able to consult them very im-
perfectly or not at all, but which will be found — all of them — very useful by the
student. The Isle of Man has been barely touched in the preceding pages,
because the ground has been so well covered already in A. W. Moore's 'Sur-
names and Place-Names of the Isle of Man,' 1890.
528
INDEX TO PLACES NOT DEALT WITH IN THEIR
ALPHABETICAL ORDER
AlRYHOLMB -
PAGE
. 105
Cooksland
PAGE
- 225
Ginge
PAGE
- 282
Aisne
- 119
Copenhagen -
- 200
Goldenhill
- 282
Akemanchester
. 359
Croco
- 7
Groldswong
- 503
Almond -
- 11
Croix Hastain
- 294
Goodwick
- 273
A-metot -
- 478
Cronk
- 219
Grassthorpe -
- 280
Anaton -
- 105
Cudeley -
- 55
Great Massingham
- 368
Aosta
- 116
Ouffem -
- 227
Great Timble -
- 471
Armingford
- 110
CiiTTi catch
- 14
Greenho -
- 204
Ashfurlong
- 124
Cusworth
- 225
Gronez -
- 378
Astrope -
- 42
Guith -
- 514
Austonley
- 100
Dalch -
- 229
Gunby -
- 159
Aydon -
- 119
Davyhnlme
- 307
Guyting -
- 278
Devoke Water
- 226
Gwemol -
- 90
Bacchus -
- 162
Dhu Heartach
- 188
Barmoor
- 126
Divie
- 230
Harberton
- 361
Bamnber
- 123
Dodman
- 252
Harbottle
- 379
Baxby -
- 120
Dunclent
- 206
Harrison Stickle
- 457
Baynhurst
- 122
Hasguard
- 262
Bedwins
- 277
Eaveston
- 254
La Hauls
- 286
Bevington
- 180
Ebrington
- 87
Hedley -
. 297
Bidlington
- 137
Edzell -
- 245
Hemlington -
- 303
Birtwisle
- 389
Elberton
- 118
Henshaw
- 298
Brendwood
- 168
Elburton
- 96
Heron's Ghill -
- 40
Brecqhou
*- 308
Ellel
- 52
Hewell Grange
- 221
Brisco -
- 54
Ellinthorpe
- 94
Hewick -
- 301
Bure
- 29
Ensor
- 120
Highclere
- 176
Bumiston
- 170
Eryholme
- 105
Holleth -
- 320
Etchells -
- 378
Hyett -
- 286
Caen
- 324
Etherow
- 7
Canisbay
- 48
Evreux -
- 526
Isle of Man -
- 528
Capemwray -
- 521
EvToult - ' -
- 427
dargo
- 43
Ewe
- 525
Jethou
- 308
Camo
- 190
Carron -
11, 193
Fangfoss
- 265
ELarswell
- 187
Castle Holdgate
- 66
Famdish
- 454
Kedmoor
- 216
Catterton
- 191
Fauld -
- 259
Keekle beck -
- 215
Channel Islands
- 528
Fixby -
- 260
Kemble -
- 280
Chedzoy
- 527
Foodra -
- 270
Kersoe -
- 226
Cherburg
- 332
Foolston
- 265
Eaddal -
- 194
Cherrington -
- 192
Forth End
- 44
Killirby -
- 225
Cilrath -
- 104
Fossway -
- 460
Kihnersdon
- 329
Claracb -
- 207
Kiknescote
- 281
Clearwell
- 206
Garonne
- 523
Kilton -
- 200
Clyne -
- 68
Gambling
- 271
Kintyre -
- 2
Coker
- 208
Gillamoor
- 272
Kirk Braddan -
■ 489
529
630
INDEX TO PLACES
Kirk Bramwith
PAGE
■ 165
Kits Coity
- 197
Kneeton
- 376
Landes -
- 348
Lansdown
- 339
T;arford - - 340.347
Jjarton -
- 60
Lavemock
- 338
Libbery -
- 344
Liberton
- 341
Lingwang
- 503
Listewdrig
- 415
Llangovan
- 428
Llanhaithog -
- 348
Llanspyddyd -
- 465
Llyn-y-Gader -
- 180
Lomond
- 403
Ltmcarty
- 337
Lymage -
- 345
Maisemcre
- 363
Maresden
- 135
Markham Smeath
- 448
Marthrey
- 367
Manmbury Rings
- 369
Maw R. .
- 127
Maydensole
- 301
Melrose -
- 362
Menstrie
- 58
Mielle -
- 366
Millbreak
- 14
Moilgrove
- 372
Monmore
- 366
Moxley -
- 57
Murian-'r-Gwydde]
[- 483
Nolton -
- 377
Nun Keeling -
- 323
Nurton -
- 383
Oubrough
- 486
Panshanger -
- 407
Papplewiok -
Paxfoid -
- 404
- 394
Paythome
. 392
PAGE
Pegglesworth - - 395
Penncrioket - - 397
Penrath - - - 104
Pensax - - - 397
Plenderleith - - 406
Pouke Hill - - 407
Powke Lane - - 407
Priestholme - - 526
Quimper - - 211
Rangeworthy - - 418
Rath - - - 104
Ratten Clougb - 413
Rawnpike - - 419
Rondin - - - 411
Rookwith - - 420
Rotherwas - - 100
Rotsea - - - 426
Rouge Nez - - 378
Rowberrow - - 419
Rowten Cave - - 413
Ruxford - - - 420
Ryther - - - 422
St. Juliot - - 356
St. Keyne - - 327
St. Ruan's - - 404
Salkeld ... 40
Salwey - . .450
Saredon . . - 429
Saundby. - . 431
Seacombe - - 49
Sezincote . ■ 196
Sho wells - . . 440
Sinderly - . - 462
Skeckling - . 432
Smallcombe - . 281
Smithwick - . 257
Snaith - - - 449
Stakesby . . 453
Stearsby. - . 460
Stert and Stirtlow - 455
Stivichall - - 456
Stroat . . .459
Stude . . .458
Stutton - - - 459
Swinscoe
FAGS
- 177
Sychan -
- 90
Tarleton -
- 471
Thieveley Pike
. 414
Thimtoft
- 472
Tiokenhill
- 477
Tilbridge
. 470
Tintwisle
. 389
Tipping -
. 29
Tollerdine
- 61
Trelissick
- 413
Trescot .
. 483
Trewinnow
• 428
Trodais -
. 471
Trotton -
. 481
Tumble .
- 77
Upperup
- 59
Uptborpe
- 42
Vau Rouget .
. 501
Vau Tocque -
. 477
Varin.sey
- 282
Vicq
- 507
Walberswick -
. 489
Warthill -
- 494
Wassand -
- 490
Waunarlwydd .
. 283
Weddington -
. 497
Westrip -
. 42
Wetmoor
- 505
Wilsden .
. 610
Wincote -
. 501
WiriRkill -
. 52
Winstead
- 502
Witcombe
. 515
Wolstrop
42,93
Womere .
- 516
Worsbrough -
- 514
WyssheB .
- 514
Wyton -
. 499
Yaverland
- 625
Yokefleet
. 385
INDEX OF SUBJECTS AND PERSONAL NAMES
-age
Ainger -
-am
Ansoombe
Antonine Itiny.
Anwyl, Sir E.
Asquith -
-ay
-bach
balla
Bannister
Basset -
beacon -
-beck
Birch, W.
Boldon Book -
-borne, -bourne
-boro'
Bosard •
bottom -
Braddock
Bradley, H. 56,
Brown -
Brunei -
Bumel -
-bury
Byron
Caddell -
Caesar (Julius)
Campbell
Cantlow -
Carbonel
Carey
Carlyon -
-caster -
Cecil
-cester and -Chester -
Chiene -
Conybeare
Crockford's
tory -
PACK
- 46
- 106
- 63
181, 312
- 4
66, 74,
220, 241
- 113
- 46
- 47
- 189
- 461
- 343
- 129
47, 136
- 333
- 27
- 47
- 48
- 242
- 121
- 214
269, 482
- 170
- 92
- 92
- 48
174, 177
. 194
4,322
- 184
- 326
- 112
- 436
- 181
- 49
- 201
ter- 49
- 441
- 337
irec- ^
- 76
Cupples -
Cuthbert
PAGE
- 214
- 216
D'Abitot
222, 414
-dale
- 50
Danelagh
40,42
-dean
- 50
Domesday Book
25, 70,
83
Drewe -
- 468
Dutch -
34-35
Earle, J,
- 491
-ell
- 52
Ellis, H.-
- 26
Eltringham
- 101
EncyclopcBdia Bri-
tannica
- 67
Enog
- 227
Etheridge
- 96
Fawkes -
- 489
-fell
- 51
Ferrers -
137, 302
Eitzhamon
- 72
Foliot -
- 466
-ford, -forth -
- 61
Eorster -
- 269
Freeman, Ed.
31, 79,
251, 274,
345, 380
Frisian -
- 23
Fumival -
- 332
Giddings - - 625
-gUl ... 62
Qiraldua Cambr. - 82
Green, J. R. - - 437
Guest, E. - - 445
Guise - - - 114
-hall - - - 52
-ham - - - 52
Hamil - - - 102
Helen - - - 249
Henderson, G. - !« ,,- 187
531
Hengist -
^
PAOB
- 458
Hewett -
.
- 374
Hooking -
.
- 385
-hope
-
- 64
-how
.
- 54
Howell -
-
254, 526
-ing
-
- 65
Jekyl -
_
- 273
Jenner, H.
.
66, 252
Jenner (the name) - 627
Jewell
_
- 273
Johnston
•
- 169
Jutes
-
- 24
Keigwin -
•
- 327
Kemble, J.
.
69, 490
Keynes -
-
- 311
-leigh, -ley
.
- 57
Leland -
.
- 67
Tiisle
•
- 330
Uandaff, Bk.
of
- 74
Louis
- 364
-low
.
- 57
Lucy
-
- 289
Mabon -
.
- 423
Malbysse
-
- 91
Mallet -
.
- 226
Mallory -
•
- 465
Mansel -
.
- 310
Mawer, A.
•
- 496
Mercian -
*
- 28
Merlin -
.
- 69
Meyer, K.
2.
130, 337
-minster -
.
- 67
Moore, A. W.
.
236, 528
Morgan, T.
67 and
paaaim
Mowbray
-
- 366
Occleve -
.
- 305
Offa
.
- 25
Ogams^ -
-
- 8
632
INDEX OF SUBJECTS
PAGE
Olave - - - 478
-or ... 58
OrdeHcm Vit. - - 71
Osyth - - - 198
-over - - - 58
Owen (Welsh) - - 286
Owen, H. . - 66
Paternoster - - 383
Patrick - - - 114
Paynell - - - 381
Pliny ... 4
Plmnmer, A. - - 235
Ptolemy - - 4, 69
Rhys, J. 110, 232, 272
Rohais - - - 423
Ronnd, J. H. - - 361
St. Aldwyn's - - 210
St. Leger - - 112
Saussaie - - - 436
Searle, W. - - 79
Seebohm, F. . - 33
PAGE
Sephton, Mr. - - 41
Severn ■ - - 432
shires - - - 30
Shore, Mr. - . 496
Simeon of Durham - 27
Stevenson, W. H. 66,76,
186, 193, 483
Stokes, Wh. 12, 110,
1871 253, 317
Strang - - - 460
Suckling - - 444
Tacitus - T
Taylor, Is.
Thompson, J. -
Thorold -
Thring -
-thwaite -
Tirrold -
-ton
.tump
Turner, J. H. -
60, 62, 338,
Turville .
5,69
54, 487
161,218
- 115
- 482
- 59
. 115
- 59
179, 463
55, 57,
383, 478
. 92
PAGE
Valence -
.
- 137
viking -
-
- 508
-ville
160,
259, 466
Vosper -
-
- 496
Wallace, Walsh
- 439
-warden -
.
- 60
Warin(g)
488
495-496
Watson, W.
J.
212, 352,
421, 525
Wawen -
.
- 519
Weekley, E
.
preface
Wends -
.
- 512
Westacott
-
- 352
Whittock, Whytock 488
Winefride - - 308
Worsaae- - - 40
-worth, -worthy - 60
Yseult
Zaohrisson
428
63
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PLACE NAMES.
" The Place Names of England and Wales." By Jas. B.
Johnston. John Murray. 15s. net.
[Reviewed by Bishop Frodsham.]
THE history of the various races that have inter-
mingled their blood in these islands is an obscure
subject at the best. The records soon cease. There-
fore every beam of light, even the faintest that can be
thrown upon the past, becorries valuable. And often,
when the direct record, in later days, is of the
meagrest, place names may be found to offer definite
evidence on important points. As it happens, we have
in England records of place names in abundance long
before we have regular history in abundance. More-
over, place names " help much to indicate the breadth
and depth of the impact of the foreign invader, and
England had invaders not a few ".
It is scarcely possible to do more than guess when
the first denizens of these islands came or how they
came. The true Ancient Britons were certainly anterior
to the Celts, and they sprang from what ethnologists
describe as the Mediterranean race. As a race they
have disappeared, leaving no trace behind them in
Great Britain except a few graves, a few skulls, and
still fewer words which exist in a handful of river and
mountain names. The Biddle, the Bollin, the Croco,
and the Etherow are small Cheshire streams with an old
nomenclature that seems to belong to this pre-^Celtic
race. The Trent, the Severn, the Stour, the Wrekin,
and the Cheviot Hills are also possibly pre-Celtic in
origin. But it is more than possible that further traces
may be found in Wales, in Cornwall, and in the
northern counties that once formed part of the kingdom
of Strathclyde. Mr. Johnston is of opinion that it
would be wasted time to attempt to speculate upon the
language of this ancient people. It is to be hoped that
some ardent Welsh scholar will venture upon the
subject, for, although their language may have dis-
appeared, there are traces in the population of the
PrincipaUty to-day of these " long-skulled, dark-haired,
dark-eyed pre-Celts " as distinguished from the fair,
tall, grey-eyed, round-headed descendants of the con-
quering race. Abb6 Mendel's law as to the indestruc-
tibility of type works out in human beings as it does
with muki-coloured sweet peas. And there are not
wanting signs in England also that the ancient British
stock exists, and is reasserting itself despite all the
vicissitudes of invasion that have produced the
amalgam of the British race.
The Celt, on the other hand, has left a strong
linguistic mark upon the history of England. An ex-
ample of this, quite outside the question of place names.,
may be found in the " sheepscoring " numerals
that crop up throughout the Kingdom. Thirty years
ago the reviewer, as a very young man, had occasion
to bring some observations of his own, made in the
Yorkshire dales7 before the late Professor Rhys of
Oxford. That great Celtic student very emphatically
expressed an opinion that " folk were scarcely cold in
their graves in some parts of the West Riding who had
used a language so full of Celtic words that it might
be called a Celtic dialect ". The county schools are
exterminating that sort of thing, but during the past
few months the reviewer has heard some children in
Lincolnshire counting one another out for a game with
Celtic numerals.
Lincolnshire is the most Scandinavian of all the
counties. Of Celtic place names there are only four,
of which the county town is one— or rather half of one.
" Lin ". or " lind ", is Celtic for " water ". " Coin "
in this case is an abbreviation for " colonia ". The
whole word therefore means -' Roman settlement'by
the water ", an appropriate designation, particularly
in days before the fens were drained. All through the
Eastern and Midland counties there is a similar scarcity
of Celtic place names. There the Scandinaviaps and
the Teutons swarmed, and rived away the Celtic name
jwith the land. But in Cornwall, '* the horn of the
'Welsh ", there are no true English names of any con-
.sequence, except " modern upstarts like New Quay,
'and two names on the very eastern edge — Launceston
and Saltash ".
The study of place names reveals some curious racial
characteristics. " In the case of Angle, Saxon and
Dane they tell at least a little as to who were their
favourite heroes ; whilst in the case of the Celt they
show who were his favourite saints ". Again, the
"Saxon, unlike the more modest and poetic Celt,
dearly loved to commemorate hims.elf or at any rate his
own family name in a manors or farm or village ".
These manors and farms not infrequently passed into
Norman hands at the Conquest, and often Norman
families took to themselves Saxon names. Indeed, it
is quite remarkable, considering all the circumstances
of the case, how few Norman lords managed to plant
their names in English ground as the Teutons did
before them. In some cases they added their own
personal names to earlier place names, as in the case
of Woolacombe Tracy in North Devon. " Willelmus
de Traci ", one of the murderers of Becket, so it
appears, lived in the " Valley of Wola or Wulfgar ".
In Wales, on the other hand, the Normans left an
interesting and important group of place names. The
reasons for this are not far to seek, but among them
must be placed the rugged Inadaptability of the Welsh
tongue. A very interesting example of Norman
methods is to be found in Mold in Flint, where the
Norman name, to say the least, is well disguised. The
Celts called the place Gwyddgrag, " conspicuous
mount ". The Normans translated this word into
Mont Halt, " high mount ". Ttiis translation, with a
transition stage Moalt, has now been squeezed down
into Mold.
The- track of Scandinavian invasions can easily be
tra;ced by place names. ' The Ondings -by, -thwaite,
-beck, -fell, for instance, are welf-known marks of the
Northman. It is not so generally known that the
ending -caster is also a guide up to a certain. point.
The Norse tongues alone preserved the hard' c. in the
Roman castrum or contra. On ihe lips of the Saxon,
aided by the Norman, the c has; always softened into
-cester or -Chester. For example, Doncaster was a
Roman settlement that came into Danish hands.
Gloucester, on the other hand, was far removed from
their avaricious grasp. Similarly, a study of the map
of Wales shows that the Norsemen or the ^ Saxons
named all the headlands of impdrtance, except round
Cardigan Bay, while the inland rivers both of England
and Wales, with few and unimportant exceptions,
retain their Celtic designation. .
It is difficult to refi;"ain frorh* walking very much
farther in an interesting by-path of English history in
company with the author of this fascinating book.
Mr. Johnston's task in a sense is a new one. He has
endeavoured to synthesise, for the first time, all the
many notable attempts to arrange the place names of
various counties and districts. In other words he has
attempted a conspectus of the whole subject, not with
any false idea that his work represents the last word
that can be said^ but to make the " pathway easier for
the more thorough men who are sure to come after ".
Jane Welsh Carlyle, with pathetic humour, once
remarked that her grim husband was of opinion that
no one should require thanking for the performance of
a task. " But I want thanking ", complained the poor
lady. So Mr. Johnson naively hopes that he " may
receive a little thanks for what he has done, rather
than censure — all too easy to utter — for what he has
left undone ". Those who love England and Wales,
among whom the reviewer numbers himself, will
thank this scholarly Scottish clergyman for his willing
labours on their behalf.
This book is a preservation photocopy.
It is made in compliance with copyright law
and produced on acid-free archival
60# book weight paper
which meets the requirements of
ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (permanence of paper)
Preservation photocopying and binding
by
Acme Bookbinding
Charlestown, Massachusetts
2003
BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 9999 04853 053 7
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en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | The birthplace and parentage of William Paterson. With suggestions for improvements on the ...
author: William Pagan
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THE
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE
OP
WILLIAM PATERSON.
EDINBUBOH :
PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE AKD OOMPANY,
PAUL'S WORK.
THE
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE
OF
WILLIAM PATERSON,
FOUNDER OF THE BANK OF JJNGLAND, AND PROJECTOR
OF THE DARIEN SCHEME :
WITH
SUGGESTIONS FOR IMPROVEMENTS ON
THE SCOTTISH REGISTERS.
BY
WILLIAM PAGAN, F.S.A., Scot.,
AUTHOR OF "BOAD REFORM," ETCo
It is deeply to be regretted that no satisfactory memorials have been
preserved of this remarkable man." — Dr Robert Chambers.
EDINBURGH :
WILLIAM P. NIMMO
1865.
JZ/^
■/■
J/.
CONTENTS.
PAOB
BIRTHPLACE AND PAEENTAGE OF WILLIAM PATERSON, 1
THE SCOTTISH REGISTERS, AND THEIR IMPROVEMENT, 75
APPENDIX A.— ABRIDGMENT OF PATERSON's LIFE, . 103
APPENDIX B.— SASINE IN FAVOUR OF JOHN PATERSON, 118
APPENDIX C. — SASINE IN FAVOUR OF MRS BETHIA
PATERSON, . . • . .121
APPENDIX D. — DR CARLYLE ON T^WALD MANSE
ECONOMY, . . . . .124
APPENDIX B.— JOHN CUNNINGHAM ANDHIS FAMILY, 125
APPENDIX F.— THE DARIEN HOUSE, . . 130
APPENDIX G.— ORIGIN OF THE NAME " PAGAN, " . 131
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE
OF
WILLIAM PATERSON.
Having recently discovered in the Land Registers of
Scotland incontrovertible evidence that William Pater-
son, founder of the Bank of England, and projector of
the Darien colony, was the son of John Paterson, in
Skipmyre, parish of Trailflatt, now Tinwald, Dumfries-
shire, I proceed to make it known in the hope of
for ever setting at rest the doubts which have been
started respecting his birthplace ; doubts which Mr Saxe
Bannister, the latest and most elaborate of Paterson's
biographers, appears to entertain, or at least has not, with
all his industry, been able in' the course of his three
volumes, to clear up or dispel.* In doing so, I am well
* 1. William Paterson, the merchant, statesman, and founder of
the Bank of England; his Life and Tiials, by Saze Bannister,
M. A. , formerly Attorney-General of New South Wales. Edinburgh :
W. P. Nimmo, 1858. 2. The Writings of Wm. Paterson, by the
same, 2 vols. London : Effingham Wilson, 1858.
A
2 WILLIAM PATERSON.
assured that any fresh information respecting this most
remarkable man will be fully appreciated by all who take
im interest in those who have contributed by their
genius to the early progress, as well of England as of
Scotland, and will be appreciated, too, by the future
historian.'*^ . Seven illustrious cities, we are told, disputed
the honour of having given birth to the greatest of the
ancient poets : —
** Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, Salamis, Bhodus, Argos, Athense,
Orbis de patri& certat, Homere, tuft."
■
Here, however, there is no claimant for Faterson's
birthplace, save the solitary farm-house of Skipmyre;
and all the more strange is it that doubts on the subject
should have entered his biographer's mind, unprepared as
he evidently was, to assert or to prove, that any other
spot in Her Majesty's dominions, or in the world, could
claim Paterson for a son.
One of the earliest printed records, relied on in
reference to such matters in Scotland, is the Statistical
Account, 1791, drawn up by the Scottish parochial
clergy, at the instance of the late Sir John Sinclair, of
XJlbster, Bart. ; and there, under the head Tinwald and
Trailflatt, it is stated plainly enough : — " Eminent men, —
The famous Paterson, who planned the Darien scheme,
and the Bank of England, &c., was bom at Skipmyre, a
* For the convenience of the general reader, an Abridgment of
Paterson^a life, from Dr Robert Chambers's Biographical Dictionary
will be found in Appendix A-
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 3
farm in the old parish of Trailflatt, about the year 1660.
He does not seem to have been an obscure Scotsman, as
a certam writer styles him. The same house gave birth
to his grand-nephew, Dr James Mounsey, first physician
for many years to the Empress of Bussia. The widow
(Mrs Alexander Mounsey) who now ei\joys the farm, is
sister to Dr John Eogerson, who succeeded Dr Mounsey
as first physician to the Empress.''
The Bev. Alexander Robison was the first minister of
Tinwald after the restoration of Presbytery. He was
inducted 16th March 1697, and served the cure for the
long period of sixty-five years. The Bev. John Marshall
succeeded him in 1762, and served till 1777. The Bev.
Mr Williamson was the next incumbent, and served till
1784, when the Bev. James Lawrie, the author of the
above statement, was inducted. Mr Lawrie served the cure
for fifteen years till 1799, when he was succeeded by the
Bev. George Qreig. The fact of Paterson having been
bom at Skipmyre in Tinwald, was repeated in the New
Statistical Account of the parish, 1834, drawn up by Mr
Greig and his son and assistant, the Bev. George Greig,
now minister of Eirkpatrick-Durham, in Galloway.
In making the above pointed statement, it is to be
presumed that Mr Lawrie believed what he said, and that
he had reliable grounds for his belief. The idea that the
minister of a Scottish parish could palm on the public as
matter of fact a false or even a doubtful statement is not
for a moment to be credited. Paterson died in 1719, that is,
4 WILLIAM PATBESON.
■within sixty-five years of Mr Lawrie's becoming minister of
the parish ; and apart from ancient parochial records, now
unfortunately lost, but which Mr Lawrie may have seen,,
there would be old persons in and about Tinwald in 1784,
and subsequently, who knew all about Paterson and his
ancestry, and from whom Mr Lawrie would have his
information. Indeed, the Mounsey branch — ^that is, the
descendants of the marriage between tliomas Mounsey
and the banker's elder sister Janet — ^was in the same farm
of Skipmyre from 1701 or earlier, partly in Mr Robison's
time, and the whole times of Mr Marshall, Mr William-
son, Mr Lawrie, and Mr Greig, down indeed till so
recently as 1844.
The widow lady, Mrs Jean Rogerson or Mounsey, the
occupant of Skipmyre farm when Mr Lawrie wrote,
(1791,) was relict of Alexander Mounsey, a grandson of
the banker's sister Janet, and her husband Thomas
Mounsey. She died on 13th May 1820, at the advanced
age of eighty-one.* The Rev. Mr LaWrie clearly enough
had access to sufficient authorities — this widowed
parishioner and relative amongst others — for the state-
ment repecting Paterson's birthplace, and respecting the
birthplace of Dr Mounsey, a man also of celebrity, that
the same house at Skipmyre in Tinwald had given birth
to both. Had what he said and published in the end
of last century been anyways inconsistent with the truth,
many persons then alive and cognizant of the facts,
* See inscriptions on stone III., p. 22, infra.
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGR 5
would have been ready enough to come forward and
contradict hmL
Another thing noted by Mr Lawrie, as the quotation
shews, was, that while proprietors in his parish had
been frequently changing, "some tarms had been rented
by the same families for the space of three hundred years."
Among these long leaseholders in Tinwald and TraUflatt,
the Fatersons may have numbered. At least, while we
find them being bom, and marrying, and dying, at Skip-
myre, in the end of the seventeenth century, there is
nothing positively to mark the period when first they
settled there. The circumstance of certain families
holding farms for three centuries would, we doubt
not, be a matter of tradition ; still the tradition was of
that kind likely to be handed faithfully down from one
generation to another ; frequently to be spoken of at the
farmer's ingle, and always remembered with pride. As
mentioned by Mr Lawrie, the population of his small
rural parish numbered only 850 souls, and the history of
all the families would be intimately known, as well to
each other as to the minister.
Unquestionably there was a general credence — we might
almost use the word universal — ^in Skipmyre having had
the honour of the birtL Such was accepted by Dr Eobert
Chambers in his " life of Paterson," quoted in the Appen-
dix, as well as by the " Encyclopaedia Britannica," and
other standard works. Indeed, as already said, there was
no other claimant for it. Mr Hill Burton, however, writing
6 WILLIAM PATEESON.
in 1852 and 1853, took a different view, and twice over
pointedly expressed his unbelief. One passage bears : —
'* There is no visible authority for the statement that
Faterson was a native of the parish of Tinwald, and no
means of knowing that he was a native of Scotland."*
Another passage bears : — " The most diligent investigators
have discovered nothing about the time and place, either
of his birth or death." t
The time of birth, and time and place of death, have,
we think, been made clear enough by Mr Bannister. But
that gentleman has not attempted to meet Mr Burton's
challenge, that "there is no visible authority for the
statement that Faterson was a native of the parish of
Tinwald, and no means of knowing that he was a native
of Scotland." We undertake, however, to establish beyond
all doubt the truth of the statement in both respects, —
that Faterson was a Tinwald man and a native of Scotland.
Faterson's latter will and testament, as quoted by Mr
Bannister from the Becord in Doctors' Commons, attests
the time of birth, and throws much light on the banker's
relatives and connexions. That most interesting docu-
ment runs as follows ;—
"I William Faterson, of the city of Westminster,
Esquire, being in good health of body and mind, for
which I most humbly thank and praise Almighty Qod,
* Narratives from GrimiDal Trials in Sootland, voL L, p. 105.
London, 1852.
t The History of Scotland from 1689 to 1748, vol i., p. 284.
London, 1353.
BIRTHPLACE AND PASENTAGK 7
the ever blessed Maker and Preserver of all, do make
this my last will and testament. After my debts paid, I
give to Elizabeth, my daughter-in-law, only child to my
first wife, Mrs Elizabeth Tamer, relict to the late Mr
Thomas Bridge, minister of the gospel in Boston, in New
England, fifteen hundred pounds. 2d, I give to my eldest
daughter-in-law, Anne, by my second wife, Mrs Hannah
Kemp, married to Mr Samuel South, six hundred pound&
dd, I give to my second daughter-in-law Mary, mairied
to Mr Mark Holman, six hundred pounds. 4th, I give
to my two other daughters-in-law, Hannah and Elizabeth
Kemp, eight hundred pounds each. 5th, I give to Jane
Kemp, relict of the late Mr James Kemp, my son-in-law,
three hundred pounds. 6th, I give to William Mounsey,
eldest son of my late sister Janet, two hundred pounds.
7th, I give to the two daughters of my said late sister
Janet, Elizabeth and Janet, two hundred pounds each.
8th, I give to John Mounsey, younger son of my said
late sister Janet, four hundred pounds. 9th, I give to
my only sister Elizabeth, married to John Paterson,
younger of Kinharvey, in the stewartry of Kirkcudbright,
eight hundred pounds. 10th, I give the surplus of my
estate, if, after payment of my debts, any such shall be,
to be equally divided among the said persons, legatees, in
proportion to every person's sum hereby bequeathed ; all
which sums above given, amounting to six thousand and
four hundred pounds, I appoint to be paid by my
executor here immediately afternamed. I do hereby
8 WILLIAM PATEESON.
appoint my good, friend, Mr Paul Daranda, of London,
merchant, to whom I and my family are under very great
obligations,' sole executor of this my last will ; and I do
allow him, as my sole executor, one thousand pounds for
his care therein, over his expenses with relation hereta
Lastly, I revoke all other wills by me heretofore made.
In witness whereof, I have hereto subscribed my name
and put my seal, at Westminster, this first day of July
1718, in the sixtieth year and third month of my age. —
WiLiiAM Paterson. Witnesses : Ed. Bagshawe, Hen.
Dollan, John Butler."
On the 3d July 1718, the testator certified the making
of this will " at the Ship Tavern, without Temple Bar,
about four in the afternoon." " Proved in Doctors'
Commons, 22d January 1719, o.s."*
Li the above important document — ^the closing chapter
of the chequered life of this distinguished individual— a
great flood of light is thrown upon his position, his pecu-
niary circumstances, and his collateral relations. He there-
in describes himself as of the City of Westminster — com-
fortably seated there in Queen's Square, as Mr Bannister
has ascertained, — as being sixty years and a quarter old,
so making April 1658 the period of his birth,— as be-
queathing legacies to the amount of X7400, (including
that to his executor,) besides a probable surplus to be
similarly divided,— all, we may suppose, the reversion of
* life of Patenon, p. 427.
BIRTHPLACE JlJ^D PABENTAGE. 9
the parliamentary grant of ^18,241, 10s. lOjd., made him
in 1715, on account of his public services, immediately
after the accession of George First The will further
describes him as having been twice married, as having
had a sister Janet, who left four children — William,
Elizabeth, Janet, and John Mounsey ; and as then hav-
ing an only sister, Elizabeth, married to John Paterson,
younger, of Kinharvey, in the stewartry of Kirkcud-
bright.
Mr Bannister also quotes a letter, (Writings, vol. i.,
p. cxxvi,) addressed by Paterson to Earl Stanhope, and
preserved in the State-Paper OfQx;e, (domestic,) dated
" Westminster, 8th December 1718." That was within six
or seven weeks of his death, which of course happened
previous to the proving of the 'will in Doctors' Commons,
on 22d January 1719, o.s. Mr Bannister further states
the exact day of death as 22d January, and refers to the
.historical register as his voucher. The fair inference,
then) is, that if removed from Queen Square, autumn
1718, Paterson had found a dwelling in another part of
the same city, (Westminster,) and died there in January
following.
Eespecting Paterson's parentage and place of birth,
however, Mr Bannister, and all others who had written
of him, were equally in the dark. None of them could
name either his father or his mother, and none of them
had any knowledge of his birthplace, further than
1 WILLIAM PATEBSON.
that asserted by the Eev. Mr Lawrie, in the Statistical
Account. Mr Bannister, as he states, had been at great
pains in searching old^ records, but there being none
extant for Tinwald or TrailfLatt parish in the i^yenteenth
century, when the birth took place, he arrived at the
conclusion that the birth at Skipmyre could not be relied
on as more than a mere tradition. Mr Bannister^s words
are : — '* A strong tradition in Dumfriesshire fixes his birth
in that county; and although no baptismal registry exists
for the parish where it has long been popularly held he
was bom, the minister of that parish, in the last centuiy,
gave in a formal statistical report* about it, that the
farm of Skipmyre, in Trailflatt, anciently annexed to Tin-
wald, as the residence of Paterson's father and mother,
where he was born. The same farm has for generations
been pointed out as the birthplace of * the founder of
the Bank of England;' and the house itself was pulled
down within a few years only." t
Further on, (p. 431,) Mr Bannister speaks of Paterson's
" native Dumfries hills ;" and at another place the same
gentleman says : — " Nor was a doubt ever raised till re-
cently as to his birthplace in Scotland. Tradition is
uniform on this head; and the honour of being his
birthplace was long claimed for Lochmaben, [should be
Skipmyre,] in Tinwald, in Dumfriesshire, with which
county many associations belonging to him are con-
• Sir John Sinclair's Statiatical Account of Scotland, vol. i., p.
165. t Bannister's Life, p. 35.
BIETHPLACB AND PARENTAGE. 1 1
nected. Topographical works of repute support the
chdm/'&c.*
Elsewhere, in speaking of Paterson's election for the
Dumfries burghs, to the first united Parliament in 1708,
(but upon a double return, and where he did not get the
seat,) Mr Bannister (" life,*' p. 32) draws the inference
that Paterson '' was born in Scotland" — an inference he
supports by reference to an acknowledgment by the
directors of the Darien Company, all Scotchmen, of the
services rendered by Paterson to his " native country." t
Whether Mr Bannister was persuaded in his own mind
of the birthplace being at Skipmyre, or merely at some
place in Scotland, does not appear ; and certainly he has
filled up three goodly volumes without meeting the chal-
lenge hazarded some years before, in the works of Mr
Hill Burton, already alluded to, of there being "no
visible authority for the statement that Paterson was a
native of the parish of Tinwald, and no means of know-
ing that he was a native of Scotland."
The circumstance of Mr Bannister's having left un-
settled these most interesting points — the birthplace and
parentage of Paterson — ^was exceedingly unsatisfactory,
and especially so to the many who had been taught to be-
lieve in his Dumfriesshire origin. For myself, I was fully
impressed with the truth of the Statistical Account I
had, indeed, evidence — ^traditionary evidence — ^to the same
• Bannister's Biographical Introdnction to Paterson's Writings,
yol. L, p. xz. t Ibid., p xix.
12 WILLIAM PATEESON.
effect, and which a judge or jury wOuld receive in corro-
boration. When apprenticed in Dumfries, between 1817
and 1822, with the late Mr William Thomson, sheriff-
clerk of Dumfriesshire, and provost of Dumfries, the
agent for Charles, Marquis of Queensberry, then pro-
prietor of the barony of Tinwald, including the farm of
Skipmyre, I was several times in that and the adjoining
parishes of Torthorwald, Lochmaben, and Mousewald,
with Mr Thomson and his nephew, the late Mr William
Pagan, of Curriestanes, in the stewartry of Earkcud-
bright, (my father,) inspecting and valuing farms for Lord
Queensberry; and in passing they spoke of Skipmyre
farm-house as the birthplace of Paterson, the founder of
the Bank of England. Mr Thomson was bom in Torthor-
wald parish, in the immediate vicinity of Skipmyre, about
1770, and my father in Mouswald parish, also near by.
Both of them were acquainted with persons and places
connected with those localities. Mr Thomson's father
and grandfather (both Torthorwald men) would know
the banker's father and his family — ^probably the banker
himself, who died, as we have seen, in 1719; that is, just
fifty-one years before Mr Thomson's birth. At any rate,
both Mr Thomson and my father knew the Mounsey
branch of the family, who were still in possession of the
same farm of Skipmyre that had accrued to them from
the banker's father. They would also know of the Pater-
sons of Kinharvey, with whom a sister of the banker
intermarried, as mentioned in his will, and who was alive
BIETHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 1 3
in 1740. For myself, then, I had no manner of doubt
that Skipmyre was the birthplace; and were it at all
necessary, I am certain evidence of a similar character,
and to the like effect, could yet be found in the dis-
trict respecting the eminent man after whom we are here
inquiring.
I should notice also that in one of the above-men-
tioned years, I was at the old house of Skipmyre, the
very birthplace, not on a business or genealogical or
archaeological errand, but simply on a small hare-hunting
excursion.^ The Mounsey of the day, a descendant of
the banker's sister Janet, asked me in, and a grateful
recollection of his hospitality on the occasion is still on
my mind. But instead of attempting a description of the
building, I prefer quoting an account of it by a learned
gentleman, in the Edirdmrgh Review of January 1862.
In reviewing Mr Bannister's volumes, so often already
referred to, along with the three relative undemoted
workSjt the reviewer said : — "William Faterson was bom
* In the early part of this century, Dumfridlshire was quite a
sporting country, and the parish of Tinwald (so often mentioned)
afforded a course — the well-known Tinwald downs — for the Ihim-
fnes races. The course is now obliterated, covered with luxuriant
white and green crops, and the gaiety and excitement which for
long attached to that popular institution — the "southern meeting,'*
are, alas ! only matter of histoiy.
f The Darien Papers, 1695-1700 : printed by the Bannatyne Club.
Edinburgh, 1849. 2. Darien; or, the Merchant Prince, by the
author of "The Crescent and the Cross." And 3. Isthmus of
Darien Ship Canal, by Dr Cullen, 1853.
14 WILLIAM PATEBSON.
in the spring of 1655, [should be 1658 ;] and a tradition
BO constant, as to leave no reasonable ground for scepti>
dsm, fixes on the farm-house of Skipmyre, in the pariah
of Tinwald, Dumfriesshire, as the place of his birtL It
is, or rather was, (for it has been pulled down lately,)
a solitary farm-house on the crest of a hill, as you rise
from Lochmaben, in the vale of Annan, on the way to
Dumfries. It may have been the residence of a small
proprietor two centuries ago; and although Faterson's
father held it merely as a tenant, it probably was supe-
rior to the ordinary farm-houses in the district, as the
family is said to have removed, [this is a mistake,] when
Paterson was a child, to Kinharvey, near Newabbey,
which is still a gentleman's seat. . . . There can be
no question, from the position of his numerous relatives,
that Paterson belonged to that extensive class in Scot-
land, which hangs between the farmers and the minor
gentry. . . . His parents certainly were not wealthy,
but in addition to his farm, it is said that his father
possessed a small estate in the neighbourhood called
Craigield."
Having it impressed on my mind, from the circum-
stances above mentioned, that Paterson belonged to
Skipmyre, in Dimifriesshire, and was also connected
with the property or family of Kinharvey, in Newabbey
parish, across the Nith,— (and indeed owing my own birth
to the parish of Dumfries, which adjoins Tinwald, and my
upbringing to the parish of Troqueer in the stewartry,
BIETHPLACB AND PAEENTAGE. 15
which borders on Newabbey) — ^I felt concerned alike on
local and on historical grounds, that Paterson's latest and
fullest biographer had not cleared up the birthplace and
parentage, but had left the question of the former in
doubt, and the latter wholly unsolved. It was, therefore,
with no little interest, in recently searching, (but for
another purpose altogether,) one of the old registers of
Scotland — ^the Minute-Book (abbreviate) of the Particular
Register of Sasines, kept at Dumfries for the county of
Dumfries, and stewartry of Kirkcudbright, that I noticed
in it, in jtixtaposiHon, the names of Paterson of Ein-
harvey, and Paterson of Skipmyre. The entry was in
these terms : — "Dumfries, 31st May 1701, betwixt three
and four hours in the afternoon, produced by Mr Bobert
Edgar, writer, yre, sasine in favor of John Patersone, eldest
lawful son to John Patersone of Kinharvie, in ye lands
of Kinharvie alias Clocklowie,^/^em, Sasine in favour of
Bethia Patersone, spous to ye said John Patersone, law-
ful daughter to John Patersone, Skipmyre, in ane yearly
a rent of f ourtie pounds Scots, fmrth of ye saids lands after
his decease."
It crossed my mind on the instant that the sasines
mentioned in the above entry in the county register might
aid in clearing up Paterson's genealogy ; and on referring
at my leisure to the volume where full copies of the
minuted deeds are engrossed, it appeared to me that the
contents of that register, in coqjunction with Paterson^s
deed of settlement above quoted, made it clear as noon-
16 WILLIAM PATEB80K.
day, that John Paterson and Bethia Paterson in Skip-
myre, spouses, were the father and mother of the bank»-,
and that the Bev. Mr Lawne in his statistical account
had rightly set down Skipmyre as the birthplace. I found
that both sasines proceeded on one and the same deed,
being a contract of marriage between John Paterson,
younger, and Bethia Paterson — ^who was no other than
the Elizabeth, sister of the banker, the same- lady to
whom in his will he left ^800. His bequ^t to her was
in these words: — "9th, I give to my only (surviving)
sister Elizabeth, married to John Paterson, younger, of
Kinharvey, in the stewartry of Kirkcudbright, eight hun-
dred pounds.'' The contract of marriage itself is not to be
found, and has possibly long ago perished, but the recital
of it in the sasines is full and clear. The record of the
two sasines may be seen in Her Msyesty's General Register
House, Edinburgh ; and as all important in this question,
full length copies of them are given in the Appendix.
Their import may be stated in few words : —
1. The sasine in favour of John Paterson, the younger,*
bears that on 22d April 1701, in the thirteenth year of
King William's reign, in presence of a notary and wit-
nesses, John Paterson of Kinharvey, appeared on the
lands of Kinharvey; also John Paterson, his eldest law-
ful son, the latter having in his hands a contract of
marriage, past and ended betwixt him, with consent of
his said father, and Bethia Paterson, lawful daughter to
* Appendix B.
BIBTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 1 7
John Paterson in Skipmyre, with consent of her father, of
date 19th March last past. By which contract, in con-
templation of the marriage then contracted and after
solemnised betwixt the said parties, the said John Pater-
son, elder, obliged himself to infeft and seize the said
John Paterson, his son, and his heirs and successors,
heritably and irredeemably, in his forty-shilling land of
Eonharvey or Clocklowie, with houses, &c., lying within
the parish of Newabbey, and stewartry of Borkcudbright
— reserving to himself and Margaret Affleck, his spouse
and survivor, their liferent of the lands during their
lifetime: thereupon, after the accustomed ceremonies
observed for ages in infeftments according to the feudal
system in Scotland, (but which ceremonies, sasines and
all, are now abolished,) — the father gave infeftment of his
lands to his son, reserving the father and mother's life-
rent, as above mei^ioned. These things were done, time
and place above mentioned, before Thomas Muncle
(anglice Mounsey) in Skipmyre, James Paterson in Cul-
lencleugh, James Paterson, second lawful son to John
Paterson, elder, (of Kinharvey,) and William Muncie, son
to said Thomas Muncie.
2. The sasine in favour of Bethia Paterson,* bears that
on the same day, and year,, and king's reign, John Pater-
son, younger, and Bethia Paterson, spouses, ' appeared on
the lands of Kinharvey — ^the husband having and holding
in his hands the above-mentioned contract of marriap;e,
* Appendix C.
B
18 WILLIAM PATERSON.
made and ended, &c., of date 19th March last past By
which contract the said John Paterson, younger, bound
himself to infeft his wife in an yearly annuity of forty-
pounds Scots money, payable by equal portions at Whit-
sunday and Martinmas, to be lifted forth of the forty
shilling lands of Kinharvey or Clocklowie, &c., lying
within the parish of Newabbey, and stewartry of Kirkcud-
bright. Then follows aproviso, that the said annuity should
be without prejudice to " ane farther additional liferent
annuity and provision corresponding and suitable to the
moveable goods, gear, and others which were thereby
assigned," (but the particulars of the assignation not copied
into the sasine,) "in favour of him and his said spouse by
the said John Patersone in Skipmyre, and which shall
accress to them at his decease, under reservation of
Bethia Patersone, spouse to the said John Patersone, elder,
her just third part and share thereof, whilk additional
liferent provisions accordingly the said John Patersone
stands bound and obliged,* and to grant in favour of his
said spouse all writs and securities thereupon for her
said liferent in case of her survivance." Thereupon, the
husband, Kinharvey the younger, gave infeftment to his
said spouse, Bethia, daughter of Skipmyre, of the fore-
said lands in security of the said forty pounds yearly of
annuity. These things were done, time and plaqe above
* A written obligation by John of Skipmyre, in favonr of Bethia
Paterson, his wife, seems here referred to— probably a contract of
marriage between them— but of such deed I have not been able to
find any trace.
BIETHPLACE AND PAEEOTAGE. 19
«
mentioned, and before the same four witnesses as in the
husband's own sasine, — ^Thomas Muncie in Skipmyre, and
William Muncie his son, and James Faterson, second son
to John Faterson, elder, (of Eanharvey,) being, as before,
of the number of the witnesses.
Marriage settlements, like latter wills and testaments,
frequently disclose many genealogical particulars of the
parties concerned ; and in the recital now given of the
marriage contract between Faterson the younger and his
wife Bethia we have information of a reliable character,
— probably not elsewhere extant. The Church of Scot-
laud, from its earliest institution, had established par-
ochial registers over all Scotland, of births, marriages,
^and deaths; but in the unsettled state of the country
during the seventeenth century — particularly in the
Covenanting distractions which long overshadowed the
south and west of Scotland — entries of births, marriages,
and deaths would not be regularly made, and when made,
the registers would frequently perish. In Tinwald, for
instance, the earliest birtli, marriage, and death register
to be found, commences after the middle of the eighteenth
century, and so throws no light on the parish births and
marriages in the preceding century.
As I read those two sasines, now fortunately brought
to light, we have the following points established: —
1. That John Faterson of Kinharvey, (1701,) and Margaret
Affleck his spouse, had an eldest lawful son, John Fater-
son, younger. 2. That John Faterson, in Skipmyre, and
20 WILLIAM PATEESON.
Bethia Paterson, his wife, had a daughter, Bethia. 3. That
Kinharvey the younger and this daughter were married
on 19th March 1701 ; and 4. That the immediate family
connexions, Thomas Muncie, angliCe Mounsey, in Skip-
myre, and William, son of Thomas Muncie, were of the
chosen witnesses. Then looking to Paterson's will of
1718, recognising Kinharvey the younger's wife as his
sister, we can have no hesitation in concluding that
John Paterson in Skipmyre, and Bethia Paterson his
wife, were father and mother, both of William the
banker, and of his sister Elizabeth, Mrs Paterson. If we
are right in this, then is the question of Paterson's par-
entage for ever solved, and solved quite in conformity
with the received opinion on the subject.
According to a genealogical tree recently framed by the
Mounsey branch of the family, and communicated to me
by one of its members, Mr Qeorge Qraham, engineer of
the Caledonian Eailway Company, Qlasgow, Paterson's
grandfather was in Skipmyre about 1600, and was therein
followed by the father, now ascertained to be John
Paterson. Of him the first written record I have yet
discovered, is an entry of date 10th October 1697, in the
discipline records of the Eirk-Session of Tinwald —
found upon a search therein obligingly made for me by
the Rev. James Yallance, present minister of the parish.
That entry bears :— " Tinwald, Octr. 10, 1697. Inter alia,
this day Thomas Johnstone, servant to John Paterson,
in Skipmyre, was declared guilty," &c. The next and
BIRTHPLACE AND PAEENTAGB. 21
only other written record of Skipmyre's existence yet
known — for others, his leases of Skipmyre, for instance,
may hereafter cast up — ^is the narrative of his daughter
Bethia or Elizabeth's contract of marriage, 1701, found
in the above-mentioned sasines as recorded in the Par-
ticular Eegister at Dumfries, and now preserved in Her
Majesty's General Register House, Edinburgh,
I learned, however, in corresponding with the Rev. Mr
Vallance, that the Patersons had a burying-place in the
graveyard of the old parish of Trailfiatt, marked by a
group of tombstones still extant ; and at my request Mr
Vallance kindly went and examined and deciphered
them. He has furnished me with copies of the following
most interesting inscriptions legible on the stones, and
which of themselves establish the fact of the Patersons
having been in Skipmjnre in the seventeenth century, if
not earlier, down to a recent date. These are the inscrip-
tions, giving precedence in the order of their dates : —
I.
"In memory of Margaret Wilkin, spouse to James Pater-
son in Skipmyre, who died February 1694 ; also James
Paterson in Skipmyre, who died May 29, 1722, aged 101
years ; also Adam Paterson his son, who died May 29,
1737, aged 71 years. W. G."
11.
** Here lyes James Paterson, son to John Paterson in
22 WILLIAM PATEESON.
Skepmire, who deceased the 5th of April 1694 ; and John
& William Paterson.
"Here lyes the corpse of John Mounsey in Shieldhill,
son to William Mounsey in Skipmyre, who departed this
life the 2d of Aprill 1761, aged 23 years. Memento mori."
III.
" In memory of John Paterson in Skipmyre, who died
February 7th, 1694.
"Also William Mounsey in Skipmire, who died April 23,
1751, aged 63 years ; also Margret Bogerson his spouse,
who died Nov. 19, 1760, aged 65 years.
" Also Alexr. Mounsey their son, who died July 31, 1785,
aged 56 years ; also Jean Rogerson his spouse, who died
May 3, 1820, aged 81 years ; also Samuel Mounsey their
son, who died June 9, 1797, aged 26 years.
" Also Willia^n, son to the said William Mounsey, who
died Jan. 23, 1793, aged 60 years.
"Also William, son to the said Alexr. Mounsey, who died
22 Deer. 1829, aged 67."
IV.
" Here lyes Jannet Pattersone, lait spouse to Thomas
Munsie, merchand, Skipmyre, who died the 26 day of
Novr. 1698 ; and here lyes T. ]^L and A. M. their chil-
dren.
" Here lyeth the body of Thomas Monsie in Skipmyre,
who departed this life, Augt. the 6th, 1711, aged 55
BIRTHPLACE ANli PAREXTAGE. 23
years; also here lyeth the body of Mary Steell, spouse
to Thomas Monnsie, who departed this life the 23d of
May 1747, aged 63 years.
" In memory of Jean White, spouse to James Mounsey
in Skipmyre, who died June 21, 1820, aged 43 years ;
also James their son, who died Angt 6, 1812, aged 2
years ; also William their son, who died 31 ^larch 1825,
aged 14 years; also James their son, who died 2 June
1825, aged 12 years ; also the said James Monnaey, who
died 10 March 1635, aged 55 years. Also interred here,
John Moonsey, M.D. his son, who died in Manchester,
26 October 1837, aged 29 years."
Not to have any mistake in the matter, I made a
pilgrimage to the Trailflatt bniying-gronnd, on August
12, 1864^ with Mr Yallance for my guide, and Terified
on the spot the correctness of the copies, by comparing
them with the carved inscriptions on the tombstones.
The burying -ground is romantically situated on the
eastern side of the Pendicle hill of Trailflatt— part of
the Tinwald and Torthorwald range— and immediately
be-north the farm-house and steading of Bankhead, on the
estate of Tinwald, (Skipmyre included,) now the property
of Captain Morden Carthew Yorston, of Craigenvey. The
distance is about two miles from Skipmyre farm-house,
and much the same from the ancient royal burgh of
Lochmaben. The Paterson stones, as they are entitled
to be called, are of the red sandstone, which is plentiful
24 WILLIAM PATERSON.
in the district ; their size about six feet by three^
with six stone supports to each. Nos. IL and IV.
appeared most ancient in fabric, but the whole of them
are in admirable keeping. Not many years ago, as we
were informed, the stones had been set up anew by the
pious care of a connexion of the family, and some fresh
stone supports supplied, but the carvings not interfered
witL The same burying-ground contains fifty or sixty
monuments or monumental stones belonging to other
families of old Trailflatt — some ancient, some modem —
all of them in wonderfully good order, and testifying to
the care and veneration with which memorials to deceased
relatives are preserved in the south of Scotland.* A
number of families still bury in this ancient cemetery, and
assuredly a more alluring place of repose for the ashes of
mortal man is rarely to be met with : —
p' Perhaps in this neglected spot is laid
Some heart once pregnant with celestial fire ;
Hands that the rod of empire might have sway 'd.
Or waked to ecstacy the living lyre."
The burying-ground also contains all that remains of
the church of Trailflatt— a ruin mostly of rubble or un-
dressed stones. One of the gables and parts of. the side
walls still mark the size of the building. There is one
* The old churchyard of Dumfries, now specially signaliaed as
the depository of the ashes of Bums, and as containing the
mausoleum to hii memory, has long been renowned for its
copious and much admired collection of monumental stones to
departed worth.
BIETHPLACB AND PAEENTAGE. 25
window extant, but all trace of doorway is obliterated
— at least hidden by# rubbish — till cleared by some
investigating archaeologist. The coup-cToeil would make
a good photographic picture,— embracing tombstones,
church walls, enclosing hedge and trees, and hill-side.
We know not at what precise period stated service was dis-
continued in Trailflatt Church. But according to an old
(and solitary) volume of the Kark-Session records, shewn
me by Mr Vallance, worship was performed at Trail-
flatt and Tinwald churches alternately, down at least to
1697. The record of that year bears the following ; —
" At Tinwald, August 29, 1697. — Post preces sederunt, the
Minister and Elders, excepting Alex. Clesby, who is
absent. Inter alia, as also the Session considering how
greatly GkKi is dishonoured by the profanation of His day
by those on this side of the parish, when there is a sermon
in Trailfiatt, and by those on the other side of the parish
when sermon is here, — Therefore the Session thinks fit
to give public warning, that t^hosoever shall* be found
unnecessarily to stay from any of the said kirks
shall be proceeded against as profaning the Lord's
day."
Another Eork-Session minute bears : — " At Tinwald
Kirk, July 21,1698. — Sederunt, Minister and Elders. Inter
alia, John Henderson being called but not compearing,
Thomas Munsey (elder, and brother-in-law of the banker)
is appointed to send notice to Mr Steel (minister of Loch-
maben, and whose sister Munsey married for his second
Wife,, arid desire him tj etc Lira TleDderson) to appear
wiPii:>X habbath-oome i«>rtii:gLt al the Kirk of Trail-
Hkipmyre farm, as already said, vas in TraiLLUt jiansh,
i\» farm-house being less than two miles from the
church ; and within its now Toiezable walls» we can
n^ily beliere tliat the infant banker, bom in 1638,
ba[/tu^l jiublicly according to the custom of the
a cujftom, indeed, still continued in many of our Scottish
<!fmi;r(ii;iiiiouii» At least no argument need be offered to
Hiiihfy unprejudiced individuals that to this same Trail-
ttaii church Paterson would be statedly taken in early life
Uf join in the worship of his God.
T\ni above ^ testimony of the rocks,*' or at least of the
^rrailf kit tombstones, was entirely missed by Mr Bannister.
TUti ruiTtie of the banker's sister Janet, married to Thomas
* 'r\ut following entry in the Kirk-Session record of March 2S,
J7W, imiituiUfn the reality, and what would now be called the
insYtttMy of church discipline in Tinwald and Trailflatt as then
nifplUid ii) erring brethren : — " Tinwald, March 28, 170(^
Hfjlftant^ MiriiifterM and Elders. — ^Robert Richardson (who had
e</ijft;»»4;<i a breach of the seventh commandment,) appearing this
liny ill i\iti public place of repentance, and being called down to
iho \nH\y of the congregation, and ordered to take the sackcloth
ft)K»iit him q** he had let fall from him, he instantly with contempt
w<int out of the church ; and the Session considering that his
iMHiduet In public was not edifying, but rather gave them renewed
Moundal, they appointed the minister to converse with him in
priviite, in ortler to bring him to a sense of his sin and offensive
oarritt{(e ; and if he judged it would be edifying y' he order him to
appoar again before the congregation the next Sabbath.'*
I
I
BIETHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 27
MoTinsey, stands in the stone obituary of 1698, followed
by that of her husband in 1711. To these have been
added the names of numerous descendants of that
marriage, now all mixed with the kindred dust of the
Patersons. It may be taken for granted that John
taterson, father of the banker, who had his son in 1658
and was alive in 1701, was a descendant of one of the
Patersons mentioned on stones I. and II. His father
might be John Paterson, who died in February 1694, or
he might be James Paterson, whose life was prolonged to
one hundred and one years, and died in 1722. But it is
not for one writing in 1864, at least without fijrther
materials, to determine the question. Suffice it to say,
that there were Paterson families in Skipmyre in the
seventeenth century, stretching back to an early part of
it, and whose tombstones and other records make no men-
tion of their having belonged to any other parish than
this same Trailflatt; all, indeed, tending to strengthen
the statistical account that the father of the banker was
in^ Skipmyre at the time of his son's birth in 1658. The
plentifulness of the Patersons, on the then small farm of
Skipmyre, possibly led the youthful Paterson to leave the
place — ^to leave Scotland — and seek that wider sphere of
honour and emolument to which his genius and persever-
ance carried him in other lands.
Whatever room there may be for argument respecting
the great-grandfather and grandfather's names, doubt
there can be none, that John Paterson in Skipmyre, men-
28 WILLIAM PATEESON.
tioned in the Session record of 1697, and in the marriage-
contract of 1701, and Bethia Faterson, his wife, were the
parents of the banker. Both father and mother were
alive at their daughter's marriage to Eanharvey, in 1701.
Neither being named in their son's will of 1718, we may
presume that both had predeceased him. Next to a
certainty the father and mother would be interred in the
family ground at Trailflatt, and have a stone to mark
their graves. But such does not seem now in existence ;
there is neither parochial register, nor monumental relic to
attest the dates of their deaths. Indeed) after the lapse
of more than a century and a half, the disappearance of
a stone through its crumbling into dust, or through
Father Time's other chances and changes, is not to be
wondered at. Marvellous rather is it that the live stones
above particularised and the inscriptions on them — one
well on to two centuries old — should have remained
extant to tell at this distant day of those humble indi-
viduals, whose names they were designed to keep in
remembrance. Some special providential care had been
over them all that long period— a spell such as is said to
guard the grave of Shakespeare :—
" Good friend, for Jesus' sake forbear,
To dig the dust enclosed here.
Blessed be the man who spares these stones ;
And cursed be he who moves my bones."
Rumour has sometimes said that Paterson's remains
were brought down to Scotland, and interred in New-
BIRTHPLACE AND PABKNTAGE. 29
abbey, "where the Kinharvey Patersons lie, or in
Tnulflatt where the Skipmyre Patersons lie. If in
Scotland at all — a thing not likely at the period (1719) —
Trailflatt would be the place, but of which no visible trace
or even probable tradition is to be found. Had the body
of a man so distinguished in his country's history been
brought all the way from Westminster to Dumfries, when
the transit would be full of difficulties, and its time and
expense of serious magnitude, the fact would have been
attested by one of those Trailflatt tombstones to which
the family were evidently partial ; and moreover, would
not have been forgotten in the history and traditions of
the county and district. Instead of Newabbey or Trail-
flatt, Paterson, if he thought of a resting-place for him-
self at all, was more likely to choose the ground of one or
other of the English families with whom he connected
himself by his two marriages, and whom, as testified by
liberal provisions to them in his will, he held in fond
remembrance. Not a doubt, some of the burial registers
in Westminster or London will contain a record of his
interment as having been made there in January or
February 1719.
Paradoxical as it may seem to seek evidence of a birth
in a death register or on a tombstone, the latter, as we
have already seen, has thrown considerable light on the
Paterson genealogy—and specially on the family having
been localised at Skipmsrre in the seventeenth century.
The Mounsey branch of the family appears clearly enough
on the tombstones.
30 WILLIAM PATEBSON.
Thomas Mounsey had settled at Skipmyre, with his
father-in-law, previous to his first wife's (Janet Paterson)
death iq 1698,->-indeed, as we have seen in the Kirk-Session
records, he had then been preferred as a man of stand-
ing in the parish, to the office of parochial elder,— and in
Skipmyre he continued down to his own death. He was
residing there in 1701, when a witness to the sasine of
his sister-in-law, Mrs Paterson, over Kinharvey, and at
Skipmyre was bom his son Dr James Mounsey, the
Russian physician, the only child of Mounsey's second
marriage with Mary Steel, already mentioned
The father and mother having been alive at the time of
Kinharvey's marriage with their daughter in 1701, the
marriage-contract, could it be got, would possibly have
the name of the banker at it as a witness — ^it being cus-
tomary in matrimonial transactions to assemble the near
relatives, and take them as witnesses to the marriage
settlements. By that time Paterson's principal works
were achieved— the bank of England had been established
in 1694, and from the unfortimate Darien expedition,
which occupied 1698 and 1699, he had previously returned
humiliated enough. In 1700 and 1701 his mind and pen
were employed on various important financial papers
which Mr Bannister has quoted or advterted to in his
volumes.
Speaking of the parents, of whose names or whose where-
abouts Mr Bannister confessedly knew nothing, that gen-
tleman says their condition " was that of the wealthier
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 31
tenants of the period ; * and his father appears to have
also possessed lands of his own at some distance from
the farm held ofl lease."-—" Life/' p. 36. For all this no
authority is given, and the locus of the lands is not men-
tioned. The writer in the Edinburgh Review named
them " Craigield," while the Kev. George Greig, now at
Kirkpatrick-Durham, whose name is conjoined with that
of his deceased father in the new statistical account of
Tinwald, makes the name " Craigshiells " in Kirkmichael
parish, adjoining Tinwald. In the hope of discovering
something of those lands, and of Ithe father in connexion
with them, I searched the Particular Eegister of Sasines
already alluded to, (Dumfries and Kirkcudbright,) from
its institution in 1617 downwards for a century or more,
but without finding any John Paterson in Skipmyre,
mentioned as a proprietor or seller of lands, or as a party
or witness to anyanfeftment. I made a similar unavail-
ing search in the General Eegister of Sasines at Edin-
burgh, for nearly the same period, with an equally fruit-
less result Neither saw I anything of a contract of
marriage, as between John, of Skipmyre, and Bethia—
though from the wording of their daughter s contract
• According to the Queensberry Rental of 1760 — half a century
and more after the time of Paterson's father and mother here
alluded to — ^matters stood thus : — Hunterhouse farm and half of
Skipmyre, £55; Skipmyre, the other half, (supposed Paterson's,)
£29, 10s. On this modest rental the father and mother would
scarcely rank among the " wealthier tenants of the period/' On
the contrary, (and no disparagement,) *Hheir haddin would be
sma I
32 WUXIAM PATEBSON.
with Kinharvey, younger, sach may have been. The
name of William the banker nowhere appeared in the
General or Particnlar Registers searched by me.
I should note, however, that no minute-book or abbre-
viate of the above-mentioned jiarticular Landed Register
1617-71 appears to have been made up. My search
was, therefore, so far in the register of full length copies,
but where unhappily there are distressing blanks from
March 1620 to February 1624 and from 1660 to 1671.
I am aware that Mx George Brown Robertson, deputy-
keeper of the records, and to whom in my searches I
have more than once been indebted, has sought after
the missing volumes, but in vain. Their loss is all the
greater, that there is no miaute-book of that period — ^no
abridgment to indicate the contents of the register for
the fifteen years of the missing volumes. The minute-
book of the Dumfries and Kirkcudbright Registers com-
mences in 1671, from which date down to the present day,
both registers and minute-book are continuous and cor-
rect.
The minute-book of the General Register of Sasines
which I searched, 1617-1700, appeared very vague in
numerous instances and not to be relied on. A correct
minute-book (or abbreviate) of that register, for the
period referred to, ought to be made up. Till such be pro-
vided, a search in the full-length volumes is essential,
where the search is to be thorough and complete. I must
confess, however, that what with decayed paper, faded
BIRTHPLACE AND PABENTAGE. 33
»
ink, contracted words, antiquated spellings, law Latin
deeds, and cramped clerking, a search in ancient records
whether general or particular, is a work of much labour
but uncertain success. Possibly some more close and
acute observer may yet light on a.Paterson deed missed
by me. Of Paterson names, however, both in the land
registers and in the registers of births, marriages, and
deaths, a good many appeared in Dumfriesshire and Gal-
loway — the name being a prevailing one, and "John"
Paterson the most frequent, but none of them Paterson in
Skipmyre.
My search was equally fruitless in the Abbreviated Ke-
tours — (1.) Of the services of heirs in special to lands, (2.)
of heirs in general to persons, (3.) of tutors to pupils or
imbeciles, (4.) of old extent or value of lands, and (6.) of
quinquennial possession of lands, 1560-1700. I found,
among the General Ketours — ^'*8671. April 25, 1661 — Joan-
nes Patersone haeres Davidis Patersone incolae in Nether
Shiells, avi" This, however, did not apply to Paterson in
Skipmyre.
Those Abbreviated Retours, though filling three pon-
derous volumes, folio, with double columns, were easily
searched, being printed with indices of persons and places,
and, moreover, being accessible at the county towns.
The retours were so laid open under authority of a Boyal .
Commission in 1806, appointed upon an address from the
House of Commons ; and the task, plainly a most labori-
ous one, embracing a period of one hundred and forty
C
34f WILLIAM PATEBSON.
years, 1560-1700, was accomplished and the work pub-
lished so early as 1811, under the sui)erintendence of Mr
Thomas Thomson. Printed abbreviates of the old sasine
minute-books, commencing 1617, with indices of persons
and places, would be of great public advantage. The
improvement of the Scottish registers is urged by me in
my separate remarks at the conclusion of this birthplace
and parentage, and to which I beg to refer. ,
The capital contributed to Paterson's great Darien
scheme (1698,) and nearly all from Scotland, amounted
to i'400,000 sterling. Of that so much as £11,600 was
from the district of his birth, as appears by the following
Dumfriesshire and Galloway list, kindly supplied to me
by Mr William M*Dowall, of the Dumfries Standard : —
William, Earl of Annandale, £1000; John Corsbie and James
C'oulter, merchants in Dumfries, £500 ; William Charters, Sheriff-
Depute of Dumfries, £300 ; John Corbet, merchant in Dumfries,
£200 ; Robert Corbet, merchant in Dumfries, £100 ; John Crosbie,
merchant in Dumfries, £100; William Carruthers, of Whitecroft,
£100 ; the Town of Dumfries, £500 ; Henrietta Dalyell, Lady
Glenae, £200 ; Mrs Agnes Dalyell, daughter to the deceased Sir
Hobert Dalyell of Glenae, Baronet, £200; William Elliot of
Borthwickhall, £200; William Ferguson, brother-german to Mr
Alexander Ferguson of Isle, advocate, £100 ; Matthew Harestains
of Craigs, £200 ; Patrick Heron of Kerochtrie, £200 ; Janet Home,
Lady Ecoles, £100; Andrew Heron of Bergally, £100; Sir Alex-
ander Jardin of Applegirth, £400 ; Robert Johnstoun and John
Keid, merchants in Dumfries, £400; Alexander Johnstoun of
Edshleihiels, £400 ; Robert Johnstoun, late Provost of Dumfries,
£400; John Irving, son to John Irving of Drumcottron, £200;
■ V- Mk W7r^W^>^^B^a^B^^^BiV^^P^F^pp«p^|
BIBTHPLACE AND PABENTAGB. 35
John Irving, son to John Irving, present Provost of Dumfries,
£200; Thomas Irving, merchant in Dumfries, £200; Thomas
Kinkaid, son to Thomas Kinkaid of Achinreogh, £500; John
Lanrick, writer in Dumfries, £100; Robert Laurie, younger of
Maxwelltown, £100 ; John Maxwell of Middlebie, £300 ; John
Maxwell of Bamdeugh, £200; Robert Maxwell of Gamsalloch,
£200; William Mackgie of Balmaghie, £200; James Maxwell,
eldest son of John Maxwell of Bamcleugh, £100 ; His Grace the
Duke of Queensberry, £3000 ; John Sharp of Hoddom, £600 ;—
in all £11,600.
Two of the subscriptions were from the ladies of Glenae,
under whom Paterson's father farmed Skipmyre, then
part of the Glenae estate. To these ladies, as well as to
many other of the subscribers, Paterson would be person-
ally known. It was, indeed, the public confidence in his
genius and sagacity that led to the formation of the
scheme, and induced the immense pecuniary support that
was accorded to it.
Dr Alexander Carlyle of Inveresk, whose interesting
autobiography, edited by Mr Hill Barton, was lately pub-
lished, having been a grandson of the Rev. Alexander
Robison, minister of Tinwald and Trailflatt, already men-
tioned, we refer to that work in case it might throw
light on Paterson. Dr Carlyle records several visits paid
by him to his grandfather, but makes no allusion to
Paterson, or the state af!airs in which he had been con-
cerned. Carlyle was born in 1722, being four years after
Paterson's death.*
* See Appendix D.
36 WILUAM PATSBSON.
I was in the hope of finding some docnment or other,
bearing on the Skipmyre and Kinharvey Patersons, 16dO<-
1700, in the sherifi's records at Dumfries, or the steward's
records at Kirkcudbright, or the burgh records at Dum-
fries. Mr Henry Gordon, sheriff-clerk of Dumfries, Mr
Qeorge Hamilton, sheriff-clerk of Kirkcudbright, and Mr
William Martin, town-clerk of Dumfries, kindly obliged
me by turning over the several records in their hands
applicable to the remote period referred to. Their searches
were unavailing, no deeds or documents of the Patersons
being discovered in any of these registers.
I referred also to the Duke of Queensberry's rental-
book — ^the barony of Tinwald (Skipmyre included) having
belonged for long to the Queensberry family — in the hope
of finding John Paterson's name entered in it, 1650-1700.
But the earliest entry of Skipmyre farm in the rental
shewn me, was for crop 1760, when those Tinwald lands
were stated to have been acquired by Charles Duke of
Queensberry and Dover, from Charles Ariskine of Alva,*
Esq., and the Honourable Alexander Dalyell of Glenae.
The transfer from Glenae to the Duke of Queensberry, as
I discovered elsewhere, was in or al^out 1748. The printed
Register of Abbreviates of Special Betours, September 2,
* Churles Enkine of Alva, eldest son of Sir John ErskiQe, the
Reoond baronet,— a descendant of the Marr family, and of whom
the noble house of Bosslyn has its ancestry, — ^bom 1680, was a
Lord of Session, as Lord Tinwald, and Lord Jostioe-Clerk, 1748.
His son, James Erskine of Barjaig, as Lord Alva in the Ck>iirt of
Session, died the oldestjudge in Britain in 1796.
BIKTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 37
f
16S6, bore that John Dalyell, of Glenae, Bart., had been
served heir-male of taillie of Robert Dalyell, • of Glenae,
Bart., in the lands of Amisfield and many others ; also in
the lands of Trailflatt of Auchnane, with Shiimtyre, Hun-
terhouse, with marshes of the same ; also the forty-shilling
land of Craigshield and Dalcnim, (be., (be, all united in
the barony of Glenae. It would then be the Glenae
rentals or tacks, could they be found, that would inform
respecting the tenancy of Skipmyre at the period in
question. Messrs J. <fe H. G. Gibson, W.S., Edinburgh,
agents for his Grace the Duke of Buccleuch, obligingly
allowed me access to the above mentioned Queensberry
rental-book. But my efforts to get at the old rentals
and tacks of the barony of Glenae, before Skipmyre was
disjoined from it, have proved unsuccessful
The register of births, marriages, and deaths, instituted
by the Church of Scotland, in the earliest period of its
history, and continued down to 1st January 1855, when
superseded by the New General Registration Act of her
present Majesty, 17 and 18 Victoria, chapter 80, had oft-
times been referred to in quest of William Faterson's birth
and parentage. As we have already seen, the kirk-session
kept minutes of their discipline proceedings from the
commencement of Mr Robinson's ministry— the* first
Presbyterian minister in Tinwald and Trailflatt after the
restoration of Presbytery. We cannot doubt that at the
saine time the kirk-session would have a register for
parochial births, marriages, and deatha In the early
38 WILLIAM PATERSON.
Tolumes the marriages and deaths of John Paterson's
family would appear : for instance, the marriage and death
of Mrs Monnsey, the marriage of Bethia to Einharvey,
and the deaths of the father and mother. What came of
those early registration volumes, or when they disap-
peared, is now unknown. Probably they were extant
when the Eev. Mr Lawrie wrote his Statistical Account
in 1785. All we know for certain is, that the existing
Tinwald and Trailflatt register commences so recently as
1762 ; cetera desunt.
In such circumstances the parochial registers a£ford no
information resx)ecting Tinwald and Trailflatt births and
parentages, in the seventeenth century. I found the
registers for the adjoining parishes of Dumfries, Torthor-
wald, Kirkmichael, and Lochmaben, extant in good condi-
tion, and examined them, in case Skipmyre had married
his wife, Bethia Paterson, from one of them, but failed
in discovering any such entry. I wished to examine the
Newabbey parish register also, lest either husband or
wife, (the father and mother of the banker,) had been
of the Kinharvey Patersons. But the Newabbey
register had not been transmitted to Edinburgh. I was,
however, kindly obliged by the Rev. A. EL Charteris, now
in Park Church, Glasgow, late minister of Newabbey,
searching the registers there for me, and giving me some
extracts. I have myself since examined the registers at
Newabbey, but without finding anything to connect the
Skipmyre and Kinharvey Patersons previous to the mar-
BIRTHPLACE AND PAEENTAGE. 39
riage of 1701. Imthis I was willingly aided by Mr
John Paterson, schoolmaster, Newabbey, a namesake,
but no connexion of the Patersons we are here seeking
after.
In the New Register House, Mr Seton, the secretary,
allowed me free access to ^e large collection therein of
parochial registers of births, marriages, and deaths, down
to 1819 inclusive, being those which were taken from
the kirk-sessions of Scotland. They are being examined
by Mr Patton, the chief clerk, leaf by leaf, with very great
care, arranged according to counties, pasted where needful
on interleaves, and bound up in hundreds of uniform-sized
volumes. This work of what may be called parochial
genealogical regeneration is far advanced. All facility is
thereby afforded to persons in Edinburgh for getting at
the vast fund of genealogical information with which the
family history of many past generations has gorged those
records under the superintending care of the Church of
Scotland. Many of them date from the middle or latter
end of the sixteenth century, and all will now be con-
served for future generations in the archives of the New
Register Housa The parochial registers of births, mar-
riages, and deaths, 1820-54, remain with the parish
registrars — the statute, for what reason does not appear,
not having ordered their transmission from the parishes
to Edinburgh. On and after 1st January 1855, when the
new system commenced, the statute ordered the registers
of births, marriages, and deaths, to be kept in duplicate
40 ' WILUAM PATERSON.
by the local registrars — one to be retainecL on the spot,
always accessible in the locality, and the other to be
transmitted annually to Edinburgh.
Of the children of John Paterson and Bethia Paterson,
spouses, we should now endeavour to take account.
These consisted, so far as known, of William, the banker,
bom 1658, and after him, Janet, (Mrs Mounsey or Muii"
cie,) and Bethia or Elizabeth, (Mrs Paterson of Einhar-
vey.) The tombstone II. bears that James Paterson, son
of John, died 5th April 1694, followed by John and
William Paterson. The tombstone HL records John's
death in February 1694; that John Paterson possibly
was the banker's grandfather. At any rate, though of the
same family, from his burying in that ground, along with
several of the Mounceys, (stone IH,) he was necessarily
a different person from John mentioned in the kirk-ses-
sion minute of 1797, and who was party to the marriage-
contract of 1701, and father of the banker.
A record obligingly communicated to me by Mr Francis
Maxwell, of Breoch, Dumfries, mentions a Joseph Pater-
son, in Skipmyre — ^possibly some collateral relation of
the banker. Thus : " April 20, 1736— Sold Joseph Pater-
son in Skipmyre, drover, 35 bullocks, at 21 lb. per each ;
payt. him his luckpenny, and got ane bill for 50 lib. ster-
ling, payable at the first of June 20 lib, and the oyr thirty
at Lambas ; also got his bill for ten pounds sterling, pay-
able at Lambas," *
* Memorandum book of John Macartney of Halketteaths. The
BIRTHPLACE AND PABENTAGE. 41
William, as set forth very plainly in his wUl, married
first Mrs Elizabeth Turner, widow of Thomas Bridge,
minister of the gospel in Boston, New England, and next
Mrs Hannah Kemp — ^her former husband's name and
designation not mentioned. Admittedly on all hands he
had no children by either ; he died childless. Mrs Turner
or Bridge had an only child, Elizabeth, by her first hus-
band, whom the banker styles in his will, his " daughter-
in-law," — we would say "step-daughter." Mrs Kemp,
the second wife, had four daughters and a son, styled in
his will " daughters-in-law," and " son-in-law." To those
step-daughters and to a step-son's widow he left legacies
amounting to ^4600 ; to liis Scotch blood relations, the
two sons and daughters of his sister Janet, Mrs Mounsey,
he left legacies amounting to ^1000 ; to his only sister>
meaning his only sister then surviving, Elizabeth, Mrs
Paterson, he left £800 ; to his executor, Paul Daranda,
he left £1000 ; — any surplus there might be of his estate
to be divided among the same parties in proportion to
the sums bequeathed to them.
Of William Paterson, as already stated, there is not any
entry in the Scottish registers of births, marriages, and
abo^e transaction corresponds with one which is recorded as having
occurred in the same market, (Dumfries,) in the same year: —
** Cattle were very low. I remember being present at the Bridge-
end of Dumfries in 1736, when Anthony M'Kie of Netherlaw sold
five score of five-year-old Grallowaj cattle in good condition to an
Englishman at £2, 12s. 6d. each." Letter of Mr John Maxwell of
Munshes to MrW. M. Herries of Spottes, dated February 1811.
— Murray' i Lit, Hist, of Galloway,
42 WILLIAM PATERSON.
deaths. Had there been a birth register for Tinwald and
Trailflatt in 1658, which in those troubled days in Dum-
friesshire is exceedingly improbable, and had it been
preserved to us for these two centuries bypast, we should
have found William's birth therein — ^assuming, as may
truly be done in consistency with the Statistical Account,
that the parents were in Skipmyre when the birth took
place. Paterson's two marriages must have occurred
in England, at least furth of Scotland, and would not
enter any Scottish register — hence no record of them in
this country. Of the death, which Mr Bannister sets
down, on the authority of the periodicals of the day, as
having happened somewhere in Westminster or London,
on 22d January 1719, he has not found any parochial re-
cord, though we doubt not further search in the burial
registers of those cities may yet discover it. The non-
registration of the infant birth in Tinwald in 1658, when
registrations were rare and compulsory registration wholly
unknown, can easily be supposed and excused ; the non-
registration of the death in the metropolis in 1719 of a
man, world-wide in celebrity, is an omission of too grave
a character to have happened. Of the resting-place of
the deceased's remains nothing certain is known. No
stone anywhere exists to direct
"pale Scotia's way,
To pour her sorrows o'er his houour'd dust."
The banker's will gives no direction to the executor re-
specting the place of interment. He there records him-
BIBTHFLACE AND PABEKTAGE. 43
self as " of Westminster ; " he certified his will at the
Ship Tavern without Temple Bar ; he left the principal
part of all he had to step-children of his two wives; his
own native place is not named or alluded to in the will,
and his sisters and their children come last and least in
the list of legatees. Unless for his bequest to his sister
Bethia or Elizabeth, as spouse of Paterson younger of
Kinharvey in the stewartry of Kirkcudbright, no notion
could have been formed from the will that Paterson
had connexions of any kind in Scotland. But fortunately,
his mention of Mrs Paterson, and Mrs Paterson*s own
genealogy in her marriage-contract, establish, as we have
already said, the parentage of her brother the banker
himself.
Though the parochial records and the other principal
registers of Scotland consulted by us, appear silent re-
specting the father and mother, John Paterson and
Bethia Paterson, down to 1697 and 1701, and appear
silent altogether respecting William Paterson their son,
it so happens that much information is contained in
them respecting the banker's sisters, Janet and Eliza-
beth.
1. Janet. That important document, the will, testifies
that she had four children : William — possibly named
after his uncle the banker — Elizabeth, Janet, and John
Mounsey. The family tree bears the father's name to
have been Thomas Mounsey, merchant, London; that he
came to reside at Skipmyre for recovery of his wife Janet
44 WILLIAM PATEESON.
Paterson's health — so inferring that upon the marriage,
the Mounseys had taken up house in London ; that Mrs
Mounsey died in 1698 ; that the husband married a second
wife, Mary Steel, and died 6th August 1711, aged fifty-
five. This harmonises with the inscriptions on the tomb-
stones, and with the contract of marriage 1701, where
** Thomas Muncie in Skipmyre," brother-in-law to Eliza-
beth, Mrs Paterson, was the first witness to the inf eftment
on her marriage-contract. The son, William Muncie or
Mounsey, was also a witness and one of the legatees of
the banker. The younger son, John Mounsey, had
followed his uncle's steps to London, and got into
employment there ; at least Mr Bannister believes (and
we agree* with him) that John Mounsey is the same who
subscribes ** J. Mounsey " upon a copy bill of the
directors of the Equivalent Debt, enclosed in a letter of
Paterson (Westminster, 8th December 1718) to Earl
Stanhope, — ^this 'better being the last trace hitherto
found of William Paterson, who died in January follow-
ing.*' — " Life," p. cxxvii.
From the marriage between Janet Paterson and Thomas
Mounsey a numerous progeny flowed, and many descend-
ants of theirs are to be found comfortably circumstanced
in various localities and in various situations in life.
*
Their leading branch held on by the farm of Skipmyre,
in succession to John Paterson or Joseph Paterson, down
till the recent date of 1844, when, after a duration of more
than two centuries, the, tenancy of that farm by the
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 45
Paterson family and their Mounsey descendants came to
an end. Mr Alexander Mounsey, the last Skipmyre pos-
sessor, then quitted the farm and settled in America.
The records of Tinwald parish, as we have already
seen, mention Thomas Mounsey as an acting kirk-session
elder in the end of the seventeenth century ; and the
same record bears that his son William Mounsey was also
an acting elder in the early i>art of the eighteenth cen-
tury. Again, from the Queensberry rental-book already
referred ta, we learn that Alexander Mounsey, after
WUliam, had a tack of Skipmyre farm for thirty -eight
years, from Whitsunday 1768^ under condition that he
was to pay an additional rental of ;£38, to commence
from Whitsunday 1787. The rental adds, ** Mounsey
(Alexander) is since dead, and the farm is possessed by
his son." At the Bev. Mr Lawrie*s admission to the
parish in 1784, this Alexander Mounsey, grand-nephew of
the banker, farmed Skipmyre, and would be one of the
sources whence Mr Lawrie drew the information for
his statement in the Statistical Account, that the banker
had been bom in Skipmyre. It is not our province
farther to trace the descendants of this most interesting
(Mounsey) branch of John Paterson's family.
In reference to Dr James Mounsey, already mentioned
as only son of Thomas Mounsey's second marriage with
Mary Steele, and also bom in Skipmyre house, Mr Ban-
nister has committed the mistake (" Life," p. xxxiii.) of
calling him "Paterson's nephew," whereas, being son of
46 WILLIAM PATEB80K.
Thomas Mounsey, not by Janet Paterson, but by Mary
Steele, second wife, Dr Mounsey was no relation whatever
to the banker. Possibly the Bev. Mr Lawrie had led Mr
Bannister into this mistake; for Mr Lawrie, in his Statis-
tical Account, erroneously styles Dr Mounsey as *^ grand-
nephew " of the banker. It is interesting, however, to
record, on the information of Mr Charles Stewart of Hill-
side, a gentleman thoroughly versed in Dumfriesshire
family history, that various Scotch physicians settled at
St Petersburgh about the middle of the eighteenth cen-
tury, or earlier— among them Dr Mounsey*, who (as is well
known) reached the top of the tree, and attained the
distinguished position of physician to the Emperor and
Empress of Bussia. Dr Mounsey returned from Russia
rather before 1770, and purchased the estate of Bammer-
scales in Annandale, which he improved extensively, and
where he built what was then considered a large and
spacious mansion. He died soon after. The family tree
beats his death to have happened in Edinburgh on 2d
February 1773. My maternal grandfather, John Cunning-
ham, was in Dr Mounse/s service at Bammerscales, when
carrying on his improvements, and called a son after him
Thomas Mounsey Cunningham.*
Mr Stewart also mentions, that after Dr Mounse/s re
turn he advised Dr Bogcrson, a connexion of his family,
to follow his steps and settle in Bussia. Dr Bogerson,
then in his twenty-fifth year, acted on Dr Mounsey's
* See Appendix £.
BIRTHPLACE AND PAEENTAGE. 47
advice, (1772,) and being a man of remarkable ability and
intelligence, combined with dignified manners, he got im-
mediately into high practice, and within three or four
years became physician to the court He remained forty
years in Bussia, and on his return acquired the estate of
Dumcrieff in Annandale, an estate which passed to Lord
Bollo on his marriage with Dr Bogerson's daughter and
heiress. Mr Stewart adds, that the son of another An-
nandale farmer, a Halliday, with whom Dr Mounsey was
intimate, tdso settled in St Fetersburgh. Dr Halliday's
great-grandson was lately Lieutenant-Governor in Bengal,
under the Earl of Dalhousie, and is now Sir Frederick
Halliday. These three medical men were all sons of
neighbouring Annandale farmers. Mr Stewart has my
best thanks for the information so kindly and readily
afforded me.
2. Elizabeth, (Bethia.) This daughter, as already seen,
married a Faterson of Kinharvey, in the stewartry of
Kirkcudbright ; and we gleaned a good deal of intelligence
respecting her and her family from the Begister of Land
Bights, the Particular Begister of Sasines kept at Dum-
fries, and from the Newabbey parish registers ; also from
titles of the lands of Kinharvey, through the obliging
kindness of Mr Francis Maxwell of Breoch, (already men-
tioned,) factor for the Honourable Marmaduke Constable
Maxwell of Terregles, now proprietor of Kinharvey. The
lands of Kinharvey, otherwise Oocklowie, in the parish of
Newabbey and stewartry of Kirkcudbri^t, were acquired
48 WILLIAM PATERSON.
by John Paterson, (first of Einliarvey,) as is vouched by
instniment of resignation, dated 11th June 1618, in the
hands of the Privy Council, upon disposition by John Hay,
common clerk of Edinburgh, dated 19th December 1617.
This was confirmed by David Bishop of Edinburgh, by
charter in favour of John Paterson, dated 15th June 1637,
and he infeft thereon and his sasine registered in the
same Particular Eegister at Dumfries 10th August 1637.
John Paterson, (second,) son and heir of the above John,
was infeft in the same lands, and his sasine registered at
Dumfries 23d January 1672. In the following year he in-
feft Margaret Affleck his wife in an yearly annual rent of
j£40, payable out of Einharvey, and her sasine was regis-
tered at Dumfries 30th June 1673. It had been on this
precedent, that John, (third,) the eldest son of that mar-
riage, settled a like annuity on Elizabeth Paterson in his
marriage-contract with her of 1701. That same contract
performed the twofold service of conveying Einharvey
from John (second) to his son John, (third,) reserving a
liferent to the father and Margaret Affleck his wife, and
of securing John's (third) wife in her liferent annuity.
See the two sasines, Appendix. Among the witnesses to
the two sasines were Thomas Muncie, (Mounsey,) in SMp-
myre, and William Muncie, (Mounsey,) his son, the bro-
ther-in-law and nephew of the banker. Titles to land in
Scotland were completed, from 1617, by five or more
persons travelling to and standing on the ground of the
lands— the notary, procurator, baillie, and witnesses, a
BIBTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 49
practice continued till the abolition of sach sasines, by
recent statutes simplifying Scotch conveyancing. Those
selected to assist the notary on the occasion were fre-
quently, as in the above instance, relatives or friends of
the parties giving or receiving the inf ef tment.
John (third) fortified his title to Kinharvey by serving
himself heir in special to his father, — the service retoured
to Chancery 18th May 1725 ; a precept following thereon
dated 10th August 1725 ; and finally sasine in his favour,
dated 2d September, and registered in the Particular
Register at Dumfries 3d September 1725. He after-
wards executed a trust-disposition of Kinharvey in favour
of William Gracie of Wester Qlen, narrating that John
Paterson, (fourth,) his only son and heir, was abroad, and
his return uncertain, and conveying Kinharvey for his
behoof, provided he returned within nine years, and for
other purposes.; this trust-disposition bears date 27th
April 1739. Kinharvey did not long survive the exe-
cution of the above trust-deed ; for the records of the
Commissary of Dumfries bear that he died in June 1739,
and that an inventory of his personal estate was given up
by his widow,* Elizabeth (Bethia) Paterson, the banker's
sister, still surviving. The inventory was very full and
particular ; one entry in it, for instance, being — " Item,
Some old body clothes of the defunct's, and a pair old boots,
worth 14s." "Total, £xc 8s. 3d." (supposed Scots.) In
this judicial act, William Muncie in Skipmyre, nephew
of Mrs Paterson and the banker, stands as cautioner for
D
50 WILLIAM PATEESON.
the widow's due administration of the Einhanrey exe-
entry.*
William Grade, the trustee, with consent of John Pa-
terson, (fourth,) returned, sold and disponed Einharvey
* The Commissary records we examined in the Register House,
Edinhurgh, from the heginning of the seventeenth century till the
end of the eighteenth, but without finding any Skipmyre inventory
therein, or other document than the Kinharvey one of 1740 above
mentioned. This was an easy part of our task, there being a
legibly - written nominal index to the whole inventories in the
record reoentiy prepared, evidently the work of much care and
labour. Easy atid certain reference is thereby afforded to each
inventory in these records. Under the attractive name, " Sobert
Bums,'* we found the whole personalty given up by Mrs Jean
Armour, his widow, as amoimting to only fifteen pounds : — '*1796,
Oct. 6. Robert Bums, officer of excise in Dumfries, died July
1796. Inventory given up by Jean Armour, his relict — ^no wilL
1st, Sum of £5 contained in promissory-note, ^ Wm. Forbes &
Co., (bankers, Edinburgh,) to George Shearer, payable on demand,
indorsed payable to defunct. 2d, £10 in draft, dated 15th July
1796, by Robert Christie, on British linen Co., Edinburgh, in
favour of James Buraess, indorsed by him to defunct. Summa of
inventory, fifteen pounds. William Wallace, writer, Dumfries,
cautioner." This inventorv should also have included the library
and household furniture, and any other moveable estate of the poet.
Dr Robert Chambers's Life of Bums, voL iv., p. 223, informs us
that the poet owed only a few pounds at his death, while there be-
longed to him a sum of £180, due to him by his brother, books to
the value of £90, and his household furniture. But the purpose
of the inventory, plainly and simply, was to warrant the uplifting
by the widow of the two bank orders which bad come to her hus-
band—too late, however, to be of any use to him. The two
sums above mentioned were runittanees made to the poet on his
death-bed, in oompUanoe with urgent requests fitun him— the for-
mer by Geoi^ge Thomson of Edinburgh, the latter by James Bor-
of Monttose, (his relative,) as perticulariy mentioned by
BIBTHPLACE AND PABENTAGK 51
to John Pain in Gonguth, by disposition dated 23d June
1748 — ^and so this romantic littie estate (as it has been
called) was passed away from the Fatersons, after being
in their hands fully one hundred and thirty years. Fain
Bums's biographers. The poet died nearly seven years before I was
bom, but I recollect Mrs Bums, the widow, and Mr Wallace, the
caationer, quite welL When a boy at Dumfries School, 19th June
1815, the day after Wellington's crowning victoxy at Waterloo, I
witnessed Bums's second iuterment — the removal of his body from
its first resting-place near the centre of Dumfries churchyard, to
the public mausoleum then erected in honour of his memory.
His widow had an annuity of £60 from the sale of Currie'a edition
of Bums, or other generous sources, which was paid her monthly
in Mr Thomson's office, where I was apprenticed. Not coming,
one first of the month, or sending, the cashier, Mr Robert M*Lellan,
lately deceased, took me along with him to Mrs Bums's house —
the house where the poet died — when the widow thanked us kindly
for calling with the money, and gave us wine and cake. It is no
small matter to have received such from the hand of **bonnie
Jean." That would be in 1819 or 1820. Mrs Bums lived till 1834,
having survived her husband thirty-eight years. The same physi-
cian, Dr William Maxwell of Dumfries, who ministered most
kindly to the poet on his death-bed, was successful in carrying me
through a severe fever which afiiicted me in boyhood. I was pre-
sent at the great Burns festival on the banks of the Doon, ou 0th
August 1844, where the Earl of Sglintoun presided, assisted by
Professor Wilson, the late Lord Justice General (Boyle,) Sir Archi-
bald Alison, Bart., and other Scotsmen of mark, and where my
father introduced me to Bums's three sons, Lieut. -Col. BuruH,
Major Bums, and Mr Robert Bums. I was also present at the
Edinburgh centenary meeting on 25th January 1859, in honour of
Bums, where Lord Ardmillan presided, and where I happened to
sit next that aged man, Mr Walter Glover, from CraigmiUar, near
Edinburgh, (since deceased,) then one hundred and one yean of
age, who told me what he had seen of Bums at Dumfries, and of
transactions he had been engaged in three or four generations back.
52 WILLIAM PATERSON.
again sold to Mr Wilson, — Wilson to Mr Gordon, — Qot-
don to Mr lUddell, (whom I remember as proprietor
and residenter at Ejnharvey,) and Riddell to the Honour-
able Marmaduke Constable Maxwell of Terregles, now
the proprietor. The same Maxwell family owned the
lands in 1611, (at least in superiority,) and in the muta-
bility of human af&iirs, have thus regained them after a
lapse of more than two centuries. The Abbreviate printed
register of special retours of land bears : — " 1611. Joannes
(jMaxwell) Dominus Herries, hoeres Gulielmi Domini Her-
ries, patrisy in 40 solidatis terrarum de Kinhervie et Clock-
loy antiqui extentus in parochia de New Abbey, E 105."
Of the Eonharvey heirs female, I find several men-
tioned in the records. John Paterson, (second,) had a
daughter Janet, — (his eldest daughter,) — married to John
Morrison, of Culloch, in Urr. She was infeft in his
lands of Culloch, in security of the jointure, provided in
the marriage-contract between them; her sasine stands
in the Particular Kegister at Dumfries, of date 11th
October 1699. The same John Paterson (married to
Margaret Affleck) is recorded in the baptisms for New-
abbey parish as having further had a daughter, Eliza-
beth, baptized June 7, 1691 ; a son, Adam, June 1, 1691,
(supposed twins ;) and a son, Thomas, May 8, 1693.
John (third) and Bethia or Elizabeth Paterson, appear
from the same register to have had these children bap-
tized—January 11, 1716, a son, William, probably named
after his uncle, the banker ; June 23, 1722, a daughter,
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 53
Nicholas ; and June 24, 1724, a son Ebenezer. Those sons,
William and Ebenezer, had died previous to 1739— at
least in the father's trust-defsd to Grade in that year, he
speaks of John (fourth) as his only son and hein This
John (fourth) does not appear in the baptismal register.
Nicholas, the daughter, married John Carson, merchant in
Dumfries, and a discharge by these spouses in favour of
Gracie, the trustee, of a provision by her father in Mrs
Carson's favour, is re^stered in the Particular Register of
Sasines at Dumfries January 8, 1765. Her brother John
(fourth) returned, was then alive and a party to the
discharge. She is therein named "Nicholas Paterson,
youngest lawful daughter of the deceased John Pater-
son of Kinharvey." Nicholas had a son James Carson ;
and his eldest son, Mr William Carson, stocking maker,
77 Queensberry Square, Dumfries, represents this branch
— Mr Carson being great-grandson of the banker's sister,
Elizabeth or Bethia Paterson of Kinharvey.
We found the burying-place of the Kinharvey Pater-
sons within the walls of Sweetheart Abbey, marked by a
stone lying on the floor inscribed with what was once a
lengthened Latin epitaph, but now nearly defaced. All we
could make out, with the assistance of Mr John Paterson,
schoolmaster, was that the " Paterson" there interred was
" probus vir "— " dbijt 1719 "— " 3Bt. 73." He would be the
father-in-law of Bethia Paterson, married 1701. It would
be well were the above stone raised up and set on sup-
ports, after the manner of the kindred ones at Trail-
54} WILLIAM PATERSON.
ilatt, and the inscription retouched by the renovating
chisel of some kind "old mortality."
In the register of marriages for the parish of Dumfries,
I found the following entry applicable to another
daughter of Kinharvey: — "20th May 1728. — William
Endsly, (Ainslie?) squareman in this burgh, and Mary
Paterson, daughter to John Paterson of Kinharvey, in the
parish of Newabbey, after proclamation were lawfully
married." As a daughter of John and Bethia Paterson,
Mary was a niece of the banker. We did not turn to the
Dumfries birth-registers in quest of descendants from
this marriage, nor indeed further pursue the Kinharvey
branch of the family — though such could be done with
ease and probable certainty in the middle and end of the
eighteenth century, as compared with genealogical re-
searches at earlier periods in defective and difficult records.
Mr Bannister, as already said, knew not the names of
Paterson's father and mother, or anything authentic con-
cerning them. Ue has not hesitated, however, to speak
almost as if they, and all their ancestoia too, had been
his familiar acquaintances. We find him saying — (Writ-
ings, vol L p. xix.) : — " His father's family, the Patersons,
were eminent of old, and in his time they had represent-
atives among the high modem Episoopalians and ad-
herents of the house of Stuart They had descended
from an ancient Scandinavian stoct originally planted in
Northnmberland, and had not been witbont distinction
on bodi sides the Border.'^
BIRTHPLACE AND PABENTAGK 55
Wliencever the original Paterson of Skipmyre had
descended — ^whether from Northumberland, or Scandina-
via, or elsewhere, clear enough is it that the surname
Taterson" came not from foreign parts, but originated
in England or Scotland, by simply adding ''son" to the
earlier name of Peter or Patrick. Thus going back to one
of our earliest records — the Inventory of the Becords of
Scotland between 1309 and 1413, recovered in the end
of last century by Mr William Robertson, one of the
Deputies of the Lord Clerk Register for keeping the
records of Scotland,* — we find that King Robert Second
granted a charter to William, son of William of the
Brewland of Methven, on a resignation by ''Roger son of
Patrick." We find also another charter by the same
monarch, confirming a grant by James Douglas of Dal-
keith, to David son of Peter. These Mr Robertson in-
dices as "Patbrson, (Peterson, Patrickson.)" We may
thus hold that the Peters and Patricks of ancient days
* The title of Mr Robertson^s valuable volume is : — " An Index,
(drawn up about the year 1629, ) of many records of charters granted
by the different sovereigns of Scotland, between the years 1309
and 1413, most of which records have been long missing, with an
introduction giving a state founded on authentic documents still
preserved of the ancient records of Scotland, which were in that
kingdom in the year 1292. To which are subjoined indices of the
persons and places mentioned in those dharters, alphabdtically
arranged. Published at the desire of The Bight Honourable Lord
Frederick Campbell, Lord Clerk Register of Scotland, with a view
to lead to the discovery of those records which are missing.
By William Bobertson, Esq. Edinburgh : Murray and Cochrane,
1798."
56 WILLIAM PATEKSON.
originated, in their descendants, so many Petersons,
Patricksons, and Patersons, in the ^ame way as the
Adams, and Bryces, and Cars, founded the Adamsons,
Brysons, and Carsons, whom we now have. Any at-
tempt to trace such from other countries would be vain.
Mr Bannister mentions John Paterson, the last Arch-
bishop of Glasgow, as a contemporary of the banker. Not
the slightest relationship was there between them. Of
the Archbishop we are told by Mr Alexander Peterkin,
in his Abridgment of the Acts of the General Assembly
of the Church of Scotland, (Edinburgh 1831,) as follows : —
" John Paterson, son of John Paterson, Bishop of Boss, was
first a minister at Ellon in Aberdeenshire, afterwards
minister of the Tron Church and Dean of Edinburgh, and
was appointed Bishop of Galloway 2Sth October 1674, in
which see he continued till 29th March 1679, when be
was translated to that of Edinburgh, where he continued
till 1687. He was promoted to the Archiepiscopal see of
Glasgow, of which he was deprived at the revolution in
1688. He died at Edinburgh, 8th December 1706, in
the seventy-sixth year of his age."
In the outset of the Life, (p. 2,^ Mr Bannister introduces
the celebrated John Law of Lauriston as a " relative " of
Paterson, though no relationship, in the ordinary sense,
appears to have existed between then! Writing playfully
in the "Scot Abroad," Mr Hill Barton placed Law and
Paterson together, but npt as relatives. He said, (p. 278,)
" On the Plutarchian system of comparison, John Law
BIETHPLACE AXD PARENTAGE. 57
and ^^Uiam Eaterson should pair off together— the one
as having mined France with the Mississippi scheme, the
other as having mined Scotland with the Dahen scheme.
They had other parallel conditions in Hfe, in that they
were competitors for laying schemes before their own
countrymen. Law had proposed certain projects to the
parliament of Scotland, which being in a cautious humour
they declined to adopt, and he then carried his genius
abroad. Paterson's schemes were all directed to the
aggrandisement of his own country, and therefore he does
not appear at first sight within the category of those
Scotsmen whose genius and achievements have been
exhibited among foreigners. But Paterson, during a
large part of his life, was busy abroad. His practical
information on foreign countries guided the Darien
Company and the Scottish parliament in all their
operations."
Mistakenly, Mr Bannister says the banker had a
brother J "who gave considerable funds to the town of
Dumfries in aid of the old schools, and expressly extended
the ^subjects of study to navigation.'** The generous
individual here referred to by Mr Bannister was John
Paterson, merchant and bailie in Dumfries, but not a
Skipmyre man, nor a Dumfriesshire mati, nor a relative, —
certainly not a brother of the banker. The statistical
account (1791) which Mr Bannister accepts as authority
for William Paterson's birthplace in Tinwald tells us that
* Life, p. 36.
58 WILLIAM PATEESON.
Bailie Paterson was a native of the (Newabbey) pariah ;
he also erected the bridge at the entry to the village from
Dumfries, as is commemorated by the foUowing inscrip^
tion : " Erected by Bailie John Paterson, late of Dum-
fries, 1715."
Respecting Bailie Paterson we are further informed by
the New Statistical Account 1840, per the Kev. James
Hamilton, many years minister of the parish, that a farm
now yielding so much as £I90 sterling of yearly rent, was
purchased in 1756 for behoof of the poor of Newabbey,
chiefly with money (;£156) left by Bailie Paterson and its
accumulations. The purchase money was £220, In the
Newabbey kirk-session records we were shewn a volume
containing a clear account of Bailie Paterson's bequest
to the minister and elders for behoof of the poor of that
his native parish — conmiencing with a copy assignation
by him, dated 25th June 1714, where he designed himself
'* one of the present Bailies of Dumfries.'' The land in-
vestment by the kirk-session of Bailie Paterson's money
had been singularly successful and productive, the poors
funds drawing now the above handsome rental of £190
sterling therefrom, a striking instance of the increase in
the value of land in Galloway.
In the Particular Register of Sasines kept at Dumfries,
of date 5th April 1722, I found a full record of Bailie
Paterson's generous benefactions to the DumMes schools
contained in two sasines upon dispositions (mortifica-
tions) by him in favour of the provost, ministers, magis-
BIETHPLACE AND PAKEKTAGE. 59
trates, and councillors of the burgh of Dumfries. The
monies settled by him on these trustees consisted of
15,000 merks, equal, at Is. l^d. per merk, to ^('833, 6s. 8d.
sterling, a large sum in those day& They were secured
partly over the twenty-four merkland of Prestown, with
the merse aiid fell of Criffel, in the parish of Kirkbean,
barony of Prestown and stewartry of Kirkcudbright;
the eight merkland of Kirkbean and the eight merkland
of Nimbellie and Fallowend, lying in the said parish ;
and partly over the seven merkland half merkland of
Meikle Culloch, lying in the parish of Urr and otewartry
foresaid.
Bailie Paterson's educational objects were twofold.
By one deed he settled 7000 merks, equal to ^388, 17s.
9id. sterling, on the above Dumfries trustees, and their
successors in office, or ms^or part of them, '* for the use,
behoof, alimenting, and maintaining ane well qualified
schoolmaster, and teaching and instructing of the youth
and children of burgesses who shall be indwellers and
burden-bearers, and of eight children of the poorer sort
of merchant burgesses and burden-bearers in the said
burgh, in the arts of writing, arithmetic, book-keeping,
and navigation." By his other deed he settled 8000
merks — equal to £444, 8s. lOfd. sterling — on Janet
Gracie his wife, who survived him, in liferent, and of the
foresaid trustees, *'for the use, behoof, alimenting, and
maintaining ane well qualified schoolmaster within the
said burgh of Dumfries for teaching and instructing of
60 WILLIAM PATERSON.
youth and children in ane free school perpetually to the
end of the world, without any* fee or reward, in the L^tin
rudiments and grammar, rhetoric and classic authors, and
Greek New Testament." The sasines from which we are
making these quotations were both registered at Dumfries
on the date above mentioned, (5th April 1722,) shortly
previous to which the worthy and thoughtful donor had
died.
Of Bailie Peterson's educational foundations, I am
entitled to speak with all respect, having myself under the
second of them enjoyed (or endured) a five or six years'
curriculum in the classical department of the Dumfries
Academy, 1811-1816, without fee or reward, further than
the customary, at least then customary, Candlemas
gratuity, from the pupils to Dr George Monro the rector.
I recollect of an objection being started by the Dumfries *
authorities to boys resident on the Galloway side of the
Nith (as/ happened with me) getting free classical educa-
tion ; but the objection was not pressed nor could be, my
father being a burgess of the town. It would have been
unfortunate indeed, had a GaUoway man excluded a
Galloway boy from benefiting by his educational en-
dowment. It is quite a satisfaction to me that through
Mr Bannister's mistaking that generous Gallovidian
Bailie John Paterson for a Dumfriesshire man, for a
brother of the banker, I have been led to make this
brief mention of his birthplace and of his good deeds ; —
Galloway, we may believe, being as anxious to hold by
BIBTHPLACE AND PABENTAGK 61
ber son John Paterson, as Dumfriessliire is to hold by the
more distinguished William Paterson for her son.
The town-clerk of Dumfries, Mr William Martin,
obliged me by examining the old records of Dumfries,
but reported nothing found in them respecting Bailie
Paterson, save the two above-mentioned sasines of 1722,
of which I had previously become possessed in the
Particular Register. The annual printed account of the
town, 1863, bears : — " Debts — Irredeemable mortifica-
tions, j£l370 ; " and on the other side, " Salaries to
Teachers, j£71, 4s. lOd.," but no mention of a founder's
name. In the absence of any clear statement, we are left
to conjecture that £833, 6s. 8d. of the above ^* irredeemable
mortifications," (as they are called,) belong to Bailie
Paterson's funds, and that a corresponding part of the
salaries has arisen from the interest. There being,
however, two separate trusts, for separate purposes, apart
altogether from the ordinary funds and management of
the town, there ought to be (and may be) separate
accoimts, shewing the trust income annually received and
how applied. Such are desirable for the information of
those intended to be benefited, as well as to keep the
founder's name in deserved remembrance, and prevent
misconception respecting him, like that into which Mr
Bannister has accidently fallen.
A collection of "Epitaphs and monumental inscrip-
tions, chiefly in Scotland," (Glasgow, 1834,) contains the
following under the head "Dumfries : " — " Here lieth
62 WnXIAM PATEESOX.
the body of John Paterson, son to John Fatcrson,
merchant in Dnmfries, who died the 10th of November
1711 ; aged 16 years and eight months : —
When parents, friends, and neighbours hoped to see,
This early bud of learning, piety,
And temper good, produce some fruit.
Behold, Death plucks the plant up by the root."
My friend, Mr John Jackson of Amisfield, Dumfries,
informs me that the stone with the above inscription still
stands in the old churchyard, Dumfries; also that an
ac^oining stone records the death of Bailie Paterson, the
father, in these terms :— " Here lies John Paterson, mer-
chant, late bailie of Dumfries, who died 17th January
1722, aged 65 years." With all truth there might have
been added : — " Bailie Paterson was a large benefactor to
the public, having left considerable sums for the endow-
ment of Dumfries schools, and built a bridge at New-
abbey, and provided for the poor of Newabbey, his native
p Irish." These two stones, in the old churchyard at
Dumfries, are in the keeping of Mr William Carson of
Dumfries, already mentioned as a descendant of Mrs
Bethia Paterson of Kinharvey. No trace has anywhere
appeared to me of a relationship betwixt Bailie Paterson
and the Skipmyre and Kinharvey families. Indeed, these
stones in Dumfries churchyard, first to Bailie Paterson's
son, and then to Bailie Paterson himself, go to mark him
as of different blood. Had he been of the same, we may
implicitly believe that, in the predilection which there is
BIBTHPLACE AND PABENTAGE.. 63
in Scotland for adhering to family buiying-gronnds, the
remains of both father and son would haye been carried
to TraUflatt or Newabbey, where lie the Skipmyres and
Kinharveys. The fact of Bailie Paterson devoting his
means to the public purposes aboye mentioned — subject
only to a provision to his widow — indicates that he had
not any immediate surviving relatives.*
Speaking on the authority of the deceased Mr Elliot
Warburton, Mr Bannister says, ('* Life," p. 39,) that the
banke^ had to leave Dumfriesshire in his youth (1678 1)
owing to a charge against him of being '' a confederate
with the outlawed Presbyterians." Of this there does not
seem to be any evidence. ELad Paterson's father or his
youthful son been involved in such a serious a&dr, surely
* In ancient times the building a public bridge by an individual
was reckoned an act of piety. Thus in the same district , Devorgilla,
daughter of Allan, first Lord of Galloway, and wife of John Comyn
of Castle Barnard, a lady of distinguished piety and munificence,
erected— L New Abbey or Sweetheart Abbey, in this same parish of
Newabbey, about seven mil^ from Dimifries, where, ^upon her
death in 1289, at the age of eighty, she was buried, the embalmed
heart of her husband, who had died twenty-nine years before, being
buried with her. The ruin of this once magnificent ecdesiastical
edifice attracts many admiring visitors. 2. She erected the Grey-
friars Monastery in Dumfries, where Comjm was killed by Bruce
and Eirkpatrick on 10th February 1305. The site of the monas-
tery is weU known, but of the buildings not a vestige is to be
seen. 3. She erected the bridge — ^now truly the old bridge of
Dumfries — ^that was in the reign of Alexander IIL It consisted
of thirteen arches, (now sadly curtailed,) and was described by
Pemberton, in his journey through Scotland, 1723, as *' a fair stone
bridge of thirteen lazge arches, the finest I saw in Britain next
to London and Bochester." Being the only access then existing
64 WILLIAM PATEESON.
some reliable record of the fact would have been pre-
served. Indeed, the loug continuance of the Patersons
in the tenancy of Skipmyre attests, in the strongest
manner, that the family were both peaceable and indus-
trious, and not given to intermeddling of any kind.
The sixty-one short years of this distinguished man's
life formed an eventful epoch in British history. They
witnessed the death of Cromwell ; the brief protectorate
of Richard his son ; the joyful restoration of King
Charles IL ; the erection of turnpikes in Ei|f land ;
the ravages of the plague, and the great fire in London ;
the twenty-nine years' endurance of Episcopacy in Scot-
land ; the risings, and struggles, and persecutions of the
Covenanters; the murder of Archbishop Sharpe; the
betwixt the stewartiy and DamfrioB, Bailie Paterson would use
Devorgilla^s Bridge in travelling betwixt Xhunfries and his native
parish of Newabbey ; and the circnmstance of its being a contribu-
tion to the public from a private lady, may have led him to think
of a lesser, but similar work — the building of his Newabbey bridge.
There was a coincidence between the Lady Devorgilla and BaUie
Paterson, in each having devoted funds to three philanthropic
objects ; the former to the building of an abbey, a monastery, and
a bridge ; the latter to the endowing schools, providing for the
parochial poor, and building a bridge. Though small in compari-
son, the bailie's foundations have outstood those of the lady ; the
school endowment is still effectual, the provision for the poor is
not pnly preserved but vastly increased, and the Newabbey Bridge
(or a second edition of it) is still extant. On the other hand.
Sweetheart Abbey is now no more than a splendid ruin; the
monastery has disappeared, and the Dumfries old bridge is on its
original and last legs — fairly worn out in nearly six hundred years*
service, and outrivalled by the handsome new bridge, built almost
alongside, in 1795.
BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 65
penny post instituted in London ; the death of Charles ;
King James II. 's accession to the throne ; the Duke of
Monmouth's rebellion; the abdication of the king; the
revolution which placed William and Mary on the throne ;
the Irish rebellion; the Bank of England established,
and, next year, the Bank of Scotland; the massacre of
Glencoe; the projection and failure of the Scottish Darien
expedition; the deaths of William and Mary; the acces-
sion and reign of Queen Anne; the Union of England
and Scotland; the South Sea scheme; the death of Anne,
and the accession of King George I. ; the rebellion of
1715 ; the battle ol Sheriffinuir; and the Act of the British
Parliament, ordering £18,241, 10s. lOfd. of compensation
money (a vast sum in those days) to Paterson, in respect
of his claims on the nation.
Paterson's important services and heavy outlays con-
nected with the Darien expedition, are set forth in reports
by committees of the House of Commons, 1713 and 1715,
on which the Compensation Act in his favour proceeded.
The reports particularly bear that Paterson, in devoting
himself to the public service, had relinquished his busi-
ness as a merchant in London, — a fact inconsistent
with the story that he occupied himself as a bucanier <
abroad. Copies of these interesting state -papers are
in the hands of Dr David Laing of EdinburgL The
statute was the first of Gkorge I., cap. ix., passed 1715,
and intituled, " An Act for relieving William Paterson,
E
66 WILLIAM PATEBSON.
Esq., out of the Equivalent Money, for what is due to
him.''*
It was from the fond provided .or secured to him by
this Act of 1715, that Paterson, as may be supposed, was
enabled to leave the several legacies specified in his will
* The printed bill on which the Act proceeded is in these
terms: — "Whereas by the fifteenth article of the Treaty of
Union, it is agreed. That next after the necessary allowance
for any losses which private persons may sustain by reducing
the coyn of Scotland to the standard and value of the coyn of
England, the capital stock or fund of the African and Indian
Company of Scotland advanced, together with the interest for
the said capital stock after the rate of five per cent, per annum,
from the respective times of the payment thereof, shall be paid ;
upon payment of which capital stock and interest, it is agreed the
said company be dissolved and cease. And whereas, soon after
passing the Treaty of Union by the Parliaments of both kingdoms,
the Parliament of Scotland, by an act intituled, * Act concerning
the payment of the sums out of the Equivalent to the African
Company,* did limit and restrict the payment of such interest of
five i>er cent, per annum, to the 1st day of May 1707 then
next following, and the whole sums of principal and interest, to
be paid to the creditors and proprietors of the joint-stock of the
said company, to the gross sum of £232,884, 5s. 0|d. only; ap-
pointing the directors of the said company, or any five of them,
with their secretary, to state the account of such debts and stock
advanced, but so as in the whole not to exceed the said gross sum
of £232,884, 5s. Oid., on or before the said 1st day of May, on pain
of letters of homing ; in which proceedings the claim and demand
of William Paterson, Esq., upon the said company was omitted :
And whereas, by an Act made in the first Parliament of Great
Britain, intituled ' An Act for the further directing the payment of
the Equivalent Money,* it is particularly decbured and enacted.
That no omission or neglect of the directors of the said company,
or of others concerned, in stating, adjusting, or certifying the claims
or demands upon the equivalent, shall prejudice the right, interest.
BIRTHPLACE AND PABENTAGE. 67
of 1718. The execator, Paul Daranda^ stands high in the
estimation of Mr Bannister— the two volomes of Writings
being dedicated to his memory in very flattering terms.
But in that opinion the Scotch relations would not con-
cur-— at least the present survivors are under the distinct
daim, or demand of the said Wflliam Patenon, in and upon the said
company ; bat that the aeyeral saniB due to him by the said company
shall be certified, and thereupon fully satisfied and paid in the terms
of the Treaty of Union, as the same shall be proved before the judges
of the Court of Exchequer in Scotland : And whereas, by the proofs
made before the said judges, pursuaDt to the aboTe-recited special
direction, it appears that the said William Paterson hath not re-
ceived the considerations stipulated in and by his first contracts and
agreements with the said company, nor had satisfaction for his fur-
ther and other services, expenses, and losses for and on their account :
May it therefore please your Majesty, that it may be enacted, and
be it enacted, by the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with
the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and
C!ommon8 in this present Parliament assembled, and by authority
of the same, that it shall and may be lawful for the CommlBsioners
of the Equivalent, and they are hereby required and directed
forthwith, to issue and pay to the said William. Paterson, his exe-
cutors, administrators, or assigns, the sum of £18,241, lOs. lOfd.,
in like debentures with those appointed to be issued by the afore-
said Act for the further directing the payment of the equivalent
money. The principal money upon which debentures shall be
payable in course, after payment of those issued, or which ought
to have been iiJsued, for the debts provided for by the said several
Acts concerning the same; but the interest upon the said de-
bentures, at the rate of five per cent, per annum, shall, from
the 25th day of March 1713, be in the meantime payable in the
same manner as upon the other debentures. And for the more
easy and convenient assignment and transference thereof, such
debentures are hereby particularly directed to be issued and made
forth in sums of not more than five hundred pounds, nor in sums
of lees than one hundred pounds each."
68 WILLIAM PATEBSON.
impression that the l^ades never were paid, and proba-
bly for this reason that the executor had not been able to
recover from the Treasnry the full compensation money
ordered by the Act of Parliament to be paid to Paterson
or his heirs. At sundry times the Scotch relations made
searching investigations, but entirely without effect. Mr
Stewart of Hillside, a gentleman already named, has
obliged us with the perusal of notes of a ''case " drawn
up. for them in 1853, with a view to further inquiry.
That document leaves little doubt that the compensation
money, so justly due to Paterson, had not been realised
— certainly that the Scotch relatives never received the
legacies designed for them.
The handsome legacies in the will to the Mounseys,
and Mrs ^Paterson, Kinharvey, (paid or unpaid,) would all
the more keep their connexion with Paterson in continual
remembrance, — indeed, it was not in human nature that
they would fail constantly and proudly to recollect their
illustrious relative, and the high position to which his
genius had carried him. '
The Scotch relations — particularly the Mounseys, de-
scended of the banker's sister Janet, — occupied themselves
for years in endeavouring to trace the funds whence
the legacies should have been paid, but in vain. It was
in the prosecution of this that the family genealogical
tree, already mentioned, was prepared — ^shewing clearly
enough the increasing, and multiplying, and replenishing
which flowed from Janet's marriage with Thomas Moun-
BIETHPLAeE AND PAEBNTAGE. 69
sey. Faterson, we may assume, would get 'acquainted
with Mounsey in London, where he was a merchant, and
through that introduction the marriage would come about.
The tree bears that Mounsey came to Skipmyre, with his
wife in poor health, where she died in 1698 j that he
settled there ; and entered into his second marriage with
Mary Steel, of which Dr Mounsey was the fruit.
In this genealogical inquiry my researches were not
among papers stored in great collections, such as the
British Museum, the state-papers at the Tower or the
Advocates' Library, where the writings of eminent men
may be found. Hence I do not here present anything
new from these sources ; probably the industry of Mr
Bannister in London has not left any material thing
there unexplored. Of all the papers in Mr Bannister's
volumes, one of the most interesting is Paterson's " Eeport
of matters relating to the colony of Caledonia, made to
the Eight Honourable the Court of Directors of the Indian
and African Company of Scotland,'' dated December 19,
1699. (Writings, voL i, pp. Ivii, Ixxxviii) That docu-
ment recounts the chief incidents of the Darien expedi-
tion, from his sailing with it in July 1698, till its disas-
trous conclusion, and his return to Britain in December
1699. The report bears painful record of the author's
sufferings from fever, bui still more from trouble of mind,
attendant on the crosses, and vexations, and heartbreak-
ing miscarriage of the scheme on which he had set his
heart. While penning these lines, the Bank of Scotland
70 WILLIAM PATZBSOX.
is presentiiig to the Scottish Sodety of Antiqnaiies the
lock and keys of the Darien Company's tieasiiie-chest,
perhaps the only actual relics now remaining of the expe-
dition. (See Appendix F.) In modem times, specie sup-
plies are no longer necessaiy accomjKUiiments of those
proceeding on foreign undertakings, — ^for, before them,
nearly in every part of the globe, there are banking-
houses with cash ready to answer drafts, — correspon-
dents, probably, of those very banks founded in 1694
and 1695 by the wisdom of William Paterson.*
In the Commissary records of Dumfries and Kirkcud-
bright, I found an inventory of the estate of a namesake of
William Paterson, viz.,—" 1687, July 29.— WiUiam Pater-
son, merchant in England, given up by William Paterson
in Howthat, Kuthwell," and where " Charles Paterson in
* The want of banks over Scotland at the period referred to ia
aptly illustrated by the following minute, which we found in the
kirk-session record of Paterson's natal parish :— *' At Tinwald,
lilarch 28> 1700. — The minister reports that he received that 200
merks from Edward Walls, according to appointment, (being a
legacy from Andrew Walls, merchant, Glasgow,) and he gave him
a receipt y'of. The session, not knowing of a convenient hand to
lodge it in, they desired the minister to keep it in his hand till
such time as they got a secure hand to lodge it in ; that he pay the
annual rent therefor ; which the minister condescended unto. *' The
Bank of Scotland, following the Bank of England, had been estab-
lished a few years previously; but there were not then penny
posts, penny newspapers, railway trains, and eleotrie telegraphs to
spread intelligence — not even stage coaches. Transit acroes the
country at that time would be uncertain, dilBeult, and tedioua
enough.
BIRTHPLACE AKD PABENTAGK 71
Hayboms ^ is mentioned as a debtor. Bat no relation*
ship appears to have existed between these Patersons and
the banker. I did not find in the Commissary records,
from 1639 downwards^ any will or inventory applicable to
Paterson in Skipmyre or the Monnseys.
Dumfriesshire and Galloway men, like the banker and
the above William Paterson, merchant traveller in Eng-
land, frequently crossed the Border in mercantile pursuits.
Thus the same Commissary records bear : — ^ 1685, Octo-
ber 12. JohnPagane, merchant traveller, lately in England,
now in Eirkbean, (Galloway,) brother-german to David
Pagane in Byiis" — ^his settlement, dated 4th June 1685,
and inventory recorded The name Pagan appears in the
county and parochial registers of Dumfriesshire and Gal-
loway for more than two centuries back. It originated
near the close of the tenth century with a French
crusader, who acquired it by his successes against the
pagans or infidels. (See Appendix G.)
The name "Paterson" occurs pretty frequently in all
the old Dimifries and Galloway registers. That for the
parish of Dumfries contains entries of several children
baptized to John Paterson in Eelwood, beiug the south-
most farm in Dumfries parish. The first of these is —
" 1611, April 21.-- Baptized John, son to John Paterson
in Kelwood — ^witnesses, Adam Patersone and Clement
M*Bumie in Dumfriea" This infant might have grown
into John, father of the banker, bom 1658, but I see no
reason to believe that such was the fact, or that there was
72 WILLIAH PATEBSON.
any rdatioiishipw Coriously enough, ** John ^ was a pre-
Tailing name among the Patersons. The same parish
register also bears r—** 1690, January 23. — Baptized
Robert, son to James Paterson in Tinwald — ^witness,
John Paterson, merchant" This James in Tinwald could
scarcely be the centenarian, bom 1621. He might be
a residenter in the village of Tinwald, and not at all con-
nected with the Skipmyre family. The baptism in Dum>
fries may have been owing to a vacancy in the incum-
bency of Tinwald parish, or temporary absence of the
clergyman. The witness, "John Paterson, merchant^*'
would likely be Bailie Paterson, of whom we have al-
ready spoken. As often happened in the old registers, no
mothers' names are given in those instances to assist in
tracing the genealogy. I should add that nothing has
come under my observation tending to show that the
progenitors of William Paterson had had a settlement
anywhere else than at the farm of Skipmyre in Tinwald.
Assuming t^t the evidence here gathered -together
and laid before the public has established in the clearest
and fullest manner the birthplace and parentage of this
remarkable man, — ^that his parents were John Paterson
and Bethia Paterson, and lus birthplace Skipmyre, in
the old parish of Trailflatt, now Tinwald, Dumfriesshire,
—we would venture a suggestion, that the fact should
not be allowed to rest on transient tradition, or on scat-
tered written or printed records, but that it should be
BIKTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 73
forthwith attested by some fitting public monumental
memorial to Paterson. The yicinity of Skipmyre farm-
house, or the adjoining ridge betwixt Nithsdale and
Annandale — Tinwald top,* about ,700 feet high — ^would
be a. thing of beauty, an object of attraction, not merely
to the ''queen of the south," Dumfries, but to all
within the magnificent amphitheatre amid which Tin-
wald proudly lifts its head. The lofty Queensberry and
Hartfell would range on the north ; Bumswark on
the east ; Criffel, and the silver Solway, and the Cumber-
land mountains on the south ; and the hills of Galloway
on the west The monument would look down on the
fertile plains of Nithsdale and Annandale, and find
thousands of admiring spectators in the teeming trains
of the Caledonian, the Glasgow and South -Western, the
Dumfries and Lockerbie, and the Dumfries and Port-
patrick Eailway Companies. It would remind all around
of the projector of the Darien expedition and founder of
our greatest banking establishment, and attest the now
indisputable place, of his nativity. Patriotic individuals
would be ready, and banking and commercial establish-
ments should be ready, to add a stone to the Cairn, to
supply the needful subscriptions for raising this long-
deferred but richly-deserved tribute to one of Scotland's
* '* Tell not thou star at gray daylight
O'er Tinwald top sae bonnie o',
My footsteps 'mang the morning dew,
When coming frae my Nannie o\"
Allan Cuitninoham. '
74 WILLIAM PATEBSOy.
mo8t gifted sons of the seYenteenth centiii7,--one who,
amidst the distractions of that unsettled period, devoted
his far-seeing genius to the cultivation of the arts of
peace, with an earnestness of purpose and a success
seldom or never surpassed. We have before us a printed
portrait of that connexion of the family — ^Dr Thomas
Mounsey, the Russian physician, bom in the same house.*
We know not, however, that any likeness of Paterson is
in existence. In his days the science of photography, with
which we are now familiar, was undreamt of, and portrait-
painting little practised. But some appropriate monu-
mental design may readily be selected, indicative of the
genius and the adventurous spiiit of the man whose
memory it is intended to honour, and to hand down to
future .generations Fims omronai opus.
* To Mr Ol«oi!9P GimbMOit «ik|i:iDMr« GUagow, a descendant of
th« mMn«g« b«twixt Thoouis Mounsex and Janet Fateraon, we
ai« indebted (<^r « |4ati» «l a )kalf-l«n$;tii portrait of Dr Monnaey,
« porUy-«i$$«d jpMitl<Maik lieldniir iik lua land ** Hipocrates de
Arti\^^ The |«int tt iMmML^ ""^ JMulMtt Mounwy cxaanie nui-
j^iitAtM Kvi^six' <v«t«iUMK«ii ^tamwi et nh««dk«» inmaxnu necnon
«MM^)lAti» fiotiwi^ FM^ItwlM ]ll«<^o» f«r tmreRam Impe*
n««i Aroliiatnr* ^ l>iiM«lv«- «iiqpwM«t «cUega wedki Begalia
THE SCOTTISH REGISTERS.
Ik parsuing my investdgations at the General Register
House in Edinburgh, respecting the genealogy of William
Paterson, I had no little toil and trouble travelling to
and from the metropolis. Once there, I had the freest
access in this matter of public interest to the records I
needed to consult. Mr William Pitt Dundas, deputy-clerk
register, allowed me the land registers and ConmiisRary
records, under the superintendence of Dr Joseph Eobert-
son, from whom I had every attention and facility. Mr
George Seton, advocate, secretary, and Mr John Paton,
senior clerk, kindly obliged me with the registers of
births, marriages, and deaths.
The registers of births, marriages, and deaths, were
instituted by the Church of Scotland in the sixteenth cen-
tury, and from that remote period, down to the end of
1854, that is during nearly three centuries, they were the
only acknowledged public registers for the purpose in
uyf;.-rr4:i&
i I Hi MSillillH 'tCSe JUkWiBAQlii 32 "SOS: SSJSBCXSr Q^JMuA.
Tl^feZR wsat 3UC aaT" ituujjuisazT' rosiscaciiiic *»«****** by
ra<» tfat»^ ^nr- ypraitTrp^ iirrsB^*yr»»f -an ^*mfff^ TT ^f^o^*^ The
^Ihnrni (vmliL nac aifljpM r gtrr s f-j-nfc'm r^ 1:1 cocLd only
; fMAtnmmud ic a» eoTrmrrnTiIg aliks uo pu^rjo^ pci^cr and
pxTTate mteitsta^ Li s noc to be won^gssd^ tbai, tliat
the m»^iitr%tinn». wox fssT fiiuut eoi]zp£et& SoLbscqiKnt
tr> thtf ffffoe 9eee9Soix& w&ick aeerizEed ia the lustoity
id the dmri^ manj pi eiauiift tesksjaed ifc a bondage to
adEDOwicrige a elmidko&av or apply for RgKtzatkm aft
hLi baodc NemtiKksSy tbere vas a Taat nambcr of re-
jpdntkma imder ibe Chazdi and ibexr kxik-fiessians^ and
wbcn their registers came to be gathered together, down
to the end of Id 19, in the new Genend Begister House
at Edinburgh, there were found to be about three
tbooMnd Tolnmei of them.
When the project for a compolBory system of r^istra-
tiun wan broached in Parliament, the Chnrch naturally
struggled to retain the roisters and system of regis-
tration which she had instituted; she sought earnestly
that her registers should be allowed to continue under her
MUperintendence, and be made universal and compulsory.
PEOPOSED IMPEOVEMENTS. 77
But other influences prevailed, and, finally, on 7th August
1854, the statute, 17 and 18 of her present Majesty, cap.
80, was passed, intituled " An Act to provide for the better
Registration of Births, Marriages, and Deaths in Scotland.'*
Under the provisions of that statute, the old system of
registration ceased on 31st December 1854, and the new
one commenced with 1st January 1855. No longer were
the registrations in the hands of the Church ; no longer
were they optional to parties. The registration of each
individual birth, marriage, and death, was enforced under
stringent penalties. The superintendence was vested in
the sheriff of counties ; but under a subsequent statute,
18 and 19 Vict. cap. 29,^ six district examiners were ap-
pointed to oversee the registrars, and keep them strictly
to the fulfilment of the important duties committed to
them. Another amendment act was passed, 6th August
1860, being 23 and 24 Vict., cap. 8^.
By force of these statutes, the old registers were taken
from the Church, — those previous to 1820 sent to the New
General Register House, Edinburgh, and those subse-
quent to that time transferred to the parochial regis-
trars, whose duties commenced on 1st January 1855. In
eighty-four instances, however, (which should be seen
to,) the registers of parishes anterior to 1820 have
not yet been transmitted, but remain with the session-
clerks.
Under the new system there is this great improvement,
that the registers of births, marriages, and deaths, in all
78 THE SCOTTISH REGISTERS.
the parishes in Scotland are now kept in duplicate^ one to
be retained at the registrar's office for ready reference in
the locality; the other forwarded annually to the Reg-
ister House, Edinburgh, for preservation and reference
there. The registrars close a volume every year at 31st
December; at the same time they must have an index
made up at the end of each duplicate book, of the
names contained in it, for more easy consultation. On
the duplicate register books, and their duplicate indexes
being compared and certified by the district examiners,
one copy is sent to Edinburgh, the other retained.
This plan is working admirably, and thereby we
have in the parishes, and also in Edinburgh, regis-
ters of all births, marriages, and deaths, including
paternity, ages, and other particulars, and the diseases
and causes of death certified by the medical attendants.
Mr Pitt Dundas, in his fifth report as Registrar-General,
(1863,) says : — " I am happy to be able to state that the
Registration Act has worked admirably in Scotland, and
has amply fulfilled the ends for which it was established.
I think I am justified in saying that very few births, and
scarcely any deaths or marriages, which take place in
Scotland, escape being entered in the public registers."
The registers so made up afford the data for the
registrar-general compiling those periodical statistical
returns of the rise and progress of the population, which
are of the greatest interest and importance in contem-
plating the social edifice. In one particular, however, we
PEOPOSED IMPBOVEMENTS. 79
think the register of deaths might be improved, — ought to
be improved, — ^by its specifying the parish or supposed
parish of the deceased's birth. Were the register to say
that A. died at the age of fifty, and toas bom in ^parish
of B.y we could turn to the register of R parish and learn
the place and hour of A.'s birth, and obtain a key to his
lineage. As the death schedule stands, we have no infor-
mation whatever for tracing back the genealogy of any
person dying out of the parish of his birtL
An improvement might also be made in facilitating the
correction of registration errors, — for such, with all care,
will now and then occur. As the law stands, errors can
only be corrected by the parties concerned, and the
registrars, travelling to the seat of the Sheriff Court,
(however distant) — ^the parties to depone to the nature
and cause of the errors, and the correction required, and
the registrars to declare to their knowledge of the same.
Now that the care of the registers is removed from the
sheriffs, we think such procedure might fitly be taken
before a justice of peace, in the parish or neighbourhood,
or before a burgh magistrate, and reported to the district
examiner. On being satisfied that the correction sought
for was warranted, the district examiner at his annual
supervision could attest and validate the corrected entry.
There would thea be no long journey to the sheriff, to
deter parties and registrars from having errors corrected
whenever discovered.
The taking from the functionaries of the Church of
80 THE SCOTTISH REGISTEBS.
Scotland the parochial registers of births, marriages, and
deaths, preceding 1855, cannot be disi)assionately regarded
as other than an arbitrary act of the, British Legislature.
Undoubtedly it was matter of public interest that those
important records should be secured in some one safe
place— the General Hester House at Edinburgh— both for
presenration and for reference. But that might have been
accomplished by making duplicates for transmission to
Edinburgh, and leaving the parishes in possession of their
old and much cherished records. As examples of what were
torn from individual parishes, and carried to Edinburgh
and retained there, the following, quoted from the new
statistical account, may be given : — Dunfemdine, (1844,)
per Eev. Peter Chalmers : — ''The parochial registers consist
of nineteen folio volumes, the first six of which are regis-
ters of baptisms and marriages jointly; of the remaining
thirteen, nine are of baptisms, and four are of marriages.
They are continuous from 16th July 1561, the date of the
first entry, to the present period, excepting a blank in the
marriages 1745-50. Some of the old volumes are beauti-
fully written, and the ink is black, and still retains its shin-
ing qualities. All these registers are well bound, lettered,
and dated on the back, and in good preservation." Durrir
ffie8y per Rev. Joseph Duncan : — ** The parochial registers
consist of twenty-five volumes, including the proceedings
of the kirk-session. The record of baptisms commences in
1605, the marriages in 1616, and the burials in 1617; in
aU of which the entries are regular."
PEOPOSED IMPE0VEMENT3. 81
Injustice to the whole parishes of the kingdom, except-
ing those who have not complied with the require-
ments of the statute, duplicates of the registers now held
in Edinburgh ought forthwith to be made at the
public expense, and sent to them. Till that be done, no
one can see any parochial register preceding 1820, or
obtain extract of birth, marriage, or death, unless upon
^oing to Edinburgh, or applying there by letter. Tlie
circumstance of the registers, 1855 and downwards,
being, as already mentioned, kept in duplicate, is Parlia-
mentary acknowledgment of the principle that each loca-
lity should always have a copy of its new register. The
same principle clearly demands that the parishes should
have duplicates of their own preceding registers. The
registrars are provided with fire-proof safes, and in their
hands duplicates of the old registers, whUe kept secure,
would be accessible to all on the spot, and give a full
knowledge of the contents of each parish register, in
the parish itself, from the earliest time. Compelling
parties to apply to the one copy in Edinburgh, is not
so satisfactory as having the register in duplicate in
the parish, where it may be seaa-ched and seen by the
inquirers themselves j not to speak of th^ serious delay,
inconvenience, and expense, in going or sending to the
books in Edinburgh.
Another and great advantage would be secured by hav-
ing duplicates made of the old parish registers. Many of
them are getting illegible through the mere lapse of time,
P
82 THE SCOTTISH EEGISTERS.
— ^the mouldering of the paper, and the fading of the ink.
Duplicates, in good round hand, would preserve to future
generations many entries which otherwise will disappear,
and can never be restored.
The land registers of Scotland, commonly called the
" Register of Sasines," are of the highest value in deter-
mining all questions respecting the ownership of lands
and heritages ; and frequently, as we have seen, they afford
irrefragable evidence in questions of genealogy which
would otherwise remain for ever unsolved. They have
of late had a large share of public attention. Two com-
missioners, Mr Charles Morton of Edinburgh, and Mr
Andrew Bannatyne of Glasgow, reported upon them in
1862.* Their report led to the introduction by the Lord
Advocate, into the House of Commons, 1864, of a bill for
altering the system of land registration, established in
1617, and continued down to this day, — ^the leading prin-
ciple of the bill being, that the local registers, nineteen in
number, should no longer be kept in counties, or districts
of counties, but be all removed to the Register House,
Edinburgh, and wrought by a new staff of officials to
be formed there. While such was to be the fate of the
county land registers, the registers of sasines for the
sixty-three Scottish royal burghs were to be continued
untouched in their respective localities. This proposal to
* Report of the commissioners appointed to inquire as to the
state of the registers of land rights in the counties and burghs
of Scotland. Presented to Parliament 1863.
PROPOSED IMPBOVEMENTS. 83
abolish the immemorial right and privilege of county
local registration, and centralise all in Edinburgh, natu-
rally occasioned much irritation over the length and
breadth of Scotland ; and when the second reading of the
bill was moved, an opposition of a very uncompromising
character broke out against it in the House. The opposi-
tion was led by Sir James Fergusson, Bart., M.P. for the
county of Ayr, seconded by Mr W. R Baxter, mem-
ber for the Montrose burghs, and supported by Sir
Edward Colebrooke, M.P. for Lanarkshire, Mr R. S.
Aytoun of the Kirkcaldy burghs, Mr Crawford of the
Ayr burghs, Mr Bouverie of the Kilmarnock buighs,
Mr Dunlop of Greenock, Colonel Sykes of Aberdeen, dsc.
The opposition appeared to have the general support of
Scotland, Edinburgh city alone excepted, whose centralis-
ing interests were represented by the Lord Advocate, Mr
Mure, M.F., and Mr Adam Black. But all the eloquence
of the Edinburgh gentlemen failed to convince the
House, (and the counties of Scotland never will be con-
vinced,) that transfers of lands, great or small, cannot
be completed, unless by transmitting the titles to and
from Edinburgh upon each transaction, for the me-
chanical work of registration there. The Lord Advo-
cate yielded to the opposition, and withdrew the bill
without a division ; and thus the proposed measure fell
to the ground.
While participating in the general satisfaction that
this attempt to abolish county registration, and cen-
84 THE SCOTTISH BEGIBTEBa
tralise it in Edinburgh, bad sucb a signal discomfiture
the House of Commons, we are well persuaded that tbe
land registers may be improved most beneficially for the
pubUc interest, and local registration maintained, confor-
mably alike with the feelings, the prejudices, and the
interests of the Scottish people.
We have already adverted to the benefit conferred by
the compilation and publication of the Abbreviates of
Retours down to 1700 — so giving all concerned the
easiest access to them, not in Edinburgh merely, but
over Scotland. In like manner, an abridgment of the
land registers, the General and Particular Register of
Sasines, was begun at the General Eegister House in 1821,
--commencing, however, not with 1617, from which the
Sasine Registers date, but so late as 1781. The slow and
leisurely manner in which that work has been gone about,
and the abridgments printed, is described in the deputy-
clerk register's report, of 13th December 1864, to the
Lord Clerk Register. We thereby learn that the period
1781 to 1821 formed the first series of the abridgment,
and the period 1821-31 the second series. Of these
the indices give both the persons and places. The
third series embraced the period 1831-41 ; the fourth,
1841-46 ; the fifth, 1846-51 ; the sixth, 1851-61 ; the
seventh, embracing 1856-61, is only in progress. Of
the abridgments after 1831, the indices give the names
of persons only — ^not, as formerly, the names both of
persons and places. Of 1861, and following years,
PROPOSED IMPEOVEMENTS. 85
the work of abridgment and indicing is not yet com-
menced.
The state of matters here disclosed respecting those
abridgments and indices is, we think, exceedingly unsatis-
factory, and indicates that there must be some heavy clogs
on the wheels of Her Majesty's General Kegister House.
1. It seems surprising that after forty-four years' ex-
perience^-from 1821 downwards — some system of abridg-
ing and indicing has not been discovered and practised,
whereby the work should be accomplished more speedily,
and kept short by the head. Mr Thomas Thomson in
1821 undertook the forty preceding years, — a period
which required time to work up. That completed, and to
which an extra staff might well have been applied, sub-
sequent years ought never to have been in arrear. Yet
the seventh series, 1856-61, is incomplete as regards most
of Scotland; in other words, these General Register
House abridgments are, at this moment, eight or nine
years in arrear.
2. For the fifty years, 1781-1831, the indices gave the
names both of persons and places; since 1831, the indices
give only half the necessary information, — they give the
names of persons but not of places. The reason assigned
is, that^much quicker execution of the work was expected
by discontinuing the index of places. The fact, however,
of the abridgments with indices of persons only being
years in arrear, demonstrates plainly enough that those
who dropped the places-index, for a great gain in celerity,
86 THE SCOTTISH REGISTKES.
have been entirely disappointed. It is -unfortunate that
a discontinuance of the places-index had ever been
allowed. That index is exceedingly valuable to all
seeking information from the land registers. There may
be numerous John Smiths (for instance) connected with
lands, houses, and heritages in a county ; but having his
name only to ref^r to, the searcher must turn up and
examine all the numerous references under it. After
much labour he may find that not one entry in the index
before him applies to the lands of John Smith of X,
which are the object of the searcL He must then go to
other indices of names, and probably with a similar
result. But, with an index of places, the searcher would
at once turn up the lands of X, in the county of Y, and
there he would find references to all deeds and encum-
brances (if any) which affect those lands. These place-
indices at once disclose the names of the successive pro-
prietors of lands, and all their transactions respecting
them, of whatever kind or character, — whether in trans-
missions, or feu-rights, or long tacks, or entails, or ex-
cambious, or securities, or discharges. Agreeing with
those who compiled the indices, both persons and places,
applicable to the retours 1560-1700, and applicable to the
sasines 1781-1831, we think the indices of both should
be insisted for as regards the sasine registers, ancient
and modem. The deputy -clerk register, indeed, evidently
leans to this same opinion, for he tells us that the discon-
tinuance of the place-indices was pressed upon him " as
PROPOSED IMFBOVEMEXTS. 87
a tempoiary measuie,'* and he ^[>eaks of its suspensiun
as only ''for a time," adding "I have not been able,
ufiih the limited mecau at my diipotalj tb see my way to
resnming the constniction of the indices of places.**
Granted that there should be place-indices, the proper and
conyenient time for compiling them is when preparing
the person-indices, having both at command, (persons
and place&) Having both, searchers would have the
option of referring to the one or the other, or both,
according to their taste or requirements.
3. The object of those abridgments and indices, as the
Report justly has it, is to make them ''available to the
public." Much labour has been employed in those works,
and many volumes printed since 1821, but available to
the public they have not been made. There has been
printing but no publishing. Not a single volume of the
abridgments and indices has been sent down to the dis-
trict registrars for consultation in the counties. The
printed volumes are withheld from the district registrars
and the public, and cannot be seen or consulted unless
within the dark^portals of the General Register House in
EdinburgL After all the pains and expense bestowed on
them, they have, under the seclusion system, proved of
very little avail to the country at large.
Assuredly the country will not be satisfied with abridg-
ments commencing only in 1781, nor with printed abridg-
ments being locked up in Edinburgh. We would
begin at the beginning, and have abbreviates of all the
8S THE SCOTTISH REGISTERS.
sksines, and other deeds appearing in them, from 1617
downwards, prepared and printed, with ample indices of
names and places, and copies of them sent down to the
district registrars. The minute-books, applicable to olden
times, are in many instances defective — in some cases never
yet made up. Nor do the old mii;iute-book entries al-
ways set forth with sufficient clearness the persons and
places contained in the deeds, of which they should be
epitomes. Frequent reference must therefore be had to
the volumes, containing the full copies of the deeds.*
Many of the olden records, both the full-length copies
and the minute-books, are in good preservation and
easily legible, from having been engrossed in plain round
hand, with sufficiency of indelible ink on strong paper.
But too frequently matters are quite different ; and what,
with paper and ink wasted and faded, during two or
three centuries, cramp handwriting, contracted words,
and deeds in law Latin, the task of deciphering them, to
ordinary readers, is equally difficult, tedious, and unsatis-
factory. Use all possible pains, an unpractised hand
cannot be certain that he has not misread, or altogether
missed the very matter of which he was eagerly in quest
The loss of a leaf or a line, nay, the indistinctness of a
single word, may frustrate the whole object of a long and
laborious search. The compilation and printing of aii
Abbreviate of the Sasines' Registers would tend, as
we suggested in reference to duplicates of the births,
marriages, and deaths* registers, to preserve the essen-
PROPOSED IMPROVEMENTS. 81)
tial parts of old deeds from that gradual decay into
ivhicli numbers of them are now unavoidably falling.
The land registers contain much matter as well of pub-
lic as of private interest, which, with the volumes, (some,
of them,) almost illegible, and without a key, is practically
next to useless. In their present shape they are little
better than would be a handsome balance in a bank
account, belonging to a party who knew not of it, or
could not reach it. An abbreviate, with indices of these
old registers in a good current hand, but more especially
a print of them, would be of great value to the country.
Many questions of property and genealogy would thereby
be cleared up, which will otherwise be in doubt for ever.
The same considerations which led to preparing and
printing an abbreviate of the retours— shewing the
ground-work of transfers of lands by mccession — should
with equal force recommend this proposal for the prepar-
ing and printing abbreviates from the saline registers of
the transfers of lands by conveyance.
In compiling and printing abridgments, to the limited
extent above mentioned^ the Register House authorities
have practically acknowledged that the aid of the printing
press is essential to the full development of our land
registers, both ancient and modem. The cost would be
small indeed, considering the free and ready and inex-
pensive access which would thereby be afforded to the
profession and the public. If we mistake not, the fees
levied in the General Register House, Edinburgh, yield
00 THE SCOTTISH KEGISTEES.
a considerable yearly snrplns to the public exchequer, and
from that, or some other source, the necessary funds
should be obtained. One might then, by turning up
the indices, gain more knowledge in a few hours of
the persons and properties sought after, than he can
do now in days and weeks of painful toil over the written
registers. The above remarks, we should mention, are
not meant to apply to the modem land registers and
their minute-books, which aj:e kept by the registrars,
under the superintendence of the Lord Clerk Register;
these are legibly written, and as easily consulted as
manuscript books can be, where only one copy exists,
and where that one copy is visible only during limited
hours, and at one particular place.
So much for the past. As regards the future, we would
proceed in this way. Let the registration of land rights
be continued in the counties, as heretofore, same as in the
burghs, — same as the registration of births, marriages, and
deaths is kept locally. Only, as is the case in the latter,
the district registrars should make abridgments with
indices of persons and places in duplicates, and transmit
one duplicate annually to the Lord Clerk Eegister, to be
arranged and printed-proof s being first sent to the regis-
trars for revisaL When thrown o% let copies be placed
in the General Begiater House for consultation in Edin-
burgh, at the same time let copies be transmitted to the
district registrars, in whose hands they may be con-
sulted in the priucipiU towns in Scotland. At these
PROPOSED IMPBOVEMENTS. 9 1
places the public would have access to the printed
abridgments for all Scotland, on payment of fees, to
cover the expense, and prevent the idly cniions from
dipping into the a£&drs of others, as exhibited in these
land registers. In this way, instead of dismissing county
and district registrars^ with or without d^mpensation for
loss of offices, these public servants would be continued,
and made still more useful than they were designed to be
when constituted under the Act of 1617. The General
Register of Sasines, which has led to what is called the
^'double search," would be abolished, and all deeds or
notarial instruments, applicable to a particular county,
would be registered in the register for that county. So
aU deeds, applicable to properties in the Scottish royal
burghs, come to the burghs where they respectively
lie, for registration by the town-clerk in the burgh
sasines' register. Where one keeper has two counties in
charge, he should be required to enter their deeds in
separate volumes, and make up separate minutes or
abridgments, and indices. Eventually we would have a
registrar resident in each county, and his register kept
there, as the natural place, both for ingiving deeds and
obtaining information and searches. Most counties are
already provided with proper safes for keeping their
land registers ; those not provided would be reached by
a Parliamentary enactment, such as in the Births, &c.,
Registration Act, as regards the parochial registers.
Those interested in holding up the General Register of
1
02 THE SCiiTTISH REGISTERS.
Sasines in Edinbargh, and in suppressing all the local
land registers, and drawing them within the sphere of the
Parliament Honse, will be ready to tell ns of the difficul-
ties — of the impossibilities — ^which oppose themselves to
any such improvements as we have indicated ; and of the
unspeakable advantages of sucking into Edinburgh all
the land registers of Scotland. Our answer is, — " Wheite
there is a will there is a way." And we are firmly
persuaded that the same pen which framed the Births,
&c, Begistration Act, and continued and confirmed local'
registration of these over all Scotland, without the aid of
any general register in Edinburgh, could frame an Act to
the like effect as regards our land registers. The volumes
containing the full-length copies of the deeds would,
when filled up, be transmitted, as heretofore, to the Lord
Clerk Register for preservation in Edinburgh, accompanied
by duplicate abridgments and indices for the printer.
The other duplicate would remain in the registrar's safe,
for reference in the county, without compelling people
either to go, or send to Edinburgh. The minute-books
or abridgments would give the substance of the deeds
themselves ; any one wishing to see the ipsissima verba
would find them, as at present, in the volumes stored at
Edinburgh. Unless in very few cases, however, the
minute-book or abridgment serves all requisite purposes,
and such in the district registrars' hands throughout
Scotland would afford every needful facility for their
consultation.
PSOPOSED DfPBOVEMENTS. 93
The preparations of annual indicea, in alphabetical
order, giving the Christian and somame of all the numer-
ous persons who may be bom, or be married, or die,
within the parish or district, is required of the 901 regis-
trars of births, &c ; and all are duly made and transmitted
to the Registrar Genend in Edinburgh, in reference to the
registration volume of the year. In like manner, but
of a much less extensive character, would be the annual
indices required from the twenty or thirty registrars
of land rights, along with their corresponding minute-
books or abridgments. When received in January, these
might be printed in February, and the proofs revised, as
well in the Lord Registrar's department, as locally, and
the sheets thrown of^ and the volume for the preceding
year put into the hands of the keepers in Edinburgh and
in the county towns by March. In any of their offices we
could then read in print the substance of the preceding
yeaf s land transactions, not of that county merely, but
of all the counties in Scotland. To the same annual print
we would add an abridgment of the year's general and
special retours, also a list of adjudications and inhibi-
tions, and generally of any other judicial steps recorded
against lands or landowners during the twelve months
embraced in the print
In exemplification of the public's appreciation of
local registrations, and of the accuracy and celerity with
which their contents can be condensed and arranged and
given out in print, we would refer to the registers of the
94 THE SCOTTISH BBGISTEBS.
Scottish sheriffdoms in the matter of diligence. Of these
the sheriff- clerks — officers appointed by the Crown — ^are
the keepers, and thence, by very simple arrangements, all
judicial proceedings upon dishonoured bills, decrees for
debt, <kc., are made known weekly by aid of the printing
press, without the necessity of any private searches, such
as we have in the Sasine Eegisters.
In times not long gone by, writs, authorising personal
diligence, were not competent to the sheriff courts in
Scotland. A creditor holding a bill, or a decree, against
his debtor, was obliged to send his documents to Edin-
burgh, first for letters of homing^ under the authority of
the Court of Session, empowering messengersat-arms to
serve charges— requisitions for payment — on the debtors.
That done, the homings were returned to Edinburgh for
captions — writs authorising the incarceration of the
debtors in default of payment. The captions, when
received in the county, could be used by messengers-at-
arms for apprehending and incarcerating the debtors till
their debts should be paid, or the creditors otherwise
satisfied. A system so round about, tedious, and expen-
sive, placed the banking and commercial and other
interests over Scotland at great disadvantage, and led to
a short and simple remedy. The statute 1 and 2 Vict.,
cap. 114, passed 1838, authorised the thirty-three sheriff
courts of Scotland to issue warrants of charge and incar-
ceration on registered protests, and decrees, of equal vali-
dity and effect as the old homings and captions to which
PROPOSED DIPEOVEMENTS. 95
Edinburgh was previously privative. Thenceforth, as the
statute said, homings and captions might be employed,
but with this qualification, that no part of their cost was
to be chargeable against the debtor or his estate. These
writs have in consequence fallen into desuetude for
ordinary purposes, and diligence is now issued in the
several sheriff-courts, and executed by sheriff-officers —
be the debt great or small— much more quickly and in-
expensively, than under the exploded system of Edinburgh
homings and captions, executed by messengers-at-arms.
This simplification-statute works admirably, and any
proposal for its repeal, and a going back to Edinburgh
for writs in country diligences, would receive a hasty and
hearty condemnation from every district of Scotland.
The Scottish sheriff courts being thus the loci where
early information is to be had respecting steps of diligence
against debtors, it became an object with the legal and
commercial interests of the country to get at that infor-
mation in the speediest and most reliable manner. To
this end, associations were formed, a number of years ago,
for obtaining authentic particulars of all recorded pro-
tests and decrees, both in the Court of Session and in the
sheriff courts. These are collected by or from the keepers
week by week, arranged under the proper heads, and prin-
ted every Saturday— one of the publications being made
in London, the other in Qlasgow.* Thereby bankers,
* I%e Mercantile Tett, London ; and Stuhhi Weekly Oazette,
Glasgow.
96 THE SCOTTISH EEGISTEBS.
lawyers, merchants, and all who desire the information,
and will pay a few shillings annually for it, can have on
their tables, each Monday morning, an abbreviate of the
preceding week's registers of protests and decrees over
all Scotland, stating the dates of the bills dishonoured,
their currency, their amount, the dates of recording, the
names of the acceptors or promisers, drawers and indorsers,
and holders. To these are added lists of mercantile seques-
trations, and of decrees in absence, issued during the
week, with a summary of the gazette notices and bank-
ruptcy proceedings touching "parties whose credit or
estates are there at issue. We believte the publications
referred to extend also to bankruptcy proceedings in
England and Ireland.
In such a task as mine has here been, the existence of
printed abridgments of the land registers accessible at
the county towns, would have greatly lightened my
labour, and lessened its expense. Many successive
journeys to Edinburgh, and days spent in the Register
House, would have been saved me. Plain enough must
it be to every one that a system of printed minute-books,
or abridgments, of the several registers, patent to those
interested, at so many registrars' offices over Scotland,
would be of great practical benefit, and exceedingly popu-
lar, not with the profession merely, but with the country
at large, as contrasted with the present system of having
only one place — the General Register House, Edinburgli
— where those registers can be got at and consulted.
PROPOSED IMPB0VEMENT8. 97
For what is now prox>08ed, no additional offices or
officials would be necessary ; the county registrars would
send in duplicates of their annual minute-books, and
indices for the printer; the abbreviates of the other
registers would be prepared by their keepers ; the salary
of a superintendent in Edinburgh, and the printer's bill,
would be all the cost. The registers referred to being
under the authority of the Bight Honourable Sir William
Gibson Craig, Bart., Lord Clerk Begister, the appeal lies
to him, in the first instance, to take up this question of
public polity, not as an Edinburgh one, but in a kindly
spirit towards the country districts whose interests are
deeply affected — Aberdeen, Argyle, Ayr, BanjQ^ Berwick,
Caithness, Dumbarton, Dumfries, Elgin, Fife, Forfar,
Glasgow, Inverness, Kincardiae, Kinross, Orkney, Perth,
Benfrew, Boxburgh, Stirling, Wigtown, <fec., &c. We
cannot doubt the result.
The keepers of the Particular Begisters of Sasines,
placed at the diief towns in Scotland, hold their offices
under appointments from the Crown. Generally, if not
invariably, they are selected from among the practitioners
before the local courts — ^men trained in the law and prac-
tice of conveyancing. Of such individuals no one can
truly say that they are unfit for the work of registrar
tion committed to them by the Crown, or that they are
not fully qualified to frame whatever abridgments or
indices or duplicates may be required, under any im-
proved or altered mode of registration. At their hands
a
98 THE SCOTTISH BEGISTEBS.
fall efficiency may be relied on, and having a knowledge
of the persons and places in their districts, fewer in-
accuracies will occur with them, than may be anticipated
from any new staff of officials to be got together in
Edinburgh, should such ever be sanctioned, and the im-
memorial system of county registration be unhappily
overthrown.
Clearly, it would be quite anomalous to allow a con-
tinuance of the burgh registers of sasines, and the
completion of transfers by registration in them as here-
tofore, and yet to abrogate the district registers of
sasines, (as proposed,) and deny completion to any
transfer of landward property — even though in the same
street with the burgh property — unless upon a sending of
the titles always to Edinburgh, and a registration of the
transfers by some new machinery thera When each
parish registers its own births, marriages, and deaths, and
each burgh its own land rights, why deprive the counties
of their land registers 1
It will readily be believed that the numerous prac-
titioners in the local courts, among whom we have
the honour to rank, are by no means indifferent to
this question- They cannot be otherwise than diame-
trically opposed to the project for abolishing all the local
sasine registers, and centralising them in Edinburgh.
Their constituents, the landed proprietors in Scotland,
great and small, have found the advantage, through a
very long series of years— 1617-1865— of having such
PBOPOSED IMPBOYEMENTS. 99
registers at their command. They have resorted to them
freely : in them and m their keepers they have entire
confidence. The wish and the interest of the country,
undoubtedly, is to have the local registers continued —
and not only continued, but rendered more generally
useful than heretofore — as we think may be readily and
beneficially accomplished. To the country profession the
sending all writs to Edinburgh for registration would be
" a heavy blow and great discouragement** It would be
something like, a reverting to the practice anterior to the
Reform Act, when the Scottish freeholders required to go
to Edinburgh with their titles for completion by Crown
writs, and without which they could not claim, or be
enrolled as voters. Nor should it be forgotten that the
removal of the several keepers, and the discontinuance
of the local registers, and supplanting them by other reci-
pients in Edinburgh, would take away so many of the
few Crown appointments to which country practitioners
can aspire amid the irksome labours of ordinary profes-
sioifal business. We feel certain that greater utility and
efficiency will be attained by maintaining the local regis-
ters, than by shutting them up and carrying the business
elsewhere. We feel equally confident that the important
work of registration can always be conducted in the
country, where the business chiefly lies, more expedi-
tiously and more economically, than at any centralised
establishment in Edinburgh.
The public naturally look to the Lord Clerk Register,
100 THE SCOTTISH REGISTERS.
— on the one hand, that he should lend his weighty'
influence (as we feel persuaded he will da) to the placing^
all the Scottish Registers on an improved footing, so
far as that can possibly be done; — on the other, that
he will dispassionately consider (and allow) the daims
of the counties to a continuation of their local registers.
His lordship has moved Government, and obtained their
sanction to the publication of several of the ancient
records of Scotland. " Hereby," as the Couranb remarked,
*'the great treasures of the Register House — the true
sources of Scottish history — will for the first time be
thrown open to the world of letters." The records so
to be brought to light are stated to be, — 1st, Calendars
of the Records and State Papers of Scotland, from the
beginning of the reign of King James the Fourth, in
1488, to the union with England in 1707 ; 2d, Chronicles
and Memorials of Scotland during the Middle Ages, or
from the earliest Scottish annals to the end of the reign
of King James the Fifth, in 1542 ; and, 3d, Fac-similes
of the more interesting and important Scottish historical
documents, from the beginning of the records of Scotland,
in the eleventh century, to the union with England in the
beginning of the eighteenth. The printing and publish-
ing of those ancient records, under the auspices of the
Lord Clerk Register, will interest chiefly the historian
and the genealogist ; the land records we would have
abridged and printed year by year would be of positive
value, not to one or two classes only, but to aU engaged
PBOPOSED IKPBOYEMENTS. 101
in buying and selling land, or borrowing upon it — trans-
actions of daily life.
When on this topic, we would suggest that there should
be a printed catalogue of the contents of the General
Raster House, Edinburgh, giving a summary of the aim
and object of the various records accumulated in it — the
date of their institution, and whether continuous down to
the present day. Therein we would include the judicial
records, both civil and criminal, the parochial registers
transmitted under compulsion of the Eegistration Act
of 1854, and the records of the Church of Scotland,
placed for safety in the General Register Housa That
printed catalogue would throw a light upon this valuable
institution — the General Register House, not of Edin-
burgh merely, but of Scotland — which at present is
veiled nearly in obscurity. One would thereby know
what was to be had in this vast library — as it may be
termed — what to ask for, and where in it to apply.
Some of the records are for preservation only, but many
of them for publication — and to all the catalogue would
afford a guide never yet enjoyed.
* We would go farther ; we would also have a catalogue
of all the public records in Scotland, held by counties, and
burghs, (incorporations included,) and synods, and presby-
teries, and kirk-sessions. These records are filled with
vivid pictures of the manners and customs and wisdom
of our ancestors. They are the safest guides for history,
and contain reliable evidents of the patrimonial rights of
1 02 THE SCOTTISH BEGISTEBS.
communities and individuals, ofttimes to be found no-
Avhere else than in those records. A descriptive catalogue
of them, classified in counties, would inform all concerned
what records exist, to what periods they extend, and
where and in whose hands to be found. Moreover, the
fact of our county and town records being enumerated in
a printed catalogue would direct attention to them, and
secure their future keeping and preservation. For such
a work public money might well be applied. Or some
individual having the talent, and perseverance, and
influence, of the late Sir John Sinclair, Baronet, who
planned and accomplished the first parochial statistical
account of Scotland, might, upon his own venture, under-
take and prosecute and complete the work we have indi-
cated. All public bodies, owning records of the nature
referred to, and the custodiers of them, would, we may be
sure, lend willing hands to the compilation of a catalogue
so useful, and at the same time so truly national in its
character.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX A.
ABRIDGMENT OF WILLIAM PATEBSON's LIFE.
William Patebson, the original projector of the Banks
of England and of Scotland, and of the celebrated settle-
ment of Darien, was bom, it is supposed, in the year
1660, at Skipmyre, in the parish of Tinwald, Dumfries-
shire. It is deeply to be regretted that no satisfactory
memorials have been preserved of this remarkable man.
Of his education nothing is known, but it is stated in one
memoir that he was bred to the Church. He is also said
to have represented the burgh of Dumfries more than
once in the Scottish Parliament, and to have gone out to
the West Indies in the character of a Christian mis-
sionary, where he is said to have acquired that intimate
knowledge of the seas and coasts of America which led
him to form the splendid idea of a settlement at Darien,
by which he meant to connect the seas on the opposite
sides of the globe, and to form a grand emporium of the
productions of all the quarters of the earth. He returned
to Europe with a scheme of trade wholly different from
101 APPENDIX A.
the methods and piinciples of any of the then t ra d in g
companies of Engbind, and which he was desirous of
establishing under the protection and patronage of some
European power. This scheme he seems to have laid
first before the merchants of Hamburg, afterwards before
the Dutch, and then before the elector of Brandenburg,
who all, however, receiyed his proposals coldly. Paterson
next applied to the merchants of London, and with them
concerted the plan of the Bank of England, of wbidz
there seems no reason to doubt that he gave the first
hint. As it has very frequently happened, however, in
similar cases, though he was admitted one of the original
directors, his richer associates no sooner became fully
possessed of his ideas, than they found out pretexts for
quarrelling with him, and finally expelled him from all
share in conducting that business of which he had been
the author. He became acquainted with Fletcher of
Salton, who had penetration enough to see and to appre-
ciate the simple splendour of his project with regard to
Darien, and patriotism enough to desire to secure the
benefits of it to his own country.
Fletcher introduced him to the Scottish administration,
and easily persuaded King William that a Httle more
freedom, and some new facilities of trade, would have a
happy effect. The Earl of Stair, in particular, gave the
project of Mr Paterson the support of his powerful elo-
quence. The result was, that an Act was passed by the
Scottish Parliament on the 26th of June 1695, " consti-
tuting John, Lord Belhaven, Adam Cockbum of Ormiston,
Lord Justice-clerk, Francis Montgomery of Giffen, Sir John
Maxwell of Pollock, Sir Robert Chiesly, present provost
of Edinburgh, John Swinton of that ilk, George Clark,
late bailie of Edinburgh, Robert Blackwood, and James
ABRIDGMENT OP PATEBSON'S LIFE. 1 05
Balfour, merchants in Edinburgh ; John Corse, merchant
in Glasgow; William Patebson, Esq., James Fowlis,
David Nairn, Esq., Thomas Deans, Esq., James Chiesly,
John Smith, Thomas Coutes, Hugh Frazer, Joseph
Cobaine, Daves Ovedo, and Walter Stuart, merchants
in London, with such others as shall join with them
^thin the space of twelve months after the first day of
August next, and all others whom the foresaid persons,
and those joined, or major part of them, being assembled,
shall admit, and join into their joint-stock and trade, who
shall all be repute as if herein originally insert, to be one
body incorporate, and a free incorporation, with perpetual
succession, by the name of the Company of Scotland
trading to Africa and the Indies. Providing always, like
as it is hereby in the first place provided, that of the fund
or capital stock that shall be agreed to be advanced, and
employed by the said undertakers and their copartners,
the half at least shall be appointed and allotted for
Scottishmen within this kingdom, who shall enter and
subscribe to the said company before the first day of
August 1696. And if it shall happen, that Scotsmen
living within the kingdom, shall not, betwixt and the
foresaid term, subscribe for, and make up the equal half
of the said fund or capital stock, then, and in that case
allenarly, it shall be, and is hereby allowed to Scotsmen
residing abroad, or to foreigners, to come in, subscribe,
and be assumed for the superplus of the said half, and
no otherwise."
By the same Act the lowest subscription was filed at
one hundred pounds sterling, and the highest at three
thousand. The shares of Scotsmen, too, it was provided,
could be sold and alienated only to Scotsmen. The
company was also vested with full powers to hold parlia-
106 APPENDIX A.
meDts, make laws, and administer justice, &c., in any
colonies they might plant; enter into treaties of peace
and commerce with sovereigns, princes, estates, rulers,
governors, or proprietors of lands in Asia, Africa, and
America ; all their ships being bound, under penalty of
confiscation, to return with their cargoes in the first
instance to this country, without breaking bulk by the
way. They had also the exclusive privilege of trading to
Asia, Africa, and America, for the period of thirty-one
years ; together with the free and absolute right of pro-
perty to all lands, islands, colonies, cities, towns, ports,
and plantations, they might come to establish or possess ;
paying yearly to his Majesty, and his successors in sove-
reignty, one hogshead of tobacco, in name of blench duty,
if required. They had also the power of purchasing, for
the enlargement of their trade and navigation, from
foreign potentates, such exceptions, liberties, privileges,
&c., as they might find convenient Their ships were also
exempted from all customs, cesses, and supplies, and their
stock-in-trade from all taxes for the space of twenty-one
years. All persons concerned in the company were de-
clared denizens of the kingdom, and all persons settling
in any of their colonies, cities, &c., were to be reputed
natives of the kingdom, and enjoy privileges accordingly.
This Act, of which the above are some of the outlines,
was drawn up under the eye of Mr Faterson, and was
certainly highly favourable for his purposes.
The isthmus of Darien, where there was a large tract
of land bordering on both seas, the Indian and the Atlan-
tic, which had never been in possession of any European
nation, was the spot he had fixed upon for the scene of
his operations, and the advantages of which he thus
graphically pointed out: — "The time and expense of
ABEIDGMENT OF PATERSON'S LIFE. 107
navigation to China, Japan, the Spice Islands, and the
far greater part of the East Indies, will be lessened more
than half, and the consumption of European commodities
and manufactures will soon be more than doubled. Trade
will increase trade, and money will beget money, and the
trading world shall need no more want work for their
hands, but will rather want hands for their work. Thus,
this door of the seas, and key of the universe, with any-
thing of a reasonable management, will, of course, enable
its proprietors to give laws to both oceans, without being
liable to the fatigues, expenses, and dangers, or contract-
ing the guilt and blood of Alexander and Caesar. In all
our empires that have been anything universal, the con-
querors have been obliged to seek out and court their
conquests from afar, but the universal force and influence
of this attractive magnet is such as can much more effec-
tually bring empire home to the proprietors' doors. But
from what hath been said, you may easily perceive that
the nature of these discoveries are such as not to be en-
grossed by any one nation or people with exclusion to
others; nor can it be thus attempted without evident
hazard and ruin, as we may see in the case of Spain and
Portugal, who, by their prohibiting any other people to
trade, or so much as to go to or dwell in the Indies, have
not only lost their trade they were not able to maintain,
but have depopulated and ruined their countries there-
with, so that the Indies have rather conquered Spain and
Portugal than they have conquered the Indies; for by
their permitting all to go out, and none to come in, they
have not only lost the people which are gone to the re-
mote and luxuriant regions, but such as remain are
become wholly unprofitable, and good for nothing. Thus,
not unlike the case of the dog in the fable, they have lost
108 APPENDIX A.
their own countries and not gotten the Indies. People
and their industry are the true riches of a prince or
nation, and in respect to them all other things are but
imaginary. This was well understood by the people of
Borne, who, contrary to the maxims of Sparta and Spain,
by general naturalisations, liberty of conscience, &iid
immunities of government, far more effectually and ad-
vantageously conquered and kept the world than ever
they did or possibly could have done by the sword."
Seeing clearly his way, Mr Faterson seems not to have
had the smallest suspicion but that others would see it
also, and *^ he makes no doubt, but that the affection we
owe to our sister nation will incline the company to be
zealous in using all becoming endeavours for bringing
our fellow-subjects to be jointly concerned in this great,
extensive, and advantageous undertaking. That a pro-
posal of this kind from the company will be other than
acceptable ought not to be supposed, since by this means
the consumption and demand of English manufactures,
and consequently the employment of their people, will
soon be more than doubled. England will be hereby
enabled to become the long-desired seaport, and yet its
public revenues, instead of being diminished, will thereby
be greatly increased. By this their nation will at once be
eased of its laws of restraint and prohibitions, which, in-
stead of being encouragements, always have, and stilP con-
tinue to be, the greatest lets to its trade and happiness.''
These enlightened views seem to have made a greater
impression on the public mind than at that time could
have been anticipated. In the month of October 1695,
Lord Belhaven, Mr Robert Blackwood, and Mr James
Balfour, went on a deputation to London, accompanied
by Mr Paterson, where the subscription books were first
ABRIDGMENT OP PATEBSON*S LIFE. 1 09
opened, and in the course of nine days three hundred
thousand pounds were subscribed ; one-fourth of all sub-
scriptions being paid in cash. This promising state of
things, however, was, by the jealousy of the English
monopolists, suddenly reversed.
The English Parliament, with a spirit worthy of the
darkest ages and the most barbarous nations, declared
Lord Belhaven, William Paterson, and the other members
of the deputation, guilty of a high crime and misdemean-
our, for administering in that kingdom the oath defideli
to a foreign association. Those of the English people who
had become partners in the company were threatened with
an impeachment, and were by this means compelled to
withdraw their subsc^ptions. The company was left to
the unassisted resources of their own poor and depressed
country. The eagerness with which the scheme had been
patronised abroad by wealthy individuals, and the bitter-
ness of the opposition' directed against it by the Govern-
ment of England, equally tended to give it importance in
the eyes of Scotsmen. Nothing could exceed the eager-
ness with which all classes of the Scottish people has-
tened to. enrol themselves in the magnificent copartnery
now forming. Every burgh, every city, and almost every
family of any consequence, became shareholders. Four
hundred thousand pounds were subscribed ; an astonish-
ing sum when it is known, that at that time the circulat-
ing capital of the kingdom did not exceed eight hundred
thousand pounds sterling. To this enthusiasm a variety
of causes contributed. The scheme of Paterson was poli-
tically good. It was drawn up with great ability, and
promised important results in a moral and religious, as
well as in a commercial, point of view. The scene of the
intended operations became the subject of numberless
1 10 APPENDIX A.
pamphlets, wh»«in fancy vas mach more largely em-
ployed than fact The soil was represented as rich, and
teeming with the most loxnriant fertility ; the rivers, as
foil of fish, and their sands sparkling with gold ; the
woods smiling in perpetual Terdnre, at all times ringing
with the melody of spring, and loading every breeze that
swept over them with the most delightful odours.
Having completed their preparations, the colony, in
presence of the whole city of Edinburgh, which ponred out
its inhabitants to witness the scene, embarked ; Mr Pater-
son going first on board at Leith, from the roads of which
they sailed on the 26th of July 1698. The fleet consisted
of five ships purchased at Hamburg or H<dland — ^for they
were refused even the trifling accommodation of a ship of
war which was laid up at Burntisland — ^and were named
the Caledonia^ St Andrew, Unicom, Dolphin, and Endea-
vour ; the two last being yachts laden with provisions and
military stores. The colony consisted of twelve hundred
men ; three hundred of them being young men of the best
Scottish families. Among them were also sixty officers
who had been thrown out of employment by the peace
which had just been concluded, and who carried along
with them the troops they had commanded ; all of whom
were men who had been raised on their own estates, or on
those of their relations. Many soldiers and sailors, whose
services had been refused — for many more than could be
employed had offered themselves — were found hid in the
ships, and when ordered ashore, clung to the ropes im-
ploring to be allowed to go with their countrymen with-
out fee or reward. The whole sailed amidst the praises,
the prayers, and the tears of relations, friends, and country-
men ; " and neighbouring nations," says Dalrymple, " saw
with a mixture of surprise and respect the poorest nation
ABBIBGMENT OF PATEBSON's LIFE. Ill
of Europe sending forth the most gallant colony which
had ever gone from the old to the new world.''
The colony, on 3d November 1698, landed between
PoTtobeUo and Carthagena at a place called Acta, where
there was an excellent harbour, about four miles from
Gk>lden Island. Having obtained the sanction of the
natives to settle among them, they proceeded to cut
through a peninsula, by which they obtained what they
conceived to be a favourable site for a city, and they
accordingly began to build one under the name of New
Edinburgh. They also constructed a fort in a command-
ing situation for the protectiou of the town and the har-
bour, which they named St Andrew ; and on the country
itself they imposed the name of Caledonia.
The first care of the council, which had been appointed
by the company, and of which Mr Paterson was one of
the chief, was to establish a friendly correspondence with
the native chiefs. On the 28th of December 1698, the
council issued a proclamation dated at New Edinburgh,
to the following effect : — " We do hereby publish and de-
clare. That all manner of persons, of what nation or people
soever, are and shalP from henceforward be equally free,
and alike capable of the said properties, privileges, pro-
tections, immunities, and rights of government, granted
unto us ; and the merchants and merchant ships of all
nations may freely come to and trade with us without
being liable in their persons or goods to any manner of
capture, confiscation, seizure, forfeiture, attachment, ar-
rest, restraint, or prohibition for, or by reason of any em-
bargo, breach of the peace, letters of marque, or reprisals,
declaration of war with any foreign prince, potentate, or
state, or upon any other account or pretence whatsoever.
And we do hereby not only grant, concede, and declare, a
1 1 2 APPENDIX A.
general and equal freedom of government and trade to
those of all nations who shall hereafter be of or concerned
with us ; but also, a full and free liberty of conscience in
matters of religion, so as the same be not understood to
allow, connive at, or indulge, the blaspheming of God*s
holy name, or any of His divine attributes, or of the un-
hallowing or profaning the Sabbath-day ; and, finally, as
the best and surest means to render any government suc-
cessful, durable, and happy, it shall, by the help of Al-
mighty God, be ever our constant and chiefest care, that
all our further constitutions, laws, and ordinances be con-
sonant and agreeable to the holy Scriptures, right reason,
and the examples of the wisest and justest nations ; that
from the righteousness thereof we may reasonably hope
for and expect the blessings of prosperity and increase."
A parliament was formed, which held at least two ses-
sions. In April 1699, it enacted thirty-four statutes for
the regulation of civil and criminal justice in the colony.
Several items bear strong marks of the liberal spirit and
philosophic mind of Paterson.
Mr Paterson had taken the precaution to land his people
at the beginning of winter, the best season for Europeans
encountering the climate of Darien ; and the first letter
from the council to the directors thus expressed the satis-
faction of the colonists with their new destination : — " As
to the country, we find it very healthful ; for, though we
arrived here in the rainy season, from which we had little
or no shelter for several weeks together, and many sick
among us, yet we are so far recovered, and in so good a
state of health, as could hardly anywhere be expected
among such a number of men together. In fruitfulness,
this country seems not to give place to any in the world ;
for we have seen several of the fruits, as cocoa-nuts, bar-
ABRIDGMENT OF PATEBSON'S LIFE. 113
illas, sugar-canes, maize, oranges, <&a, (fee., all of them, in
their kinds, the best anywhere to be found. Nay, there
is hardly a foot of ground but may be cultivated ; for
even upon the very tops and sides of the hills, there is
commonly three or four feet deep of rich earth, without
so much as a stone to be found therein. Here is good
hunting, and fowling, and excellent fishing in the bays
and creeks of the coast ; so that, could we improve the
season of the year just now begun, we should soon be
able to subsist of ourselves ; but building and fortify-
ing will lose us a whole year's planting."
This was no more than all of them must have foreseen ;
and they never doubted of obtaining more provisions than
they could want, from the West India islands, or from
the American colonies. Unfortunately, orders were sent
out after them to all English governors, prohibiting com-
munication with them. These proclamations were rigidly
adhered to, and the unfortunate Scottish colonists were
denied those supplies which had seldom been withheld
from lawless smugglers, bucaniers, and pirates. The
colony had to be put on short allowance, when the sickly
season was thinning their numbers, and bringing addi-
tional duty on those who were in health. In this emer-
gency, their Indian friends exerted themselves on their
behalf, putting to shame their Christian brethren, who,
from a mean jealousy, were attempting to starve them ;
and they might still have done better, had not insubordi-
nation broken out among themselves, and a conspiracy
been formed, in which some of the council were impli-
cated, to seize one of the vessels, and to make their escape
from the colony.
After matters had come this length, Paterson succeeded
in assuming new councillors ; a measure which had the
H
114? APPENDIX A.
effect of checking the turbulence of the discontented.
The new council also despatched one of their own num-
ber to Britain, with an address to the king, and a pressing
request to send them out supplies of provisions, ammuni-
tion, and men. On receiving this despatch, the directors
lost no time in sending out the requisite supplies. They
had already sent despatches and provisions by a brig
which sailed from the Clyde in the end of February 1699,
but which unhappily never reached her destination. The
Olive JBranch^ Captain Jamieson, and another vessel, with,
three hundred recruits and store of provisions, arms and
ammunition, were despatched from Leith roads on the
12th of May 1699. Matters in the colony were in the
meantime getting worse ; and on the 22d of June, they
came to the resolution of abandoning the place withia
eight months of the time they had taken possession of it.
The unfortunate projector himself was at the time on
board the Union^ whither he had been conveyed some
days before in a fever, brought on by anxiety and grief
for the weakness of his colleagues, and the frustration of
those hopes which he had so sanguinely cherished, and
which he had found so nearly realised. He, however, re-
covered at New York, whence he returned to Scotland, to
make his report to the company.
A fleet of four ships, the Rising Sun, Hope, Duke
Hamilton, and Hope of Borrowstowness, with thirteen
hundred men, sailed from the Isle of Bute, on the 24th
of September 1699, and reached Caledonia Bay on
the 30th of November following. Everything, however,
went against them. Having arrived in the harbour of
New Edinburgh, the recruits by the Olive Bramch and
her consort determined to land, and repossess them-
selves of the place, the huts of which they found burnt
ABRIDGMENT OF PATEBSON'S LIFE. 1 1 5
down, and totally deserted. One of the ships, however,
took fire, and was bomt in the harbour; the others
set sail for Jamaica. When the fleet which followed
arrived in November, and, instead of a colony ready to
receive them, found the huts burnt down, the forts
dismantled, and the ground which had been cleared
overgrown with shrubs and weeds, with all the tools and
implements of husbandry taken away, they were at a loss
what to do.
Two ministers, Messrs James and Scott, went out with
the first expedition, but the one died on the passage, and
the other shortly after landing in New Caledonia. The
council having written home to the directors, regretting
the death of their ministers, and begging that others
might be sent to supply their place, the commission of
the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, at the
particular desire of \ the board of directors, sent out the
reverend Messrs Alexander Shields, (the well-known
author of the " Hind let Loose," ** Life of Renwick," <fec.,)
Borland, Stobo, and Dalgliesh. These persons sailed in
the last fleet The Church of Scotland took a deep
interest in the colony of Darien, and sent a particular
admonition by the ministers, of which the following may
be taken as a specimen : — " We shall, in the next place,
particularly address ourselves to you that are in military
charge and have command over the soldiery, whether by
land or sea. It is on you, honoured and worthy gentle-
men, that a great share of the burden of the public safety
lies. You are, in some respects, both the hands and the
eyes of this infant colony. Many of you have lately been
engaged in a just and glorious war, for retrieving and de-
fending the Protestant religion, the liberties and rights of
your country, under the conduct of a matchless prince.
116 APPEND. X A.
And now, when, through the blessing of the Lord of
hosts, His and your arms have procured an honourable
peace at home; you, and others with you, have, with
much bravery, embarked yourselves in a great, generous,
and just undertaking, in the remote parts of the earth,
for advancing the honour and interest of your native
country. If in this you acquit yourselves like men and
Christians, your fame will be renowned both abroad and
at home."
Alarmed by the accounts which they soon after received
from Darien, the council-general of the company des-
patched a proclamation, declaring ^' that it shall be lawful
to any person of whatever degree inhabiting the colony,
not only to protest against, but to disobey, and oppose
any resolution to desert the colony ; " and, " that it shall
be death, either publicly or privately, to move, deliberate,
or reason upon any such desertion or surrender, without
special order from the council-general for that effect.
And they order and require the council of Caledonia to
proclaim this solemnly, as they shall be answerable."
Before this act was passed in Edinburgh, however. New
Caledonia was once more evacuated. The inhabitants of
the colony having gone on shipboard, with all that be-
longed to them, they weighed anchor on the 11th of April
1700, and sailed for Jamaica, after having occupied New
Caledonia somewhat more than four months. The Hope^
on board of which was Captain Veitch, and the greater
part of the property, was wrecked on the rocks of Colo-
rades, on the western coast of Cuba. The Rising Sun was
wrecked on the bar of Carolina, and the captain and crew,
with the exception of sixteen persons who had previously
landed, were lost. Of the few survivors, soi^e remained
ABRIDGMENT OF PATERSON'S LIFE. 117
in the English settlements, some died in Spanish prisons ;
and of the three thousand men that at different periods
went out to the settlement, perhaps not above twenty ever
regained their native land.
In this melancholy manner terminated the only attempt
at colonisation ever made by Scotland. That it was an
attempt far beyond the means of the nation, must be ad-
mitted. The conception, however, was splendid, the pro-
mise great, and every way worthy of the experiment ; and
but for the jealousy of the English and the Datch, more
particularly the former, might possibly have succeeded.
Had the wants of the Scottish settlers been supplied by
the English colonies, which they could very well have
been, the first and most fatal disunion, and abandonment
of their station, could not have happened ; and had they
been acknowledged by their sovereign, the attack made
upon them by the Spaniards, which put an end to the
colony, would never have been mada Time would have
smoothed down the asperities among the settlers them-
selves ; experience would have corrected their errors in
legislation ; and New Caledonia, which remains to this
day a wilderness, might have become the emporium of
half the commerce of the world.
Mr Paterson died at an advanced age. After the Union,
he claimed upon the Equivalent Money for the losses he
had sustained at Darien, and none had a fairer claim.
But he never received one farthing. Had Paterson*s
scheme succeeded, and it was no fault of his that it did
not, his name had unquestionably been enrolled among
the most illustrious benefactors of his species. There is
one part of his character which, in a man of so much
genius, ought not to pass unnoticed : ^* He was void of
118 AFPK!!n>IX BL
passioD ; and lie W9S one cf the Toy few of his ooimtiy-
mcn who never diank wine."*
APPENDIX R
UiSTEUMENT OF 8ASI5E IX FATOUS OF JOHN PATEBSON,
YB OF KINHARYIY, FROM PABTICCUlB BB6ISTEB OF
8ASIKES KEPT AT DUMFRIES, FOR THE COUNTY OF
DUMFRIES AlTD STEWARTRT OF EIRKCXTDBRIGHT.
At Dumfries, the thirty ane day of May, Jaiyy and ane
years, (1701,) the qlk day, the seasine underwritten was
presented by Bobert Edgar, wrytter y', to be reg'rat, q'of
the tenor follows : In the name of God, amen. To all and
sundrie whom it may conceme, be this present pnblick
instrument, be it known that npon the twenty second
day of Apryl, Jaivy and ane years, and of the regne of
our Sovereign Lord William, by the grace of God King
of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, defender of the
faith, the threttein year — ^In pre'ce of me Nottar Pablick,
and witnesses under subscryveing, comp^ personallie,
upon the ground of the lands of Einharvie, alias dock-
lowie after mentioned, ane discreet man, John Patersone
of Kenhervie, granter of the obligement and precept of
seasine contained in the contract of marriage, after
spec^, to the e£fect underwr3rten. And upon the said
lands comp<^ also perslF John Patersone, eldest law>
f ul son to the said John Patersone of Kenharvie, having
* Abridged, with permission of Messrs Blackie & Son of Gla^ow,
the publishers, from Dr Robert Chambers's Scottish Biographical
Pictionary, edition 1834.
SASINE — JOHN PATBESON, YOUNGEE. 119
and holding in his hands the contract of marriage, past
and ended betwixt him, with consent of his said father
and Bethia Patersone, lau^^ daughter to the s^ John Pater-
sone in Skipmyre, with consent of her said father, and
taking burden on him for her on the one and oy'r pts. of
the dait, the nynten day of March last past. By which
contract, in contemplation of the marriage then con-
tracted and y'after solemnized betwixt the sd" parties,
the said John Patersone, elder, of Kenharvie, bound and
obliged him and his aires, with all convenient diligence,
duly and lau'Uy to infeft and seize ye 8^ John Patersone,
his sone and his aires, and successors q^somever, herita-
blie and irredeemablie, in all and haill his fourtie
shilling land of Kenharvie, aliaa Clocklowie, with houses,
biggings, yards, orchards, mosses, muirs, meadows, com-
mon pasturages, pts., pendicles, and pertinents of the
samen lying within the parish of Newabay, and Stewart-
rie of Kirkcudbright, and thereby reservit to himself
and Margaret Affleck his spous, and the survivor of them,
y' liferent and conjunct fee right of the saids lands
during y*^ lyfetimes, to be holden either of him or from
him of his immediate superiors, in maner y'in ment<^,
by resignation or confirmation at the option of the said
John Patersone, younger, as the s^ contract contains
pro'rie of resignation in his favor, clause of absolute
warranthie, and ane precept of seasine of the sd" lands
also in his favors, p. ports : Q'ch contract containing
the said obligement for infeftment and precept of seasine,
the said John Patersone, younger, did exhibit and present
to the 8<* John Patersone his father, desiring and requir-
ing him, for the due implement of the said obligement to
infeft, and of the said precept of seasine granted for that
effect after the forme and tenor y'of. And the said
120 APPENDIX R
John Patersone, elder, being willing to obtemper and
fulfil his obligement, accordingly did receive the said
contract of marriage in his hands, and delivered it to
me DOtar publick, in order to overreading y'^of, and the
s** obligement and precept of seasine y'in contained, in
audience of the witness undernamed by standing : Q'lk
contract I took and he performed, and inmiediately
y'after the said John Patersone, elder, of Kenharvie, for
the due implement and performance of the above wr'tn
obligement for infeftment foresaid, contained in the said
contract of marriage, and in supplement of the said
precept of seasine granted by him y^anent, also y^'n com-
prehended, prcpriis manibuSf gave and delivered stait and
seasine with actual, real, and corporal possession to the
s^ John Patersone, younger, and his foresaids, heritably
and irredeemably, of all and hail the afores^^ fourtie
shilling land of Einharvie, alias Clocklowie, with houses,
biggings, yards, orchards, mosses, muirs, meadows, com-
mon pasturages, pts., pendicles, and pertinents of the
samen lying as s^ is, reserving always to the said John
Patersone himself, and Margaret Afflek, his spouse, and
the survivor of them, y' liferent and conjunct fee right of
the sd" lands during her Hfetima Be delivery of earth
and stone of the ground of the sd" lands, as use is, in the
hands of the s^ John Patersone, younger, present accept-
ing and receiving the same, to be holden ^ther of the
s*^ John Patersone, elder, himself in free blench, as s<^ is,
or from him of his immediate lawful superiors of s^
lands, after the form and tenor of the said obligement
to infeft and precept of Seasine containt in the s*^ con-
tract of marriage in all poynts. Whereupon and upon
the hail premises, the said John Patersone y', of me notar
publick undersubscribing, asked and required instni-
SASINE — MES BETHIA PATERSON. 1 21
ments ane or tnae, as many as were needful. And this
was done upon the ground of the sd" lands of Kenharvie,
alias Clocklowie, betwixt the hours of three and four or
y^by, in the afternoon of the day, month, year, and regne
@ set down, in presence of Thomas Muncie, in Skip-
myre ; James Patersone in Cullencleugh ; James Pater-
son, second lawful son to the said John Patersone,
elder ; and Wm. Muncie, son to the said Thomas Muncie,
witnesses specially called and required to the premises.
(FollowB notar^fs docquet.) Sic SvJbscribmUur — Begnum
immortale petendum — Robt. Edgar, N. P, Thomas
Muncie, witness, James Patersone, vrUriess, James
Patersone, tdtness. William Muncie, witness, Heg^^,
Jo. Sharp.
APPENDIX C.
Instrument op sasine in favour of mrs bethia pater-
son, spouse op john paterson, younger, of kin-
harvey, prom the particular register of sasines
kept at dumfries for the county of dumfries
AND STEWARTRY OF KIRKCUDBRIGHT.
At Dumfries, the thirty-ane day of May, 1701 years,
whilk day the sasine underwritten was presented by
Robert Edgar, writer there, to be registered, whereof the
tenor follows : In the name of Qod, Amen. To all and
sundrie whom it may concern, be this present public in-
strument, be it known that upon the 22d day of April,
1701 years, and of the reign of our sovereign Lord
William, by the grace of Qod king of Great Britain^
122 APPENDIX a
France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, the thirteen
year, in presence of me notar public and witnesses
under subscribing, compeared personally, upon the
ground of the lands of Kenharvie, alias Clocklowie, John
Paterson, eldest lawful son to John Paterson of Kenhar-
vie, granter of the obligement and precept of sasine con-
tained in the contract of marriage underwritten to the
effect after exprest, and thereupon with him compeiret
also personally, Bethia Patersone, his spouse, lawful
daughter to John Patersone of Skipmyre, having and
holding in his hands the contract of marriage made and
ended betwixt the said John Paterson, younger, with con-
sent of his said father, and. the said Bethia with consent
of her said father, and taking burden on him for her on
the ane and other parts of the date, the nineteen day
of March last by past. By whilk contract for the marri-
age then treated and thereafter solemnizit betwixt the
saids parties, the said John Patersone, younger, bound
and obliged him and his aires and successors duly and
lawfully to infeft and seise the said Bethia Patersone,
then his affidat spouse, in liferent enduring all the days
of her lifetime in case of her survivance of her said hus-
band, in ane an. rent or annuitie of f ourtie pound Scots
money, free of all teinds, stipend, schoolmaster's fees,
cesses,and other public burdens and exactions whatsomever,
yearly, at Whitsunday and Martinmas, by equal portions,
to be uplifted forth of All and Haill the f ourtie shilling
land of Kinharvie, alias Clocklowie, with houses, biggings,
yards, parts, pendicles, and pertinents thereof, lying
within the parish of Newabbey, and stewartry of Kirk-
cudbright, or furth of any part or portion, first, best^ and
readiest of the mails, rents, profits^ and duties of the saids
lands, beginning the first payment, &c, ; and it is by the
SASINE — MBS BBTHIA PATEKSON. 1 23
said contract provided and declared, that the foresaid
liferent annnitie shall be without prejudice to the said
Bethia Patersone of ane farther additional liferent annuitie
and provision corresponding and suitable to the value of
the moveable goods, gear, and others which are thereby
assignit in favors of him and his said spouse, by the said
John Paterson in Skipmyre, and which shall acress to
them at his decease, under reservation of Bethia Patersone,
spouse to the said John Paterson, elder, hir just third
part and share thereof, and for whilk additional liferent
provisions accordingly the said John Patersone stands
bound and obliged,* and to grant, in favors of his said
spouse, all writs and securities thereupon for her said life-
rent in case of her survivance as said is, as the said con-
tract of marriage, containing procuratorie of resignation,
clause of absolute warrandice, and ane precept of sasine
of the said annual rent in favor of the said Bethia Pater-
sone, effeirs ; the qlk contract of marriage containing the
said obligement for inf ef tment and precept of sasine, the
said Bethia Patersone did exhibit and present to the said
John Patersone younger, her husband, desiring and re-
quiring him, for the due implement of his said oblige-
ment to infeft, and of the said precept of sasine granted
for that effect after the form and tenor thereof. (Here
follow the formal clauses, specifying delivery of sasine
by John Paterson the younger, to his said spouse, of the
foresaid lands in security of said annual rent ; but the
* This clause imports that Bethia the daughter, was to get from
her father's means a liferent annuity corresponding to certain
moveahle goods, gear, and others assigned hy some clause in the
marriage-contract not copied into the sasine, — under reservation,
however, of Bethia the mother^s one third thereof, for which her
hushand, Skipmyre, stood hound prohably in a contract or anto*
nuptial marriage-contract betwixt themselves.
124! APPENDIX D.
precept of sasine and testing clause of the contract are
not engrossed) And this was done upon the ground of
the said lands of Kinharvie, alias Clocklowie, betwixt the
hours of three and four or thereby in the afternoon of
the day, month, year, and reign above written. In pre-
sence of Thomas Muncie in Skipmyre, James Patersone
in Callencleugh, James Patersone, second lawful sone to
the said John Patersone, elder of Kenharvie, and William
Muncie, sone to the said Thomas Muncie, witnesses
speciallie called and required to the premises. {Then
follows wftarifs Latin docquet ) (Signed,) — Regnum immor-
tale petendum—K K, N, P, Thomas Muncie, tvitness,
James Patersone, witness, James Paterson, witness,
William Muncie, witness, Jo. Sharp, Keeper of Regis-
ter,
APPENDIX D.
DR carlyle on tlnwald mansb economy.
Of Mr Robison and his wife and family and their
economy at Tinwald manse, Dr Carlyle says, — " Mr Robi-
son had been minister at Tinwald since the year 1697,
and was a member of the commission which sat during the
Union Parliament. He was a man of a sound head, and
in the midst of very warm times was resorted to by both
laity and clergy for temperate and sound advice. He
lived to the year 1761, and I passed several summers and
one winter entirely, at his house, when a student . . .
His wife, Jean Graham, connected with many of the prin-
cipal families in Galloway, and descended by her mother
\
\
JOHN CUNNINGHAM AND HIS FAMILY. 125
from the Queensberry family, (as my father was at a
greater distance by his mother, of the Jardiue Hall fa-
mily,) gave the worthy people and their children an air
of greater consequence than their neighbours of the same
rank, and tended to make them deserve the respect which
was shown them. When I look back on the fulness of
very good living to their numerous family, and to their
cheerful hospitality to strangers — when I recollect the
decent education they gave their children, and how hap-
pily the daughters were settled in the world ; and recol-
lect that they had not ^70 per annum, besides the £500
which was my grandmother's portion, — ^it appears quite
surprising how it was possible for them to live as they
did, and keep their credit? What I have seen, both at
their house and my father's on their slender incomes,
surpasses all belief. But it was wonderful what modera-
tion and a strict economy was able to do in those days."
APPENDIX E.
JOHN CUNNINGHAM AND HIS FAMILY.
John Cunningham, my maternal grandfather, (son of
James Cunningham, farmer at Gogar-Mains, a few miles
west of Edinburgh, and Mary Aitchison of the parish of
Chimside, his spouse,) was in Dr Mounse/s service at
Eammerscales, and assisted in his estate improvements.
He married Elizabeth Harley of Dumfries, and they had
nine children, five sons and four daughters, of whom my
mother was the eldest. He became tenant of the farm
of Culfad, in the parish of Kirkpatrick-Durham, stewartry
126 APPENDIX E.
of Kirkcudbright, and finally settled at Dalswinton, near
Dumfries, as land steward to the late Mr Patrick Millar
of Dalswinton. In the end of the last century and begin-
ning of this, Mr Millar, as is well known, was one of the
foremost Scottish agriculturists, and at the same time,
renowned in the scientific world as the earliest, or one of
the earnest, promoters of steam navigation in Britain.
When about Dalswinton in 1811-12, 1 recollect some of
Mr Millar's paddle boats, for driving by the hand, lying
on the loch. Bums fanned Ellisland on Dalswinton
estate, and he and my grandfather were on intimate
terms down to the poet's death at Dumfries on 21st July
1796. Cunningham died in Mr Millar's service at Dal-
swinton in 1800. His widow, my grandmother, survived
till 22d February 1845, when she died at the great age
of ninety-five. How their children took a liking to letters
does not appear. But though not authors by profes-
sion, — in those days, indeed, there was comparatively
little encouragement for such, — several of them found
leisure, amid their other engagements, to make consider-
able contributions to literature.
The eldest son, James, mason at Dalswinton village,
was deeply read in' the history and antiquities of his
country, and wrote occasionally for the periodical press.
The second son, Tliomas Mouncey Cunningham — named
after Dr Mounsey — was born at Culfad, in the Stewartry,
25th June 1776, turned his attention to mechanics, and
died at London, 28th October 1834, in the service of
Bennie, the celebrated engineer, where he was long chief
clerk. He wrote a good deal, both in prose and poetry,
in the beginning of this century ; and a number of his
pieces are to be found in the Scottish magazines of the
day. His ardent attachment to the people of his native
JOHN CUNNINGHAM AND HIS PAMILY. 1 27
Qailoway, and its hills and dales, is recorded to latest
posterity in his popular song, ''The HJJla of Galloway."
The numerous prose and poetic works of his younger
brother, Allan Cufmingluim, and Allan's connexion with
Sir Francis Ghantrey the sculptor, are well known. Born
at Blackwood, parish of Keir, Dumfriesshire, 7th De-
cember 1784, Allan died in London, 29th October 1842,
in the height of his fame. His grave, in the general
cemetery at Kensal Green, is marked by a stone of solid
granite, erected by his widow and five then surviving
children. Mrs Ounningham outlived her husband till a
recent date, 8th September 1864. My uncle had an invi-
tation in 1831 from Mr and Mrs Macalpine Leny of Dal-
swinton, to forsake the bustle of the metropolis, and spend
the evening of his days on the banks of his native Nith,
where they would find him '*a cot, a kale-yard, and a cow."*
But it was not ordered he should enjoy that enviable re-
tirement. When reviving, one sunny afternoon, middle
of last August, (1864,) my juvenile recollections of Dal-
swinton, and the ancient castle of the Gomyns, and the
heronry, and stately swans, and fertile holms, Mrs Leny
pointed out the intended cottage site had my uncle closed
with the invitation referred to. The spot is a lovely one,
in a sheltered glen near Grofthead, on Dalswinton estate
—just such a place as a poet's soul might yearn for : —
" Dais win tonhill, Dalswintonholm,
And Nith, thou gentle river.
Rise in my heart, flow in my soul.
And dwell with me forever I "
The youngest son, Peter Cunningham^ died at Green-
* Poems and Songs, by AUan Cnnningham ; edited by his son,
Peter Cunningham. London : John Murray, 1847*
128 Jl^bihdix &
wick, Gdi Maidi 1964, and rests in the Nunhead Cemetery
DflKT London, The GaUUmoM^s Moffozine^ Jane 1864, in
reooiding his dettth, sud : — ^The deceased, who was the
younger farodur ci llMMiias Monnsey Cunningham, (a
w)dl43iowa name in Scottish {xoTinciaL literatnie,) and
of Allan Conningham, was bom at DaLswinton in Dom-
friesshiie, <mi 14th NoTunber 1789, and received his bap-
tismal name from that F^^r Millar who is generally
recognised as the first poson to make nse of steam in pro-
pelling boats. He received his medical education at the
University of Edinboigfa, and so soon as he attained the
requisite age, was appointed an assistant surgeon in the
Boyal Xavy. In this capacity he saw service on the
shores of Spain, when the great war was raging, and on
the Lakes of Amoica^ where he became the close friend
of the celebrated Chipp^ton. He also served for some
years in the Eastern Archipelago, and had ample oppor-
tunities of observing the effect of tropical climates on the
European constitution. Of this he profited, when, -peace
having arrived, he was thrown out of the regular line of
duty, and would have been left to vegetate on half-pay
had he not sought other employment from the Admlr^ty,
in the course of which — ^to use the words of the Quarterly
Review— he ''made no less than four voyages to New
South Wales, as surgeon-superintendent of convict ships,
in which were transported upwards of six hundred con-
victs of both sexes, whom he saw landed at Sidney with-
out the loss of a single individual, a fact of itself quite
sufficient to attest his judgment and ability in the treat-
ment and management of a set of beings not easily kept
in order." — Q, B., Jan, 1828. The result of his observa-
tions during this period was embodied in his *' Two Years
in New South Wales," which was published in 1827 in
JOHN CUNNINGHAM AND HIS FAMILY. 129
two volumes, post 8vo, and rapidly ran through three
large editiona This book is both amusing and instruc-
tive, and though necessarily superseded by more recent
works on the same ever-extending subject, is still fre-
quently quoted, and some centuries hence will afford a
mine of information and speculation to the correspon-
dents of the sylvanus urban of the Antipodes. Mr Cun-
ningham added the profits of this work to his early
savings in the navy, and expended them in an attempt to
open up a large tract of land, (on Hunter's River, named
by him Dalswinton, after his birthplace,) in what he then
fondly regarded as his adopted country. Bat the locality
was perhaps badly chosen, the seasons unpropitious, and
he soon abandoned the struggle so far as his own personal
superintendence was concerned. His well-earned reputa-
tion, however, at the Admiralty speedily procured him
employment, and he served successively in the Tyne, 18,
on the South American station, and in the Asioj 84, in the
Mediterranean. In the course of these years he published
a volume of " Essays on Electricity and Magnetism," and
another on " Irrigation, as Practised on the Eastern Shores
of the Mediterranean." He also contributed " An Account
of a Visit to the Falkland Islands " to the Athenceumj and
was a frequent writer in other periodicals. Hd' was a man
of remarkable powers of observation, and of the most
amiable and conciliatory disposition ; and, it is believed,
passed through life without making a single enemy. His
attachment to his brother Allan was particularly strong,
and although death had separated them for more than
twenty years, the name of that brother was among the
last articulate sounds which passed his lips. It was well
remarked by the Quarterly Review in the article before
quoted, that the appearance of two such men — (the re-
I
130 APPENDIX F.
■Viewer might have said four such sons) — ^in one humble-
bred cottage family is a circumstance of which their
country has reason to be proud.
Excepting the quotation now made, I had the above
information chiefly from my aunt, Miss Wilhehnina Cun-
ningham of Dumfries, the only surviving child of John
Cunningham, and from whom, also, I learned that the
late Honourable Lord Cunningham, one of the Lords of
Session in Scotland, and of Duloch, Fifeshire, was of the
same Qogar-mains family.
APPENDIX F,
THE DABIEN HOUSS.
Among the relics in "Edinburgh of Paterson's ill-fated
expedition, may be seen the building erected in the city
for carrying on the Darifen Company's business, and ac-
commodating their officials ; for counting, we may suppose,
the inordinate gains expected from the enterprise, and
'preserving to future generations the history and books
and muniments of that great scheme. But while man
proposes God disposes ; and the mansion vainly designed
for a receptacle of untold wealth, was doomed soon to
become no other than an abode for squalid poverty. We
have the following account of the building in '^Wilson's
Memorials of Edinburgh," ^ol. i., p. 106. 1848 :—
^^The old Darien house still, stands within the extended
line of the city wall, near the Bristo Port, a melancholy
and desolate-looking memorial of that unfortunate enter-
prise. It is a substantial and somewhat handsome struc^
ture, in the French style, and with the curious high pitched
roof which prevailed in the reign of William IIL It ha»
ORIGIN OF THE PAGAN NAMB. 131
more recently been abandoned to the purposes of a pauper
lunatic asylum, and is popularly known by the name of
Bedlam. A melancholy association attaches to a more
modem portion of it, towards the south, as having been
the scene where poor Ferguson, that unhappy child of
genius, so wretchedly terminated his brief career. The
buildiug bears on an ornamental tablet above the main
entrance, the date 1698, surmounted by a sun dial The
only relic of its original grandeur that has survived its
adaptation to later purposes, is a handsome and very sub-
stantial stone balustrade, which guards the broad flight
of steps leading to the first floor/'
A woodcut of the building is subjoined to the above
account of it in Mr Wilson's volume.
APPENDIX a
THE ORIGIN OF THE NAME " PAGAN " AS APPLIED TO INDI-
VIDUAL FAMILIES.
Like many other persons, I was early indoctrinated in
the belief that those acknowledging the Pagan name had
received it through their being descended of the an-
cient heathens or idolaters. But when a student at the
University of Edinburgh, Mr David Laing, whose acquain-
tance I gained through my late unde Allan Cunningham,
kindly and considerately complimented me with a couple
of volumes which told that that family name had quite
a different origin, — that it was given in the days of the
crusades to warriors from different countries who had
distinguished themselves in combats agaiust the pagans
or infidels. So the renowned Publius Cornelius Sdpio
was sumamed "Africanus," from his having carried the
132 APPENDIX G.
war betwixt Bome and Carthage into Afriea, and there
conquered the Carthaginians.
One of the volumes I had (and have) from Mr Laing,
was '* Eelation historique et geographique, de la grande
Riviere des Amazones, dans FAmerique, par le compte
de Pagan. Avec la carte d' icelle rivier, et de ses provinces.
A Paris, 1655." The other was an English translation of
the same work by William Hamilton, dedicated by him
" to the imperial majesty of Charles II. of Qreat Britain,
•Prance, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith of Protestants,
and of Protestants themselves, by his title of signal pro-
vidence, happiness, victories, triumphs." The translation
was printed at London, ** by John Starkey, at the Miter in
Fleet Street, near Templebarre, 1661.'* In his royal dedi-
catory epistle, Hamilton (the translator) described Count
de Pagan the author, as a ** French earl of most ancient
nobility, and descent from the famous and honourable
commanders in the Holy warres, who for their wise con-
duct, and rare valour, were employed in places of great
trust, and transmitted them with their Crest of Arms and
name of Pagan, which was the badge of their great ex-
ploits in mating and killing the Pagans or infidels, to their
successors of the same name and family, as the Author
himself shows at large in the dedication of his rare book
of Fortifications, to another branch of the same family."
The work here referred to, " Pagan on Fortifications,"
was not to be found in any of the Scottish libraries, but I
got it in the British Museum. Since then Mr William
Downing Bruce of Lincoln's Inn, banister-at-law, Lon-
don, and recorder of Wallingford, has obliged me with
his copy of the same work» and which he holds in right
of his wife, Mrs Louisa Emily Plomer, only daughter of
Mr William Plomer, D.L, and Mrs Catherine Pagan, only
f
ORIGIN OP THE PAGAN NAME. 133
child and heiress of Mr William Pagan of Linbum,
Linlithgow, and Ficardy Place, Edinburgh — a gentle-
man, Glasgow by birth, but Dumfriesshire by extraction.
The title of the Fortifications (folio) is " Les Fortifica-
tions du comte de Pagan. A Paris M.DC.XLV. Avec
privilege du Hoy." The following is a transcript there-
from of the origin and rise and progress of his family, as
given by Count de Pagan, embracing the long period of
years from 980 to 1645, and stating the several authorities
whence he gathered his facts : —
''des abmes de la maison de pagan.
''Les Armes de la Maison de Pagan sont, band6 d'or et
d'azur de six pieces au chef de Bretagne charg6 dVn
Lambel de gueules ; a la bordure componee de France-
Naples et de Hierusalem. Les six bandes d'or et d'azur,
f urent portees par les Anciens Seigneurs de cette famille
en la Bretagne Armorique,* I'vn desquels nomm^ Albert
prenant pourfemme la niepce du Due de la mesme
Prouince, prist aussi les Hermines en ses Armes : et
passant les Alpes enuiron Fan 980, auec Tancred nepueu
du Due de Normandie, pour combatre les Sarrazins, f ut
le premier qui porta dans I'ltalie les six bandes d'or et
d'azur au Chef de Bretagne : lesquelles Armes furent
ainsi gardees, par son fils Albertin sumomm^ de Pagan f
* Filiberto Campanile dell insegne de'Nobili. Scipione Ha-
zeUa, delle FamigUe illustri d'ltalia, il Marchesi. Le Pere de
Yarenties lesuite en son Boy d' Armes, page 338. Siluester petra
sancta in Tesseris Gentilitiis, cap. 69, p. 595, &c.
+ Albertino de' Pagani ; Albertin est diminutif d' Albert, selon
IVsage des Italiens, comme s'ils disoien|, le ieune ou le petit
AlbeH ; et Pagani est le nom qu'ils donnent aux Sarrazins et In-
fideles.
134 APPENDIX G.
par les Italics en 1010, pour auoir chass^ les Infidejes
Mahometans de la Campanie, et pris la Ville de Nocere
o^ ils s'estoient fortifiez depuis cent ans ; pendant que
les douze fils de Tancred les chassoiet de la Pouille et de
la Calabre. Par Sigisbert de Pagan qui en Tannee 1038,
passa en Sicile contre les mesmes Sarrazins, auec Guillaume
Due de Calabre et Maniace general des Grecs, Par Pagan
de Pagan ♦ lequel auec Emme sa femme se trouuoit Seig-
neur de la Forenza en Basilicate Tan 1084. Et par lean de
Pagan^f dont les factions troublerent long-temps li Eome
le Pontificat du Pape Yrbain II. principalement aux annees
1095 et 1096 comme il est remarqu6 dans les Histoires.
*^Le Lambel de gueules de trois pieces fut adioust6 a ces
anciennes Armes Tan 1118. Par Huges de Pagan t
Fondateur et premier Grand Maistre de TOrdre des
Tgpliers en la Terre saincte ; honor6 du tiltre d'lllustre
et de Noble Cheualier dans les Histoires, et Chef de
TAmbassade enuoyee de la part du Roy Baudouyn IL et
des ChrestiSs du Eoyaume de Hierusalem Fan 1128, au
Pape, h, I'Empereur, aux Eoys et aux Princes de la Chres
tient6 pour auoir du secours, k la teste duquel, montant
* Pagano de' Pagani ; les mesmes Autheurs citent la donation
qu^il fist, des Eglises de saint lean de Sala et de sainte Constantine,
& Berenger Abbe de la Trinity de Venose.
f Platina in vita Vrb. 2. dit, Verum mortuo loanne Pagane
seditiosissimo homine, &o. La traduction ItaUenne met seditio-
sissimo cittadino, mal a propos.
t Hugo de' Pagani, voyez Guill. Arch. Tirius, in Hist, sacra,
Card. Baronius, tom. 12. sub anno 1118. Giac. Bosio, torn. L
dell' Hist, di Malta, Paul Emile ; Yolaterran ; Pierre Messie,
Fauin ; Campanile, et autres infinis.
n est dit, vir nobilis et venerabilis de ordine equesfcri, et fut
esleu Grand Maistre Tan 1127, par les suffrages de plus de 900
CheuaUers de son Ordre des meilleures maisons de I'Europe.
OBIGIN OF THE PAGAN NAME. ] 35
k plus de trente mille personnes de toutes conditions, il
repassa du i)ort de Marseille en la Terre saincte. Passant
en France il obstint la confinnation de son Ordre du Con-
die general de Troys en Champagne, et treuuant saint
Bernard en cette celebre Assemblee, il y recent de sea
propres mains des reigles pour ses Cheualiers Beligienx.
Or ce Lambel de gueules estoit la deuise de ces genereux
Guerriers, voulas signifier par ce Hasteau rouge qu*ils
ramassoient la saincte terre par Tefifusion de leur sang ;
et ce fut en ces voyages, que Charles d*Anjou * frere du
Boy saint Louis, prist ce mesme Lambel pour brisure en
ses Armes de France ; lequel fut aussi retenu par Didier de
Pagan frere de Hugues et par ses descendans, entre les-
quels sont les plus remarquables, lean de Pagan Pro-
tecteur de TOrdre des Templiers en Italie Tan 1158^
Pagan de Pagan t Seigneur de la Forenza et Senechal du
Eoyaume de Naples en 1170, sous le Eoy Guillaume IL de
la Eace des Normas. Abielard de Pagan Protecteur des
mesmes TSpliers fCdez par ses Ancestres comme il se void
aussi dans les Archiues Eoyales de I'annee 1192. Guill-
aume de Pagan Seigneur de la Forenza, de Prata, de Sato
Padre, de Lolino, de saint lean Licarico, de Canta lupo,
de Gualdo, de santa Besta, de Buccone et de Casaluiero
en 1200. lean de Pagan Seigneur des mesmes terres que
son Pere, lequel en 1239, futauec Guillaume son fils et
les autres Barons du Royaume, en la guerre deLombardie
pour FEmpereur Frederic IL Roy de Naples. lean de"
Pagan Gouuemeur de la Yille de Cosence Capitale de la
Calabre, faict General de la Cauallerie du Eoyaume de
* Charles d'Aniou doniut ces mesmes Armes an Boyaome de
Naples eDuiron Tan 1270.
+ Pagano de' Pagan! et les soiuans, voyez les mesmes, Campa-
nile, Mazella et il Marchesi tous della Famiglia Pagana.
136 APPENDIX G.
Naples en 1271, par Charles I. frere de saint Louis Boy
de Frace. Thomas, Guillaome et Adinolphe de Pagan,
lesquels /apres la perte des batailles de Beneuent et de
saint Germain, et la mort des Roys Mafred et Conradin
eurent recours k la clemence de Charles d'Aniou, qui les
recent en sa Cour, les conserua dans leurs biens, et les
honora du tiltre de Nobles Cheualiers en 1270. Pierre de
Paga * lequel sortir du Eoyaume de Naples par la diuision
des guerres, fut Chef du party des Qibellins en la Eo-
magne, oil il s'acquist par les Armes la possession de plu-
sieurs terres et Chasteaux, auec la fameuse forteresse de
Sosenane : II se rendist aussi Maistre de la Yille d'Imole
sur les Bolonnois en 1263. Et la perdant il se remist
dans celle de Faenza o^ sa faction estoit la plus puissante.
II est encore dit Gentil-homme de grande condition par
les Historiens, et venant k mourir, il laissa son ieune fils
Maynard sous la tutelle de la Hepublique de FlorSce,
pour le garatir comme elle sit, de Toppression de ses
Ennemis, les Cotes Guidi,+ les Vbaldins et autres grands
Seigneurs de la Eomagne. Maynard de Paga^: dit de
* Pietro Pagana, voyez Car. Sigonius de Regno Italiae, lib. 19.
Pompeo Vizani dell' Hist, di Bologna, lib. 3. Leandro Alberti,
della disciittione d'ltalia, foL 32. Campanile, Mazella et lean
YiUani Historien, page 286, ou il dit entr'autres choses, Piero
Pagano grande Gentilhuoijio.
+ Conti Guidi, d'ou les Maorquis de Bagni selon Alberti et San-
sonin.
t Mainardo Pagano ou Maghinardo da Susinnana. Voyez
Campanile. Mazella. Leonardo d'Arezzo en I'Hist. de Florence,
Pompeo Yizani Bist. di Bologna, lib. 4. lea Yillani, page 168, 275,
283, 286, 300, et 306. Leandro Alberti, f. 303, 312, 316, 316,
320, et 321. Franceaoo Zazzera della casa di Motefeltro. Landino
et Dante, Poetes, Ses Eloges en Yillani sont Gr&de et Sauio Tirftno.
Qran Signore in Komagna. Buon et Sauio Capitano di Ouerra.
Benauenturoao in piu bataglie: Sauio fu di guerra, et in suo
ORIGIN OF THE PAGAN NAME. 137
Sosenane|, Qeneral des Gibellins en Italie, Prince con-
querant des villes d'lmola^ Cesena, Forli, Faenza^ et de la
plos g[rade partie de la Eomagne, yictorieux en diuerses
batailles, et non moins celebre par la beauts de son corps,
par la grandeur de son courage, et par sa Prudence h, la
guerre, que par sa gratitude enuers les Florentins ses
Tuteurs, quoy que Guelphes. En 1289, il se ioignit auec
eux, et se treuuant k la grande bataille donnee le II. de
Iain dans le Casentin, la Victoire de son party donna
beaucoup d'esclat h, sa gloire. £n 1290, il prist auec son
Armee la Yille de Faenza. £n 1291, il surprist celle de
Forli, et fit prisonnier le Comte Guidi de Bomena frere
de I'Euesque. d'Arezze Gouuemeur pour le Pape, de la
Romagne. £n 1293, il adiousta la Yille de Cesne k ses
Gonquestes. En 1296, il fit ligue auec le Marquis de
Ferrare, et suiui des Alidoses, Manfredes et Ordelaphes,
du Comte de Montef eltre et du Tyran de Pise, il deffit en
bataille rangee le premier iour du mois d'Auril les Guel-
phes et les Bolonois, et prist d'assaut la Yille d'Imole.
Et en 1299, il accorda genereusement. la Paix, que le
Cardinal Yalerian Legat de Boniface YIII. et les Am-
bassadeurs de Florence Neri, et Brunelleschi negotierent,
enfin pour le repos de Tltalie. Ce grand et sage Tyran,
ainsi le nomment les Histories, mourut dans sa gloire en
la Yille d'Imole Fan 1302, laissant son Estat k son
nepueu Louys Alidose de Pagan,* auquel I'Empereur
tempo fece grik oose; et autres choses fort magnifiques sur sa
recognoissance enuers les Florentins. Et Albert!, fol. 316, dit de
plus que Mainardo Pagano fu huomo di corpo beUo et di virtu
militare egregio.
* De Ludouico Alidosio cognominato Pagano, selon Fr. Sa-
sottin delli signori d'lmola. Yoyez Leandro Alberti, fol. 321, et
Nic Macchiauello, lib. I. delle Historie.
138 APPENDIX 6.
Louis de Bauiere dotma le tiltre de Prince sonnerain
d'lmola^ oii sa posterity r^gna I'espace de 120 ana et
insques an temps d'vn autre Loids Alidose dernier Prince
de cette f anulle. Anthoyne de Pagan * Seigneur de Prata,
lequel se rendant aupres du Roy Charles IL en 1289, auec
Hector del Tuffo son Beau x)ere et les autres Barons de la
Ph>uince du Principat pour la deffence du Royaume de
Naples; fut seul honor^ du tiltre de Dominus on de
Seigneur, parmy tat de noblesse. Eustache de Pagan,
Conseiller et Ministre d'Estat du Boy Robert, General
de ses Armes en Achaye Tan 1316, Vice-Roy de la Prouinoe
de Calabre en 1321, et Mareschal du Royaume de Naples
en 1323, il eut encore en 1325 la commission d'assen^bler
et de mettre en ordre auec vn pouuoir general et absolu,
la grande Armee, que le mesme Roy Robert fist em-
barquer et passer en Sidle, sous la conduite de Charles
Due de Calabre son fils. Zarlin de Pagan, lequel se porta
auec tant de valeur en la guerre de Sidle de Tannee 1342,
qu'apres la prise de la Yille de Melasso il en eust le
Gk)uuernement du Roy Robert, et la confiscation des biens
de Lothaire Cygale; II fut encore honorablement em->
ploy# dans les mesmes guerres par la Reyne leane pre-
miere en 1343. Thomas de Pagan,t Mareschal du
Royaume et grand Escuyer du Roy Charles UL en 1381,
lequel fut enuoy6 dans les Prouinces de Barry, et de
Basilicate Tan 1382, auec ample pouuoir d'en fortifier les
* Anthonio Pagano et les sniufts; Voyez fHiberto Cftpanile
dell'lnsegne de* Nobili Scipione Mazella delle Famiglie iUustri
d'ltalia. II Marches! et autres chroniques Italiennes, de families
Illostres, citees par eux.
f Vir Dobilis, Thomas Paganus miles, scnteriae nostrse Magister
dilectns. Ex Archiuis regiis, entr'autres remarques de ces
Autheurs.
OBIGIN OF THE PAGAN KAME. 139
places importantes, et d'y commander et ordonner toutes
choses i>oiir la guerre. U eust encore en 1386, le Gouuer-
nement du Chasteau sainct Elme, Forteresse de la Yille
de Naples, pour luy et pour ses enfans masles li perpe-
tuity : et des Fannie 1380, il se treuue interuenir k la
Cour, pour des affaires publiques, comme Gentil-homme
Neapolitain du Siege de Porto, duquel iouyssoit alors
et iouyt encore cette famille.* Et Nicolas de Pagan
Archeuesque de la Ville de Naples par la faueur du Eoy
Ladislas, et par les Bulles du Pape Boniface IX. de
Fannee 1398.
" Quant h, la Bordure composee de France-Naples, et de
Hierusalem, elle fut adioustee ^ ces Armes Van 1398, par
la concession du Boy Louys IL donnee k Qaleot de Pagan,t
et aux siens le premier du mois de luin, dans laquelle il
lone la Noblesse de son sang, le merite de ses Ancestres^
les bonnes Alliances par eux contract^es, et autres choses
semblables. Or ce Galeot, Grand Maistre de la Maisou du
Roy Ladislas, Seneschal du Boyaume de Naples, Conseil-
ler d'Estat du Boy Louis IL, Gouuemeur des Chasteaux
importans de Naples, de Bhege et de Mataree, Heritier
des grads biens de Martinel de Pagan son nepueu, mort en
1396 ; et Mary de Catherinelle de Constance fut le pre-
mier de sa Maison qui porta cette Illustre Bordure en
'Escu de ses Armes.t" Lesquelles sont ainsi demeurees li
ses suecesseurs et ^ ceux de ceste famille, les plus appa-
reus desquels ont est^ depuis Paduan de Pagan grand
* Yoyez la descrittione del Begno di Napoli.
f Vir nobilis, Galeotus Paganils miles, castri nostri sancti Erasml
GastellaDtiB, &c., le reste de cette concession ce voit en partie dans
Companile, Mazella et autres, conforme aux Segistres de la Chan-
cellerie de Naples de Tannee 1398.
X Les Armes de Naples sont d'azur s'emd de fleurs de lys d'or, au
Lambel en Chef de gueules et celles de Hierusalem d'argent ft vne
Croix potencee d'or, cantonnee de quatre petites de mesme.
140 APPENDIX G.
Escuyerd Alfonce premier, Boy de Naples, de Sicile,
d'Arag5 et de Sardaigne en 1440, Thomas de Pagan
Grand Seneschal du Boyaume de Naples, sous le Roy
Ferdinand premier en 1460.* Car depuis la venue des
Arragonnois en Italie, le tiltre de Grad fut adioust6 k ce-
luy des premieres charges de ce Boyaume. Charles de
Pagan Seigneur de Briscilian, Conseiller et Grand Cham-
bellan de la Beyne Isabelle de Clermont en 1459,t lequel
eut pour femme Qatherinelle de Gennare soeur du Comte
de Martirauo. Galeot de Pagan Seigneur de la Yetrana,
de Sorbo, de Serpico, et de sancto Stefano en 1481,
Grand Escuyer d'Alphonce Due de Calabre, depuis Boy
de Naples et Capitaine d'vne Compagnie de Gens-d'armes
en la guerre d'Otrate contre les Turcs. Pierre de Pagan,
General de TArtillerie du Boyaume de Naples, Conseiller
et Ministre d'Estat des Boys Ferdinand II. et Federic III.
Ambassadeur en Hongrie, k Milan, et k Florence, Tan
1489, et Vice-Boy de la Prouince du Principat en 1496.
Fabio, Thomas, Alphonce, et Mario de Pagan, lesquels
dans les Estats Generaux du Boyaume de Naples, tenus
en Fannee 1516, incontinent apres la mort du Boy Ferdi-
nand le Catholique, s'opposerent ouuertement I, la recep-
tion de la Beyne leanne III. second6s seulement des
Seigneurs de la Maison de Constance.!]: lean Baptiste de
Pagan,§ dont la Viuacite de TEsprit, Tagreement de la
* De tous ceux-cy, voyez tousiours Capanile, Mazella et autfes
chroniques des families Illustres ditalie.
f Des Comtes de Clermont en Daulphin^ ; selon Sansouin en la
famiUe des Yrsins.
t Pandolfo CoUenuocio dell' Hist, di Napoli n'allegue en ce ren-
contre que les Seigneurs des families Pagana et Constanta f ondez
BUT la fatality du nom des Eeynes leannes, si f uneste au Boyaumes
de Naples.
§ Hier. Cardanus in Gtenesi Baptistss Pagan, figura 25, et luncti-
nus in speculo Astrologico sur Ptolomee, lib. 3, cap. 12.
OBIGm OF THE PAGAN NAME. 14j1
personne et THistoire tragique de sa mort aduenue le
vingt-sixiesme luillet 1526, se yoy8t ensemble dans les
cent Genitures de Cardan. Caesar de Pagan, lequel choisi
par TEmpereur Charles-Quint, pour commander les Vo-
lontaires de son Armee d'Affirique, fut tu6 en la bataille
de Tunis Fan 1535, combattant yaillamment contre les In-
fideles. Alphonce de Pagan, Seigneur de la Yetrane et
autres lieux en 1560, qui eut pour femme Marie Cantelme,
soeur du Due de Popoli. Mutio de Pagan * Colonel d'vn
Regiment de Neapolitains dans les guerres de Lombardie,
et Capitaine encore de deux Compagnies de CauaUerie en
celles de Flandres, oil Os passa Tan 1573, auec le grand
Prieiu* de Hequescens, Qouuemeur de TEstat de Milan ;
et de rechef auec Don lean d'Austriche en 1578, oil sa
yalenr parut en diuerses occasions, notamment en la ba-
taille de Gueblours, en laquelle toute T Armee des Mamens
sousleuez fut entierement deffaite par les mille cheuaux
qu*il conduisoit en TAuant garde de celle du Roy d'Es-
pagne.t Mais il iouit peu de sa gloire, car cet homme
courageux, vadllant et fidele, ce sont les termes de THisto-
rien, fut tu6 dans Arescot dont il estoit Gouuemeur, en
yne sedition des Rebelles la mesme annee 1578. Chmrles
de Pagan, Seigneur de la Ytrane, de Sorbe, de Serpico, et
de saint Estienne en 1590, lequel eut pour femme Louyse
de Mirabel soeur du Marquis de Briscigliano. Ferdinand
ou Ferrand de Pagan,}: lequel enuelopp6 dans le tumulte
* Mutio Fagano, Voyez Campanile, Mazella ; le Card. Bentiuog-
lio, torn. I. des guerres de Flandres. Famianus Strada I. Decade
de THist. de Flandres ; Emanuel de Meteren an grand Volume des
guerres du Fiays bas et autres.
f Yiro forti fidoque, qui seger % Lecto ad tumultum aconrrerat,
interempto, le mesme Strada, lib. 10.
t Ferrante Fagano, accompagn^ de son frere Decio en son voyage
de France.
143 APPENDIX 6.
de la YiEe de Naples,* de Fan 1547, sortit en£n du Boy-
anme en 1552, anec k Piince de Salonae, et les aiitres
Sdgneins NeapoHtama, qui paasoiet m Fiance, pour ap-
peller H«uy IL i la oonqueste de Nappies ; lequel approu-
vant oea prc^posidons commen^oit i ae disposer i rentrer
prisat Mais ila perdirent bien-tost auec ce Boy I'Espe-
rance de leur retour i la Patiie, et treuoans dans les
troubles de la France la mine de leurs fortunes, ils eurent
diners succ6s, car sans parler des antres, le Prince de Sa-
leme mourut enfin Huguenot en Prouenoe dans Tn Til-
lage de pen de nom, et Caesar Mormifle fist en pen de
temps son raccommodement en Eapagne. Quant ii Fer-
rand de Pagan, il fut Cheualitf de TOrdre et Gentil-
homme de la Cliambre du Boy et tousiours honord du
tiltre de Seigneur et qualifie Gentil homme Neapolitain,
dans les breuetsX et lettres des Boys, Charles IX. en 1565,
Henry IIL en 1576, et Henry quatriesme en 1592, de
mesme que dans les Begistres de la Chamber Boyalle des
Comtes de Tan 1576, au roole des Pensionnaires Italiens,
il lut encore Lieutenant de la Compagnie des Gens-d'
armes du Connestable Henry de Mont-morency, Qeneral
de la Cauallerie de son Armee du Languedoc, et Gouuer-
neur de la YiUe et Chasteati de Beaucaire en la mesme
^ Prouince, et s'estant trouu6 dans Auignon Tan 1563, il
y fut declar6 Chef des Armes du Pape, par le Yice-Legat,
pour s'opposer au Baron des Adrets General des Hugue-
* De 06 ttimulte, Ycjez le xneBme Gapenile, nella Famiglia Sanseu-
erina et lean Sleydan Historie Alemao.
f Le Boy Heniy qu'ils trouuerent & Thionuille *selon le mesme
STeydan et le sleur d'Aabign^ Historien Fianfois.
t Get Breuetfl tont de Bordeaux, de Paris, et du Siege de Bouen,
les deux demiers sont de milles escus de pension annuelle, verifiee
en la Chambre dea Oomptes de Paris.
OBIGIN OF THE PAGAN NAME. 143
nots et Victorienx des Catholiques, contre lequel sortant
anec la Noblesse de la Vilie, les troupes Italiennes, et les
Compagnies da Pais, il le combattit au Pontet* auec tant
de valeur qu*il Tobligea de se retirer, come il fist, de la
Prouince d'Auignon. II fut aussi Gouuerneur pour sa
8ainctet6 du Chasteau et Baronnie du pont de Sorgues et
s'estant niari6 dans Auignon t auec Marie de Merle soeur du
Seigneur de Beaucbamp, dont il n'eust pour fils que Claude
deTagant mon Pere. II y mourut enfin Tan 1607, pen-
dant que le Due de Sauoye demandoit son raccommode-
ment en Espagne, par le seul motif de son affection,
I'ayant cogneu dans les gnerres de Prouence. * Et Caesar
de Pagan § Seigneur de la Pietra et de Terranoua en 1600,
lequel ioigant les sciences k la noblesse, et la magnificence
aux ricbesses, composa dans I'oysiuet^ de la Paix, cette
belle et curieuse Histoire du Royaume de Naples qui
n'est point encore imprimee, et acbeua son grand et mag-
nifique Palais accompagn6 d'vne place d'egale structure,
digne omement de la belle Yille de Naples. Et ce fust
* De son combat du Pontet, voyez l^uis de Peruasis en son
Hist, des guerres du Comtat d'Anignon.
t De son mariage, ou de cette branche de la maison de Pagan
passee de Naples en Auignon, voyez C&esar Nostradamus en son
Hist, de Prouence, et Morinus in Astronomia restituta, Parte 5,
pag. 119.
X Seigneur de Merueille et de I'lsle, de par sa femme liilargue-
rite de Codls en 1602. Gentil-hdme ordinaire de la Chambre du
Boy auec pension annuelle de 1200 escus, et Gouuerneur pour sa
Sainctet6 du Chasteau et Baronnie du Pont de Sorgues. II mourut
& la Cour du Boy Louys XIII Tan 1620 au retour du voyage de
Beam.
§ De Csesare Pagano, voyez Filiberto Campanile nella Famiglia
Pftgana et auties ; et del Ducato di Terranoua, voyez la description
du Boyaume de Naples en Italien, et la Pere de Yarennes en son
Boy d'Armes, page 338.
1 44 APPENDIX G.
en sa f aneur que le Roy d'Espagne honnora du tiltre de
Dach6 sa Yille de Spnranoue dans la Prouince dn Princi-
pat, possed^ maintenant par les luens, lesqnels sans doute
appronueront plustot mon zele que mon dessein, pnis
qu'eu Tespace de hnict iours senlement, et sans antres
memoires qne ceux des linres imprimis, fay entrepris de
f aire cet abreg6 des plus Illostres de leurs Anoestres.
"de INSIGNI COMinS PAGANI EDinONE ODA-
Frontem Camoenae dnglte lanreis.
Ducem feracis Farthenopes Decus,
Et stirpe Maiorum potentem
Fert animus resonare cantu.
Per bella dudum, rebus in arduis,
Actis Celebrem Dextera reddidit ;
Nunc ipsa bellorum Magistris
Otia dant documenta belli
Hinc, Begularum tramite praeuio
Aggressus vrbes moenia diruit,
Turres premuntur, tota stridet
Aggeribus glomerata tellus.
mine, tuetur moenia Circino
Dum castra stipant ordine milites,
Hostes domantur, cincta valHs
Arx trepidat, minitatque cladem.
Fortes creantur f ortibus et boms,
Bectique cultus pectora roborant
Virtute functos more Fatrum
Verus honos sequitur per seuum.
P. de Tieoloy PMnMiUe.*'
ORIGIN OP THE PAGAN NAME. 145
Count de Pagan in compiling the above instructive
chapter of Pagan genealogy, and rescuing the name from
its vulgarly suppcaed origin, lai<l all acknowledged Pa-
gans under special obligations to him. The fulness and
clearness of his narrative is an encouraging, instance of
success in the pursuit of family relationship, extending
over many continuous generations.
Count de Pagan was bom at Avignon in Provence,
March 3, 1604. ^He took to the profession of a soldier at
fourteen, in which he signahsed himself. He lost his eye-
sight from the effects of a pistol shot in battle, and turned
himself to the study of mathematics and fortifications.
He published his work on the latter subject in 1645. In
1651 he published his geometrical theorems. In 1655 he
published an account of the river Amazons, already men-
tioned, and, though blind, he drew the chart of that river,
which is attached to the work. In 1657 he published the
theory of the planets; and in 1658 lus astronomical tables.
He died at Paris, November 18, 1665, and was never mar-
ried. He also made morality and politics his study, and
may be said to have drawn his own character in his
Homme Heroique. That branch of his iamily which re-
moved from Naples to France in 1552 became extinct in
his person. (Abridged from the Eif^lish Encydopsedia,
London, 1802.)
I know not in what era, or how or by whom, the name
was caxried to the British isles. It will be work for
some future day, (and for some other pen,) to solve that
problem. The oldest Scottish record noticed by me where
the name appears is a charter by David Second to the
Abbacy of Coldingham, in Berwickshire, dated at Peebles
in 1126, where ** Paganus de Braiosa" was one of the wit-
nesses. (See Mr William Bobertson's index of charters
K
1 46 APPENDIX G.
p. 155.) That same volume alao mentions a charter granted
by the same Scottish monarch in favour of ^ Malcom Fa-
gainson/' keeper of thtf king's gardens in Edinburgh.
The name is to be found in the west of Scotland re>
cords for nearly three centuries back. My own des-
cent is from the Galloway side of the Nith. My great
grandfather James Pagan owned Terreglestown in Ter-
regles parish, as his birthplace ; his father, who was from
Colvend parish, also in Galloway^ farmed at Terregles-
town ; and in Tenregles churchyard He their ashes with
those of my grandfather James Pagan of Curriestanes, of
my father William Pagan, and of numerous other rela-
tives — already, I believe,^ some seven generations of them
in that buryiug-ground. My birth chanced at Kelwood,
in the parish of Dumfries, where my father farmed for a
few years at the beginning of this century, under the
Queensberry family. Kelwood is on the Lochar, and ad-
joins Horseholm, widely known as the cradle (and the
grave) of the first steam plough ever tried in Scotland.
That was some thirty years ago, and the soil being soft —
part of Lochar Moss — ^both engine and plough sank in it.
Fortunately that powerful agricultural implement has
had better success in the east of Scotland, where it keeps
above ground, and cToes its work well.
Clayton^ FiFSSHntE,
Febrwiry 1865.
BALLANTYMS AND COMPANY, PBINTEBS, EDINBUROB.
| birthplaceandpa00pagagoog | OL20465029M | OL13124914W | 161 | 1,865 |
zh | N/A | N/A | **·现代物流·**
文章编号：1002-3100(2022) 11-0067-04
消费者网购的物流服务需求差异研究
**Research on the Difference of Logistics Service Demand of Consumers Online Shopping**
**王新通，夏志杰 (上海工程技术大学管理学院，上海201620)**
WANG Xintong， XIA Zhijie _(School of Management， Shanghai University of Engineering Science， Shanghai 201620， China)_
摘 _要：_ 了解不同类型商品之间消费者在评论内容中的对物流服务的关注度差异，商家可以有针对性地进行改进物流策略，增加销量。以天猫商场(trnall.cor) 体验型商品和搜索型商品的在线评论文本内容为研究对象，利用独立样本t检验的方法验证了消费者购买体验型商品和搜索型商品后在内容维度上的差异。相对于体验型产品，消费者购买搜索型商品时更多地关注物流服务的内容，反映了消费者购物时的不同期望。根据研究结果，在销售搜索型商品时应着重提高物流服务的质量。
关键词：在线评论；文本内容；物流服务；商品类型；内容维度
**中图分类号：F713.365 文献标识码：A DOI： 10.13714/j.cnki.1002-3100.2022.11.014**
**Abstract： By understanding the differences in consumers" attention to logistics services in the review content of different types of products， merchants can improve logistics strategies and increase sales in a targeted manner. Taking the online review text content of experience-type products and search-type products in Tmall.com as the research object， the independent sample t-test method is used to verify the content dimension of consumers after purchasing experience-type products and search-type products differ-ence. Compared with experience-based products， consumers pay more attention to the content of logistics services when purchasing search-based products， reflecting the different expectations of consumers when shopping. According to the research results， it is important to improve the quality of logistics services when selling search-based products.**
**Key words： online review； text content； logistics services； product types； content dimension**
0 引 言
我国网络购物用户规模快速发展，直播带货的迅速发展也为网络购物消费的增长注入了新的动力。在消费者进行网络购物的同时，衍生出了海量关于商品的在线评论，对于潜在消费者来说，这些评论可以帮助他们获得更多信息，做出决策；对于商家来说，在线评论作为顾客对于在网上购买的产品进行的反馈，理解在线评论的文本内容有助于商家聆听顾客声音，改善产品和服务。研究从在线评论的文本内容出发，试图从异质商品的文本内容方面的差异来解释其起到的调节作用。研究结果表明，异质商品的文本内容在多个维度上存在差异，中一定程度上说明消费者在购买不同类型商品时存在不同的消费期望，由此引起了信息搜寻过程中目标线索的不同，因此对于异质商品具有不同的感知有用性。根据本研究的结论，商家可以对异质商品的在线评论进行文本挖掘，并根据消费者差异化的需求进行广告宣传等战略，提升效益。
**1理论背景与研究假设**
**1.1 理论背景**
评论内容就是指在线评论的文本内容本身。赵丽娜将在线评论的内容特征概括为评论长度、评论情感倾向、评论的时效性3个方面"。田依林在研究中将内容特征分为商品属性、语义特征、会员等级、表述客观性等问。刘宪立将在线评论的内容维度提炼为评论长度、评论星级、评论语义、评论写作风格、评论及时性及评论信息完整性吗。郝媛媛将内容特征定义为评论的正负情感，表达方式和平均句子长度4。游浚从在线评论的评论效价、评论时效、评论深度、评论图片和回复评论5个方面对评论的内容特征做了研究问。叶真奇根据刺激一机体—响应 (S-O-R)范式，将内容维度先分成了顾客、产品和卖家3个方面，其中涉及卖家的内容维度包括卖家可信度、物流质量和服务质量，涉及产品的内容维度包括产品功能、价格、产品质量和产品美感，涉及顾客的内容维度包括情感表达、推荐性表达和态度忠诚，共10个内容维度问
_1.2_ 研究假设
先前的研究发现，受商品类型特点的影响，在线评论的文本内容和特征都会存在差异，这也意味着对于不同类型的商品，消费者有不同的消费期望。消费者会更在意搜索型商品的商品型号、规格、工艺等能够基本反映商品功能性特点的客观信息，而对于体验型商品的消费，消费者更在意主观的体验，更愿意在线评论中发布涉及主观经验和个性化使用效果的内容门。本文
**收稿日期：2022-02-16**
基金项目：上海市哲学社会科学规划一般项目“大数据时代伪健康信息传播特征及多主体协同干预研究” **(2020BGL005)**
**作者简介：王新通(1995-)，男，山东淄博人，上海工程技术大学管理学院硕士研究生，研究方向：商务统计。**
借鉴叶真奇对在线评论内容维度的划分，针对体验型商品和搜索型商品的在线评论在文本内容上的差异性，做出假设。
电子商务发展至今，服务质量也发展成为衡量一家店铺优劣的重要指标，甚至商家可以依靠服务质量在商业竞争中脱颖而出。而物流服务作为消费者下单后直到收到商品的关键环节，商品的发货速度、物流快慢等都会直接影响消费者对商家的主观评价例。传统价格理论认为，质量信号功能是价格在市场中的一个主要体现方式。搜索型商品由于其价值高昂的特点，买家花费了大量金钱的情况下，便会更加在意与商品相关的物流质量和服务质量，例如在手机的包裹是否能避免手机在运输途中的磕碰，于于是做出假设：
H1：搜索型商品的在线评论中对物流质量的提及次数高于体验型商品。
**_2_ 研究方法**
(1)数据收集
相比其他电商平台，天猫商场的商品具有更高的销量而能收集更多的数据。因此，本文分别以天猫商城 (www.tmall.com)销售的零食坚果、面膜、智能手机和平板电脑4种商品作为体验型商品和搜索型商品的代表，对两种商品的在线评论的文本内容进行比较。用 Python 编程语言获取了天猫商城上该类商品近期销量最高的一款商品。每条在线评论由评论者的ID、评论的文本内容、追加评论的内容、评论的发布时间4个部分组成。总共收集了4件商品的评论总计7920条。
(2)数据预处理
首先，获取到的评论中很多具有严重的随意性，另外存在大量重复评论，将此类评论剔除。最后，由于筛选后体验型商品数量明显少于搜索型商品，为了保证研究样本的科学性，同时保证样本数量和样本的可比较性，调整了搜索型商品的在线评论发布时间范围，尽量保证对每种类型商品而言在线评论的数量是接近的。在剔除了无效的在线评论后，得到了1262条关于体验型商品和1261条关于搜索型商品的在线评论样本。
(3)开放编码
由于网络流行语的快速传播，像“真香”“买它”“为\*\*\*打电话”这样的词汇已经不只是字面的含义，以及同一个词在不同的语境中指向不同的内容维度，如“快递包装完整”和“包装精美”两句中同样是包装一词，却分别指的是物流质量和产品美感两个内容维度，若进行词频统计将会产生误差。本研究使用了人工标注的方法，人工标注的优点是更加精确。对于预处理后获得的在线评论内容，保留其全部的文本内容，逐条进行分析，若该条评论涉及了相应的内容维度时，便在该条评论的这个内容维度下标记为“1”，反之则为“0”。
**研究结果**
描述统计
表1展示了研究过程所收集到的数据的描述统计信息。通过表1可以看到，对于每个产品而言，在线评论的数量大致都控制在600到700条，体验型商品和搜索型商品的在线评论数量的误差也控制在较小的范围内。
**表1 商品在线评论的总体特征**
| | | **商品类型** | **评论总数** | **字符数** | **最小字符数** | **最大字符数** | **平均字符数** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| | **坚果** | **体验型** | **613** | **23 728** | **16** | **500** | **38** |
| | **面膜** | **体验型** | **649** | **29 776** | **16** | **356** | **45** |
| **合计** | | | **12.62.** | **53 504** | | | |
| | **手机** | **搜索型** | **615** | **40 282** | **16** | **533** | **65** |
| | **平板** | **搜索型** | **646** | **34 802** | **16** | **650** | **53** |
| **合计** | | | **1261** | **75 084** | | | |
最后，十个在线评论的内容维度总共被标记了4790次，其中有2505次是来自于1262条体验型商品所产生的在线评论，有2290次来自于1261条搜索型商品所产生的在线评论。图1展示了关于体验型商品和搜索型商品的在线评论数据中各个文本内容维度所占总数的百分比。由图1可见，在体验型商品所产生的在线评论中，产品质量、产品功能、态度忠诚、产品情感表达和价格被提及次数位居前5名，在搜索型商品所产生的在线评论中，被提及次数前5的内容维度分别是产品功能、情感表达、产品美感、物流质量和态度忠诚。通过观察可以发现，体验型商品的在线评论中对产品质量的关注度远远高于搜索型商品的在线评论，体验型商品的在线评论中对价格和态度忠诚的关注数量也明显高于搜索型商品的在线评论。而搜索型商品的在线评论中对产品功能的关注度要远远高于体验型商品的在线评论。体验型商品的在线评论中对产品质量有最高的关注度，而搜索型商品对产品功能有最高的关注度。
3.2 数据分析及结论
(1)在线评论的文本内容长度
为了对比两组数据在文本深度上的差异，采用单因素方差分析的方法来检测差异是否显著。将商品类型作为因子，评论长度作为因变量，利用 SPSS软件进行 ANOVA 分析。得到的结果如表2所示。
ANOVA分析表明，商品类型对在线评论的文本深度有显著影响，从而验证了假设1，假设1成立。具体表现为，在体验型商品和搜索型商品之间，搜索型商品的在线评论内容更具有文本深度。
**图1体验型和搜索型商品在线评论中各个内容维度被提及次数占总数的比值**
**(②)在线评论的内容维度**
**表2ANOVA结果**
为了更加具体地对比两组数据的在线评论在内容维度上的分布差异，使用独立样本：检验方法来衡量差异的显著性。在在线评论的文本内容研究中独立样本t检验的方法被广泛的应用。将商品类型作为分组变量，将体验型商品定义为组1，搜索型
**评论长度**
| | **平方和** | **df** | **均方** | **F** | **显著性** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **组间** | **185453.340** | **1** | **185 453.340** | **75.992** | **000** |
| **组内** | **6152 332.796** | **2521** | **2440.433** | | |
| **总数** | **6337 786.136** | **2522** | | | |
商品定义为组2，10个内容维度作为10个检验变量，使用 SPSS 软件进行独立样本t检验，得到的结果如表3所示。
**表3独立样本：检验的结果**
| **维度** | **体验型商品(n=1262)** | | | **搜索型商品 (n=1261)** | | | **t值** | **P值** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **维度** | **均值** | **标准差** | **均值标准误差** | **均值** | **标准差** | **均值标准误差** | **t值** | **P值** |
| **卖家可信度** | **0.0143** | **0.11862** | **0.00334** | **0.0190** | **0.13669** | **0.00385** | **\-0.936** | **0.349** |
| **物流质量** | **0.1268** | **0.33286** | **0.00937** | **0.1642** | **0.37056** | **0.01044** | **\-2.665** | **0.008** |
| **服务质量** | **0.0626** | **0.24234** | **0.00682** | **0.0825** | **0.27519** | **0.00775** | **\-1.925** | **0.054** |
| **产品功能** | **0.3368** | **0.47279** | **0.01331** | **0.6400** | **0.48020** | **0.01352** | **\-15.980** | **0.000** |
| **价格** | **0.2417** | **0.42827** | **0.01206** | **0.0722** | **0.25886** | **0.00729** | **12.030** | **0.000** |
| **产品质量** | **0.4041** | **0.49092** | **0.01382** | **0.0508** | **0.21958** | **0.00618** | **23.335** | **0.000** |
| **产品美感** | **0.1743** | **0.37954** | **0.01068** | **0.2609** | **0.43930** | **0.01237** | **\-5.297** | **0.000** |
| **情感表达** | **0.2940** | **0.45576** | **0.01283** | **0.3672** | **0.48222** | **0.01358** | **\-3.918** | **0.000** |
| **推荐性表达** | **0.0341** | **0.18149** | **0.00511** | **0.0238** | **0.15246** | **0.00429** | **1.541** | **0.124** |
| **态度忠诚** | **0.2964** | **0.45683** | **0.02386** | **0.1356** | **0.34251** | **0.00965** | **9.999** | **0.000** |
**两组数据对物流质量的提及次数有显著差异(t=-2.665，p=0.008)，搜索型商品比体验型商品平均多提及 0.0374次有关物流质量的内容；同时，两组数据对服务质量的提及次数没有显著差异(=-1.925， p=0.054)， 平均分别提及 0.0626次和0.0825次。**
另外，数据结果发现体验型商品和搜索型商品的在线评论中，在提及产品功能、价格、产品质量和产品美感这四个方面的次数有显著差别，这与图1中的直观感受是一致的。其中，体验型商品在价格和产品质量两个维度上的提及次数显著高于搜索型商品；在产品功能和产品美感两个内容维度的提及次数方面，搜索型商品显著高于体验型商品，搜索型商品对产品美感平均提及 0.43930， 明显高于体验型商品的 0.1743次。
在与消费者相关的维度中，数据的结果可以看出体验型商品和搜索型商品的两组数据对情感表达和态度忠诚的提及有显著性差异，其中，搜索型商品平均提及情感表达0.48222次，体验型商品为 0.2940次，搜索型商品明显高于体验型商品(t=-3.918， p=0.000)；体验型商品平均提及态度忠诚的次数为 0.2964，搜索型商品为0.1356，体验型商品显著高于搜索型商品(t=9.999， p=0.000)。
_4_ 结论与启示
_4.1_ 研究结论
本文以体验型商品和搜索型商品为研究对象，对使用 Python 采集的来自天猫在线商城中4种商品产生的在线评论样本进行分析，通过消费者对内容维度的提及次数来研究消费者在购买异质商品的消费过程中对物流服务关注度的差异。主要研究发现如下：
(11))异质商品的在线评论在物流服务的内容维度方面的区别表现为：搜索型商品产生的在线评论与体验型商品相比在物流质量这一内容维度的提及次数上具有明显差异，具体表现为搜索型产品的在线评论中消费者明显更多地提及了物流质量这一内容维度的信息。
(2)异质商品的在线评论在与产品相关和买家表达相关的内容维度方面也有差别：其中，在价格和产品质量两个内容维度的提及次数上，体验型商品的在线评论中明显高于搜索型商品；而在搜索型商品产生的在线评论中，产品功能和产品美感两个内容维度的提及次数明显高于体验型商品。对于搜索型商品，人们更多的在在线评论的文本中提及了情感表达这一内容维度，而对于态度忠诚这一内容维度的提及却在体验型商品的在线评论中更多。
**_4.2_ 管理启示**
**在线评论的主要目的是让评论者表达他们对产品或服务的看法，研究在线评论中消费者的关注点非常有意义。商家可以以此为依据聆听顾客的声音，了解消费者的感受和体验。**
对于商家而言，根据本研究的结论，在线商品的商家在宣传售卖不同类型商品时，应当根据商品类型制定不同的物流策略以满足消费者多元的消费期望。在出售搜索型商品时提供更加优质的物流服务。
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(上接第66页)系统的科学、高效运作。一是从物流发达地区引进一些领军将才，形成应急物流系统运作的中坚力量。二是从当地应急物流相关部门挖掘人才，加强专业培训，提高业务能力，形成应急物流系统运作的骨干力量。三是从提升队伍整体战斗力的高度关心人才、用好人才。总之，要加强政治建设、提高生活待遇，打造一支服从指挥、技术过硬、反应迅速、战之必胜的应急物流队伍，形成强大的人才保障。
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zh | N/A | N/A | 西北农林科技大学：
探索农业科技推广新模式促进产学研紧密结合
农林高校是我国农业科技的主要创新源和辐射源，肩负着支撑现代农业发展和社会主义新农村建设的重要使命。西北农林科技大学建校70多年来，始终坚持产学研紧密结合的办学思路，坚持“顶天"与“立地"相结合的科技工作方针，一手抓科技创新，一手抓示范推广，为西部农业和农村经济发展做出了积极贡献。近几年来，学校系统总结过去的成功做法，借鉴国内外先进经验，提出了建立“以大学为依托的农业科技推广新模式”的构想，得到了国家财政部和陕西省政府的专项支持。经过3年多的探索，取得了一定成效，初步构建了以示范基地建设为中心，以科技培训和信息服务体系为支撑的“一体两翼”的农业科技推广新模式，有力地促进了产学研的紧密结合，显著增强了学校的社会服务功能。
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2
“眼见为实"、“百闻不如一见”是我国农民的传统习惯和特点。为了给广大农民提供看得见、摸得着、跟着学的典型样板，让他们零距离地接触大学农业专家，零距离地感受现代农业科技的威力，近几年来，学校和杨凌示范区密切配合，依据区域自然资源优势、产业特色以及地方政府、企业和农民的技术需求，在主导产业中心地带建立了一批农业试验示范站和农村科技示范基地，构筑了“大学+试验示范基地(站)+科技示范户+农民”的科技推广新通道。
是按照区域产业发展需求，对学校科技推广力量进行整合，并以项目为纽带广泛吸纳地方基层农技人员参与，组建了一支由300多名大学科技专家和1000多名基层农技人员参与的推广队伍，按产业链为农村提供从“土地”到“餐桌的全程农业科技服务。譬如，在白水苹果试验示范站，聚
集了学校果树育种、栽培、植保、土肥、贮藏、加工、营销等相关学科20多名专家，并采取“1+4+4"模式(即1名大学专家，带领4名县级农技人员、4名乡镇农技骨干)与白水县56名苹果技术干部联合组成了推广团队，共同实施了“苹果产业化科技示范与科技入户工程”。
二是首先从陕西做起，结合区域农村主导产业发展需要，在地方政府的支持下建立了白水苹果、阎良甜瓜、眉县猕猴桃、西乡茶叶、山阳核桃板栗、安康水产、清涧红枣、阎良蔬菜等8个农业试验示范站，为区域主导产业发展提供全方位的科技支撑。选择建设苹果试验站，是基于苹果是陕西省政府明确的第一农业主导产业，面积690万亩，关系着几百万人的致富问题：选择建设猕猴桃试验站，是基于秦岭北麓是我国最佳的猕猴桃适生区，栽培面积近乎占全国一半，产量占到全国的60%，是陕西名副其实的特色产业；选择建设甜瓜试验站，是基于甜瓜产业是关中东部近年来发展起来的一个新兴产业，已形成了8万多亩生产基地：选择建设茶叶试验站，是基于陕南山区有84.5万亩茶叶，是当地农民脱贫致富的支柱产业：选择建设蔬菜、核桃、板栗，水产、红枣等试验站，也是基于这些产业在关中、陕南、陕北农民增收中占有重要地位。
除此之外，学校还与宝鸡市政府合作建立了32个农业科技专家大院，与陕西省教育厅联合实施了“生态校园创新工程”，建立了一批农村生态校园示范学校，形成了“大手拉小手、小手拉大手”的农业科技推广新途径：与美国唐仲英基金会合作建立了“薪火”扶贫示范基地，探索了“民间组织+大学+示范基地+农民”科技推广新途径：与全国20多个省区的60多个地方政府、企业开展科技合作，共同建立了一批示范推广基地。
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三是以农业试验示范基地(站)为联结点，针对生产中存在的实际问题，依托学校具有自主知识产权的成果，组织多学科、多专业的专家，研究和集成组装生产、加工、营销等产业链上各个节点的综合配套技术，为农民提供示范样板，为地方政府、龙头企业和农村经济合作组织提供科技信息服务，为本科生、研究生提供实践场所，为农业科研提供有针对性的研究课题。实现了大学农业教育、农业科研与农业推广，大学优势学科、核心技术和产业发展，大学与地方政府、龙头企业、农村经济合作组织，大学科技专家与地方农技推广人员、农民的“四个结合”。
据不完全统计，2005年以来，各示范基地累计建拉各类示范样板150多个，培训指导农民200多万人次，示范推广新品种、新技术160多项，累计取得社会经济效益150多亿元。科教人员结合生产实际申报各类科技项目40余项，争取经费300多万元，联合和聚集校内多个学科近百名专家和200余名博(硕)士研究生，共同开展科研攻关，并接纳实习、实践本科学生1200多名。示范基地已经成为学校产学研紧密结合的重要平台和纽带。
构建多层次的科技培训体系，为社会主义新农村建设培养合格人才
提高基层干部和农民群众的科技文化素质，是社会主义新农村建设的首要任务。近几年来，学校充分依托自身的师资力量和设备条件，充分发挥示范基地(站)的平台作用，构建了“大学一试验站一示范点”多层次相结合的培训体系，开展了灵活多样、行之有效的科技培训工作，取得了良好效果。
一是依托学校的师资力量和设备条件，建立了干部教育培训中心，面向整个西北地区开展农村基层干部、农技人员和农民的集中系统培训。依托各示范基地(站)建立了区域性农业科技培训中心，结合生产实际和农时季节对基层农技人员、科技示范户和农民进行短期培训。同时还与地方政府、农业企业、农村经济合作组织及其他社会力量联合组织开展了多种形式的科技培训活动。形成了多层次结合、全方位覆盖的农业科技培训体系。譬如：2005年以来，学校与地方政府的组织、人事部门联合，在学校开设了“县处级领导干部农业产业化与新农村建设研修班”、“乡镇干部新农村建设研修班".“村支部书记(村委会主任)新农村建设研修班”等不同层次的培训班80多期，先后为各地培训农村基层干部4000余人。
二是结合不同区域、不同产业、不同培训对象，灵活制定培养目标和培训计划，并采取了专题讲授、分组讨论、经
验介绍、参观交流等多种培训方式，增强了培训工作的针对性和实效性。譬如：为了给农村培养一支不走不散的乡土人才队伍，担当农业技术推广的“二传手”，学校与地方政府共同选择了一批文化程度较高、科技意识较强的农村知识青年和农村能人，在学校进行较长时间的集中系统培
训。目前，已专题系统培训了870多名苹果、猕猴桃、蔬菜、葡萄、小麦等方面的农民技术员和农村经纪人，并为1000多名通过系统培训和考核的农民颁发了全国通行的技术职称证书。
据统计，近四年来共举办集中培训班240多期，培训农村基层干部、农技骨干和科技示范户1.7万多人次：举办各类培训会、现场会2400多期，培训农民30多万人次。为地方政府培养了一批熟悉“三农”政策、懂新农村建设、善于组织发动农民的干部队伍，为农村培养了一大批掌握现代农业生产技术、懂经营、会管理的新型农民，使其成为了社会主义新农村建设的生力军。
构建方便快捷的信息传播体系，为农业发展和农民增收提供全方位信息服务
为加快先进农业科技成果传播与扩散速度，发挥农业科技信息在农村产业发展和农民增收中的重要作用，近几年来，学校和示范区依托科技资源优势，借助电视、网络、电信、电台、报刊等媒体平台，建立了多渠道、全方位、高覆盖度的农业科技信息服务体系。
一是建立了陕西农林卫视频道。陕西农林卫视是以杨凌示范区和西北农林科技大学为技术依托建立的全国首家专业从事农林科技推广的卫星电视频道，覆盖西北、华北等10个省(市、区)的城镇和农村地区。设有《天天农高会》、《科技大篷车》、《阳光大地》、《农民讲习所》.《致富故事会》、《村里村外》、《当代农民工》、《天天看法》、《忙罢戏楼》、《邻里乡亲》等十档品牌栏目，涉及农民生产生活、创业致富、社会发展、文化娱乐等许多方面。2008年3月31日正式开播以来，以其贴近农村、贴近农业、贴近农民的特点，深受广大农民群众的喜爱，成为农民获取先进农业科技知识和健康文明生活方式的重要渠道。
二是建立了杨凌农业科技推广网、农业高校科技联盟网等综合性农业科技信息服务网站及苹果、猕猴桃、小杂粮、蚕桑、红枣等一批专业网站，构建了农业科技信息传播的快速通道，扩大了杨凌示范区和学校科技成果的辐射范围。其中，杨凌农业科技推广网站，平均每天的点击率在100次以上，开通两年多来累计点击率已超过8万次。
三是与陕西电信服务公司合作，建立了农林科技“168"专家咨询热线和"96889"农家乐信息台，使农民朋友足不出户就可以获得自己需要的技术或信息。其中，“96889"农家乐信息台，农民每月只需花2元月租就可以随时享受各种农业实用技术与市场信息服务，仅短短两年多
用户就已超过100万。
此外，学校还借助《杨凌农业科技报》、杨凌电视台等媒体平台，创办了农业科技专栏：与移动、联通等电讯公司合作建立了农业科技短信平台，促进了农业科技信息的迅速传播。
创新管理机制，充分调动科教人员深入农村服务“三农”的积极性
为了鼓励科教人员深入生产一线开展科技推广与服务工作，学校从管理体制、激励评价机制等方面进行了一系列改革和创新，初步建立起了一套符合大学农业科技推广工作特点的管理机制，促进了农业科技推广工作的深入开展。
一是明确管理体制。为强化推广工作，学校在机构设置上单独设立了科技推广处，统筹负责学校农业科技推广的组织工作，并由一名副校长专门分管推广工作。下一步，学校还计划设立"农业科技推广中心"，以进一步加强对学校推广工作的组织协调。
二是建立激励机制。为了鼓励科教人员安心推广工作，学校在职称晋升中单列了“推广系列"，设立了推广教授岗位：在“人才强校”战略中设立了“推广专家”支持计划，对入选者每人资助15万元，专项用于示范基地建设。此外，学校每年都要专门评选表彰一批科技推广先进工作者，并对做出重要贡献的推广人员给予特别奖励。
三是加大经费投入。为保证对推广工作的经费投入，除了积极争取国家部委.陕西省和各级地方政府推广项目资金支持外，学校每年还设立100万元推广专项，专门用于支持科教人员深入农村开展科技推广工作。2007年.全校科技推广项目经费达到5200万元，为科技推广工作提供了强有力的支撑。
四是引入竞争机制。学校对所有科技推广项目都实行首席专家负责制，首席专家在全校公开招聘产生：各推广项目组成员实行双向选择招聘制：所有推广项目均实行目标合同制管理，并对首席专家实行责任追究制。
五是学校专门成立了知识产权转移中心、新农村建设规划设计研究院等机构，规范知识产权管理，对新农村建设开展集成性理论研究和实践指导。
三年多来，西北农林科技大学农业科技推广新模式探索工作取得了良好成效.初步形成了以杨凌为中心，立足陕西、面向西北、辐射全国的农业科技示范推广网络，聚集和建立了一支多层次结合、多专业协同的科技推广团队，实现了大学先进农业科技成果向农村的快速转化，促进了产学研的紧密结合。实 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **以丰富的学习过程培养学生数感的基本策略**
周 丹
**(苏州市吴江经济技术开发区花港迎春小学，江苏苏州，215200)**
**\[摘 要\]培养义务教育阶段学生的数感不仅是新课标的要求，也是学生学习数学知识中十分重要的一环。教师在课堂教学中，应建立数学与生活之间的联系，并通过以下三种方式实现学生数感的提升：第一，提供体验的机会，帮助学生建立数感；第二，引导学生开展比较，帮助学生提升数感；第三，致力于数的应用，帮助学生发展数感。**
**\[关键词\]数感培养；小学数学；过程学习**
**\[中图分类号\]G623.5 \[文献标志码\]A \[文章编号\]2095-3712(2019)08-0109-02**
**“数与代数”是数学课程中主要的教学内容，而对学生数感的培养对该内容的学习有着重要的支撑作用。为了提升学生对数和运算的理解和感受，教师需要让学生更多地接触生活，感知各种情境下的数及其意义，让学生能够运用数来表达和交流信息，以及解决一些实际问题。因此，《义务教育数学课程标准(2011年版)》提出，“要使学生经历用数学符号和图形描述现实世界的过程，建立数感和符号感，发展抽象思维”。在实际教学中，教师应尽量让学生多经历、多观察、多比较，从而丰富学生的认识和感知，推动学生数感的形成，具体可以从以下几个方面着手。**
**一、提供体验的机会，帮助学生建立数感**
**教师在数学教学中，应更多地关注教学过程，而非结果。教师应让学生历经丰富的学习过程，从不同的渠道和角度来观察、实践、推理和验证，使学生认识得更深刻，体验得更多元。教师教授学生认识各种数时，不必过于在意数的形式、读音和写法等，而是要让学生经历完整的数的抽象过程，使学生对数本身有概念，感知数的意义和应用价值，从而推动自身数感的提升。**
**例如，笔者教学“认识百分数”一课时，创设一个比赛的情境。笔者提供给学生三名球员在篮球比赛中出手的次数和命中的个数，请学生想办法比较哪位球员的投篮水平更高。学生观察后发现，三名球员出手的次数各不相同，命中的次数也不同，因此难以通过直接比较的方式来比较三名球员的投篮水平，而应该比较球员命中次数占出手次数的比率。基于上述思路，学生用分数分别表示了三名球员的投篮水平，并通过通分将这三个分数变成分母为100的分数。在学生顺利地比较出三名球员的投篮水平之后，笔者出示了几个生活中常见的百分数，请学生体会上述几个百分数的含义。此时，学生将学到的分数的意义迁移，顺利地说出了笔者出示的几个百分数的含义。在上述两个教学环节之后，笔者**
**\[作者简介\]周丹，江苏省苏州市吴江经济技术开发区花港迎春小学。**
**\[收稿日期\]2019-01-10**
国家哲学社会科学学术期刊数据库National Social Sciences Database
**引导学生比较通分而成的百分数和生活中的百分数的异同，引导学生发现百分数源于分数，且保留了分数的很多属性，使学生对百分数的认识更为深刻。随后，笔者出示若干10×10的方格图，图中有一部分为有颜色的方格，并请学生猜一猜图中涂色部分对应的百分数。学生基本能说出所对应的百分数，这体现了学生对百分数意义的掌握。**
**在上述教学案例中，笔者并非直接出示几个百分数给学生，让学生仿照例子说出百分数的含义，而是从生活现象出发，引导学生将分数通分成百分数，让学生体验在一定的涤件下，需要统一分数的分母为100，这样便于比较分数的大小，也便于感知百分数背后隐含的规律(比如事情发生的可能性的大小)。学生通过上述学习过程，消除了对百分数这一种新数的陌生感，并将百分数这一知识点融入原有的知识体系中。**
**二、引导学生开展比较，帮助学生提升数感**
**在具体的情境中把握数的相对大小关系的策略，是学生理解数的前提，能提升学生的数感。在具体的情境中，教师可以引导学生对照不熟悉的数量与熟悉的数量，让学生通过比较的方法促进对数的大小的概念的认识。学生具备相应的概念后，再遇到问题时就可以从最接近问题的概念出发，想方设法解决问题。**
**例如，笔者教学“体积单位的进率”时，从数学模型出发，与学生一起回忆1立方厘米、1立方分米的概念，然后向学生提出“1立方分米等于多少立方厘米”的问题，让学生估计和猜测。学生在猜测的过程中给出了各种各样的答案。如果学生的猜想过于偏离实际，笔者便及时引导其他学生交流该问题的答案，并“说服”该学生否定自己的猜想；如果学生的猜想贴近实际，笔者将保留该猜想。学生猜想和交流之后，笔者再组织学生思考如何确定两个单位之间的进率。学生想到了切的方法，以及将立方分米的正方体模型的边长改成10厘米的方法。学**
**生进行简单的计算后，发现1立方分米等于1000立方厘米，这个结果超出了不少学生的猜想。猜想与实践验证的对照使学生对两个单位间的进率有了更为深刻的印象。**
**笔者开展“认识克”教学时，学生事前已经有了“1克很轻”的印象，但是对于“1克到底有多重”的概念仍很模糊。基于上述问题，笔者在教学中，引导学生称出1克、10克、100克的重量，并在生活中找到一些物体来称量和对照，让学生对上述重量产生直观的感受。之后，学生在遇到估计物体重量的问题时，便可对照需要称重的物体与课堂上建立的重量模型，从而估计出物体的重量。教学时，笔者还和学生一起玩了下列游戏，即请学生估计200克的黄豆有多少颗。笔者让学生将自己准备的黄豆带到讲台上称量验证，重量最接近200 克的学生获胜。令人惊奇的是，有好几位学生估计的黄豆重量非常接近 200 克，这充分体现出学生的数感已经在学习过程中得到了提升。**
**上述两个案例都利用了比较的方法来推动学生数感的提升。第一个例子，笔者让学生比较自己的猜想与实际验证的结果，以形成巨大的对比冲击，帮助学生形成深刻的印象。第二个例子中，笔者教给学生运用数和体验数的方法，让学生学会运用比较的方式解决问题。事实证明，通过比较的方式，学生的认识力得到了提升，也能够从更熟悉的角度出发**
**(上接第108页)**
**把笼子里的动物全部看成兔子或者全部看成鸡。学生在寻找解决问题的策略时，通过假设可以将问题转化，使数量关系变得简单。**
**让学生具有灵活运用更多策略来解决问题的能力，是新课程标准中要求教师培养学生应用意识的体现。一方面，教师要不断丰富教学方法；另一方面，教师要通晓教材，并始终站在学生的角度考虑问题，帮助学生针对不同的问题选择恰当的解决策略。学生运用数形结合思想，能够使自己的思维灵动起来，形成一定的数形结合思维，帮助自己掌握解答问题的方法，同时提升应用能力。**
**三、运用启发式的教学方法实现数形结合教学**
**数学课程标准要求教师针对全体学生采用启发式教学的方法。课堂教学是师生互动的场所，教师需要及时更新教授内容和理念。教师要让学生在自己的引导下解决实际问题。一般来说，教师只需给学生提供一些较为合理的思路，使学生按照教师提供的思路探索问题，以便更好地渗透数形结合思想。**
**一切教学活动都是为了调动学生学习的积极性，让他们学习新的知识点。因此，教师要采用一些方法启发学生，让学生在学习中感受成功的乐趣。这样也可以让不同水平的学生都从中获得成功的感悟，从而增强自信心。教师启发、引导学生更多地尝试解决问题，能够有效地促进学生智力与能力的提**
**建构新的概念。**
**三、致力于数的应用，帮助学生发展数感**
**“熟能生巧”，数学的学习中离不开数，也离不开数的运算。因此，在课堂教学中，教师应当致力于数的应用，让学生在认识数、感知数、运算数和体会数的过程中明晰概念，揭示规律。**
**笔者在教学“小数的乘除法”计算时，一位学生在计算圆珠笔的单价时得到了2.625元的答案，很快就有学生指出该答案一定是错误的。笔者追问该生认为答案错误的原因，该生认为“如果是以元作为单位，那么答案最多是两位小数，因为小数点之后的第二位对应的单位是分，已经是最小的货币单位了”。果然，在随后的验算中，大家发现2.625元的答案是错误的。笔者认为，学生能够快速地判断和反馈结果不仅有之前经验的累积的原因，还有学生平时的观察和思考的原因。学生在学习数学的过程中应用各种生活知识，有助于培养学生的数感。**
**参考文献：**
\[1\] **郑锡瑜，赵玉玲.小学生数感培养策略浅谈\[J\].延边教育学院学报，2010(6)：157-159.**
\[2\] **陈玉敏.小学生数感培养初探\[J\].教育实践与研究：小学版(A)，2008(6)：53-54.**
**升，使学生在学习的过程中体验乐趣。要实现这一目标，教师应通过多种方式给予学生更多的自由，使学生尽可能地发挥潜质，引导学生接受新的知识，同时发现新知中存在的问题。教师应确保启发学生的效果。首先，启发点的选择要准确。小学数学的学习系统性比较强，知识点之间的关联度比较高。实际教学中，教师要合理使用旧的知识点引导学生，同时做好新课的复习与问题的设计等工作，以更好地启发学生。此外，教师还应重点关注知识点之间的联系，以发展的视角对待问题，引导学生独立思考，使学生掌握一定的学习规律，并将知识点串联起来，形成特色的知识结构。**
**参考文献：**
\[1\] **熊丽.数形结合思想在小学数学教学中的应用原则及策略\[J\].小学科学(教师版)，2018(11)：120**
\[2\] **陈雪.核心素养下小学数学数形结合思想的渗透与应用研究\[J\].吉林教育，2018(27)：53-54.**
\[3\] **贺建良.以“形”助“数”，以“数”解“形”——例谈小学数学教学中的数形结合\[J\].教师，2018(25)：56.**
\[4\] **陶兰娣.科学运用数形结合思想方法教学促进小学数学课堂实效的提高\[J\].新课程(上)，2018(9)：154.** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **房地产泡沫与金融风险的互联传导机制研究**
\-基于 PVAR模型的实证检验
陈宇峰 黄晶
**摘 要：房地产过热面临的泡沫风险已成为威胁金融体系稳定的重要隐患。本文探索分析了房地产泡沫和金融风险两者之间的作用路径，探讨了房地产外风险和银行内风险的互联传导机制，细化了房地产贷款风险分类并运用PVAR模型对内外风险互联传导机制进行了实证检验。研究发现，银行内贷款风险对房地产泡沫存在显著的负向影响，政府的监管在二者关系中起着重要的桥接作用；房地产开发货款风险与个人住房贷款风险均存在内生性自增强效应，从源头对两类风险进行防控有利于降低恶性循环的可能。本文研究提出，政府应加强对房地产市场的调控，银行等金融机构应加大贷款审查力度，并完善风险管理系统。**
**关键词：房地产贷款风险 房地产泡沫 PVAR模型**
**一、引言**
**多年以来，房地产过热问题及其所带来的金融风险一直是政府、学者和民众关注的焦点。我国于1998年实行住房制度改革，此后出台了“国八条”“国十一条”和“国五条”等一系列宏观调控政策，主要通过调控首付比例和贷款资金流向以促进房地产市场平稳健康发展。近年来，房地产市场宏观调控政策加强了房地产泡沫和贷款风险的调控力度：2018年5月，住建部印发了《关于进一步做好房地产市场调控工作有关问题的通知》，明确提出要“认真落实稳房价、控租金、降杠杆、防风险的目标任务”；同年6月，住建部再次发文，《关于在部分城市先行开展打击侵害群众利益违法违规行为治理房地产市场乱象专项行动的通知》，明确了“重点打击投机炒房行为，严查首付贷等违规行为”以规范房地产市场秩序。调控房地产泡沫并稳定金融体系是一直以来的难题，关键在于厘清房地产泡沫与金融风险的动态传导机制，这对调控政策的精准实施至关重要(何青等，2015)。**
**如何调控房地产泡沫以保证经济体系的平稳运行，不仅是亟待解决的政策难题，也是学者们着力研究的学术问题。学者对房地产泡沫的形成、管控与金融系统稳定性的关系已开展了大量研究，认为贷款支持是房地产泡沫的成因(Allen、 Gale ，2000；项卫星等，2007)，也是助长房地产泡沫膨胀的主要推动力(周京奎，2006)，在房地产泡沫度测量的基础上提出了挤出泡沫措施(高波等，2014)，并对房地产泡沫作用于金融系统稳定性的机理及结果进行了诸多探讨(沈悦等，2019)。金融支持过度是房地产泡沫的根源之一已然成为共识，但学者对于房地产泡沫对金融系统稳定性的单向关系观点不一，存在价值偏离假说和价值抵押假说两类针锋相对的看法，且缺乏房地产市场和金融体系相互作用机理和动态关系的统筹研究，相对忽略了耦合两大体系对于从源头调控房地产泡沫和金融风险的重要意义。此外，现有研究多未能对房地产贷款风险做分类讨论，而分别探讨房地产开发贷款风险和个人住房贷款风险相互作用关系及二者与房地产泡沫的关系对于政策的完善显然更具实际意义。基于此，本文将**
**基金项目：中国人民大学科学研究基金(中央高校基本科研业务费专项资金资助)项目成果(19XNQ010)。**
**金融体系与房地产市场置于同一框架进行统筹分析，在此基础上构建房地产“外风险”和银行“内风险”的互联传导机制，着重厘清房地产泡沫与两类金融风险相互作用的路径以及银行内贷款风险的自增强机制和相互作用机制，并选取10个大中城市对机制进行实证检验，以期为金融风险防控和房地产市场调控拓展思路。**
**二、内外风险互联传导机制分析**
**(一)房地产泡沫与两类金融风险相互作用的路径**
**作为资金密集型行业，房地产业与金融体系关系密切，金融支持是推动房地产业迅速发展的重要动力，而房地产市场的震荡也不可避免会波及金融体系。房地产泡沫是金融风险的加速器。在宏观层面上，房地产市场的迅速发展吸引大量社会资本流入房地产业，造成经济发展“脱实向虚”，削弱了金融体系的稳定性。在金融自由化的环境下，高企的房价是借款方还款能力的良好保障，使得金融机构放松了对房地产相关借款的审查力度，为金融风险提供了生长的“温床”。此外，房地产泡沫的出现即意味着房地产作为抵押品的价值较高，因此紧缩性政策下银行等金融机构倾向于将贷款配给至房地产类借款，“挤出”了不愿承担较高贷款成本的低风险借款人，而“逆向选择”了高风险借款人，直接促进了金融风险的加速积累。**
**具体到市场交易等微观层面时，房地产泡沫从需求侧和供给侧共同加速了金融风险的膨胀。从需求层面上来看，套利者加入房地产投资的举动向噪声交易者传播了房价会持续上涨的噪声信息，吸引更多噪声交易者的跟风投入。个人的非理性扩散为集体的非理性，投机性需求成为房地产需求中的主要类型，需求侧泡沫下酝酿着大量的个人住房贷款风险。房地产需求刺激了房地产的供给。从供给层面上来看，短期内房地产的存量和土地供应量有限，房地产建设周期长，供给弹性低，过度的金融支持所新增的社会购买力无法得到及时的商品供给，造成了信用扩张，使得房地产市场供不应求。大量金**
**融支持的流入促进了有效供给的形成，供给侧泡沫中的房地产开发贷款风险愈发膨胀。。一旦对房地产泡沫实施强有力的调控政策，便会造成房产抵押价值的暴跌和广泛的贷款违约，贷款风险全面暴露。**
**金融体系的不完善决定了金融风险是金融体系所固有的，并随着金融机构为房地产业提供支持而传导至房地产市场，促进泡沫的不断增加。其次，房地产类贷款风险全面暴露的直接原因是抵押品价值低于借贷本息而引发大规模的贷款违约，因此房地产类贷款风险的上升会警示金融机构，促使其形成抑制房价下跌的内在动力。在不违背国家政策要求的前提下，金融机构通过吸引社会资金流入房市、增加贷款供给等举措来防止房价的下跌，由此促进了泡沫进一步增加。一是通过提供贷款优惠来刺激房地产需求，防止需求的回落造成抵押资产价值的暴跌和个人住房贷款风险的上升；二是继续为房地产开发企业提供贷款以保证房地产的有效供给，维持企业运行的同时降低房地产开发贷款不良率，并使房地产供给与需求相匹配、促进房市的正常运转以保证能从中获利。**
**由此可以提出以下假说：**
**假说1：房地产泡沫会促进金融风险上升。**
**假说2：金融风险会提升房地产泡沫水平。**
**(二)银行内风险的自增强机制及相互作用机制**
**在银行体系内部，房地产开发贷款风险与个人住房贷款风险存在着自增强效应。在外生冲击一定的情况下，银行同业间的学习和竞争、借贷双方的合作以及适应性预期的建立是银行内风险自增强的主要路径。自增强机制中的学习效应表现为银行通过降低贷款利率争取市场份额，并引起同业的模仿，普遍较低的贷款利率刺激了贷款需求、促进了房地产投机，进而酝酿金融风险；其次，合作效应指的是银行愿意提供贷款，房企和购房者也有贷款需求，借贷双方的“合作关系”在繁荣的房地产市场下愈发稳定，因而进一步加居房地产投机、积累金融风险；此外，在房地产业和国家经济的平稳发展下，银行对潜在的房地产贷款风险缺乏危机意识，由此形成适应性预期，房地产贷款风险愈发膨胀。**
**房地产开发企业和个人作为房地产市场上的供给方和需求方，资金融通密切，因而其风险具有明显的传染效应，任一主体贷款风险的增加都会引起另一主体贷款风险的上升。从开发贷款风险对个人住房贷款风险的传导路径而言，当房地产市场下行时，房地产开发企业获利空间大大缩小，现金流紧张，无法偿还房地产开发贷款，因而期房建设停摆，变成了烂尾楼； 而投资于期房的购房者倾向于逃避风险，选择违约，风险转移至贷款机构，表现为个人住房贷款不良率的升高。而“假按揭”操作则是个人住房贷款风险作用于开发贷款风险的主要路径，指的是开发商伪造购房者身份和购房合同以筹借更多款项，一旦开发商违约，在银行体系内部表现为个人住房贷款风险，而实质上则是开发贷款风险。**
**由此可以提出以下假说：**
**假说3：在外生冲击一定的情况下，房地产开发贷款风险与个人住房贷款风险均存在内生性自增强效应。**
**假说44：：房地产开发贷款风险与个人住房贷款风险相互促进。**
**图1 内外风险互联传导机制**
三、实证研究
**(一)数据来源、变量设定与描述统计**
**1.数据来源**
**房地产贷款风险与房地产泡沫存在强烈的区域异质性，省级层面的数据分析结果难以体现局部的**
**差异。因此，本文选取样本城市时尽可能覆盖多个区域，同时也考虑了城市发展水平的异质性，以长春、大连、石家庄、杭州、广州、南宁、武汉、西安、重庆、昆明10个样本城市为研究对象，样本期为2010-2018年，基于内外风险互联传导机制，运用面板向量自回归(PVAR)模型研究房地产贷款风险与房地产泡沫的互动关系。地区生产总值的数据来源于各个城市的统计年鉴，为整个市域的地区生产总值；房地产泡沫预测值为基于需求类、供给类和贷款支持类三类指标的因子分析法测算结果，指标数据来源于国家统计局、人民银行、Wind 数据库和 CREIS 数据库；房地产贷款相关数据来源于某国有商业银行各个城市分行。**
**2.变量设定**
**在研究房地产泡沫与贷款风险的关系时，部分学者用房地产不良贷款规模来衡量贷款风险的水平，但该变量极易受到区域房价水平变动的影响。因此，本文选取贷款不良率来表征贷款风险水平，以贷款关注额与贷款不良额之和占贷款余额的比例作为贷款不良率。此外，考虑到房地产开发贷款与个人住房贷款的异质性，本文探讨房地产泡沫与房地产升发贷款风险及个人住房贷款风险的互动关系。**
**表1 变量代码、含义及操作化**
| **变量名** | **变量代码** | **变量含义** | **计算方法** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **地区生产总值** | **GDP** | **地区生产总值** | **地区生产总值** |
| **房地产泡沫预测值** | **REEP** | **房地产泡沫** | **因子分析法测算结果** |
| **房地产开发贷款不良率** | **REDLDR** | **房地产开发货款风险** | **(房产开发贷款关注额+地产开发贷款不良额)/(房产开发货款余额+地产开发贷款余额)** |
| **个人住房贷款不良率** | **PHLDR** | **个人住房货款风险** | **(个人住房贷款关注额+个人住房贷款不良额)/个人住房贷款余额** |
单以房地产泡沫或房地产贷款风险程度为分类标准均会使得变量分布偏态，考虑到房地产泡沫程度及贷款风险与城市发展水平的关联性，本文以GDP 作为衡量标准将城市均分为两类：一类为 GDP较高的城市，包含大连、广州、杭州、武汉和重庆5个城市(下文简称为“一类城市”)； 一类为 GDP较低的城市，包含昆明、南宁、石家庄、西安、长春5个城市(下文简称为“二类城市”)。
**(二)模型构建**
**PVAR模型中面板数据的运用增加了样本容量和自由度，能得到一致的估计结果。该模型的设定如下：**
式中，i表示城市(i=1，2，…，10)；t表示年份(t=0，1，2.….，8)；j表示滞后阶数(j=1，2...，m)oy 为3×1维的列向量；yo为截距项向量；y}为变量滞后期的待估系数矩阵； Yi-j为城市i滞后j期的变量；f为个体效应；e，为时间效应；u为随机误差项。
**(三)实证分析与检验**
**为了避免面板数据的非平稳性造成估计结果偏差或伪回归，本文运用LLC 和IPS单位根检验方法对三个主要变量进行非平稳性检验，检验结果表明数据均为平稳数据。根据 AIC、BIC 和 HQIC 信息准则，在一类城市和二类城市的面板中，均选取滞后一阶作为最优滞后阶数。**
**GMM估计结果表明，两类城市上一期的房地产泡沫值与本期的房地产开发贷款不良率和个人住房贷款不良率不存在显著的负向关系，假说1没有得到验证。其原因可能是由于打压性的政策会造成房产抵押价值的暴跌，并扩散成系统性金融风险，因而政府并不会推出反转性的相关政策来压制泡沫，而是通过弹性措施来逐渐稳定房价；此外，在高回报的刺激下，加之房地产前期的良好发展给予了投资者房价不会急剧下跌的预期，并不会出现大量抛售房产的现象，因此不会造成房地产开发贷款不良率和个人住房贷款不良率的显著升高。**
**估计结果显示，在一类城市面板估计结果中，上一期的房地产开发贷款不良率和个人住房贷款不良率对本期的房地产泡沫预测值存在显著的负向影响，假说2没有得到验证。这可能是由于高企的银行内贷款风险会促使政府加强对金融体系的监管，控制房地产类贷款的供给量，进而抑制了房地产泡沫的膨胀。在二类城市面板估计结果中，房地产开发贷款不良率和个人住房贷款不良率对房地产泡沫**
**值不具有显著影响，其原因可能在于二类城市房地产泡沫较小，政府部门调控金融风险的措施不会对房地产泡沫造成显著影响。**
**在银行内部贷款风险中，两类城市的估计结果均表明两类贷款不良率分别对自身存在显著的正向影响，证实了房地产开发贷款风险与个人住房贷款风险均具有自增强效应，假说3得以验证。但房地产开发贷款不良率与个人住房贷款不良率之间不存在显著的正向相互影响，假说4没有得到验证。其原因可能是，近年来随着城市化进程的加快，房地产开发项目遍地开花且回款快，烂尾楼事件少发，因而房地产开发贷款不良率较低，对个人住房贷款不良率未造成显著影响；且房地产开发项目资金体量极大，个人住房不良贷款对房地产开发贷款不良率的影响极为微弱。**
**表2 GMM 估计结果**
| **面板A：一类城市** | | | | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| | **hREP** | | **h REDLDR** | | **hPHLDR** | |
| | **系数** | **z值** | **系数** | **z值** | **系数** | **z值** |
| **LhREEP** | **\-0.559** | **\-089** | **\-3.622** | **\-0.28** | **\-10.050** | **\-033** |
| **LhREDLDR** | **\-QC11\*** | **\-1.90** | **Q.437~** | **2.18** | **\-027** | **\-084** |
| **LhFHLDR** | **\-QC07** | **\-1.74** | **C.C40** | **Q57** | **C.738一** | **3.56** |
| **面板B：二类城市** | | | | | | |
| | **hREEP** | | **h REDL DR** | | **hPHL\_DR** | |
| | **系数** | **z值** | **系数** | **z值** | **系数** | **z值** |
| **L.hREEP** | **\-0030** | | **\-1.544** | **\-0.12** | **\-10.400** | **\-0.46** |
| **L hREDLDR** | **C.C14** | **1.62** | **0.614幽** | **2.77** | **C.450** | **Q90** |
| **LhPHLDR** | **\-QCC3** | **\-090** | **\-Q C61** | **\-0.38** | **0.663** | **3.38** |
**注：\*p<0.1、\* p<0.05、xk\* p<0.01**
**两类城市面板数据的脉冲响应结果较为相似，在此做统一说明。如图2所示，房地产开发贷款不良率发生冲击后，在当期和滞后一期均对其自身具有显著的正向影响；而个人住房贷款不良率发生冲击后，二类城市的脉冲响应图(见图2)显示，从当期到滞后二期均对其自身有显著的正向影响，一类城市的正向影响则持续到了滞后三期。可以看出，房地产贷款风险存在明显的自增强效应，再一次验证了假说3。此外，房地产贷款风险中的个人住房贷款不良率对其自身的正向影响相对更大，且作用**
**时伯更长，这主要是由于个人住房贷款风险涉及到的个体众多，造成个人住房不良贷款的处置时间更长。如银行能在借款环节加强对个人的信用审查，便能降低个人住房贷款不良率并减少恶性循环的可能。**
**Impulse-responses for 1 lag VAR of REBP REDL\_DR PHL\_DR**
| **IRF of REBP Io REBP** |
| --- |
| **口 2** |
| --- |
| **IRF of REDL DR to REBP** |
| |
| **IRF of REBP IO REDL DR** | | |
| --- | --- | --- |
| | **0.200** **0.000** | |
| | | |
| **D 3 5** | | |
| **RF of REDL DR to REDL DR** | | |
| | | |
| | | |
| **D 3 5** | | |
| **IRF of PHL DR to REDL DR** | | |
| | | |
| **IRF of REDL DR to PHL DR** |
| --- |
| |
| --- |
| |
| --- |
| |
| |
**Errors are 5% on each side generated by Monte-Carlo with 500 reps**
**Errors are 5% on each side generated by Monte-Carlo with 500 reps**
**图2 一二类城市房地产泡沫、房地产开发货款风险与个人住房贷款风险的脉冲响应函数**
四、结论与讨论
**本文通过耦合金融体系与房地产市场，分析了金融支持、房地产泡沫和金融风险三者之间的作用路径，并以此为框架构建了房地产外风险和银行内风险的互联传导机制，细化了房地产贷款风险分类以详细探讨贷款风险与房地产泡沫及其内部的相互作用机理；基于样本城市2010-2018年的相关数据，运用 PVAR 模型对内外风险互联传导机制进行了实证检验。然而，研究实证发现，房地产泡沫和金融**
**风险之间并不存在显著的正向相互影响，其原因可能是由于弹性的房地产泡沫调控政策和房地产业前期的稳定发展给予了投资者以良好预期，因而房地产泡沫不会造成大量抛售房产和金融风险显著上升的现象；同时，在调控房地产泡沫的同时，高企的金融风险也会警示中央政府以规制金融机构的自利性倾向，进而抑制了房地产泡沫的膨胀。就银行内部的贷款风险而言，房地产开发贷款风险与个人住房贷款风险均存在显著的自增强效应，但二者之间不存在显著的相互促进关系。可能的原因是，房地产开发贷款不良率总体较低，对个人住房贷款不良率未造成显著影响，且房地产开发项目资金体量远大于单个个体的住房贷款，个人住房贷款不良率对房地产开发贷款不良率的影响极为微弱。**
**基于上述结果，本文认为国家宏观调控和银行监管对于稳定房地产市场和金融系统来说至关重要。首先，政府应建立健全房地产泡沫评估预警系统，并预先制定与泡沫水平相对应的调控方案，控制房地产外风险的同时降低其向银行内风险传导的可能；其次，银行等金融机构应完善贷款风险管控系统，并加大贷款审查力度、风险管理系统化、削弱风险自增强效应和风险传染效应，在调控银行内风险的同时抑制房地产泡沫膨胀。**
**参考文献：**
**高波，王辉龙，李伟军、预期、投机与中国城市房价泡沫\[J\]金融研究，2014(2)：44-58.**
**何青，钱宗鑫，郭俊杰。房地产驱动了中国经济周期吗?** **\[J\].经济研究，2015，50(12)： 41-53.**
**沈悦，李博阳，张嘉望、城市房价泡沫与金融稳定性——基于中国35个大中城市PVAR模型的实证研究 \[J\].当代财经，2019(4)：62-74**
**项卫星，李宏瑾，白大范。银行信货扩张与房地产泡沫：美国、日本及东亚各国和地区的教训\[J\].国际金融研究，2007 (3)：54-60.**
**周京奎。房地产泡沫生成与演化化——基于金融支持过度假说的一种解释\[J\].财贸经济，2006(5)：3-10+96**
**Allen Franklin ， Gale Doiglas. Bubbles sndcrises \[J\]. Ecoamnic** **Journal ，2000，110： 236-255.** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 物理选择题速解方法研究
陶汉斌
浙江省金华市第一中学，浙江省金华市321015
2008年高考全国理综Ⅰ卷中的物理多选题比较基础，考查基础知识与基本技能。在审题时要充分利用题目本身所提供的新信息，通过求解对照，并运用相关的物理规律来作出正确的选择。在解答过程中要充分考虑到选择题本身的特点，以最佳、最有效的方法快速解答选择题，用最经济的时间来解答灵活的物理多选题。
题14 如图1所示，一物体自倾角为8的固定斜面顶端沿水平方向抛出后落在斜面上。物体与斜面接触时速度与水平方向的夹角 p满足
析与解 此题考查平抛物体的运动规律。物体作平抛运动，水平位移为z，竖直位移为y， tan(=2.根据平抛运动的特点，物体与斜面接触时速度的反向延长线必过水平位移的中点，即
t
ang = =2y=2tan6，选项D是正确的。
/2
图 1 图 2
题15 如图2所示，一辆有动力驱动的小车上有一水平放置的弹簧，其左端固定在小车上，右端与一小球相连，设在某一段时间内小球与小车相对静止且弹簧处于压缩状态，若忽略小球与小车间的摩擦力，则在此段时间内小车可能是
A.向右做加速运动
B.向右做减速运动
C.向左做加速运动
D.向左做减速运动
析与解 此题考查了力与运动的关系，考查了整体法与隔离法。由于弹簧处于压缩状态，小球必受到一个向右的弹力，根据牛顿第二定律小球的加速度一定是向右的，由于小车与小球相对静止，因此小车的加速度也一定是向右的，小车的运动状态可以是向右做加速运动，也可以是
向左做减速运动，本题 AD选项是正确的。
题16 一列简谐横波沿x轴传播，周期为T， t=0时刻的波形如图3所示，此时平衡位置位于x=3m处的质点正在向上运动，若a、b两质点平衡位置的坐标分别为x=2.5m，3 =5.5m，则
A.当a质点处在波峰时，b质点恰在波谷B.t=T/4时，a质点正在向y轴负方向运动
C.t=3T/4时，质点正在向y轴负方向运动
D.在某一时刻，a、b两质点的位移和速度可能相同
图
析与解 此题考查学生对波形图的理解。由于在t=0时刻，z=3m处的质点正在向上运动，此波是从右向左传播的， a、b两质点的间距刚好为四分之三个波长，当a质点处在波峰时，b点一定是在平衡位置，选项A是错误的，t=T/4时，a质点正在向y轴正方向运动，t=3T/4时， b质点正在向y轴负方向运动，C选项是正确的。因为a、b两质点的间距为四分之三个波长，不管在什么时刻，a、b两质点的位移和速度这两个矢量都相同是不可能的，只有C选项是正确的。
题17 已知太阳到地球与地球到月球的距离的比值约为390，月球绕地球旋转的周期约为27天。利用上述数据以及日常的天文知识，可估算出太阳对月球与地球对月球的万有引力的比值约为
A. 0.2 B.2
C.20 D， 200
析与解 此题考查了万有引力定律和天体的圆周运动。根据万有引力定律G
三m4元
一r，解得天体(太阳与地球)的质量为M=
4.，而它们对月球的引力为F=GMm一
m
一.我们知道地球绕太阳公转的周期为365天，月球绕地球旋转的周期约为27天，将这些数据代入公式就可算出太阳对月球与地球对月球的万有引力的比值约-\*一390×27-=2，B 选
地
项是正确的。
题18(略)
题19 已知地球半径约为 6.4×10\*m，空气的摩尔质量约为 29×10-\*kg/mol，一个标准大气压约为1.0×105Pa.利用以上数据可估算出地球表面大气在标准状况下的体积为
析与解 此题考查了考生构建物理模型的
能力，在地球表面周围的大气层的重力为mg一
PS=P·4zR，解得大气层的质量为m=
4元R²P，这些气体在标准状态下的
g
体积为V=4元X(6.4×10\*)×105-×22.4×10-m=4×9.8x29×10
1018m，选项B是正确的。
图
4
题20 矩形导线框 abcd 固定在匀强磁场中，磁感线的方向与导线框所在平面垂直，规定磁场的正方向垂直纸面向里，磁感应强度B随时间变化的规律如图4所示。若规定顺时针方向为感应电流Ⅰ的正方向，下列各图中正确的是.
析与解 此题考查学生利用图像分析电磁感应的规律的能力。根据法拉弟电磁感应定律，产生的感应电动势e=AP\_ ABs，s是线圈的
At
面积。从图中可看出0~1秒内图线的斜率
At
是一个定值，产生的是恒定电流，根据楞次定律可知电流方向为逆时针，而在1~3秒内图线的斜率是另一个定值，电流方向为顺时针，所A以选项D是正确的。
题21 一束由红、蓝两单色光组成的光线从一平板玻璃砖的上表面以人射角0射人，穿过玻璃砖自下表面射出。已知该玻璃对红光的折射率为1.5。设红光与蓝光穿过玻璃砖所用时间分别为t和t，则在0从0°逐渐增大至90°的过程中
A. t始终大于t2B.t始终小于t C. tr 先大于后小于t2D.tx先小于后大于t2
析与解.此题考查了光的折射定律，光速与折射率之间的关系。我们可用一般式来解这个题目，设玻璃的厚度为d，人射角为0，折射角为β，根据折射定律 sind= nsin3，n=三，光在玻璃心中的传播距离为L=一传播的时间为t=上COS 飞c..cosising?玻璃对红光、紫光的折射率为n
1.5，因此β<45°，2J<90°，在这个范围内红光
对应的β较大，sin2β也较大，而时间：则较小，选
项B是正确的。
综上所述，解物理选择题时也应从最基本的方法人手，如受力分析与运动分析。对于单选也好，多选也好，处理选择题，建议同学们应自觉地画图、审题、并清物理情景中出现的状态、过程与系统，挖出隐含条件。
解选择题时审题要清晰，不要解得太快，要灵活运用各种特殊解法，如逐步淘汰法、直接判断法、特殊值代人法、作图分析法、极限分析法、量纲判断法、类比分析法、整体分析法、等效思维法等等帮助自己快速获得正确答案。
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zh | N/A | N/A | **休闲文化诱导下的宋代志怪小说虚构倾向**
**古代小说的边缘性促使其自觉依附主流价值。与前代小说相比，宋代志怪小说价值意识更强，更强调历史真实与道德教化，但宋代休闲文化氛雷却使这种有意强调的价值意识起了淡化作用，以致最终促使宋代志怪小说偏离原有价值方向而靠近虚构文学。**
**一、休闲文化与猎奇阅读**
**(一)宋代休闲文化**
**宋朝是中国古代社会性质的转变时期，日本学者内藤湖南认为中国社会到宋代开始步人近代社会：“唐和宋在文化性质上有显著差异：唐代是中世的结束，而宋代则是近世的开始”。近世社会出现了平民化，世俗化特征：“印刷技术的发展对弘扬文化是个巨大推动，随之出现了学问的民众化倾向。”“文学曾经属于贵族，自此--变成为庶民之物。**
**宋代休闲文化兴盛与统治者有意倡导相关。宋太祖为防“陈桥兵变”重演，利用“杯酒释兵权”，诱戏石守信等大将交出兵权后，鼓励他们多积聚钱物，购置田宅以遗子孙，及时行乐，以歌儿舞女为伴享受晚年生活，这种政治上的防范却促成宋代休闲娱乐的兴盛。《国朝会要》记载：“乾德五年(967)，诏：“朝廷无事，区宇威宁，况年谷屡丰，宜士民之纵乐，上元可更增十七、十八两夜。”宋代“崇文抑武”措施促使十大夫成为上层社会的休闲娱乐主体，再加上宋代历代君主对十人大恩定，如清代赵翼所言：“惟其给赐优裕，故人仕者不复以身家为虑，…....恩逮于百官者惟恐其不足”。@因此，米代十大夫不仅物质富足，而且闲暇时间充裕，据朱端熙先生研究，宋代官员闲暇时间远远长于前朝，全年节假日有一百二十四天之多。**
**正是在宋代统治者的大力倡导与鼓励之**
**下，长期被懦家所贬抑的享乐文化有了钦定的正当性。因此宋代朝野上下弥漫享乐风气，处处歌舞升平。宋代士大夫多数出身社会下层，本有世俗之好，冉经过统治者诱导，其世俗热情可想而知。《宋稗类钞》卷二记载宋祁元宵彻夜狂欢而遭其兄宋痒批评：“闻昨夜烧灯夜宴，穷极奢侈。不知记得某年上元，同在某州州学内吃童煮饭时否?”宋祁反驳：“不知某年同某处吃童煮饭是为甚底?"0宋祁这种心态其实是当时上大大们的普遍心态。正如葛兆光先生所言：“过去贵族式的庄严和自重都开始被抛弃，一些世俗的理想开始成为公开的时尚。**
**(二)闲读与猎奇**
**宋代统治者嗜好读书，希望从中找到治道。宋太祖留意收集天下图籍，“国家勤古道，启迪化源，国典朝章，成从振举，遗编坠简，宜在询求，致治之先，无以加此”《宋史》记载宋太祖“晚好读书，尝读二典”开国君主的好学影响其后继者，使皇宫内读书成风。宋太宗“他无所爱，但喜读书”.即位不久即诏编巨型类书《太平御览》《太平广记》《文苑英华》.要求进呈《太平御览》：“日进二卷，朕当亲览”。咪真宗也在“听政之暇，唯务观书”。C真宗阅读《册府元龟》初稿，一日三卷。宋代君主读书主要宗旨在治道，宋太宗将书籍看作治世教化的根本，认为若无前代书籍指引，政事便无可取法。然而，在宋代统治者为寻求治道而大量读书同时，也不可避免地带着个人休闲娱乐的因素，尤其在国家承平日久的时期，休闲娱乐的阅读倾向更加明显。**
**朱代士大夫大多出身科举，阅读是其休闲方式，他们阅读中追求雅趣。虽宋代大夫有迷恋市井之乐者，如宰相王黼，生长于汴京市**
**井，“身为三公，位元宰，至陪底曲宴，亲为俳优鄙贱之役，以献笑取悦”。但作为士大夫群体，则皆喜雅调，他们从书房中走到上流社会，阅读是他们最习惯的休闲方式。宋初钱惟演谈其阅读生活：“平生惟好读书。坐则读经，卧则读小说，上厕则阅小辞。”这实为宋代士大夫读书生活的缩影。在钱惟演看来，经书记载大道之言，阅读应该认真严肃，故坐着读；而小说乃小道之言，态度稍可随便，所以可以卧读；至于小辞短小而有趣，上厕也无妨。如果说读经在于识道悟道，那么小说、小辞则在于放松与娱乐。**
**小说本属“丛残短语”的结集，汉代桓谭言其价值在“治身理家，有可观之辞”露，班固也云：“闾里小知者之所及，亦使缀而不忘，如或--言可采”0，然终究是“刍莞狂夫之议”，君子不屑为之。但作为小说家，却不甘心其价值位置，故有意在价值上依附正统。可对于读者来说，他们所感兴趣的只是那些喜欢奇奇怪怪之事。宋代士大夫常以博学之名掩盖其猎奇心理，如王安石自称“某自百家诸子之术，至于《难经》《素问》《本草》、诸小说，无所不读。”司马光在编撰《资治通鉴》时“遍阅旧史，旁小说”，这种做法获得同是史家的洪迈声援：“然则杂史、琐说、家传，岂可尽废也!”@宋代许多君主也嗜读志怪小说。鲁迅先生注意到朱高宗对于《夷坚志》写作的激励作用：“高宗退居南内，亦爱神仙幻诞之书。时则有知兴国军历阳郭家字次象作《睽车志》五卷，翰林学士鄱阳洪迈字景卢作《夷坚志》四百二十卷，似皆尝呈进以供上览”。18**
**志怪小说叙事强调真实性、知识性、资料性等价值要素，皆以鬼神真实存在作为预设前提。对于不信鬼神的读者，上述强调就无关紧要了。宋代士大夫读鬼神志怪，“以为笑乐之资”。苏轼本有宗教情结，却不敬畏鬼神，常以“姑妄言之”态度，编造鬼神事作乐，契合大多数文人的爱奇之心。洪迈“好奇尚异”(《夷坚乙志序》)编撰叙鬼神怪异之事的《夷坚志》，印成书册之后，竟成畅销之书，据《夷坚乙志序》云：“《夷坚》初志成，士大夫或传之，今镂板于闽、于蜀、于婺、于临安，盖家有其书。”可见宋代上层社会猎奇阅读风气所带来的广泛影响。**
**二、娱乐偏好与价值疏离**
**(一)志怪编撰的娱乐偏好**
**志怪小说作者在强调价值之时也难掩饰**
**“爱奇之心”。好奇乃人之本性，东汉王充云：“世好奇怪，古今同情”。孔子告诫弟子“不言怪力乱神”，可子贡、子路等人还是忍不住问，这说明人的好奇心是难以抑制的。至于儒门外的俗众，，白然更倾心于言怪说异：“怪力乱神，俗流喜道”。志怪小说作者之所以忘乎所以地编撰鬼神怪异之事，好奇心是其中一大因素。唐代小说家多以文采能事，猎异逞奇，往往无意于小说价值问题，故唐代志怪小说包括由志怪小说演变而米的传奇，行文兴趣多在怪异之奇趣与滋味，开启“有意为小说”先声。宋代志怪小说撇开唐代選奇之路，重新关注价值问题。因此，宋代志怪小说序跋多强调与论证作品价值的文字。不过，自身猎奇嗜好也使宋代志怪小说作者在严肃价值诉求之外潜藏着丹一种著述态度：以奇为乐。这种态度契合宋代朝野风行的娱乐文化并成为其中的一部分。**
**宋代志怪小说大多成书丁士大夫官务闲暇之时，有的是在他们致仕休闲度日的结晶。如黄休复编撰《茅亭客话》，《郡斋读书志》云：“右阜朝黄休复撰，茅亭其所居也。暇日宾客话，言及虚无变化、谣俗卜筮，虽异端而合道旨，属惩劝者皆录之。”又如南宋马纯，在官场失意后侨居陶朱山下，著述《陶朱新录》，白序云：“建炎初避地南渡，既而宦游不偶，以非材弃，遂侨寄陶朱山下。黎羹不穆，晏然自得。虽不足以语遁世无闷之道，其山泽之癯乎!因搜今昔见闻，衷缀成帙，目《陶朱新录》。凡讥讪諄谩，悉不录焉。\*@李剑国先生认为《陶朱新录》不过是马纯在官场失意后“排愁遣闷”的产物。有些士大夫在公务之余，以闲聊鬼怪事为乐，如沈括在京任职，时与宾友夜话，录之成编，名为《清夜录》，据其佚文所叙全为异闻，可知沈括与宾客闲聊者多为志怪之事。沈括乃宋代最具科学态度的杰出学者，休闲时所谈论者不离鬼神事，足见宋代士大夫猎奇心态。**
**宋代志怪小说作者的心态也摇摆于价值追求与休闲娱乐之间，如北宋上官融《友会谈丛》自序云：“余读古今小说，泊志怪之书多矣，常有跂纂述之意。自幼随侍南北，及长旅进科场。每接缙绅先生、首闱名辈，剧谈正论之暇，开尊抵掌之余，或引所闻，辄形纪录，并谐辞俚语，非由臆说，亦综缉之，颇盤编简。......《谷梁》曰：信以传信，疑以传疑。'子夏日：‘虽小道必有可观者。'博练精识者，幸体兹而恕焉。其如杼轴靡工，序述非据，盖事质而言鄙，学浅**
**而辞荒。诚怪语之乱伦，匪精神之可补。聊贻同志，敢冀开颜。”此论机智圆滑，然终绕不开其以奇为乐事实，不得不承认：“聊贻同志，敢冀开颜。”南宋洪迈编撰《夷坚志》历六十年，没有猎奇嗜好是难以想象的。赵与时《宾退录》所引《夷坚支工序》记述：“支壬则云子弟辈皆言，翁既作文不已，而掇录怪奇，又未尝少息，殆非老人颐神缮性之福，盍已之。余受其说，未再越日，膳饮为之失味，步趋为之局束，方寸为之不宁，精爽如痴。向之相劝止者，惧不知所出，于是迫然而笑。岂吾缘法在是，如驶马下临千丈坡，欲驻不可。姑从吾志，以竟此生。异时悯不能进，将不攻自缩矣。?妙**
**宋代志怪小说作者猎奇逞异虽未根本改变作品的价值取向，却一定程度淡化价值意识，为志怪小说走向虚构文学迈出重要一步。当然，虚构仍是宋代志怪小说作者编撰作品的大忌，他们在序跋总是小心翼翼地遮掩回避虚构的事实。这里需特别指出的是，在古人心目中，娱乐与虚构是两回事，他们猎奇是有真实基础的，故志怪小说作为娱乐之资与其正统价值追求并不冲突。所以，宋代志怪小说作者以奇为乐是有限度的，不能超出士大夫雅的界限。**
**(二)闲谈与传播**
**有不少宋代志怪小说本身就源于士大夫阶层的闲谈，并以闲谈方式传播扩散。小说虽不像其他诸子类，“可以通万方之略”，却也小道可观，有益于世。济世君子舍本逐末追求小说固然不可，然以小说为谈资消闲度日，却是有益于“治身理家”的雅事。宋代上大夫闲暇时间充裕，三五宾客相聚闲话，谈天说鬼，消闲度日。许多志怪故事就是在揪动人心的闲聊中口耳相传的。北宋张君房《绅脞说》是士大夫谈天说鬼的产物，李剑国先生分析其书名：“因为大抵属琐谈细事，故而名曰《脞说》，而又加‘播绅'者，乃因多得自士大夫所谈。”宋代志怪小说在命名中显示闲谈者“绅”身份的，还有北宋吴淑《秘阁闲谈》，据现存二十多条佚文，所谈内容多是南唐宋初异事，诸如梦征、命相、占卜、神仙、奇器、异物等等。此外还有北妹刘斧的《翰府名谈》，全书即是集集较有名望的士大夫谈天说鬼的内容而成，故以为名。编撰者刘斧不在士大夫行列，但所交游者多为仕途中人，故能聆听许多上层士大夫们的闲谈。有的志怪小说命名则特别标示“闲”字，除上述《秘**
社会 库
**阁闲谈》外，还有北宋景焕的《野人闲话》《牧竖闲谈》、北宋无名氏的《续野人闲话》等。有些作品虽未名“闲”字，实则含有“闲”意，如黄休复的《茅亭客话》、上官融的《友会谈丛》、沈括的《清夜录》、刘斧的《青锁高议》、无名氏的《北窗记异》，南宋廉布的《清尊录》、王冢的《续清夜录》、皇都风月主人的《绿窗新话》、李泳的《兰泽野语》、鲁应龙的《闲窗括异志》、顾文荐的《船窗夜话》等等。宋代各类志怪故事正在士大夫的闲谈夜话中不断地结集与传播。**
**宋代士大夫将志怪故事作闲谈之资，追求其中的刺激与快意，使平淡日子变得丰富多彩，近人夏曾佑在《小说原理》指出：“人使终日常为一事，则无论如何可乐之事，亦生厌苦，故必求刻刻转换之境以娱之。”谈鬼说怪可使宋代士大夫们从平淡无奇的日常生活中“刻刻转换之境以娱之”。洪迈在充任考官期间与其他考官以谈论鬼神故事娱乐度日，科考乃决定考生人生命运的大事，因此士子们对此非常关切紧张，可对考官来说则是非常闲闷的任务。宋代科考时间比较长，如礼部举行的省试一般要持续四十天左右，此段时间要执行严格保密的锁院制度，与外界隔绝。考官们以不同的方式打发时光，对于天性好奇的洪迈来说，与别的考官谈天说鬼是件快意之事。据日本学者冈本不二明的研究”，南宋绍兴三十年(1160)春的礼部试，洪迈以吏部员外郎充参评官，这场科考期间，在除洪迈之外的三十名考官中，竟有十一位都是《夷坚志》素材的提供者，占三分之一。这也就是说，三分之一的官员选择谈论鬼神怪异之事作为休闲度口方式，此中竞还包括最高的长官知贡举朱倬。当然，他们所闲谈的志怪故事多与科场相关，冈本不二明认为它们首先在应考的举子中间产生，然后传到考官耳朵里，然后通过考官们的闲谈夜话，传递给正在收集志怪故事的洪迈，最后成为《夷坚志》中的素材。考官们闲谈鬼神怪异之事，不仅让他们轻松度过闲闷的时光，而且无意间完成志怪小说的传播。**
**宋代士大夫在闲谈鬼神的快适之情并没有发展成文学审美的情感，只是停留于快意的刺激。李剑国先生评述唐代牛僧攜贵为宰相面倾心撰著《玄怪录》：“这是因为，当小说家浸沉在 ‘浅俗委巷之语’，‘嘲弄不典之言’中的时候，他原本很清醒的教化意识往往处于休眠状态。”?可深受儒学浸润的宋代士大夫却不容易**
**使自己处于休眠状态，娱乐之情并未淹没理智，即使谈天说鬼也要追求雅趣，不忘寓教于乐或有补于史。上述考官与洪迈所谈志怪故事，在《夷坚志》中都标有素材来源，由此可猜想考官们当时闲谈时或许是有意无意地强调故事真实性之类话语。杨义先生认为从《夷坚志》序言、“不可谓不窥见洪氏创作上的某些主观动机。从《夷坚志》这种创作动机着眼，宋人确实比唐人活得更累了。其要求记录异闻的笔记不得游戏笔墨，还要承担那么多的政治人伦教化功能，审美理想也未免比唐人少一点潇洒，而多一点沉重感。”所以宋代志怪小说闲谈的功能是有限的，如果超过界限，还会招来非议，如北宋耽焕《野人闲话》多取“猥俗”之事，结果招来指责，张唐英在《蜀祷机序》中讥其“本末颠倒，鄙俗无取”。可见，在宋代士大夫看来，即使闲谈之资也不可以随意虚构。**
**(三)诱发虚构的阅读期待**
**宋代士大夫猎奇心理使宋代志怪小说有了产生、传播与接受的文化环境，他们的猎奇阅读期待，是志怪小说走向虚构的强大诱因。志怪小说作者一方面要有清醒的价值意识，另一方也要巧妙迎合士大夫的阅读期待。一些来自下层社会的作者总会宣称其志怪作品的真实性，以投士大夫所好。如徐铉酷好鬼神之说，其宾客江东布衣蒯亮深会其意，专搜鬼怪故事投其所好，北宋杨亿的《杨文公谈苑》记载：“徐铉不信佛，而酷好鬼神之说，…....后尝与近臣通佛理者说以为笑。专搜求神怪之事，记于简牍，以为《稽神录》。尝典选，选人无以自通，诡言有神怪之事，铉初令录之，选人言不闲笔缀，愿得II述。亟呼见，问之，因以私祷，罔不遂其请。归朝，有江东布衣蒯亮，年九十余，好为大言夸诞，铉馆于门下，心喜之。，《稽神录》中事，多亮所言。亮尝忤铉，铉甚怒，不与话累日。忽一日，铉将人朝，亮迎呼为中闡，云：适有异人，肉翅自厅飞出，升堂而去，亮目送久之，方灭。铉即喜笑，命纸笔记之，待亮如故.”类似记载还山现丁《事实类苑》卷六十五，另在《郡斋读书志》中也有相关节文。江湖之士蒯亮讲述鬼神故事，宗旨只为满足徐铉的猎奇心理，所谓正统价值问题在他眼中是微不足道的，为迎合徐铉，可以大言夸诞，胡乱虚构故事，而徐氏则在猎奇心驱使下，不问真假而笔录成文，最后集成志怪之书《稽神录》。由于徐铉当时的名望，阅读者对其内容真假少有怀疑，后米编**
**撰《太平广记》时，总编纂官李昉也依徐铉名望而收入集中，对其内容不加质疑，“证有徐率者更言无稽者!”**
**当随意闲谈变成有意讲述时，尤其在听众知识水平低下时，志怪讲述者的价值观念对其叙事约束就会变得松弛。当谈天说鬼者对着一群睁大眼睛充满期待神情的听众，他往往会改变叙述策略，专挑选怪异刺激之事来满足观众的猎奇期待，必要时候还会修改原事，添枝加叶地突出其神秘性与怪异性，甚至无中生有地编造事实以博取听众的惊叹与掌声。听众知识水平越低，讲述者就越有虚构勇气，因为在这种信息极不对称情况下，讲述者拥有知识优势，讲述内容容易被听众相信与接受。可以这么说，讲述者向下层听众虚构着真实的故事，因为无论他讲什么，听众都会将之当作真实可靠的事实来接受。这方面，南宋王明清的《投辖录》的形成很有代表性，《直斋书录解题》小说家类叙云：“王明清撰。所记奇闻异事，客所乐听，不待投辖而留也。”王明清在自序中描述夜话鬼神的生动情景：“因念晤言一室，亲友话情，夜漏既深，互谈所睹，皆侧耳耸听，使妇辈敛足，稚子不敢左顾，童仆颜变于外，则坐客愈忻怡忘倦，神跃色扬，不待投辖，自然肯留，故命以为名。后之仆同志者!当知斯言之不诬。对于志怪故事讲述者来说，观众侧耳耸听的神情无疑是莫大的鼓动力量，为了达到“使妇辈敛足，稚子不敢左顾，童仆颜变于外”，使坐客“忻怡忘倦，神跃色扬”的效果，讲述者完全有可能突破原事的限制向着离奇方向叙事，甚至无中生有地编造故事以惊动人心。**
**此外，天子的猎奇期待，也能令志怪小说作者走向虚构，鲁迅先生指出，洪迈作《夷坚志》四百二十卷是为呈进供高宗阅览，因此，我们有理由相信，高宗的猎奇性阅读期待可能是洪迈倾注大量精力编撰《夷坚志》的动力之一，当然，也是诱导其走向虚构的因素之一。在历代志怪小说作者中，洪迈可算最诚实的，但也同样虚构，不过虚构得小心隐蔽。他以宽容素材提供者的方式达到虚构目的，据笔者统计，为《夷坚志》提供素材的参与者超过五白人，其中大多数是为迎合洪迈猎奇之心提供素材的，虚构痕迹极为明显，洪迈对此也心知肚明，《夷坚支甲序》云：“殆好事者饰说剽掠，借为谈助。”可他最后还是将这些素材采录丁书，使这些虚构故事走向上层世界。皇皇四百二十卷**
**的《夷坚志》是在边编边出版过程中完成的，每一次出版，都很快售完，这说明《夷坚志》拥有极广泛的读者样，而读者群的猎奇阅读期待，无疑是洪迈选择与叙述志怪素材时走向虚构的又一诱因。**
**当然，在以士大大为阅读主体的传播世界，读者的猎奇期待诱引志怪小说走向虚构是有一定限度的，如果故事超出志怪小说接受者所能容忍的价值底线，则不但不能满足阅读者的猎奇期待，反而会遭到唾弃，如北宋钱易传奇体的志怪故事《乌衣传》就是一个例子。南宋胡仔《苕溪渔隐丛话》后集卷一“刘梦得”条引《艺苑雌黄》云：“比观刘斧《抵遗》载《乌衣传》，乃以干谢为一人姓名，其言既怪诞，遂托名钱希白，终篇又取梦得诗实其事，希白不应如此谬，是直刘斧之妄言耳。大抵小说所载事，多不足信，而《青琐遮遗》诞妄尤多。”据李剑国先生考证，《乌衣传》确为钱易所作，可因为**
**①\[日\]内藤湖南《概括的唐宋时代观》，《日本学者研究中国史论著》，中华书局1992年版，第10-18页。**
**②\[H\]内藤湖南《近世史的意义》，《中国史通论》，社会科学文献出版社2004年版，第389页。**
**③高承《事物纪原》，中华书局1985年版，第303页。**
**④赵翼《廿二史札记校证》，王树民校证，中华书局1984年版，第534页。**
**⑤朱端熙《辽宋西夏金社会生活史》，中国社会科学出版社1998年版，第390-391页。**
**⑥潘永因《宋碑类钞》，书日文献出版社1995年版，第 152页，**
**⑦葛兆光《七世纪至卜九世纪中国的知识、思想与信仰》，复旦大学出版社2000年版，第93页。**
**⑧①脱脱等《宋史》，中华书局1985年版，第50、13683页。**
**⑨00李焘《续资治通鉴长编》，中华书局2004年版，第713、559页：**
**①吴处厚撰《青箱杂记》，尚成点校，上海古籍出版社2007年版，第1649页。**
**B欧阳修《归田录》(宋元笔记从书本)，上海古籍出版社1990年版，第620页。**
**14萧统编《文选》，上海古籍出版社1986年版，第1453页。**
**①班固《汉书》，商务印书馆1955年版，第4页。**
**16+安石《答曾子固书》，《临川先生文集》(四库全书丛刊本)，商务印书馆编印，第10页。**
**其虚构痕迹实在太明显，所连作者的真实性也遭到了怀疑。由此看来，阅读或观众猎奇性期待的引诱对于志怪小说走向虚构的推动作用是有限的，它只是一定程度上促使志怪小说偏离原有的价值轨道。**
**结语**
**宋代志怪小说坚持六朝志怪小说价值传统，强调史家实录态度与道德教化意识，表现出强烈的主流价值取向，但宋代社会的休闲娱乐文化却极大地消解这种价值意识。宋代十大夫阶层作为志怪小说的主要接受阶层，喜欢利用志怪小说谈天说鬼消闲度白，在自娱及娱人的同时也在传播志怪小说。而宋代志怪小说作者也无意地迎合士大夫阶层的猎奇心态，搜奇猎异，不惜违背其价值初衷，夸张虚构，从而在无意中靠近虚构文学领域。**
**【作者单位：中山大学南方学院(510970)】**
**①02悠洪迈编撰《夷坚志》，何卓点校，中华书局1981年版，第361、185、711、1820页。**
**@鲁迅《中国小说史略》，上海古籍出版社1998年版，第65页。**
**四杨宝忠《论衡校笺》，河北教育出版社1999年版，第114页。**
**②晁公武撰，《郡斋读书志校证》，孙猛校证，上海古籍出版社1990年版，第 590 页。**
**2222李剑国《唐五代志怪传奇叙录》，南开大学出版社1993年版，第264、63-64、70、24负。**
**2夏曾佑《小说原理》，《绣像小说》，1903年第3期。**
**爱\[日\]冈本木二明《睽车志与夷坚志——“科学与志怪”之一》，《甘肃社会科学》，1995年第6期。**
**四杨义《中国古典小说史论E》，中国社会科学出版社2004年版，第273-303页：**
**30杨亿《杨文公谈苑》，上海古籍出版社1993年版，第157**
**包陈振孙撰《直斋书录解题》，上海古籍出版社1987年版，第343页。**
**2王明清《投辖录·序》(宋元笔记丛书本)，上海古籍出版社1991年版。**
**3胡仔纂《苕溪渔隐丛话后集》，廖德明点校，人民文学出版社1962年版，第93页。** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 银行债务的清偿结构与存款保险定价
张金宝 任若恩
(北京航空航天大学经济管理学院，北京市100083)
摘 要：在金融自由化的背景下，随着商业银行业务的不断创新，现代商业银行尤其是大银行其负债结构口益呈现出“以存款为主、多种负债形式并存”的特征。在这种情况下，考察破产时银行债务的清偿次序对存款保险费率的影响显得十分必要。本文讨论了我国商业银行的债务清偿结构，从定量角度分析了债务清偿结构对保险费率的影响，并建议未来我国制定风险费率时，加人债务清偿结构方面的考核指标。
关键词：债务清偿次序；存款保险；风险费率
JEL 分类号：G13，G21 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1002-7246(2007)06-0035-09
一、引言：问题的提出
建立存款保险制度的国家一般由存款保险公司向参加保险的商业银行征收一定数量的保费。在存款保险的合同期末，一旦商业银行资不抵债而被迫清算，资产和负债的差额部分就会成为储户的损失。但是，由于存款保险公司对商业银行的储户存款提供了保险，所以储户的损失将由存款保险基金来支付。
存款保险基金的重要来源是参保银行交纳的保费。为了避免道德风险和逆向选择，根据银行的风险程度确定合理的费率水平越来越引起存款保险机构的重视。这促进了存款保险定价研究的开展。Merton(1977)最早把期权的思想应用到存款保险定价中，建立了基于期权理论的存款保险定价模型，这个模型成为研究存款保险定价的经典范式之一。众多学者的后续研究工作都是建立在这个模型基础之上，诸如： Marcus & Shaked(1984)，Ronn &Verman(1986)， Giammarino， Schwartz & Zechner(1989)等。另一种存款保险的定价方法是期望损失定价方法。它的基本思想是首先估计商业银行的破产概率，再估算破产时存款人的损失，然后计算出存款人遭受损失的一个概率意义上的平均值，
收稿日期：2007-02-16
作者简介：张金宝，男，北京航空航天大学经济管理学院博士生；
任若恩，男，经济学博士，北京航空航天大学经济管理学院教授，博士生导师。
\*本研究获国家自然科学基金创新研究群体科学基金资助(70521001)，作者感谢匿名审稿人提出的修改意见，当然文责自负。
以此作为制定存款保险费率的依据。如：魏志宏(2004)，张金宝、任若恩(2007)等。
在上述研究中，研究者们都假定“商业银行的负债全部为存款且都参加了保险”。然而，在金融自由化的背景下，随着商业银行业务的不断创新，现代商业银行尤其是大银行越来越对负债进行积极主动的管理，商业银行的负债逐渐呈现出“以存款为主、多种负债形式并存”的特点(Lynn Shibut(2002))。这意味着，将商业银行的全部负债都假定为存款是有问题的。Shibut 在分析了美国联邦存款公司的参保银行的债务变化趋势以及存款保险基金的损失赔付后，发现存款保险基金的损失与上述变化密切相关。事实上，在多种负债形式中，相对于被保险的存款而言，它们在商业银行破产清算时的清偿顺序也不尽相同。例如，以抵押或担保方式形成的负债，它的清偿次序一般优于被保险的存款，而商业银行发行的次级债务，它的清偿次序要低于被保险的存款。这种清偿次序的不同势必影响到存款保险公司的赔付。但就我们所知，这一现象并未引起各国存款保险机构的足够重视。在目前实行风险费率的存款保险制度的国家中，存款保险机构多把考察商业银行的资产质量和资本充足率作为制定风险费率的重要依据，而忽略了银行债务结构的变化对存款保险定价的影响。
在本文中，我们将给出商业银行债务清偿结构的定义，然后讨论我国商业银行的债务清偿结构，阐述它对存款保险定价的影响。针对现有研究的不足，我们将放松“商业银行全部负债为存款”的假定，以 Merton 模型为基础建立考虑商业银行债务清偿结构的费率厘定模型，为定量分析商业银行债务清偿结构对存款保险定价的影响提供一个完整的分析框架，进而提出相关的政策建议。
二、商业银行债务清偿结构的定义
在商业银行的全部负债中，清偿次序优于和次于被保险存款的负债所占的份额越高，对存款保险费率的影响就会越大。为了便于定量研究，本文将“商业银行全部债务中，各种清偿次序不同的债务之间的数量或比例关系”定义为商业银行的债务清偿结构。
根据我国的《企业破产法》，银行在破产时它的资产应该优先偿付所欠的职工工资、法律费用和国家税款，即优先偿付享有法律规定的优先权的债务(张韶华(2005))。其次受偿的则是有担保的债务。担保的债务通常是在下列条件下形成的：第一，银行在经营时遇到不利的筹资条件，如信用评级降低；第二，所需的资金数额巨大，面临较大的筹资压力；第三，筹集短期的应急资金，如回购协议。当有担保的债务得到清偿之后，破产银行的剩余资产才会兑付给存款人。此时，被保险的存款人得到的实际支付与应计的本息和之差，构成存款保险基金的损失，这个损失就是存款保险定价的直接依据。为了提高资本充足率，监管部门允许商业银行发行次级债，其清偿次序排在银行债务的最后，只要资不抵债，最先承受损失的就是次级债的债权人。
故在破产清算时，银行债务的清偿次序可依次表示为：享有法定优先权的债务、有担保的债务、被保险的存款@、次级债。从考虑存款保险定价的角度，我们以存款类负债为
严格地说，位于该级别的债务并不仅仅是被保险的存款。在实行限额承保的条件下，还包括未参加保险的存款，以及其他与存款清偿次序相同的债务。但本文的这种简化，就分析清偿结构对存款保险定价而言并无影响。
界，将商业银行的负债分为三个部分：清偿次序优于存款的债务(A类)、存款类债务(B类)、次级债(C类)。在商业银行的债务总额既定的条件下，各自所占的份额多少恰好说明了银行债务的清偿结构。
考虑到银行破产时，所欠的职工工资和国家税收等只占需要清偿债务的较少部分，在优于被保险的存款的债务中，本文只考虑有担保的债务。
三、债务清偿结构与存款保险费率的关系
首先，我们通过一个例子来认识债务清偿结构与存款保险定价的关系。假定存款保险的期限为一年，存款保险费用在年初征收。年初时，某商业银行的资产为100亿人民币，存款保险机构预测该商业银行一年后的市场价值分布如表1，到期负债L为95 亿元人民币，但债务的清偿结构可能有甲乙丙三种情况，见表2。商业银行的关闭规则是：一旦存款保险到期时商业银行资不抵债，则对其实行清算，由存款保险机构赔偿存款人的损失。
表1 某商业银行的价值分布
| 银行价值V(亿元) | 112 | 106 | 100 | 94 | 88 | 70 | 50 |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 概率P | 2.5% | 94% | 1.85% | 0.95% | 0.50% | 0.15% | 0.05% |
表2 商业银行的债务清偿结构表 单位：亿元
| 债务清偿结构 | 甲 | | 乙 | | 丙 | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| A类(担保) | 0 | | 2 | | 3 | |
| B类(存款) | 92 | | 92 | | 92 | |
| C类(次级债) | 3 | | 1 | | 0 | |
现在，我们考察债务清偿结构对存款保险机构的损失赔付的影响。不妨假定，存款保险到期时，商业银行的资产价值降到了88 亿元，此时商业银行将被迫清算。在甲型债务结构中，由于没有A类负债，所以B类负债的债权人能得到全部88 亿元，所蒙受的损失为4亿元；对于债务结构乙，由于A类负债最先受偿，所以B类负债的债权人只能得到86 亿元，所蒙受的损失为6亿元人民币。同理可知，若商业银行的债务结构为丙型，则B类负债的债权人所蒙受的损失为7亿元。依此类推，我们可以根据表1给出的商业银行的价值分布，计算出不同的负债结构下存款保险机构的损失分布，见表3。
表3 存款保险机构的损失分布 单位：亿元
| 银行价值V | | 112 | 106 | 100 | 94 | 88 | 70 | 50 |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 概率P | | 2.5% | 94% | 1.85% | 0.95% | 0.50% | 0.15% | 0.05% |
| 损失赔付 | 债务结构甲 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 22 | 42 |
| 损失赔付 | 债务结构乙 | 0 | 0 | 0 | | 6 | 24 | 44 |
| 损失赔付 | 债务结构丙 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 7 | 25 | 45 |
按照存款保险的期望损失定价方法，可以利用公式(1)计算出与三种债务清偿结构对应的期望损失。
其中，Je{甲，乙，丙}是表示债务清偿结构的下标变量，n为资产价值离散分布的情形数月。S，为第J种债务清偿结构下，第i种资产价值情形时，存款保险机构的损失；P为第i种情形发生的概率。
根据国际经验，存款保险基金一般投资于无风险债券，可获得相当于无风险利率的投资收益。考虑到存款保险资金的投资收益，为了弥补期末的预期损失，存款保险机构在期初征收的保费应为：
其中，r为无风险利率，7为存款保险期限，T=1。设期末全部存款的本息和为L8，17根据 Merton(1977)的分析，由于存款和利息都已被保险，所以被保险的存款是无风险的，它的现值为：
LB，o=eLp，1 (3)
g：=F10/LB，0=ES，/LB，1
(4)
将上述分析得到的数据，依次代人公式(1)和公式(4)，便可以计算出一种债务清偿结构下，存款保险的费率：gH=0.74%0，gz=0.88%0，g丙=1.05%0。
我们给出的例子颇具代表性：在该例中，三种债务清偿结构所对应的商业银行资产价值分布是相同的，其负债总额和被保险的存款额度也都一样。就银行的整体风险水平而言，银行的资产质量和资产负债比率相同。于是，按照目前国际上实行的风险费率的厘定办法，应对其征收相同的存款保险费率。然而，一旦考虑了债务清偿结构之后，我们发现存款保险的风险费率存在着较大差异，这表明债务清偿结构对存款保险费率确实有较大影响。为此，我们需要重新理解“风险费率”的含义。本质上，这里的“风险”并非商业银行的整体风险，而应是银行整体风险中由存款保险基金承担的部分。从这个角度看，在确定商业银行的风险费率时，考虑债务清偿结构的影响是非常必要的，尤其是在商业银行的负债形式日益多样的条件之下。
为了使读者有一个初步的认识，在上述分析中我们在相同的资产价值分布下讨论了债务清偿结构对保险费率的影响，并且银行资产价值的分布被假定为离散分布。事实上，用连续的分布描述商业银行的资产价值，不仅能更好刻画商业银行的风险，从而使研究的问题更加贴近实际，而且还可以把银行风险考虑到费率厘定的模型中，研究和比较在风险恶化的条件下，债务清偿结构对保险费率的影响效果，这就需要个更加全面的分析框架。
四、考虑债务清偿结构的费率厘定模型
(一) Merton 的存款保险期权定价模型
Merton 的存款保险期权定价模型是存款保险费率研究中广被认可的个经典模型。
该模型源于 Black-Scholes(1973)的期权定价公式。Merton 将此公式用于存款保险的定价。 Merton 认为：由于保险人担保了银行的债务，本质上保险人便对银行的资产发行了一份看跌期权。这个看跌期权的标的物是银行的资产价值V，其执行价格是银行的到期负债L。如果存款保险到期后，银行的资产价值大于它所承担的债务，则保险公司支付的赔偿费为零。反之，银行的资产价值和到期负债的差额部分(即储户的损失)将由保险公司进行赔付。显然，合同到期时，存款保险机构的赔付金额是商业银行期末资产价值V(T)的函数：
公式(5)与标准的欧式看跌期权的到期支付函数相似，为了给出银行的存款保险定价公式，除了沿用推导期权定价公式的假设条件外，Merton 进一步假定：(1)银行的负债等于存款，且存款和利息都已被保险。(2)假定距离存款保险到期的时间等于下次年度审查的时间间隔。(3)银行的资产价值V服从如下几何布朗运动：
其中：ju为银行资产的瞬态收益，0为资产收益的波动率，Z遵循标准的维纳过程。t代表时间，在初始时刻t=0，保险合同到期时刻t=T。Merton 利用▲-对冲的技术构造了一个由期权和原生资产组成的无风险投资组合，从而推导了描述期权价格变化的方程：
对看跌期权而言，方程(7)的限制条件即为公式(5)。求解这个数学模型，便得到了看跌期权的定价公式，Merton 用此公式来计算期初存款保险保费：
布函数，r为无风险利率，V为期初商业银行的资产价值，T为存款保险合同的期限。
Merton 认为：对于存款的本金和利息都已被担保的存款保险而言，被保险的存款将是无风险的，且其现值为：
记g=P/Lo，则g为每元被保险的存款的担保成本。根据公式(8)和公式(9)，该担保成本又可写成如下形式：
基于看跌期权的存款保险费率公式。
(二)考虑商业银行债务清偿结构的存款保险定价
由于 Merton 模型将银行的全部债务假定为被保险的存款，所以 Merton 模型并没有
考虑银行债务清偿结构对存款保险定价的影响，而根据本文第三节的讨论以及 Lynn Shibut(2002)的研究报告，银行债务的清偿结构对存款保险定价的影响确实存在。问题是如何在存款保险定价中考虑这·因素，从而使模型更好地描述现实。本文研究的切人点是放松 Merton 模型中“银行债务全部为存款”的假定，将商业银行的到期负债分成前述的 A、B、C三类。换句话说，为了描述商业银行的债务结构，我们根据银行债务的实际情况重新定义了商业银行的到期负债L的含义。与 Merton 模型不同，这里的到期负债L由三部分组成：担保类负债(A类)额度为L，被保险的存款(B类)额度为Lg，次级债(C类)的额度为L(见图1)。所以：
图1 商业银行的债务结构与存款保险机构的损失赔付
我们先来分析在考虑银行债务清偿结构的条件下，存款保险机构的到期赔付情况。在图1中，银行的债务结构是按一定的清偿次序来表示的。在银行破产时，A类负债最先受到赔偿，其次是B类负债，最后是C类负债，即次级债。若存款保险合同到期时，商业银行的资产价值满足 V(T)三L，由于银行的资产价值大于到期负债，故商业银行储户的损失为零。自然，存款保险机构的损失也为零，这与 Merton 模型相同。但若商业银行的资产价值小于其负债时，则需要分三种情况讨论：
第一种情况：即L-L=V(T)<L。由于V(t)>L +L，所以被清算的银行资产能够用来依次足额偿付担保类负债的债权人和被保险的存款人，故B类负债的债权人的损失为零，存款保险公司的损失也为零。这意味着，银行的损失由次级侦的债权人来承担，表明次级债给被保险的存款人提供了一道风险屏障。从存款人的角度，这个屏障起到了类似银行自有资本的作用，它或许可以解释为什么银行的次级侦可以记人附属资本。
第二种情况：即L-(L+L)≤V(T)<L-L。由于L=V(T)<L+L，所以被清算的银行资产只能优先足额偿还担保类负债的债权人，B类负债的债权人仅能得到部分赔偿，承担的损失为L-V(T)-L，而次级债的债权人将一无所有，承担的损失为L。存款保险机构的赔付可以表示为L-V(T)-L。
第三种情况：即0≤V(T)<L-(L+L)。由于0≤V(T)<L，所以被清算银行的全部资产小于担保类负债的额度。这意味着即使清偿次序最靠前的A类负债的债权人也
不能得到足额偿付。自然，B类负债的债权人(即商业银行的储户)将失去全部的存款，存款保险公司的负债应为L。
根据上述分析，我们可以建立存款保险到期时，存款保险公司的赔付函数f(V(T)，T)：，0，V(T)≥L-L
Lg，0≤V(T)<L-L-LB
公式(12)右侧表明在存款保险合同期末，商业银行的资产价值在不同阶段时，存款保险公司的损失赔款额度。对比公式(5)和(12)可以发现：考虑商业银行的债务清偿结构后，存款保险看跌期权执行的条件发生了变化。尽管如此，由于原生资产价值所遵循的随机过程的性质没有发生变化，因此我们仍然可以利用▲-对冲的技术构造一个无风险的投资组合。换句话说，存款保险的价值变化仍然可以用经典的期权定价模型来描述，只不过期权执行的限制条件不再是公式(5)，而是公式(12)。因此，考虑债务清偿结构的存款保险费的计算可以用下面的数学模型来表示：
其中IA代表示性函数，当事件A成立时其值为1，否则为零。求解该数学模型，我们就可以得到在存款保险合同的初始时刻，考虑债务清偿结构时条件下的存款保险定价公式：
V。为保险合同的期初时刻，商业银行的资产价值。对于利息和本金都被保险的存款而言，期初的被保险的存款应为：
其中，存款保险费P由公式(14)给出。这样，通过 Merton 模型我们将保险费率与银行风险、债务清偿结构等要素联系起来，进行综合分析。
(三)算例分析
由公式(14-16)给出的计算公式较之 Merton 模型形式上略为复杂。为了使分析更加直观，我们举一个具体的例子。商业银行的基本情况如下：期初资产价值￥=2275亿元，到期的全部负债L=2160 亿元，无风险利率r=0.0198，存款保险的合同期限为1年。商业银行为了经营这些资产，可能有多种债务清偿结构。在分析中，为了强调担保类债务和次级债务对存款保险费率的影响，在描述债务清偿结构时，我们让被保险的存款类
负债的额度保持不变(LB，0=2000亿元)，然后定义q=L/L为次级债(C类)占全部到期负债的比例@，这样利用g的变化就可以表示不同的债务清偿结构。图2描述了债务清偿结构对存款保险费率的影响规律。
图2 债务清偿结构与存款保险费率
从图2可以直观看出债务清偿结构对保费的影响。若商业银行债务结构中次级债务比例较高，担保类债务比例较少，则可以显著降低商业银行的存款保险费率。在图2中，银行资产的风险越大(即资产价值的波动率 sigma 值越大)，费率变化的幅度越明显。这意味着，高风险银行的债务清偿结构更容易影响存款保险费率。故而对存款保险机构而言，重视高风险银行的债务清偿结构显得尤为重要。
五、结论与政策建议
所谓的“风险费率”，实际上是将存款保险公司承担的风险与费率挂钩，而不是商业银行的整体风险。这意味着，存款保险机构在制定风险费率时与监管机构所利用的信息略有不同。监管机构可能更加注重商业银行的整体风险，而存款保险机构除了关注商业银行的整体风险外，还须考察银行债务结构方面的信息。遗憾的是，目前各国在制定风险费率时，往往忽略了商业银行的债务清偿结构内容，对其缺乏足够的重视。
通过分析可知：由于次级债务最后受偿，它可以为存款人提供风险屏障，所以适当增发次级债务对风险费率的降低是很有利的；由于担保类债务在银行破产时先于存款类债务受偿，所以若在商业银行的负债中担保类债务较多，就会使被保险的存款人在债务清偿中处于不利地位，从而加重存款保险基金的损失。重要的是，当商业银行处于困境时，将面临日益不利的筹资环境：第一，部分储户可能会撤走存款。第二，商业银行将不得不
①商业银行的到期债务清偿结构为：次级债q，被保险的存款qu=eLno/L，担保类债务1-9-9do
更多地以担保方式筹集资金。第三，对于困境银行，监管机构不大可能批准其发行次级债。上述因素相互作用，会使商业银行的债务清偿结构朝着更加不利用于存款人的方向发展，自然也会不利于为存款人提供担保的存款保险机构。同时，由于存在道德风险，困境银行可能会冒险经营高风险的资产，而根据本文第四部分的分析，在高风险的情况下，债务清偿结构恶化对风险费率的影响会更加显著。这些现象都表明：若在确定保费时忽略债务清偿结构的信息，将会明显低估保险费率，甚至会使征缴的保险费用难以满足实际的赔付要求，影响存款保险基金的正常运转。
我们建议：未来我国的存款保险机构在确定保险费率时，除了考虑资产质量和商业银行的资本充足率外，还应增加有关债务清偿结构方面的指标，这会使确定风险费率的考核内容更加全面。由于次级债的发行有比较规范的审批措施，故其在债务结构中的额度相对固定，债务结构的变化可能更多地表现为存款类负债和担保类债务的比例变动。尤其是担保类债务，它在银行债务清偿结构中的比例增加，往往是银行陷人困境的先导信号，而这种先导信号对确定风险费率尤其是提前征缴的存款保险费率可能恰恰适得其所。
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Canada”， Canadian Journal of Economics Rerue canadienned' Economique， XIII， No.1， 109-127.
Abstract：Along with the development of financial liberation and the innovation of commercial bank’s opera-tion，the modem commercial banks， especially big banks， are characterized by “taking deposits as a core and while with diversified liability structure". Therefore， This paper discusses the commercial bank’s debt dis-charge order in bankruplcy in China and quantitatively studies the impact of discharge order bank debts on the risk-based premium of deposit insurance. Finally， the authors suggest that debt discharge structure should be one of the examining indicators when we set up the risk-based premium.
Key words：discharge order， deposit insurance， risk-based premium
(责任编辑：胡海刚)(校对：HA) | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 高校公共卫生校内实训室建设的探索与实践
严玮文曹松玉，陆晓梅杨 叶施 雯倪春辉A (南京医科大学公共卫生学院预防医学实验教学中心，南京211166： “通讯作者)
摘要： 公共卫生实践技能训练是提高预防医学生公共卫生实践能力的有效途径而校内公共卫生实践技能训练室是高校进行公共卫生实训教学的主要场所其建设水平直接影响公共卫生实践技能训练的效果和人才培养目标的实现。文章以南京医科大学公共卫生校内实践技能训练室的探索实践为例，阐述了建设高校公共卫生校内实训室的重要意义和具体方案并提出了建设过程中发现并需要改进的一些问题和对策以期为高校公共卫生校内实训室的建设与管理模式的创新提供基础。
关键词： 校内实践技能训练室； 实践教学； 公共卫生
中图分类号： C482 文献标志码：
A
文章编号： 2095-1450(2020)11-0827-04 DOI： 10.13754/j. issn 2095 -1450.2020.11.14
Exploration and practice of the construction of practical skills training room of public health in colleges and universities
YAN Weiwen ，CAO Songyu ，LU Xiaomei ，YANG Ye ，SHI Wen ，NI Chunhui( Experimental Teaching Center of Preventive Medicine，
School of Public Health Nanjing Medical University Nanjing 211166 China)
Abstract： Training of public health practical skills is an effective way to improve the practical ability of public health for students learning preventive medicine. The construction of public health practical skills training room directly affects the training effect and the realization of the cultivation objectives. Taking for example the exploration of practical skills training room in the School of Public Health Nanjing Medical University this paper expounds the significance and concrete scheme for constructing the public health practi-cal training room in colleges and universities. It also puts forward the countermeasures to the existing problems in hope of providing the basis for the innovation of management and construction of the public health practical training room in colleges and universities.
Key words： on-campus practical skills training room； practice teaching； public health
随着经济社会的快速发展，人们对健康保健的需求增长迅速，“健康中国2030”规划纲要中也提出推进健康中国建设要坚持预防为主推行健康文明的生活方式营造绿色安全的健康环境减少疾病发生护。这也对公共卫生人才的培养提出了新的要求和挑战：公共卫生人才培养必须摒弃重理论而轻实践的传统培养模式加强预防医学专业学生的公共卫生实践技能和应急能力的培养。目前，许多高校的预防医学教育普遍存在理论脱离实践的现象，要想培养综合性应急型公共卫生人才，就必须加强校内实践技能训练开设公共卫生实践技能课程建立并开放公共卫生校内实践技能训练室(以下简称“实训室”)为学生提供自主训练的平台，充分挖掘学生的潜能提升预防医学生的实践技能。近年来，南京医科大学公共卫生学院预防医学实验教学示范中心(以下简称“中心”)不断开拓创新对公共卫生校内实训室的建设进行了一些探索与实践，取得了
1高校公共卫生校内实训室建设的重要意义
目前我国人口老龄化进程加速，同时面临着疾病谱改变、新发传染病等突发公共卫生事件频发预防医学因此受到了极大的重视，同时也对公共卫生工作者及预防医学生提出了更高的要求和挑战。从用人单位意见反馈及公卫医师资格考试要求来看，都反映了对预防医学本科毕业生现场实践技能的强烈要求\[2。因此高校迫切需要建设公共卫生校内实训室以提升预防医学生的实践操作技能进一步与用人单位接轨为学生就业及顺利通过公卫医师资格考试提供支持与保障。高校公共卫生校内实训室建设的作用和意义主要表现在以下几个方面。
1.1 提高预防医学生的临床基本技能 随着我国社会经济的发展和医疗卫生的进步我国人口的疾
基金项目：
江苏省高等教育教学改革研究立项课题(2017JSJG186)；南京医科大学教育研究课题(2019LX016)
作者简介： 严玮文女1991-10生硕士 实验师 E-mail： weiwenyan@ njmu. edu. en
收稿日期：
2020-08-16
病谱也发生着根本性的变化公共卫生人才需要更扎实的临床知识和技能来应对疾病谱更加复杂的人群。在教育方式上预防医学专业的学生在临床基础课程方面的学习不够深入，对于一些具体疾病的诊断与治疗缺乏足够的认识导致公共卫生工作人员在社区开展传染病以及慢性非传染性疾病的宣传、管理和防治工作时常常无法提供实质性的意见和建议。此外从公卫执业医师资格考试结果分析来看考生在临床技能项目得分率较低且笔试方面在生理、生化、内科、外科、儿科等学科方面得分率较低4。因此高校在预防医学生培养过程中应适当调整课程体系和教学方法，提高预防医学生临床相关科目的考核要求加强预防医学生临床基本技能的训练使其能够应对今后工作中可能遇到的临床问题。
1.2 加强公共卫生实践技能训练提高学生现场应急能力 在当今市场经济环境下我国卫生领域重治疗、轻预防的现象仍然存在并且由于预防医学本科教育的传统培养模式一直是重理论而轻实践致使预防医学本科毕业生在进入用人单位后无法快速胜任工作岗位需要工作单位进行二次培养且培养周期较长。因此，许多用人单位也较倾向于聘用有工作经验且实践操作能力强的员工心。此外，由于人力与物力的限制，一般医学院校预防医学专业课程设置以理论课程为主实验课程为辅而较少高校开设拟公共卫生现场应急能力培养为主的实践技能课程或应急技能培训项目并且也仅有较少学校配备有用于学生公共卫生实践技能训练的实训室。因此预防医学生的卫生应急能力及实践技能水平难以得到提高1的。为了提高预防医学本科生的现场应急能力建立公共卫生校内实训室迫在眉睫。
与基地实习互补全方面提升学生现场处理能力现场实习是预防医学专业教育过程中一个重要的教学环节并且通过实习可以进一步提升学生对理论知识的理解和应用，培养学生解决实际问题的能力。但一些欠发达地区的实习基地(包括疾病预防控制中心、卫生监督所等)缺乏专业带教老师，且一些实习基地对于学生实习重视不够，疏于管理，流于形式，实习质量不能得到很好的保证\[。此外大多数院校的预防医学专业实习时间多为大五这一学年与学生参加考研或者求职时间冲突。这极大降低了学生参与实习的积极性与主动性，也成为实习质量无法保证的原因之一。为了提高预防医学生的实践技能水平和卫生应急能力高校应与实
习基地互补加强建设公共卫生校内实训室并开设相关实践技能训练课程全方面提升学生实践技能水平和现场应急处理能力。
2 高校公共卫生校内实训室建设的具体方案
自2016年以来，中心开始创建公共卫生实训室并面向预防医学专业本科生开放。实训室配备有实践教学一体机、心肺复苏模拟人、心肺音听诊模拟人、电子血压臂、SQC-1000 型双路智能大气采样器、QDF-3风速仪、TY -9700 温湿度计、TES-1330A 照度计、UV-B紫外辐照计、HS5633B噪声测定仪、背负式消毒喷雾器等各种仪器设备。目前向学生开放的实践训练项目包含临床基本技能、个体防护、样品采集与现场检测、卫生处理以及虚拟仿真实训项目等。涉及各项技能训练的相关视频和资料均放置于实践教学一体机和开放实验平台中供学生随时使用。
2.1 临床基本技能实训项目建设 预防医学专业的毕业生不仅要具备基础医学、临床医学和预防医学的基本理论还应具备基本的临床技能，能够处理日常工作中常见的临床问题。临床基本技能训练的内容主要包含心肺复苏和体格检查等内容实训室在建设期间购置了心肺复苏模拟人、心肺音听诊模拟人、模拟自动体外除颤仪、电子血压臂、水银血压计、体温计、听诊器等基本临床技能训练设施让学生通过学习和训练掌握心肺复苏操作、心肺音听诊、体温及血压测量、脉搏及呼吸频率检查等从而提高预防医学专业学生的临床操作技能水平。
2.2 公共卫生实训项目建设 中心建设的公共卫生实训项目主要与公卫执业医师考试相关项目接轨重在提高预防医学生的公共卫生实践技能操作水平。公共卫生实训项目主要包括个体防护、样品采集与现场检测、卫生处理等内容。针对公共卫生各项实训内容实训室相应配置了各种个体防护装备(包括各级各类防护服、防护口罩、防护眼镜、防护手套和防护鞋等)、采样器械和工具(包括各种采样瓶、大气采样器、采样管、采样规格板等)、现场检测设备(包括温湿度计、风速仪、声级计、紫外辐照计等)以及各种消毒工具(包括背负式和手提式消毒喷雾器等)让学生在课后通过学习和自主训练，熟练掌握各项公共卫生实践技能。
2.3 公共卫生虚拟仿真实训项目建设 随着信息化的发展虚拟仿真实验教学已经提升为教育信息
化的重要内容之一近年来在公共卫生领域也得到广泛应用成为传统教学模式的有益补充101。目前由中心主任牵头研发并请公司制作了三项虚拟仿真软件分别为煤矿井下职业性有害因素的识别与控制突发水污染事件的应急处理木制家具生产车间职业性有害因素的识别、检测与评价，已应用于本校本科生的辅助教学。虚拟仿真项目的建设与使用不仅丰富了教学形式也与理论和实验课程互补弥补了现实难以完成的实践教学功能。同时，实训室在建设期间也配备了多台计算机设备供学生在实训室进行虚拟仿真项目的训练。
2.4
开设公共卫生实践训练课程促进实训室的建设与使用 为了改善预防医学本科生公共卫生实践技能知识及操作能力欠缺的现状，中心在学院的支持下于2018年面向预防医学专业本科毕业班学生开设了公共卫生实践技能必修课程。实践技能课程的教学方式采取教师课堂讲授指导学生以团队自主学习为主的实践模式。在课程开设过程中实训室向学生预约开放。学生可自主练习课堂学习内容。课程考试采用以推动掌握技能、提升自我管理和团队协作精神为导向的方式进行考试题目以综合性实践技能操作题为主。学生拿到考题后需组成团队设计情境、编写脚本、拍摄视频、剪辑后上传提交。学生在考试周可通过预约实训室进行自主练习并拍摄考试视频。实践技能课程的开设也进一步促进了实训室的建设与发展。
3 公共卫生校内实训室开放管理制度建设
实训室开放管理制度的建设是实训室有序开放的重要前提和保障，是一项多层面、复杂性高的工作。中心从多方面考虑，全面评估学生需求和课程要求，对实训室开放的管理模式、时间以及考核方式等进行了改革，从而制定出切实有效的开放管理制度。
3.1 开放式实训管理平台的建设 中心在实训室建设的同时开发并建设了开放式实践技能训练管理平台( http：//101.76.99.35：86/index. php/Student/Index/login)并搭载于中心网站和服务器上用于辅助管理开放实训室和实践技能教学。开放管理平台的功能包括实验室安全制度、实验室安全考试、实验室预约、实践技能训练资料、实验室设备与耗材、实训考核、评价与反馈等。教师可通过平台上传实验室安全制度和实验室安全考试题库并设置安全考试
通过分数。学生在预约实训室之前必须通过实验室安全考试后才可预约实训室。通过实验室安全制度的学习与考核不但加强了学生对实验室安全的理解和重视也可避免实验室安全事故的发生。实践技能训练的各种视频资料均上传于开放管理平台供学生自主学习。教师可通过管理员端设置实训室设备与耗材是否充足学生在训练时若发现耗材不足或设备有损坏也可通过学生端进行操作向教师反映设备与耗材情况。在实训课程考核周教师可通过平台的实训考核功能向学生发布考题学生自主预约后进行训练考核拍摄视频并上传于平台教师通过服务器下载阅览后给予成绩或评价。此外教师也可通过评价与反馈功能上传关于实训平台和实训课程的问卷学生在使用时可填写问卷进行评价和反馈。
在本学期实训室开放过程中我们对2015级预防医学本科生进行了问卷调查。共发放问卷95份，回收并经录入校验的有效问卷87份问卷有效回收率为91.58%。对实训室自主预约训练模式满意度方面有94.3%的学生表示满意或比较满意；在实训室开放时间安排方面，有97.7%的学生表示满意或比较满意；此外，在视频上传便捷度方面，有79.31%的学生表示非常或比较方便，也有20.69%的学生因为受网络或硬件条件的限制表示不太方便。
3.2
实训室分级管理制度的建立 实训室的建立能够为学生实践能力的培养打好基础因此中心更应该做好实训室的建设和管理。现代教育对高等院校实训室的建设和管理也提出了新的要求，不仅要建设科学性和有效性高的实训室，而且要加强实训室的管理。因此，中心研究并建立了专职教师-学生负责人-学生的三级管理模式。一级管理责任人为中心专职教师主要职责是按照实训课程教学大纲和授课计划制定实训室开放计划表，网上学生预约审核并管理分发实训室门禁卡；学生实训时中心教师轮流值班保证学生实训过程中的安全并解答学生提出的疑问；学生实训后中心教师应检查仪器及耗材的损耗情况并及时维修补充。二级管理责任人为学生负责人主要为班长、团支书等学生干部，主要负责教师与学生之间的联系与沟通工作并辅助教师完成对实训室物品的管理、安全监督和秩序维护工作。三级管理责任人是参与实训的每位学生实训学生的主要职责是在每次实训结束后对训所用的仪器和耗材进行清点、归位和整理并维护
实训室的清洁和卫生。实训室分级管理制度的建立不但可以保证实训过程的安全减少实训物品的丢失和耗损也使得实训室的环境得以维持。
3.3 实训室使用与管理中存在的问题 做好公共卫生实训室的建设与管理，对提高预防医学本科生的实践技能水平具有重要意义。本中心实训室已投入使用3年在使用和管理过程中我们也发现一些问题亟待解决和完善具体可以总结为以下几个方面。
3.3.1 实训室安全管理平台不够完善 虽然目前实训室配备有门禁系统、烟雾防火系统和视频监控系统等安全管理系统，但这几个系统相互独立无法通过网络进行关联。门禁系统需要专门的门禁卡片才能开启；烟雾防火系统在有烟雾或火灾情祝下会发出警报并作紧急处理；监控录像只能在实训室监控计算机中查看没有实现远程管理控制功能达到网络化、智能化、无人化的科学管理。为了让实训室的运行更加稳定、可靠、简单、方便，能够为学生提供更为便捷、安全和智能的实训环境中心亟待应用集门控系统、视频监控系统、烟雾防火系统、手机或电脑远程监视或控制系统为一体的智能化实训室安全管理平台从而实现对实训室的资源优化配置和安全管理。
3.3.2实训室卫生责任制度有待改进 在前期实训室开放的过程中我们也发现学生训练完毕后实训室的卫生状况不佳，许多学生的卫生责任意识不强训练完毕后没有意识将训练过程中产生的垃圾打扫干净。这不仅使得实训室的卫生难以保持，也加重了实训室管理教师的工作负担。因此，在今后开放的过程中应结合考勤系统做到责任到人树立学生的责任意识督促学生在训练完毕后将使用过的耗材和仪器归位并将实训室打扫干净，加强实训室管理培训，保障实训室规范、有效的运转。
3.3.3 实训平台预约系统有待完善目前我们中心网站设有开放式实践技能训练管理平台，实训期和考核期时学生可通过该实训管理平台进行预约。但在预约开放的过程中我们也发现该平台存在一
些问题。例如系统创建时设置的每个实训期内可预约人数较少且每人每次只能预约一个实训期等问题。此外由于该网站只能通过校园内网才能访问，学生假期在家中无法实现预约和查看网站中的学习资料这也限制了其学习和使用。为了让学生更方便快捷地预约和学习，后续我们将与移动教学平台联合使用以提高学生的学习效率。
在公共卫生实践技能训练课程开设期间我们根据课程的教学进度针对教学内容制定合理的实训室开放和管理方案课后定时向学生开放相应的操作项目并安排专职教师值班以指导学生。实训室的开放不仅可以弥补实训课堂时间有限的问题，也为学生的自主训练提供了条件可以充分提高公共卫生实践技能教学的质量，也为学生就业和通过公卫执业医师技能考试奠定了一定的基础。
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zh | N/A | N/A | 当代工笔人物画创作非常活跃，也不乏有创造力的艺术家。从题材来看，人物形象随着生活的改变自然地呈现当代人的精神风貌，随着创作观念的更新，艺术家又不断创造出新的现代图像；从技法语言来看，传统绘画方法被继承下来，用以表现今天的题材，随着媒介材料的升级，新的技法层出不穷。如何将多变的形态统一在和谐的氛围中，需要总体的把握，也需要长期的实践。青年艺术家方正是一位高产画家，其作品精彩纷呈。他勤奋、执着、坚定地走着探索之路。本期\[案边点滴\]特别约请湖北美术学院的艺术家方正，请他分享工笔人物画创作的新思路、新方法。
阴澍雨(中国艺术研究院副研究员)：方正你好!近几年你的作品倍受关注，我也是在展览上看过你的几张大幅创作，整体很震撼，细节又非常精致。细读发现里面有很多独到的处理，所以今天想请你谈谈工笔人物画创作的具体方法。你是如何选择工笔画为主攻方向的?
方正(湖北美术学院副教授)：这个问题还要往前追溯一级：我是如何选择报考国画系的。1993年的湖北美术学院附中应届生很多人考油画系，我那时候是一个小县城的城管，一个爱听摇滚乐的城管青年。考试前我只来过一次武汉，听
**方正言语的寓言纸本设色200×200厘米2004**
**说湖美附中那个班几乎都要考油画系，我没有信心和他们竞争，我觉得我的白描很不错，考国画系比考油画系的录取几率大一些，就这样选择了国画专业。**
那时候的教学没有分方向，也就是本科四年所有同学都一样的学习写意、工笔。我考前绘画训练的模式是苏式的，你知道，就是素描、色彩、构成等等，物体要画扎实，调子要有层次，色彩要丰富……我甚至买了一个海盗的石膏像，放在家里以各种角度、各种光线去画，甚至画海盗的后脑勺，最后是我能默写海盗石膏素描了!经过这种西方造型体系的考前魔鬼训练，我真的很长时间接受不了中国写意画，但是工笔画就不同了，20世纪90年代的中国工笔画已经开始真正崛起。尤其是传统的勾勒、渲染，再融合西方素描意识深入刻画形象，进行写实与理想化处理的风格非常契合我的天性。
阴澍雨：你的画路很宽，一类是现实题材，强调对人物形象的精神风貌表现；另一类是带有当代图式的绘画作品，图像本身是你创造的，有特定的内涵与立意。从题材来看，它们的来源分别是什么?
方正：90年代初期尹吉男在看到刘小东、喻红、王华祥、王玉平、申玲这些艺术家的作品后，发现他们画日常生活、身边的人。发现他们是和“85美术新潮”不同的艺术家，由此
**方正归来纸本设色 187×200厘米2014**
尹吉男提出了“新生代”“近距离”的概念，我1997年毕业创作《我们》直接受其影响，画的就是湖北美术学院和我同级的国、油、版、雕的同学。1998年我又画了《死脸》和《耳语》，这两幅画的造型已经不写实了。《死脸》用的是犯人进监狱必须拍的两张标准照的形式，一正一侧，脸上有一个巴掌印，我那时候知道我们所有人都生活在一个无形的“监狱”里，脸上都会有一个看不见的叫“社会”的人打的一巴掌。这个隐喻我是早就看到了，到现在这个叫“社会”的人还时不时地“啪啪”给我来两巴掌!但是我的这个创作被打断了，2000年，我去了北京电影学院进修电影，在电影学院我做了一个导演，2001年我回到武汉大学开始教本科生“视听语言”“电影大师作品研究”两门课，我彻底沉到了电影的世界里。三池崇史、冢本晋也、北野武、库斯图里卡、基耶斯洛夫斯基……太多大师的作品影响了我，所以一直到2007年，我一直是在研究电影。2007年我还是放不下绘画，但不在圈里好多年了，怎么最快地进入呢?我决定参加2008年的全国青年美展，就画了《收获》这幅画，获了最高奖——优秀奖，现在我也还觉得这是我的现实主义题材最好的一幅。然后又获得第十一届湖北省美展金奖，这样马上就有藏家找我了，就有了后来的一批唯美女青年作品。几年之后我就发现这不是我所要表达的，当时看各种展览，听各种言论，我开始想当代艺术的问题。对我来讲，当代艺术和古代艺术都是一样的对象，只是他们所隶属的时间段不同而已，方法是一样的，我开始关注中国文献古籍，尤其是里面的版画插图，再加上日本电影、漫画作品的影响，就有了我的《啊!崩坏了》《成品》《生长》《恋恋风尘》《裘毛上的维纳斯》《传说》《神话》等作品。这些作品中出现的与其说是被蕾丝紧紧包裹的肉，毋宁说是肉被有机体荷尔蒙支配下被束缚的原始绽放：有被挤压变形而呈现出来的既熟悉又不确定的女体感官经验，有莫名荒凉星球上被饲育的蕾丝肉体，有作为藏品存在的物化女体。呈现出一种“非现实、非日常、非正常、非人类。现实中不可能发生的、无法看到的、不正常的、人变得不像人的状态”。疏离的人际，可以饲育的女体。在表现手法上，这几年的新作全部是绢本，越来越追求绝对的平面趣味，很奇怪的是，我的画面都是中国传统符号，但很多人说我的画非常浮世绘。你看我作品中燃烧的蝙蝠的火，他们竟然说这个火很浮世绘，我那可是正宗国产元素啊，地道的中国火呢!
阴澍雨：钩染是工笔画的基础方法，你的作品中有很多自己创造的技法，你工笔画创作最初的技法渊源是传统人物画吗?
方正：肯定是，早期对中国经典的临摹学习是绕不过去的，我可能对技法有种天生的敏感吧，有很多效果是想一想，然后做，就达到了。比如你看我画的蕾丝，最早那是2006年吧，在商店看到一件有蕾丝装饰的女装，就想着怎么画蕾丝，直接画法显得很笨，我稍稍琢磨，就有了方法，效果非常好!
**阴澍雨：你当前的创作对传统艺术资源有哪些关注与借鉴?**
方正：老祖宗留下来的东西很多，它是一座宝库，它在那里，谁都可以进去拿，但以前这座宝库是封闭的，或者说是半封闭的，一般人进不去。现在互联网技术越来越好，这座宝库在“云”上。世界各大博物馆、艺术研究机构都相继开放、提供各种文献资料的高清图下载。我们“70后”虽然不像“80后、90后”从小就接触电脑，但我们还好赶上了，我们大学时代正好是电脑、互联网普及的信息化时代，你去百度“90年代”，它都成一个特有名词了，特指20世纪90年代。我们“70后”算是赶上了。
我想和流行趣味拉开距离，我有一个观点，就是流行趣味是一个时代大的审美趋势，你不可能完全置身其外，所以我一直是控制在流行趣味只能占20%，那剩下的80%怎么做到个人语言最大化呢?大家熟识的名画名作我会有意识回避，因为太多人用了，解构的、拼贴的、挪用的……都有。你生活中有没有这种感觉，有时候偶然的一张图片会给你一个灵感启发，你会马上有一个好的创作想法，如果这种能刺激到你思路的图片很多，那不就是脑洞大开!图片哪里来，它们在“云”
十-/1-R门T业
**作品线描稿**
**用墨、熟褐、一点土红平罩肌肤部，干燥后用合适大小白云毛笔洗涤肌肤部，会形成一种对比并不强烈的温和粗糙底子。**
**用合适颜色分染、平罩肌肤。**
**有之前的水洗底子做基础，会增加厚重感。**
**把砂纸折叠衡成合适大小，然后把四边裁切整齐。**
**打磨磨，注意控制力量就像罩色时每一遍都很淡的颜色，罩很多遍达到薄中见厚的效果一样。打磨也是注意力量的轻柔，多打几遍。这是打磨纯平效果的背景。**
**用砂纸的边缘部位打磨平绒布特有的边缘线状受光面。力度比打磨纯平背景时的力度要小，只打磨掉了宣纸最表面的一点纤维。这样最接近平绒布的质感。**
**不管你怎么控制砂纸的力度、角度、方向，由于纸的纤维是无序的，很多有效颜色纤维会被无差别地打磨掉。所以在粗磨之后，用合适墨色回填损失颜色。際西区佳柏路工公园百一一色已一损失献期刊数据库**
上，后来我发现很多文献古籍的插图非常好，比如《山海经释义十八卷》(郭璞注，王崇庆释义，明万历时期大业堂刻本)、《毛诗名物图说》(乾隆39年古本)、《新撰醋葫芦小说》(明，伏雌教主编，明崇祯时期笔耕山房刊本)等等。这些插图有高古范儿，那些神话人物、动物的造型对于我们这种想象力一直被扼杀、被封存，而且又经过这么多年的现实主义造型训练的人来说冲击是很大的。
阴澍雨：我注意到你在纸和绢上运用的技法不同，你是如何选用合适的纸张材料的?这些媒材有哪些特性为你所用?
方正：很多人因缘际会地创造出了自己独特的技法语言。对我而言，用绢还是用纸，这是个问题。既喜欢熟绢经纬线的质感和能够在反面画的特性，又放不下熟宣纸经得起“蹂躏”的品质。在熟宣纸上的很多效果是熟绢无法达成的，例如在熟宣纸上用水洗、用砂纸打磨后，远看只是一个平面色块，而近观则在这灰色之中又能分辨出多种深浅层次，斑驳而厚重。在画黑色绒布时，又能同样用砂纸以不同的手法打磨而形成颗粒状肌理来表现绒布的质感。撞水、撞色、揉搓熟宣纸等等为人所熟识的技法于我是回避的。
阴澍雨：去年你在【美术家】栏目发表过一篇论文，详细谈了《农民》的创作过程。其中提到了具体技法，比如水洗、砂纸打磨等。能不能结合具体的图例详解一下水洗的技法过程?
方正：很多年以前，我在处理作为背景存在的大面积的单色区，平罩颜色干燥后用水洗。洗过之后，纸的表面的一层纤维会洗掉，呈现一种粗糙的效果，然后或染或平罩颜色。后来，用砂纸打磨取代了这种水洗，和砂纸打磨相比，这种水洗效果柔和，与砂纸打磨效果作为一种效果层次存在。
阴澍雨：打磨方法是与水洗相辅相成吗?这两种方法同时用吗?
方正：我现在忘了是怎么一个契机让我选择用砂纸取代了水洗。和水洗相比，水洗掉了表面纤维的同时，也多少会洗掉纸面凹下去地方的颜色，所以效果偏柔和，这种水洗而粗糙的效果可以用来表现农民、工人的皮肤质感。粗糙颗粒的对比没有砂纸打磨的强烈。这两种方法可以同时使用。
砂纸在打磨宣纸的时候，只会打磨掉最外层的纸的表面突起纤维，连带这层纤维上的颜色也一并被打磨掉了。
**阴澍雨：打磨对于宣纸的要求很高吧?**
**方正：没有特别的要求，只要不漏矾就可以，不管你用的熟宣纸有几层，表面接触颜色的那一层都有肉眼不很容易看到的起伏。这种起伏和宣纸的好坏无关，它是宣纸的基本结构。**
宣纸制作的最后几个步骤之一是把制成的皮浆和草浆调匀，叫调浆或拌浆，捞取不同品种的纸，皮浆和草浆的搭配比例不同。将调匀的纸浆倾入纸槽，纸工将纸帘斜向插入，浆料均匀附着在纸帘上，迅速将纸帘提出水面，滤水、烘干，即为成品纸。然后经过烘贴、浇贴、拼贴，最后剪纸成品。
**调匀的纸浆是一种或大或小的团块，将宣纸对着光看，会很清楚地看到这种团块的纸浆料。这种团块的纸浆是否均匀也是决定宣纸品质的一个因素。根据宣纸的品种不同，这**
种团块纸浆起伏的幅度是不同的，纸张越大，纸张相对就越厚，纸浆团块的起伏就越大。巧的是我画的农民题材都是2米乘2米的大画，用的纸都是大纸，这种纸浆团块起伏很大的纸非常适合表现农民厚重感的肌理。
在蝉翼熟宣背面罩的颜色能在正面看到更多，薄薄的蝉翼显得娇嫩脆弱，还记得第一次用砂纸打磨蝉翼熟宣的战战兢兢。不得不佩服宣纸制作工艺，只要小心打磨，蝉翼熟宣也能用砂纸打磨。由于蝉翼熟宣的纸浆团块相对小一些，打磨出来的效果会更细腻。
阴澍雨：人物画中，衣服的种类很多，质感也不同。牛仔服是当代人很常见的穿着服饰，请谈谈牛仔裤的具体画法。
方正：牛仔裤的布料纹理有一些人会选择直接用牛仔布料刷上颜色直接拓印，这也是一种方法，但有一个缺点，它不能表现衣服的起伏结构，因为拓上去的纹理是平的。我用砂纸的边缘像用铅笔排线一样打磨，顺着结构打磨，通过纹理的起伏表现衣纹的起伏。纹理若隐若现，不会喧宾夺主。
阴澍雨：蕾丝是你作品中反复出现的符号，承载了怎样的观念?
方正：蕾丝本身没有观念表达，但它和被它包裹的肉一起出现就有了观念。我把女性物化了，女性特征被抽离出来并用蕾丝包裹，堆砌在一起，是我对科技发展的未来再造(饲育)人体的恐惧的恶趣味表达。
阴澍雨：我的理解是蕾丝在你的画面上是一种线的组合关系，更多出于构成形式的需要来组合。谈谈你对于线的理解，传统绘画的线与现代工笔的线有哪些异同?
方正：当然，蕾丝构成了我的画面形式，当代工笔的线国家哲学社会科华严
和古人的线没有区别，前辈们总结的十八描基本涵盖了所有线的形式，我的蕾丝的线条属于“状物”，为了表现蕾丝的质感用现在这样的线条是最合适的了，线条粗细不能有变化，而且要细!
阴澍雨：你的创作题材多变化，又相应地创造了很多技法，这看起来有点麻烦，但通览你的创作体现出的效果还是很和谐，你是如何做到整体、统一的?
方正：我没有特意去统一各个题材的语言，因为那说明我是用心对待各个题材的创作，包括官方的主旋律创作。就像关于导演有一个说法是，很多导演一生只拍了一部电影，就是说导演关于世界、关于人的思考贯穿他所有的作品之中。你看我画少女、画农民，全部“零度”表情，就是无表情，而且绝对不能笑。
阴澍雨：谈谈你对以后的创作道路有哪些预期与规划?
方正：今年我48岁，本命年。还有12年就60岁，12年4380天，我要尽最大努力画我自己内心认可的画!为什么说60岁?我一直觉得60岁好大了，我有时候观察周围60岁左右的人，看他们的工作状态，想象自己60岁的样子。画自己内心认可和想画的画，这听上去正确、没毛病的一句话，其实是有问题的，你的资质决定了你的内心!所以，最后决定你作品力度的因素是什么?是一种你不可控的因素，也就是说资质是天生的，哪个行业走到最巅峰的几个人不是自然之子?不是天赋使然?好了，回归你的问题，以后的创作?谁知道呢?我不知道!有太多不确定因素了，但是有一点：我是工作狂!真的，我不是在画画，就是走在为画画做准备的路上。(本文由笔谈与录音整理，经方正审阅)
ational Social ScieneesDatabase
**方正暴雨将至绢本设色43×60厘米 2016** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 导致城市翳势群体住房困难的政策因素分析※
张道航
(中共大连市委党校，辽宁 大连 116013)
\[摘 要\]我国城市弱势群体住房困难的成因，不应仅仅归结为他们缺乏财富获取和积累能力。与住房密切相关的产业发展政策、财政金融政策、住房保障政策所存在的某些偏差、不到位乃至缺失，也是导致这部分群体住房困难的重要因素。
\[关键词\]弱势群体；住房；政策
\[中图分类号\]F20 \[文献标识码\]A \[文章编号\]1672-2426(2009)08-0028-02
在住房已经不仅仅是满足人们的居住需要，甚至成为财富的重要象征的今天，那些买不起和租不起房子的城市弱势群体，当属缺乏财富获取和积累能力的群体，或者说正是由于这种能力的缺乏才导致他们的低收人，因而才不具有住房的可支付能力。但是也不能不看到，与住房密切相关的某些政策的偏差、不到位乃至缺失，也是导致城市弱势群体住房困难的重要因素。
一、产业发展政策
房地产业的发展政策是从产业性质出发确立的保证房地产业健康发展的战略方针及措施。但是由于近些年来对于房地产业的性质及其定位缺乏准确的认识和把握，并存在着一定的摇摆性，因此房地产业的发展政策也始终处于“鼓励”与“限制”之间的摇摆不定态势，从而直接影响了房地产业的健康稳定可持续发展。
迄今为止，我国尚未形成完整的房地产业发展政策，这不能不说是一个缺憾。而我国房地产业在政策层面上存在的最大问题和缺憾，就是忽视房地产业的民生性质，缺少促进社会和谐与公平正义的政策导向。国外许多国家的政府为了解决弱势群体住房困难问题，都制定了相应政策来约束乃至鼓励房地产企业为弱势群体提供住房。例如在美国，政府不仅通过税赋减免、信贷优惠等政策，鼓励房地产企业开发弱势群体能够买得起的普通商品房，而且还通过一系列政策鼓励房地产企业或私人机
构为弱势群体提供他们能够付得起房租的出租房。但在我国，不但缺少这种为弱势群体提供住房的产业发展政策，相反某些政策本身所伤害的恰恰又都是弱势群体的利益，让他们愈加陷人住房困难的窘境。例如，许多城市为了促进商品房的销售，出台了买房送户口的政策；再如，为应对2008年国际金融危机带来的房屋滞销，有些城市出台了对购房者实行政府送补贴的政策。购房送户口的政策增加了住房的含金量，房价自然没有不涨的道理；购房送补贴的政策实际上是变相的“托市”，为的是不让房价跌下来。推动房价上涨、阻止房价下跌，这两项政策所起到的作用都不利于弱势群体。其实仔细分析起来，这样的产业发展政策不但不利于解决弱势群体的住房问题，而且也不利于房地产业自身的健康发展，甚至会带来灾难性后果。因为推动房价上涨势必会助长房地产泡沫，而在危机当中阻止房价下跌又将延缓产业调整和泡沫释放，这些政策作用的结果必然会让房地产泡沫越积越大。而一旦泡沫破灭，风险集中释放，一场由房地产引发的危机也就在所难免。远的不说，1998年的东亚金融危机和2008年由美国次贷危机引发的金融危机，都与房地产泡沫有着直接关系。
近些年来，社会对于房地产业的指责，例如“嫌贫爱富”“暴利掠夺”、“纳税侏儒”、“挟持国民经济”“圈钱圈地”等，尽管与房地产企业本身的不成熟和社会责任缺失有关，但是决不应将其归
结为产业之“恶”，从根本上说还是产业发展政策残缺不全、产业定位不清、政策不明，以及房地产业发展战略迷失所致。所以，弄清房地产业的基本定位，在此基础上形成包括企业规模起点、工艺设备提高、房屋节能标准、外资进入限制，以及保障和改善人民群众居住需求等一系列相关的产业发展政策体系，已成为房地产业健康发展和解决群众住房问题的迫切需要。
二、财政金融政策
在以货币交换为基础的经济形态中，任何产业的发展都离不开一定的资金，房地产业作为资金密集型产业尤其需要资金支持。而无论是财政政策还是金融政策都可以从资金层面对房地产业施加影响，使其朝着既定的目标或方向发展。然而，由于政策取向的偏差以及政策本身的缺位，目前在我国，与百姓住房密切相关的财政政策和金融政策并未能充分发挥其应有的积极作用，反而让房地产业的发展偏离了民生轨迹，并进一步扩大了社会差距。
在2009年的全国两会上，一份由“全国工商联”署名的《我国房价何以居高不下》的发言，引起了业内外的广泛关注。这份发言稿是由“全国工商联房地产商会”于2008年7月至10月用了3个月时间，在北京、上海、广州、深圳、青岛、西安、成都、苏州和呼和浩特9个城市，选取62个不同规模和不同所有制的房地产开发企业的81个项目，进行深入调查和分析研究后撰写而成的。
\[作者简介\]张道航(1950-)，男，辽宁大连人，中共大连市委党校经济管理教研部主任、教授，主要从事中国现实经济管理问题研究。
※本文系作者主持的国家社科基金项目(项目编号：08BJY054)和全国行政学院系统科研合作基金项目(项目编号：08JKT077)的阶段性成果。
它对于莫衷--是的房地产成本给出了四个方面的数据：：是开发企业直接成本主要为土地成本，占52.8%；二是开发项目总费用支出中，流向政府(上地成本+税收)的占49.2%；三是开发项目总销售收人中流向政府的份额占37.36%；四是除土地成本支出外，房地产企业税收占总成本的26.06%，除此之外还要缴纳20多种收费。这组数据表明，现行财政政策使得政府成为房地产开发中最大的受益方。诚然，降低税费未必会让高企的房价降下来，但是过高的税费必然会推高房价则是不言而喻的，因为这些税费最终都是耍加到房价中去的。我国现行税收政策不仅将房价定格在--个较高的价位上，而几税收政策在某些方面的缺失又造成了房屋资源的浪费。近年来全国空置商品房呈逐年增加态势，到2009年一季度已达2亿平方米，几乎在所有的城市都会看到这样一幅景象，一边是大量的住宅被闲置，而另一边都是弱势群体的住房困难。如果能够通过开征不动产闲置税和物业税等财税政策来调节，不但可以逼迫开发商降价促销，也可以抑制过热的房地产投资需求，从而为弱势群体住房困难的解决提供条件。
金融政策对于房地产业的发展来说更是举足轻重，不仅从事房地产开发必需用银行贷款，因为这对丁房地产开发企业来说犹如一道防火墙，一旦开发的房子卖不出去，就可以用这些房子冲抵贷款而脱身。而对购房者来说，动辄几十万元乃至上百万元一套的房子，如果没有金融支持，几乎所有普通家庭都是力所难及的。然而，我国的房地产金融政策一直是对房地产开发关注的多，对于帮助百姓解决住房问题，尤其是对于帮助弱势群体解决住房困难关注的少，例如，经济适用房目前在许多城市不具有完全产权，因此有些城市的弱势群体在购买经济适用房时便无法得到贷款，即使已经取得了购买经济适用房的资格，也因为拿不出钱来而只好放弃。再如，住房公积金本属一种合作性质的住房金融政策，月的是为了解决城市中弱势群体的住房困难、然而这项政策对于那些弱势群体咪说却于事无补，尤其是对那些下岗失业人员来说，他们不仅不可能申请公积金贷款，而且按照现行政策规定，他们的公积金账户只能封存不能提取。截至2007年底，全国累计问830.04万人发放了住房公积金贷款，仪占建立住房公积金职工总数
7187.91万人的11.5%。不仅如此，由于位房公积金享受免税政策，所以它又成了某些单位给职工多发报酬的避税工具。这不仅违背了公积金政策的初衷，也人为地带来了社会收人分配差距的扩大，不利于社会和谐。难怪有人对目前躺在账户上睡大觉的1.2万亿住房公积金发出质疑，并提出应当将其返还给个人的建议。
三、住房保障政策
市场机制在促进效率提高的同时，也存在着将人群中的资源占有差距拉大的弊端，即经济学中所说的“社会发展日标异化”的现象，为了克服这…弊端，就需要建立起相应的公共政策体系来保障基本人权，并通过资源的再分配维护社会公平、实现社会稳定。住房保障政策就是公共政策体系中不可缺的重要内容，为维护社会整体和长远利益，社会必须通过住房保障政策帮助那些依靠自身能力无法解决住房的弱势群体，让他们也能住有所居。
但在我国房地产业发展和住房分配制度改革的进程中，与之相适应的住房保障政策的实施和保障体系的建设却相对滞后。1998年的住房分配货币化改革尽管对解决城市弱势群体的住房问题作了相应的要求和部署，但由于在此后的时间里地方政府纷纷将主要精力倾注于住房分配货币化改革，许多地方义都奉行只售不租的改革取向，使得住房保障不可能列入应有议程，从而出现了住房市场化改革j住房保障建设不同步的现象。随着住房市场化程度的不断提高，二者之间的不同步现象越来越明显，弱势群体的住房困摊也越来越突出。于是，2005年5月9日下发的《国务院办公厅转发建设部等部门关于调整住房供应结构稳定住房价格意见的通知》(即国办发\[2005\]37号文件)，明确提出要加强经济适用住房建设和完善城镇廉租住房制度，国家建设部还进一步要求，到年底所有地级以上城市都要建立起廉租住房制度。但截至2005年底，全国291个地级以上城市中，仍有70个还未建立廉租房制度，即使那些已经建立了廉租房制度的也有许多是象征性的，与实际需要相距甚远。截至2007年10月底，全国累计只解决了68.1万户城市低收人家庭的住房困难，按建设部的测算全国有1000万户住房困难家庭的话，这样的解决速度需要将近30年才能完成。2007年是我国住房分配货币化改革后房价最为突飞猛进
的一年，这一年全国70个大中城市房价同比上涨7.6%，涨幅比 2006年高出2.1个百分点，其中普通商品住宅销售价格上涨了 8.6%。房价的“大跃进”让决策层意识到，房地产业发展的另一条腿——住房保障政策的短缺正在加剧着市场失衡。因此，2007年8月7日国务院下发了《关丁解决城市低收人家庭住房困难的若干意见》(即国发\[2007\]24号文件)，在这个文件中，住房保障被明确定性为政府公共服务的一项重要职责，这一年也被舆论称之为“民生地产元年”、当2008年遭遇国际金融危机之际，为应对危机中央启动的十项措施中第一项就是安居工程，并计划到2010年投资9000亿元建设保障性住房，以此可解决750万个家庭的住房困难问题。从1998年住房分配货币化改革算起至今已经十年，住房保障才算真正列人了日程，并有了落实的时间表。2009年4月，胡锦涛总书记在山东视察时叮嘱当地干部：“保障性住房建设既是民生工程，更是民心工程”。
当然也必须看到，建设好这项民生工程乃至民心工程仍然还有许多工作要做，就我国目前的住房保障政策来说还存在不少差距。--是住房保障政策体系还不健全，保障覆盖面太小；二是保障主体及政策界限不清晰，住房保障方式不规范；三是住房保障政策的落实还缺少组织保障和制度保障，大多数城市没有明确的管理机构，资金来源缺乏制度化。住房保障政策的滞后，已经给一部分弱势群体带来住房困难，并延缓了社会的民生改善，所以在当前和今后的一段时间里，不仅要加快住房保障政策的完善和落实，还要加快住房保障制度体系的建设，以完善的制度体系泽被苍生，才能实现民生的可持续发展并赢得民心。
参考文献：
\[1\]陈淮主编.地产中国——引导我国房地产业健康发展\[M\].北京：企业管理出版礼，2008.
\[2j(美)阿列克斯·施瓦兹，黄瑛译.美国住房政策\[M：.北京：中信出版社，2008.
\[3詹国枢.房价、房价，到底怎么啦?
N\].人民政协报，2009-04-13.
\[4\]闫冰竹等.应放开住房公积金市场准人限制\[N\].人民政协报，2009-05-25.
\[5\]付克友.把财产账户返给个人如何\[N：中国改革报，2009-04-13.
责任编辑
荀福文 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **试析河北省民营企业发展中存在的问题①**
河北科技大学 李东雷 纪志晴
**摘要：改革开放30多年来，河北省民营企业历经起步、徘徊和稳定增长阶段，逐步成为了促进河北省经济和社会发展的一支生力军。然而，与江苏、广东等省份相比，河北省民营企业的发展还存在一定的差距。通过调研，本文较为深入地分析了河北省民营企业发展中存在的管理不规范、制度亟待健全、员工整体素质偏低等严重制约民营企业发展的问题。**
**关键词：民营企业 管理制度 员工素质**
改革开放30多年来，河北省民营企业历经起步、徘徊和稳定增长三个阶段，逐步成为了促进河北省经济和社会发展的一支生力军。然而，与江苏、广东等省份相比，河北省民营企业的发展还存在一定的差距。在有关政府部门的支持下，课题组对河北省民营企业的发展状况进行了随机调查。通过数据和案例分析，我们可以比较准确地把握河北民营企业发展中存在的问题。
1民营企业经营权和所有权难以分离，决策机制不合理
小艾尔弗雷德D·钱德勒(Alfred D. Chandler， Jr.)在其巨著《看得见的手：美国企业的管理革命》中，考察了19世纪40年代到20世纪20年代这一历史时期美国的工业在生产和分配领域中所经历的革命性变革，指出促使现代工商企业形成的力量源泉是一群支薪经理们所执行的开拓性的职业管理协调工作。钱德勒认为，一家经理式公司和一家企业主式公司的不同之处在于：前者的高阶层管理和中阶层管理全由专职的支薪主管所掌握，企业的所有者不再管理企业。在此基础上，钱德勒给“现代企业”下了一个经典的定义：由一组支薪的中、高层经理人员所管理的多单位企业即可适当地称之为现代企业。
**根据钱德勒的理论，引人外来经理是民营企业向现代企业迈进的重要一步。外来的经理是完全“陌生”的经理人员，他们不是通过企业主的“三缘”(血缘、亲缘、地缘)圈子而来。调查显示，在202户民营企业中，企业管理者主要来自投资人家族内部有96户，所占比例为47.52%。民营企业由投资者本人或家族成员来管理，大多沿袭了传统的家族制的企业管理方式。当然，我们不能否认家族制管理的优越性，比如，家族内部的信任关系降低了企业的管理成本和监督、代理成本；集中决策比较灵活可以使企业及时抓住发展机会等。但是，家族制企业以血缘、亲信这一天然的人际关系为依托，靠家庭观念这一初级的社会规范来维系，使得企业在规模的扩大、人力资源的引进、治理结构的规范等方面具有一种封闭性、排他性和随意性。因此，民营企业要谋求更大的发展，就必须对“家族制”进行现代化改造，实现经营权和所有权的分离，逐步建立现代企业制度。**
此外，经营权和所有权不分体现在企业的经营决策上，就是“老板说了算”的决策机制。在202户民营企业中，重大决策由企业
①基金项目：河北省科技厅软料学研究讨划项目“河北省民营企业发
**展的制约因素与对策研究(11457201D-71)的阶段性成果。作者简介：李东雷(1972-)，男，河北科技大学文法学院副教授，硕士，主要从事企业社会工作、当代中国经济研究；纪志晴(1971-)，男，本科学历，河北科技大学理学院党委副书记，副教授，硕士学位，主要从事大学生思想政治教育研究。**
主本人做出的有109户，所占比例为53.96%。这种决策方式在民营企业资本积累初期发挥过积极作用。但随着企业规模不断扩大、经营领域拓宽和市场竞争日益激烈，集权式、经验型决策充满风险。许多重大决策都需要通过详细的调查研究和科学的分析论证，才能做出正确的选择。民营企业主受自身知识和掌握信息等多方面的局限，很难在所有决策上都能够做到科学合理，低级失误就足以毁掉整个企业。
表11被调查民营企业重大决策的决定者单位.户.%
| **重大决策的决定者** | **户数** | **比例** |
| --- | --- | --- |
| **企业主本人** | **109** | **53.96** |
| **股东大会** | **34** | **16.83** |
| **董事会** | **51** | **25.25** |
| **专职经理人员** | **8** | **3.96** |
| **合计** | **202** | **100.00** |
2民营企业规章制度不规范.很难做到管理科学
**企业规章制度建设是企业管理的基础性工作，离开了规章制度，企业管理就成了无源之水、无本之木。河北省多数民营企业创立时间较短，企业管理还谈不上系统、科学。因此，民营企业更应该把日常管理中的有效作法和经验，通过文字总结出来，变成全体员工共同遵守的规则。这样，可以提高民营企业的管理水平，使企业逐步从“人治”转变为“法治”，不断推动企业走向成熟。然而，调查显示，许多民营企业没有建立基本的管理制度，或者建立了但称不上完善。在113户公司制企业中，除了财务管理制度外，岗位责任制度、供销管理制度、工资福利制度、劳动人事制度和奖惩制度都不同程度上被民营企业忽视(见表2)。**
表2被调查民营企业的规章制度状况
单位户
| **制度** | **财务管理** | **工资福利** | **岗位责任** | **劳动人事** | **供销管理** | **奖惩** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **户数** | **113** | **94** | **107** | **78** | **95** | **82** |
**由于民营企业的规章制度不健全，那么就会直接导致企业基础管理的不规范，这表现在以下方面：第一，在劳动管理上，202户民营企业中有63%的企业与员工签订了正式合同，“有劳动无合同的现象还比较严重。有些企业只与掌握管理技术的骨干员工签订劳动合同，却不与普通员工签订。另外，劳动合同签订质量不高，有的企业在订立、解除、终止、变更劳动合同时，手续不完备、内容不全面、待遇不平等，个别条款回避法律法规，甚至随意解除与员工的劳动关系。第二，在技术管理上，从接受调查的民营企业来看，技术**
**人员占全体员工的比例较低，平均数仅为5.2%；只有89户设立了技术管理和研发部门，所占比例为44.05%；能够独立研发自己核心技术的民营企业仅有54户，所占比例为26.73%，而依靠模仿其他企业却有69户，所占比例为34.16%。第三，在财务管理和信用制度上，企业为了隐瞒自身的经营状况，往往上报主管部门、税务部门和银行的财务报表是不同的，帐目混乱现象比较严重；有的企业主开办几个法人企业，多头开设银行帐户，导致对他们的审计工作无法进行，其财务报告也失去了可信性。另外，调查显示，虽然个别民营企业信用资质较好，但超过半数的企业信用等级在A级以下，并且尚有34.16%的企业根本没有信用等级，甚至根本不知道信用等级为何物，这直接制约了民营企业从商业银行获得足够的贷款。为解决资金紧张，许多民营企业冒险采取民间借贷并支付高利息的方式来筹措资金，2003年震动全国的“孙大午非法吸收公众存款案”就是一个典型的案例。**
3民营企业忽视激励机制的建设：员工素质难以提升
3.1忽视员工的物质利益
**物质需求是人们的基本需要之一，是人们生存和发展的基础。对于民营企业来说，以人为本，尽其所能满足员工的物质需求，为他们提供适当的薪酬和福利，是企业吸引人才进而提升员工的总体素质的重要手段。然而，从工资上看，被调查民营企业一般工人的月最低工资的平均值为693元，大学生员工(非管理层)的工资在1000~1500元之间。从民营企业为员工提供的福利待遇上看，除了工伤保险一项所占比重达到45.24%之外，养老保险、医疗保险、失业保险和集体住房所占比例都比较低，分别是：19.64%、21.13%、5.36%和8.63%。与“三资企业”、政府机关、事业单位和大中型国有企业相比，这样的工资水平和福利待遇是没有吸引力的。河北很多民营企业存在“招工难”与此不无关系。**
**3.2忽视对员工的在岗培训**
根据《劳动法》(1995年1月1日颁布实施)第八章相关条款的规定，各行业的劳动者有接受培训、不断提高自身工作能力的基本权利。然而，大部分民营企业认为企业不是教育单位，只要员工还能担负生产任务，对员工的在岗培训根本不予考虑，并且不按国家规定提取和使用职业培训经费。另外，民营企业主也担心员工“翅膀一硬就想跳槽”，企业对员工培训的付出是费力不讨好。从调查数据来看，河北省民营企业对员工进行培训的以工作中以老带新、岗前培训(掌握基本操作技能)为主，两者比例合计为78.9%，而需要企业出资支持员工在岗后进修、培训的方式，所占比例都比较低(见表3)。这样“只用人而不育人”的作法，使得员工感觉企业在搜刮他们的智慧，自己的职业前途渺茫。
表3被调查民营企业对员工进行培训的主要方式(可多选)
单位.户.%
| **培训方式** | **户数** | **比例** |
| --- | --- | --- |
| **岗前培训** | **117** | **37.99** |
| **工作中以老带新** | **126** | **40.91** |
| **到其他企业学习** | **18** | **5.84** |
| **企业资助员工脱产学习** | **9** | **2.92** |
| **企业资助员工业余学习** | **33** | **10.72** |
| **其他** | **5** | **1.62** |
**3.3忽视对员工的精神激励**
民营企业员工在基本物质要求得到满足后，对工作的满意度和成就感等精神需求也会逐渐增强。然而，多数民营企业不能适应这些需要，给予员工足够的精神激励，甚至使员工感到精神压抑。比如，一些民营企业家族意识强烈，认为打工仔始终是“外人”，在管理者的选拔和使用上无法做到任人唯贤、任人唯能；有的民营企业老板修养差，不但打骂侮辱员工，甚至用高科技手段监视工人的一举一动，肆意侵犯员工的隐私；有的企业主认为员工的需要就是给他们发工资，对员工的业余生活根本不关心，企业没有文化娱乐活动，员工生活单调枯燥。员工长期在这样的环境下工作，就没有创造性可言，更不用说获得精神上的满足和愉悦了。他们的厌倦情绪会慢慢地滋生，心理上的疲惫逐渐加强，选择“跳槽”只是时间的问题。
4民营企业主法制观念薄弱，制约了企业的发展
**一般而言，民营企业主法制观念不强表现为违法经营，开办地下工厂和从事国家明令禁止的行业，生产假冒伪劣产品；在利益的驱使下，或通过隐瞒收人，或通过虚假的纳税申报等方法偷逃国家税收；肆意延长工人劳动时间，拖欠工人工资，雇佣童工；违反公平竞争原则，同政府官员进行权钱交易，成为一些腐败案件的始作俑者等等。然而，我们在调查中发现，民营企业主缺乏法制观念还有新的表现。第一，不重视法律法规的学习。从民营企业主日常学习的内容来看，企业管理知识、市场营销知识、财务管理知识的学习排在前三位，而选择学习法律知识的企业主仅有57人，所占比例为12%。第二，不善于拿起法律武器维护自己的权益。某纺织品生产企业地处偏僻城郊，属于治安死角，一些社会闲散人员经常到公司门口闹事，或骚扰女职工，或敲诈、殴打男职工，直接影响了企业正常的生产。对于此类事件，解决的办法只有两种：一是报警，寻求法律帮助；一是私了，破财免灾。公司老板去选择了后者。第三，忽视行业经营规范的建立。在对“成立民营企业行业协会的作用”的调查中，只有可伶的13户民营企业选择“制定行规、自我约束”，所占比例仅为7.87%。多数民营企业内心上就排斥共同的行业规范，更愿意在“天马行空、无拘无束”的环境中进行生产经营。**
**参考文献**
**\[1\]刘伟.中国私营资本\[M\].北京：中国经济出版社，2000.**
**\[2\]甘德安.中国家族企业研究\[M\].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2003.**
**\[3\]中华全国工商业联合会.中国民营经济发展报告NO.6(2008一** 2009)\[M\].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2009. | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | doi：10.14089/j.enki.cn11-3664/f.2020.03.011
引用格式：张春生，梁涛.人民币跨境流动自由度的测算\[\].中国流通经济，2020(3)：104-113.
人民币跨境流动自由度的测算
——基于资本项目名义开放指数的借鉴
张春生1，梁 涛2
**(1.广东财经大学金融学院，广东广州510320；2.广东金融学院经济贸易学院，广东广州510521)**
摘要：长期以来，人们只看重货币国际化结果，以占全球贸易计价结算比重、外汇交易比重、国际债券比重、外汇储备比重等相关指标衡量一国货币的国际化程度，而忽视货币跨境流动放松过程，即一国货币的跨境流动自由化程度。货币国际化是一个过程又是一种结果，包含进程和结果两个层面，在货币国际化进程中，过早过快放松本币流出入会引发经济金融风险，某些情形下进程比结果更值得关注。构建人民币跨境自由度指数涉及强度赋值、项目设置和权重确定三方面内容。在梳理2019年第2季度前我国货币政策基础上，对2008年至2019年经常项目下的人民币跨境流动自由度、证券投资项目下的人民币跨境流动自由度以及资本项目下的人民币跨境流动自由度进行评估，并以美国近5年各项目下的资金流动平均占比为权重，构建了人民币跨境流动自由化指数，考察2008—-2019年人民币跨境流动自由化程度，结果显示人民币国际化进展较快，跨境流动已得到很大程度放松，而且人民币流入自由程度显著高于流出自由度。我国人民币国际化进程应持续遵循先经常项目后资本项目、先流入后流出、先机构后个人、先大额后小额、先风险小项目后风险大项目的次序，提高人民币跨境流动的稳定性，降低无序流动的投机风险；严格管控证券投资、其他投资、衍生品项目下人民币跨境流动，并依据我国利率市场化程度、金融市场发达程度及审慎监管能力进行调整；大力提升经常项目的人民币结算比重，发展人民币离岸市场，提高非居民间的人民币使用频率和使用规模；充分评估各项目下人民币跨境流动和本外币兑换自由度，提高两者的协同匹配程度，降低因两者不匹配而产生的负面影响。
**关键词：人民币国际化；资本项目名义开放指数；人民币跨境流动自由度**
**中图分类号：F822.2 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1007-8266(2020)03-0104-10**
**一、引言**
**在美元主导的国际货币体系下，经济金融全**
**球化增加了各国对美元依赖的程度，美元陷阱越陷越深，外围国家甚至丧失经济金融主导权，唯有本币取得相当国际地位才能抵挡美元侵蚀。本币**
**收稿日期：2020-01-05**
基金项目：广东省社会科学基金项目“强势美元周期下新兴经济体国际资本流动突停风险与我国应对研究”(GD16CYJ07)； **广东省社会科学规划项目“系统性金融风险凸现下广东金融安全评估及风险应对研究”(GD18区YJ07)；全国统计** 科学研究项目“系统性金融风险凸现背景下我国金融安全评估及风险应对研究”(2018LY02)；广东省自然科学基 **金项目“金融体系顺周期性与中国宏观审慎政策协同管理研究”(2015A030313625)**
作者简介：张春生(1974一)，男，江西省新干县人，广东财经大学金融学院副教授，经济学博士后，主要研究方向为国际金融；梁涛(1975一)，女，本文通讯作者，广东省韶关市人，广东金融学院经济贸易学院副教授，经济学博士，主要研 **究方向为国际金融。**
国际化不仅可避免汇率风险，获取铸币税，提高国际声誉，还可降低美元“潮汐”波动引发的经济金融风险，提高货币政策自主性和效力。
21世纪初的次贷危机在一定程度上冲击了美元国际地位。2007年第1季度至2011年第2季度，美元的储备货币占比由65.05%降至60.88%。我国以中韩货币互换为发端趁机开启人民币国际化，通过货币互换协议、跨境贸易人民币结算、人民币合格境外机构投资者(RQFII)、人民币合格境内机构投资者(RQDII)、境外机构参与境内银行间债券市场、人民币境外直接投资、外商人民币直接投资等系列措施促进人民币双向流动，推动人民币在贸易金融计价、国际结算和投资、国际储备等领域的使用，并取得积极进展。2019年前3季度跨境人民币结算14.4万亿元，2019年12月中国香港、台湾两地人民币存款达8932亿元，人民币在全球国际支付与全球外汇储备中排名第5(2019年12月占全球国际支付1.94%，2019年第3季度占全球外汇储备2.01%)@
英镑、美元等货币的国际化历程显示，货币国际化是一个漫长的过程。，一方面，需具备相当大的经济贸易规模、币值稳定、金融市场发达、资本项目开放、利率汇率弹性等基础条件；另一方面，还要逐步放松本币流出人管制，让本币流向境外，增加本币国际使用的机会和规模以推动本币国际化。从因果关系看，基础条件是决定性因素，放松管制是直接因素，货币国际化程度是结果。一国货币国际化程度由基础条件最终决定，但政策管制也会产生相应影响。基础条件良好情形下放松不足会阻碍本币的广泛使用(如德国)，基础条件欠缺情形下放松过度甚至能反向影响货币国际化(如日本)。本币流出人放松程度是基础条件的外在表现，政策松紧应与基础条件成熟度相吻合，过紧过松的政策都无助于货币国际化。因此，货币国际化不应仅盯住结果，还应同时关注过程。本币流出人放松程度是否适当，过紧抑或过松的确定，就是本币跨境流动自由度测算的问题。
自人民币国际化启动以来，很多人关注人民币在国际支付、外汇储备中的占比，即注重人民币国际化结果，对人民币跨境流动自由度却很少有人关注，而人民币流出人的松紧程度恰恰可能会影响人民币国际化甚至引发经济金融风险，是一
个值得探讨的问题，为此本文试对人民币跨境流动自由度进行评估。
二、货币国际化测度方法及局限
**货币国际化本不是一个热门话题，但人民币国际化却激起学界的极大研究热情，成为近年关注热点，相关文献可谓汗牛充栋。其中一个问题就是货币国际化测度，归纳起来主要有以下方法。**
(一)以某一职能发挥的广泛性作为货币国际化指标
世界货币具有国际计价、交易媒介、投资支付、价值储藏的职能，某一职能发挥的广泛性代表着某种货币的国际接受程度，即货币国际化程度。全球贸易计价结算比重、外汇交易比重、国际债券比重、外汇储备比重分别代表着某种货币的国际计价、交易媒介、投资支付、价值储藏职能大小，因此全球外汇储备比重I1\]、全球贸易计价结算比重12\]全球外汇交易比重31、全球国际债券存量比重4\]、全球国际债券发行比重I5\]等被广泛用以衡量一国货币国际化程度，其中又以外汇储备占比最为常用。盯住汇率制度的币种结构、国际支付币种份额、国际货币市场币种结构、国际衍生品市场币种结构、国际金融机构债权债务币种结构等也从不同侧面反映了一种货币国际化使用程度。
(二)以多种职能发挥的广泛性作为货币国际化指标
国际货币承担多种职能，仅以某一职能发挥程度代表货币国际化水平具有片面性和单一性，以多种职能发挥情况综合衡量则更为全面，为此很多学者以多个指标测度货币国际化水平。李稻葵等\[6\]以外汇储备占比、国际贸易结算占比、国际债券占比，颜超等?\]以国际储备占比、外汇交易占比、国际贸易计价占比、国际债券计价占比，刘越飞IB\]以外汇储备占比、国际债券存量占比、国际信贷占比，王春桥等19\]以国际储备占比、进口结算占比、国际债券占比，徐国祥等110\]以国际储备占比、国际债券占比、银行跨境外汇结算占比，综合衡量货币国际化水平。
(三)构建货币国际化指数
以单一职能指标衡量货币国际化水平容易导
致以偏概全，而多职能指标难以直观评价各货币的国际地位。因此，从国际计价、支付、贮藏、结算职能角度选取多个指标合成货币国际化指数，以测度货币国际化水平，评估范围更广泛，方法更科学，结果更直观，国内学者对此进行了不断探索。赵然11\]选取8个指标以主观赋值法、董和王(Tung& Wang)121选取7个指标以主成分法、林乐芬等\[13\]选取7个指标以主观赋值法、彭红枫等114\]选取6个指标以主成分法、范祚军等115\]选取6个指标以熵值法分别构建了货币国际化指数，测度人民币等多种货币的国际地位。中国人民大学国际货币研究所也以类似方法专门构建了人民币国际化指数116\]。
**(四)人民币国际化动态指数**
有些学者以某一时点为基期，构建月度或季度相对指数追踪人民币国际化发展动态，如中国人民银行上海总部跨境人民币业务部课题组的人民币国际化动态指数\[7\]、金琪\[18\]的人民币跨境贸易投资结算指数(人民币国际储备指数、人民币国际金融资产计价指数)、中国银行的跨境人民币指数(CRI)和离岸人民币指数(ORI)、渣打银行的人民币环球指数(RGI)、星展银行的人民币动力指数(2015年12月停止)等。
(五)其他相关指标
除货币国际职能直接指标外，有些学者选取其他相关指标测度货币国际化水平。余道先等\[19\]以人民币境外存量、沙文兵\[20\]以人民币境外存款规模、杨荣海等\[21\]以人民币的货币锚地位衡量人民币国际化水平，何和科罗南(He & Korhonen)\[22\]以某种货币标价的金融交易额占比、何和卢卡(He&Luk)\[231以货币头寸指数四、吴舒钰等\[24\]以全球外部投资额货币占比日、刘和王(Liu & Wang)25以跨境交易指数(包括总量指数、直接使用指数、工具货币指数)衡量货币国际化④。
上述方法衡量的均是货币国际化结果，而非国际化进程。货币国际化既是一个过程，又是一种结果，包含进程和结果两个层面。有些货币完成了国际化进程(跨境流出人不受限制)且取得很好结果(如美元、欧元)，有些货币完成了国际化进程但结果欠佳(如港元、新加坡元等)，人民币则正处于国际化进程中且结果良好。人们只看重结果而不关注进程，往往忽视进程中本币流出人松紧带来的问题，进程不仅决定结果，还影响国内经济
**金融稳定，过早过快放松本币流出人会引发经济金融风险，某些情形下进程比结果更值得关注。当前人民币正处于国际化进程中，有必要测度人民币跨境流动自由度，为货币管理部门制定和调整人民币国际化政策提供决策参考。**
资本项目开放也包含开放进程与开放结果两层含义，一国可以不断放松流人(外币兑换成本币)和流出(本币兑换成外币)管制以扩大资本项目开放程度。开放过程测度一般通过对法规约束强度进行赋值，并以一具体数值反映跨境金融交易及资本流动自由度(即名义开放测度法)；而开放结果测度则一般通过国内外金融市场的相似度(如国内外利率差、国内外收益率差)、资本流动规模/GDP等进行衡量(即实际开放测度法)。因此，可尝试借鉴测度资本项目开放进程的名义测度法，构建人民币跨境流动自由度指数，测算人民币国际化的实际进程，判断人民币国际化水平。
三、人民币跨境流动自由度指数构建
资本项目下的名义开放指标很多，但都涉及三个核心内容：(1)强度赋值。最常用的是二元法赋值\[26-27\]，某个项目不存在管制取0，否则取1(管制指数为1代表存在管制，0代表无管制)；另一种是强度法，根据强度对某时点政策法规赋予三种以上数值，如徐子福\[28\]、雷达等\[29\]的四档取值，奎因(Quinn)I30\]、陈雨露等\[31\]的五档取值；还有动态法赋值，对每项法规进行小幅增减赋值\[32-33\](2)项目选择。国际货币基金组织的《汇率安排与汇兑管制年度报告》(Annual Report on Exchange Ar-rangements and Exchange Restrictions， AREAER)将资本项目分为13个大项42个子项(徐子福\[28\]将13大项拓展为57个子项)，实际所选项目种类与数量不尽相同，有学者选取大项作为考察对象，如塔米里萨(Tamirisa)\[34\]选取9个大项、约翰斯顿(Johnston)等\[35\]选取13个大项；有学者选取子项作为考察对象，如费尔南德斯和克莱因(Fernandez& Klein)1361选取32个子项、张春宝133\]选取52个子项目.(3)权重确定。绝大多数学者都采用简单平均法(有些指数为各项目赋值加总，实际上也是简单平均法)，以大项作为考察对象时直接对项目赋值进行平均，选择子项作为考察对象时则先平均
子项赋值后得出各大项的分值，再平均大项分值；倪权生等137\]、李轩等138\]以某项目下的资本流动占比作为该项目权重，艾拓和金(Ito & Chinn)2\]卡彻(Karcher)\[39\]以第一标准化主成分法确定各项目权重。
人民币跨境流动自由度指数构建也涉及上述三方面内容。
(一)强度赋值
**2008年12月，中韩签订货币互换协议，可视为人民币国际化正式启动。本文以2008年为基期考察人民币流出人自由度情况，采用动态法对放松人民币跨境流动的相关政策进行强度赋值。**
人民币国际化是一项全新业务，一般先试行某种业务(如发行点心债)，一段时间后再正式推行(由暂行到正式实施)，然后扩大业务主体范围(发行主体由金融机构扩大到非金融企业)，或扩大地域范围(如由中国香港扩大到伦敦等)，在这一过程中还会增加额度，直至取消额度限制。人民币国际化的很多业务先在中国香港试点，后视情况推广至其他国家和地区，但将所有地域扩大政策(如不断与其他国家签订清算协议)都纳人研究范围似没有必要，简单地考虑额度增加也没必要(如RQFII额度增加非常频繁)。本文主要考察人民币国际化新业务推行、暂行方法规范化、业务主体范围扩大、取消额度四种政策，其中后三种业务都是在新业务推行基础上的调整深化。根据所涉政策放松人民币流动的自由化程度和重要性进行评分，如相比以前某项政策完全放松人民币流动赋值1，很大程度放松赋值0.75，较大程度放松赋值0.5，有所放松赋值0.25，稍有放松赋值0.1，微小放松赋值0.05。
(二)项目设置
货币国际化是指某种货币使用超出国界在发行国境外被使用和持有的状态与过程，人民币流入流出所涉项目都应纳人考察范围。目前人民币被用于经常项目和资本项目收付，人民币跨境流动可划分为经常项目下跨境流动和资本项目下跨境流动◎。据此，人民币国际化政策可分为经常项目下跨境流动政策和资本项目下跨境流动政策两大类，并可进一步细分子项目。
1.经常项目。包括货物贸易、服务贸易、收人及经常转移，收入包括工资和投资收益，经常转移
包括个人转移和政府转移。按流人和流出统计共有12个项目(参见表1)。
2.资本项目。包括资本和货币市场工具、衍生工具和其他工具、信贷业务、直接投资、直接投资清盘、不动产交易、个人资本转移七大类41个子项。由于无法取得个人资本转移、不动产交易的统计数据，本文参照国际收支平衡表，设置直接投资、证券投资、其他投资、衍生工具和其他工具四个大项29个细项(参见表2)。不动产交易、个人资本转移交易规模和重要性相对较小，将其忽略不影响本文研究结果。
(三)权重确定
经常项目下的资金流动规模与资本项目下的资金流动规模、经常项目各子项下的资金流动规
**表1经常项目设置**
| 项目 | | 流入 | 流出 |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 货物贸易 | | 出口接收 | 进口支付 |
| 服务贸易 | | 出口接收 | 进口支付 |
| 收入 | 工作报酬 | 接收境外报酬 | 向境外支付 |
| 收入 | 投资收益 | 接收境外收益 | 向境外支付 |
| 经常转移 | 个人转移 | 接收境外转移 | 向境外转移 |
| 经常转移 | 政府转移 | 接收境外转移 | 向境外转移 |
**注：国际收支平衡表记录的是居民与非居民间的交易，而此处记录的是境内与境外间的交易，包括居民向境外非居民和境外居民的交易；居民向境内非居民的交易不能算人民币国际化，如支付人民币工资给境内非居民时，人民币还是在境内流通。**
**表2资本项目设置**
| **项目** | | **流入** | **流出** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **直接投资** | | **对内直接投资** | **对外直接投资** |
| **直接投资** | | | **直接投资清盘** |
| **证券投资** | **股票证券** | **居民在境外发行** | **非居民在境内发行** |
| **证券投资** | **股票证券** | **非居民在境内买卖** | **居民在境外买卖** |
| **证券投资** | **债务证券** | **居民在境外发行** | **非居民在境内发行** |
| **证券投资** | **债务证券** | **非居民在境内买卖** | **居民在境外买卖** |
| **证券投资** | **货币市场工具** | **居民在境外发行** | **非居民在境内发行** |
| **证券投资** | **货币市场工具** | **非居民在境内买卖** | **居民在境外买卖** |
| **证券投资** | **集合投资证券** | **居民在境外发行** | **非居民在境内发行** |
| **证券投资** | **集合投资证券** | **非居民在境内买卖** | **居民在境外买卖** |
| **其他投资** | **商业信贷** | **非居民向居民提供** | **居民向非居民提供** |
| **其他投资** | **金融信贷** | **非居民向居民提供** | **居民向非居民提供** |
| **其他投资** | **担保和保证** | **非居民向居民提供** | **居民向非居民提供** |
| **衍生工具和其他工具** | | **居民在境外发行** | **非居民在境内发行** |
| **衍生工具和其他工具** | | **非居民在境内买卖** | **居民在境外买卖** |
模、资本项目各子项下的资金流动规模差异非常大，各项目重要性不可等同，简单平均各子项目赋值因没有考虑各项目重要性差异而存在不合理之处，以资金流动占比作为项目权重比较合理。日本、英国等的国际收支没有区分本外币收支，国际收支平衡表以本币或美元计值，缺乏本币流出人的统计数据(本币收支占比也相对较小)。假设美国国际收支都采用美元结算，美元的流出人就代表着美国国际收支(美国的国际收支也包含非美元收支，但占比相对较小)，美国各项目下资金跨境流动占比基本上代表着已国际化货币情形下每个项目的重要程度，本文参考美国2014—2018年各项目资金流动占比的平均值确定项目权重。
1.经常项目与资本项目的权重。2014—2018年美国经常项目资金流动平均占比80%，资本项目资金流动平均占比20%，因国际收支平衡表中直接投资、证券投资、其他投资和衍生品下的流出人数据为净额，没有考虑资金流出后又流人及资金流入后又流出的情形，因此资本项目资金流动比例应高于20%。本文假设经常项目和资本项目的资金流动比例均为50%。
2.经常项目内部权重。
经计算，2014—2018年美国货物贸易下的资金流动平均占比为55%，服务贸易下的资金流动平均占比为18%，初次收人下的资金流动平均占比为22%，二次收人下的资金流动平均占比为5%。四个项目内部各子项目权重采取简单平均法，即四个项目计值通过简单平均其子项目赋值得出。
3.资本项目内部权重。
经计算，2014—2018年美国直接投资下的资金流动平均占比为40%，证券投资下的资金流动平均占比为40%，其他投资下的资金流动平均占比为18.5%，衍生品下的资金流动平均占比为1.5%。四个项目内部各子项目权重采取简单平均法计算，四个项目计值通过简单平均其子项目赋值得出。
四、人民币跨境流动自由度测度
有关人民币国际化的政策非常多，本文只关注涉及人民币流出人放松的相关政策，而双边货
币互换协议⑧、人民币清算协议签订、人民币与外币直接交易等与人民币流出人无关政策则不纳人考察范围。经梳理《人民币国际化报告2018》及中国货币政策大事记(2019年第2季度前)等资料，共有56项显著性政策，其中2009年之前6项，之后50项(限于篇幅，本文不能详细将各政策列出，有兴趣的读者可向作者索取)。
假设项目分为一级项目、二级项目(如表1中货物贸易为一级项目，出口接收和进口支付为二级项目)，指数编制步骤为：(1)先对每项政策所涉二级项目下人民币跨境流动自由度进行评分，加总后得二级项目每期(以半年为时间单位)的跨境流动自由度；(2)简单平均二级项目分值得一级项目分值；(3)再以一级项目的权重乘以其分值，得经常项目和资本项目下人民币跨境流动自由度指数(流人指数、流出指数、流动指数)；(4)最后以0.5x(经常项目自由度指数+资本项目自由度指数)得人民币跨境流动自由度指数◎，该指数介于0和1之间，1表示人民币跨境流动完全自由化，0表示完全禁止四。
(一)经常项目下人民币跨境流动自由度
货物贸易、服务贸易、收人、经常转移下人民币跨境流动自由度见表3的列2至列5，四个项目的开放度稳步提高，2018年1月前三者都实现了自由流动，经常转移也基本实现自由流动。在此过程中，2009年7月跨境贸易人民币结算试点政策提高货物贸易下人民币流出人自由度0.1，2010年6月扩大试点政策提高0.25；2011年7月扩大结算地区使人民币跨境流动自由度提高到0.46，2012年2月出口货物人民币结算政策使出口基本实现自由化，2018年1月人民币进口支付实现无管制。服务贸易人民币出口接收与进口支付开放完全同步，2009年7月、2010年6月、2011年7月、2013年7月分别提高0.1、0.25、0.1、0.05，2018年1月两者同时实现自由化。人民币对内外支付报酬未有明确规定，2018年1月规定银行在“了解用户、了解业务、尽职审查”原则基础上为个人办理其他经常项目的人民币跨境结算业务，可认为该项目解除了流出人管制；2013年9月向外支付投资收益已不受限制，2014年2月境外投资收益流人也取消管制。人民币用于政府转移也未明确规定，但可推断不受限制而赋值为1；2005年11月规定香港居民每人每天向境内汇款额度由50000元提高至80000元
**表32008-2019年经常项目下人民币跨境流动自由度**
| **时间** | **货物贸易** | **服务贸易** | **收入** | **经常转移** | **流入** **自由度** | **流出自由度** | **流动** **自由度** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **2008B** | **0.010** | **0.00** | **0.000** | **0.8125** | **0.056** | **0.037** | **0.046** |
| **2009A** | **0.010** | **0.00** | **0.000** | **0.8125** | **0.056** | **0.037** | **0.046** |
| **2009B** | **0.110** | **0.10** | **0.000** | **0.8125** | **0.129** | **0.110** | **0.119** |
| **2010A** | **0.360** | **0.35** | **0.000** | **0.8125** | **0.311** | **0.292** | **0.302** |
| **2010B** | **0.360** | **0.35** | **0.000** | **0.8125** | **0.311** | **0.292** | **0.302** |
| **2011A** | **0.360** | **0.35** | **0.125** | **0.8125** | **0.366** | **0.292** | **0.329** |
| **2011B** | **0.460** | **0.45** | **0.250** | **0.8125** | **0.439** | **0.420** | **0.430** |
| **2012A** | **0.710** | **0.45** | **0.250** | **0.8125** | **0.714** | **0.420** | **0.567** |
| **2012B** | **0.710** | **0.45** | **0.250** | **0.8125** | **0.714** | **0.420** | **0.567** |
| **2013A** | **0.710** | **0.45** | **0.3125** | **0.8125** | **0.714** | **0.448** | **0.581** |
| **2013B** | **0.755** | **0.50** | **0.375** | **0.8250** | **0.745** | **0.513** | **0.629** |
| **2014A** | **0.755** | **0.50** | **0.375** | **0.8250** | **0.745** | **0.513** | **0.629** |
| **2014B** | **0.755** | **0.50** | **0.500** | **0.8250** | **0.800** | **0.513** | **0.657** |
| **2015A** | **0.755** | **0.50** | **0.500** | **0.8250** | **0.800** | **0.513** | **0.657** |
| **2015B** | **0.755** | **0.50** | **0.500** | **0.8250** | **0.800** | **0.513** | **0.657** |
| **2016A** | **0.755** | **0.50** | **0.500** | **0.8250** | **0.800** | **0.513** | **0.657** |
| **2016B** | **0.755** | **0.50** | **0.500** | **0.8250** | **0.800** | **0.513** | **0.657** |
| **2017A** | **0.755** | **0.50** | **0.500** | **0.8250** | **0.800** | **0.513** | **0.657** |
| **2017B** | **0.755** | **0.50** | **0.500** | **0.8250** | **0.800** | **0.513** | **0.657** |
| **2018A** | **1.000** | **1.00** | **1.000** | **0.9500** | **1.000** | **0.995** | **0.998** |
| **2018B** | **1.000** | **1.00** | **1.000** | **0.9500** | **1.000** | **0.995** | **0.998** |
| **2019A** | **1.000** | **1.00** | **1.000** | **0.9500** | **1.000** | **0.995** | **0.998** |
**注：A代表上半年，B代表下半年。表4至表6亦同。**
人民币@，可视为个人转移(转人)已放开，而人民币向外转移则受到较严格限制(2017年下半年赋值0.3)，2018年1月将赋值提高为0.8。
货物贸易、服务贸易、收人、经常转移都可分为流人与流出，计算这四个项目的流入值和流出值，再简单平均流入值和流出值得四个项目的赋值。以0.55x货物贸易的流认值+0.18×服务贸易的流入值+0.22x收人的流人值+0.05×经常转移的流人值，以0.55×货物贸易的流出值+0.18×服务贸易的流出值+0.22×收人的流出值+0.05×经常转移的流出值，再以0.55×货物贸易分值+0.18×服务贸易分值+0.22x收入分值+0.05×经常转移分值，得到人民币在经常项目下的流人指数、流出指数、流动指数(参见表3后三列)，三个指数由2008年的低值快速上升至2018年的基本完全开放，2018年1月是飞跃期，三个指数迅速提升并等于或接近1。在此过程中，流人指数始终显著高于流出指数。
(二)资本项目下人民币跨境流动自由度
证券投资子项目众多且复杂，本文先考察证券投资项目的开放度。表4中列2至列5显示，在证券投资项目下，债券开放度最高，货币工具次之，股票再次之，集合证券最低。居民境外发债启动很早(2007年)，2018年9月已完全放开，非居民境内发债也较大程度开放(指数已达0.5)，非居民境内买卖债券开放较早且已近完全开放，但居民境外买卖被严格限制(仅为0.15)。货币工具发行市场2014年后才开始小幅开放，对内发行和对外发行目前都受较严格管制，居民境外买卖严格受限(0.15)，非居民境内买卖在一定程度上开放(0.45)。居民境外发行和非居民境内发行人民币股票长时间完全禁止，2019年5月才小幅开放(取值0.25)，非居民境内买卖较早开放(2011年11月)且开放度稍高于居民境外买卖。集合证券开放程度最低，除非居民境内买卖有一定放松(0.45)外，发行市场和居民境外买卖受严格管制。对债券、货币工具、股票、集合证券内各子项的赋值进行平
**表42008—2019年证券投资项目下人民币跨境流动自由度**
| **时间** | **股票** | **债券** | **货币工具** | **集合证券** | **流入自由度** | **流出自由度** | **流动自由度** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **2008B** | **0.000** | **0.013** | **0.000** | **0.000** | **0.006** | **0.000** | **0.003** |
| **2009A** | **0.000** | **0.013** | **0.000** | **0.000** | **0.006** | **0.000** | **0.003** |
| **2009B** | **0.000** | **0.025** | **0.000** | **0.000** | **0.013** | **0.000** | **0.006** |
| **2010A** | **0.000** | **0.025** | **0.000** | **0.000** | **0.013** | **0.000** | **0.006** |
| **2010B** | **0.000** | **0.063** | **0.000** | **0.000** | **0.025** | **0.006** | **0.016** |
| **2011A** | **0.000** | **0.063** | **0.000** | **0.000** | **0.025** | **0.006** | **0.016** |
| **2011B** | **0.025** | **0.088** | **0.025** | **0.025** | **0.075** | **0.006** | **0.041** |
| **2012A** | **0.025** | **0.088** | **0.025** | **0.025** | **0.075** | **0.006** | **0.041** |
| **2012B** | **0.025** | **0.088** | **0.025** | **0.025** | **0.075** | **0.006** | **0.041** |
| **2013A** | **0.088** | **0.113** | **0.088** | **0.088** | **0.181** | **0.006** | **0.094** |
| **2013B** | **0.088** | **0.175** | **0.088** | **0.088** | **0.213** | **0.006** | **0.109** |
| **2014A** | **0.088** | **0.175** | **0.088** | **0.088** | **0.213** | **0.006** | **0.109** |
| **2014B** | **0.138** | **0.225** | **0.138** | **0.113** | **0.219** | **0.088** | **0.153** |
| **2015A** | **0.138** | **0.238** | **0.138** | **0.113** | **0.225** | **0.088** | **0.156** |
| **2015B** | **0.138** | **0.313** | **0.138** | **0.163** | **0.275** | **0.100** | **0.188** |
| **2016A** | **0.138** | **0.500** | **0.263** | **0.163** | **0.431** | **0.100** | **0.266** |
| **2016B** | **0.188** | **0.588** | **0.350** | **0.188** | **0.481** | **0.175** | **0.328** |
| **2017A** | **0.188** | **0.600** | **0.363** | **0.188** | **0.494** | **0.175** | **0.334** |
| **2017B** | **0.188** | **0.600** | **0.363** | **0.188** | **0.494** | **0.175** | **0.334** |
| **2018A** | **0.200** | **0.613** | **0.375** | **0.200** | **0.494** | **0.200** | **0.347** |
| **2018B** | **0.200** | **0.650** | **0.413** | **0.200** | **0.506** | **0.225** | **0.366** |
| **2019A** | **0.325** | **0.650** | **0.413** | **0.200** | **0.538** | **0.256** | **0.397** |
均，得这四个项目的分值，再平均四者分值得证券投资开放度(见表4后三列)，显示证券投资总体开放度较低(0.397)，且流人指数显著高于流出指数。
**表5的列2至列5显示资本项目四个子项的开放情况，直接投资开放度最高，证券投资其次，其他投资再次，衍生产品开放度最低。人民币对外直接投资开始于2011年1月，但一直保持在低开放水平(0.25)，对内投资和直接投资清盘不断放开，目前管制较小(0.75)。其他投资项目开放程度较低，商业信贷未有明确规定，本文认为应是严格禁止；金融信贷有较大放松，其中居民向非居民提供受限较小，但非居民向居民提供受限较多，非居民向居民提供担保完全禁止，居民向非居民提供有较小松动。衍生产品发行市场被完全禁止，非居民境内买卖衍生品有一定程度放松，居民境外买卖衍生品严格受限。**
以0.4x直接投资的流人值+0.4x证券投资的流人值+0.185×其他投资的流认值+0.05×衍生品的流人值，以0.4×直接投资的流出值+0.4×证券投资的
**表52008—2019年资本项目下人民币跨境流动自由度**
| **时间** | **直接投资** | **证券投资** | **其他投资** | **衍生品** | **流入自由度** | **流出自由度** | **流动自由度** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **2008B** | **0.000** | **0.003** | **0.002** | **0.000** | **0.003** | **0.000** | **0.002** |
| **2009A** | **0.000** | **0.003** | **0.002** | **0.000** | **0.003** | **0.000** | **0.002** |
| **2009B** | **0.000** | **0.006** | **0.035** | **0.000** | **0.012** | **0.006** | **0.009** |
| **2010A** | **0.000** | **0.006** | **0.035** | **0.000** | **0.012** | **0.006** | **0.009** |
| **2010B** | **0.000** | **0.016** | **0.035** | **0.000** | **0.017** | **0.009** | **0.013** |
| **2011A** | **0.083** | **0.016** | **0.052** | **0.000** | **0.017** | **0.065** | **0.049** |
| **2011B** | **0.250** | **0.041** | **0.093** | **0.000** | **0.137** | **0.130** | **0.134** |
| **2012A** | **0.250** | **0.041** | **0.093** | **0.000** | **0.137** | **0.130** | **0.134** |
| **2012B** | **0.250** | **0.041** | **0.093** | **0.000** | **0.137** | **0.130** | **0.134** |
| **2013A** | **0.250** | **0.094** | **0.093** | **0.000** | **0.179** | **0.130** | **0.155** |
| **2013B** | **0.417** | **0.109** | **0.160** | **0.000** | **0.295** | **0.202** | **0.240** |
| **2014A** | **0.417** | **0.109** | **0.160** | **0.000** | **0.295** | **0.202** | **0.240** |
| **2014B** | **0.417** | **0.153** | **0.193** | **0.000** | **0.304** | **0.241** | **0.264** |
| **2015A** | **0.417** | **0.156** | **0.193** | **0.000** | **0.306** | **0.241** | **0.265** |
| **2015B** | **0.417** | **0.188** | **0.210** | **0.025** | **0.330** | **0.249** | **0.281** |
| **2016A** | **0.417** | **0.266** | **0.210** | **0.025** | **0.392** | **0.249** | **0.312** |
| **2016B** | **0.417** | **0.328** | **0.218** | **0.050** | **0.413** | **0.282** | **0.339** |
| **2017A** | **0.417** | **0.334** | **0.218** | **0.050** | **0.418** | **0.282** | **0.342** |
| **2017B** | **0.417** | **0.334** | **0.218** | **0.050** | **0.418** | **0.282** | **0.342** |
| **2018A** | **0.583** | **0.347** | **0.227** | **0.088** | **0.519** | **0.345** | **0.415** |
| **2018B** | **0.583** | **0.366** | **0.227** | **0.100** | **0.524** | **0.355** | **0.423** |
| **2019A** | **0.583** | **0.397** | **0.227** | **0.100** | **0.537** | **0.368** | **0.436** |
流出值+0.185×其他投资的流出值+0.05×衍生品的流出值，以0.4×直接投资分值+0.4x证券投资分值+0.185×其他投资分值+0.05×衍生品分值，得人民币在资本项目下的流人指数、流出指数、流动指数(见表5后三列)，其中流人指数明显高于流出指数，表明人民币流人宽松程度更高。表3和表5对照可知，资本项目开放程度明显低于经常项目，经常项目已基本实现流动完全自由化，而资本项目开放度仅为0.436。
**(三)人民币跨境流动自由度**
以0.5×经常项目流人指数+0.5x资本项目流人指数、0.5×经济项目流出指数+0.5×资本项目流出指数、0.5×经济项目开放指数+0.5×资本项目开放指数，得人民币跨境流人指数、流出指数、流动自由度指数(参见表6)，显示2008—2019年人民币跨境流动大为放松，由0.024快速上升至0.717，人民币跨境流动处于较高自由化水平，且流人自由度指数一直高于流出自由度指数，2019年两者分别
**表6人民币跨境流动自由度**
| **时间** | **流入自由度** | **流出自由度** | **流动自由度** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **2008B** | **0.029** | **0.018** | **0.024** |
| **2009A** | **0.029** | **0.018** | **0.024** |
| **2009B** | **0.070** | **0.058** | **0.064** |
| **2010A** | **0.161** | **0.149** | **0.155** |
| **2010B** | **0.164** | **0.150** | **0.157** |
| **2011A** | **0.191** | **0.179** | **0.189** |
| **2011B** | **0.288** | **0.275** | **0.282** |
| **2012A** | **0.425** | **0.275** | **0.350** |
| **2012B** | **0.425** | **0.275** | **0.350** |
| **2013A** | **0.447** | **0.289** | **0.368** |
| **2013B** | **0.520** | **0.357** | **0.435** |
| **2014A** | **0.520** | **0.357** | **0.435** |
| **2014B** | **0.552** | **0.377** | **0.460** |
| **2015A** | **0.553** | **0.377** | **0.461** |
| **2015B** | **0.565** | **0.381** | **0.469** |
| **2016A** | **0.596** | **0.381** | **0.484** |
| **2016B** | **0.607** | **0.397** | **0.498** |
| **2017A** | **0.609** | **0.397** | **0.499** |
| **2017B** | **0.609** | **0.397** | **0.499** |
| **2018A** | **0.759** | **0.670** | **0.706** |
| **2018B** | **0.762** | **0.675** | **0.710** |
| **2019A** | **0.769** | **0.682** | **0.717** |
为0.769、0.682，在鼓励人民币流出的同时更大幅度放松流人。三个指数轨迹同步，2009—2017年稳步提高，2018年上半年密集出台政策使指数发生跳跃突变，之后保持基本稳定。
五、启示
本文借鉴资本项目名义开放指标编制方法，对国际收支相关项目下的人民币跨境流动自由度指数进行研究，以美国近5年各项目下的资金流动平均占比为权重，构建了人民币跨境流动自由度指数以考察人民币跨境流动自由化程度，结果显示人民币国际化进展较快，跨境流动已得到很大程度放松，并带来以下启示。
**(一)人民币跨境流动放松次序**
人民币国际化进程基本遵循了资本项目开放的渐进模式及次序原则，即先经常项目后资本项目、先流人后流出、先机构后个人、先大额后小额、先风险小项目后风险大项目(如先债券市场后股票市场)，这提高了人民币跨境流动的稳定性，降低了无序流动的投机风险。特别是先经常项目后资本项目的开放次序，不仅使人民币跨境流动符合实际需要，更多服务实体经济，避免先开放资本项目的风险，还有助于扩大人民币跨境流动规模。美国数据表明，经常项目下资金流动规模更大，而资本项目下流动规模相对较小，先开放经常项目有助于扩大人民币跨境流动和国际使用。
(二)管制项目的进一步开放
目前，证券投资、其他投资、衍生品项目下人民币跨境流动还受到较严格管制，同时这些项目下人民币与外币自由兑换也受到严格管制(即传统的资本项目开放)。这些项目下人民币跨境流动放松与本外币自由兑换都属于风险较大项目，因此，应放在较后阶段完成。这些项目的开放(人民币跨境流动和本外币兑换)程度和推进节奏主要决定于我国利率汇率市场化程度、金融市场发达程度和审慎监管能力。人民币国际化不能急于求成，需视国内金融市场成熟状况适时渐进放松。
(三)经常项目下人民币跨境流动和离岸市场发展
**经常项目下的资金流动规模远大于资本项目，2014—2018年我国资本项目与经常项目下的**
资金流动之比平均为14.9%四，因此人民币国际化首要任务是提升经常项目的人民币结算比重(2014—2018年我国跨境贸易人民币结算比重仅为19.4%且波动剧烈)。中国现已成为全球最大贸易国，人民币进出口结算比重提高可大大提升人民币国际的地位，而放松资本项目下人民币跨境流动的推动作用较小。另外，资本项目下的资金流动仅统计了本币流出人发行国的数据，没有考虑离岸市场资金流动，因而规模相对较小。我国应大力发展人民币离岸市场，提高非居民间的人民币使用频率与使用规模。
(四)人民币跨境流动与本外币自由兑换的协同
人民币跨境流动和资本项目开放本质上是可替代的两类改革\[40\]，人民币跨境流动与本外币兑换宽松程度不一致会带来政策套利问题。当某个项目下人民币跨境流动宽松但本外币兑换管制较严时，可利用人民币跨境流动规避本外币兑换管制，这种政策套利会放大顺周期性。当人民币有升值预期且跨境流动更宽松时，国外出口商更愿意收取人民币(以人民币支付进口)，而国外进口商愿意支付外汇(出口收取外汇)，相比仅存在资本项目开放情形外汇积累速度加快，易引起基础货币超发。相反，在人民币存在贬值预期时，国外出口商更愿意收取外汇(以外汇支付进口)，而国外进口商更愿意支付人民币(出口收取人民币)，相比仅存在资本项目开放情形外汇耗损速度加快，这会加剧基础货币紧缩。可见，人民币跨境流动与本外币兑换宽松程度不同会导致顺周期性扩大，加剧经济波动程度，加大调控难度。因此，有必要详细梳理人民币国际化和资本项目开放政策，评估每个项目下人民币跨境流动和本外币兑换的自由度，考察每个项目下两种金融开放的协同匹配程度，尽可能降低不匹配带来的负面影响。
**注释：**
**①数据来源于万得(Wind)数据库。**
②一国国际投资头寸表中，某种货币头寸指数是某种货币标价资产占总资产比重x(对外资产/对外资产负债)-某种货币标价负债占总负债比重(对外负债/对外资产负 **债)。货币头寸指数大于0，表明该货币为投资货币；头寸指数小于0，表明该货币为融资货币。**
③非本国投资者持有的该国货币计价资产总量的全球占比。
**④货币跨境交易指数的计算公式为：S\*=D/V，其中i是国**
**际货币发行国，j是采用国际货币的国家，k为总量、直接使用、工具货币使用三种形式。V指j国跨境交易中i国货币用作总量、直接使用、工具货币的加总额(流人与流出总额)，指j国跨境交易中i国货币分别用作总量、直接使用、工具货币的数量(i国货币的流出人资金总额)。在发行国外流通即为国际货币，如果为非居民使用即为国际工具货币，如果交易对手中包括发行国即为直接使用货币，交易对手未包含发行国即为工具货币。**
⑤除以上反映货币国际化程度的指标外，还有反映一国货币国际化前景的货币国际化前景指数。
**⑥有些学者将子项目以外的项目纳入，如IMF的指数包括资本交易、居民与非居民的国内货币和外汇账户(居民账户与非居民账户)、金融部门的监管措施、汇回与结汇要求六大项目共62个子项。**
**⑦资本和金融账户包括资本账户和金融账户，资本账户指固定资产所有权转移、无形资产所有权和使用权转移，涉及价值量很小，可以忽略不计。一般将金融账户称为资本项目，本文采用此种称法。**
**⑧货币国际化需求应以民间力量为主导，货币互换协议是政府直接行为，而且签订互换协议后并不代表该种货币流出，只有对方有需求时才使用该种货币，因此不计人考察范围。**
**⑨有些项目分为一级、二级，这是二级项目的计算方法。有些项目可分为一级、二级、三级，三级项目计算方法相类似，平均三级项目的赋值得二级项目的分值，加权平均二级项目分值得大项的分值。**
**①本文所涉政策的时间跨度为2008年下半年至2019年上半年，各项政策的赋值及各子项下人民币跨境流动自由度限于篇幅不能列出，有兴趣的读者可向作者索取。**
①2005年1月1日起中国公民出人境、外国人人出境每人 **每次携带的人民币限额由6000元调整为20000元。**
**②2014—2018年我国资本项目下的资本流动与经常项目下的资金流动之比为16.7%、8.8%、19.9%、14.6%、14.4%，平均14.9%。**
**③2014—2018年的比重分别为22.6%、26.6%、19%、13.9%、14.8%。**
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**\[34\]TAMIRISA N T.Exchange and capital controls as barriers** **to trade\[R\].IMF working paper， 1998.**
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责任编辑：方程
**Estimating the Freedom of RMB Cross-border Flow**
_—_ \-based on the Experience of De Jure Measures of Capital Account Openness
**ZHANG Chun-sheng and LIANG Tao**
**_(1.Guangdong University of Finance and Economic， Guangzhou， Guangdong510320， China； 2.Guangdong University of_ _Finance， Guangzhou， Guangdong510521， China)_**
**Abstract： People always pay close attention totheresult of currency internationalization， use releyant indexes such as the share of global trade inyoicing and settlement， the share of global exchange rate transaction， the share of global international bond， the share of global foreign exchange reserye to measure the extend of currency's acceptance by the world， but ignore the process of the currency cross-border flow deregulation， that is the liberalization process of one currency to flow in-out freely permitted by the authorities.Currency internationalization is a process and also is a result， it contains the meaning of process and result； currency internationalization process not only influences internationalization result itself， it also influences domestic economic and financial stabilization.Permitting local currency flow in-out freely too early or rapidly will lead to economic and financial risk. So， internationalization process deseryes more attention than result. Based on the study of China's monetary policy before the second season of 2019， the authors eyaluate RMB cross-border flow freedom of curent account， security inyestment account， and capital account from 2008 to 2019， formulate the index of RMB cross-border flow freedom， and inspect RMB cross-border flow freedom from 2008 to 2019. It is found that the process of RMB internationalization has been accelerated， RMB cross- border flow has been deregulated， and the degree of RMB inflow freedom is much higher than RMB outflow freedom. In terms of RMB internationalization， we should， first， obey the policy of “current account first， and then the capital account"， “inflow first， and then the outflow”， “institution first， and then the individual”， “large amount first， and then the small amount"， and"low-risk project first， and then the high-risk project"， improve the stability of RMB cross-border flow， and reduce the speculative risk brought by disorderly flow； second， we should vigorously control RMBcross-border flow of security inyestment account， other kinds of inyestment account， and derivatiyes account， and make adjustment of that according to the degree of interest rate liberalization， the adyance of financial market， and the capability for prudential regulation； third， we should increase the proportion of RMB settlement in current account， deyelop RMB offshore market， and increase the use frequency of RMB not among residents； and fourth， we should fully evaluate RMB cross-border flow and exchanges freedom between RMB and foreign currency in different kinds of account， and reduce the negative impact of mismatching.**
**Key words： RMB internationalization； de jure measures of capital account openness； RMB cross-border flow freedom** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 信息技术与高中化学教学整合初探
王永波
(延边第二中学，吉林延吉133000)
摘要：信息技术与课程整合是实现教学改革的重要途径，信息技术应用于高中化学教学可以解决常规教学手段难以解决或不能解决的问题，起到事半功倍的效果。信息技术可增强化学实验效果，模拟微观反应原理，使抽象的物质结构直观化，有助于突出重点，突破难点，提高课堂教学效果。
关键词：信息技术；化学教学；整合
信息时代科学技术革命的飞速发展，既为教育带来新的机遇，也带来了新的挑战。多媒体教学手段是现代教育普遍采用的一种先进的教学手段，对于传统教学中教师难以表达、学生难以理解的抽象内容、复杂的变化过程等，多媒体可以通过动画模拟、过程演示等手段予以解决，不但在教学中起到事半功倍的效果，而且有利于提高学生的学习兴趣和分析问题解决问题的能力，大大提高了教学效率和质量。信息技术与传统教学手段能够互相取长补短，做好信息技术与传统教学手段的整合，是提高教育教学质量的重要途径。
本文拟以《氨 铵盐》一课为例谈谈信息技术与高中化学教学的整合问题。
一、增强演示实验效果
化学是一门以实验为基础的科学，主要是研究物质的组成、结构、性质和变化规律。信息技术应用于化学教学，在扩大演示实验的效果方面表现出了现代教学手段的优越性，克服了传统教学的某些不足，可以解决某些常规教学手段所不能解决的问题。实验是化学的精髓，但有些有毒、污染严重的实验不适合在空间较小的教室中操作
(如氯气的性质实验)，而有些实验操作过程过于复杂，出现实验现象耗用时间过长，在有限的课堂教学时间内是不能完成的。这就要求教师在课前做好演示实验实录，在课上用多媒体播放给学生。在教师作演示实验时后面的学生看不清实验现象，有些实验对实验基本操作要求较高，但却是学生必须熟练操作的(如一定物质的量浓度溶液的配制)，这样与实验相关的实物同步投影也是我们将信息技术整合于课堂教学实践中不得不研究的具体问题，有时就需要以课件模拟演示实验。
在氨的氧化反应这一内容的教学中，氨催化氧化反应实验教材中没有演示要求，但此实验是氨催化氧化制硝酸的基础反应，也是一个比较难的氧化还原反应，一定要让学生明确其反应原理，因此要设计好此课件，以模拟反应过程。教学实践证明，如果将计算机模拟实验过程改为将实验过程的实录呈现给学生，将更具真实性、直观性，效果会更好，这样将大大提高课堂教学效果，增大课堂容量。
二、理解化学概念、原理、物质结构
化学概念与原理抽象度很高，物质的微观结
构既看不见，又摸不着，单靠语言和文字的描述很难在学生的大脑中留下深刻的印象。在教学过程中，往往有这样的经验，涉及实验的内容，配合精心的演示或学生实验，学生兴致很高，涉及到化学概念及原理微观粒子的运动，由于大多较为抽象，单靠语言和文字描述，学生较难理解，很难提高兴致。而化学教材中有许多用其他方法或手段效果不理想或难于实现的教学内容(如有机化学反应历程的模拟、胶体概念及胶粒的布朗运动、晶体结构、电子云等)，现代信息技术、网络技术可大显身手。通过计算机软件进行动画模拟，能形象生动地表现分子、原子等微观粒子的运动特征，变抽象为形象，让学生直观形象地认识微观世界，更容易了解化学变化的实质。
如在氨分子结构的教学中，利用计算机模拟氨分子结构模型，学生能直观地看到氨分子组成的空间结构是三角锥形而不是平面型分子。
三、设置情景，激发兴趣
利用计算机多媒体辅助教学能较便利地展现感性材料，创设最佳情境，把学生带入到一个崭新的、轻松愉悦的氛围中去，达到“课伊始，趣亦生”的效果。因此在教学中可运用多媒体创设情境，引发学生的学习兴趣，调动学生内在的学习动力，促使学生主动学习。
例如：开始上课时，播放延吉市氨气泄露事件的相关报道，从身边的化学事件引出氨气，激发学生求知欲。可将延吉市氨气泄露事件的新闻资料配音制成声音文件，再加上图片展示，用PowerPoint 整合，让学生观看，让学生有身临其境的真实的感觉。这样学生会对本节课的知识产生浓厚的兴趣，这时教师提出氨气泄露如何处理、如何自救等问题，自然而然的进入新课。有了音像资料要比教师口述的效果要好得多。
四、联系生活实际
化学来源于生活，学习化学的目的主要是解决生活中的一些实际问题，如现实生活中氯气泄露及其危害、重要物质的工业生产过程、酸雨等对
环境的破坏等，在课堂上利用 3~5分钟播放相应的录像资料代替教师口述，效果是可想而知的。因此为加深学生对所学内容的理解，并能将所学的化学知识灵活应用于生活实际，教师在课前应充分准备好本部分化学知识与生活实际相联系的素材，并借助多媒体清晰直观的展示给学生。
如学习氨的性质后要学会氨气泄露的自救措施，可展示以下图片加深学生对新知识的理解与巩固。
总之，信息技术与化学教学的整合，是化学教学改革中的一种新型教学方式，由于信息技术视听结合、手眼并用的特点及其模拟、反馈、个别指导的内在感染力，将在化学实验和理论教学中发挥更大的作用。 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 明代“隆庆开放”与海上贸易发展
冯之余
(华中师范大学历史文化学院湖北武汉艾430079)
【内容摘要】隆庆元年(1567年)，明朝政府在福建漳州月港开放海禁，历行二百年之久的海禁政策终于被打破。这次开海史称“隆庆开放”。隆庆开放是明政府接受嘉端年间“倭息”教训的直接结果。它突破了朝贡贸易的局限，促进了民间私人贸易的紫盛，大大推进了中国与国际市场的联系，促使晚明中国白银货币化的最终完成。它在中国古代经济史和对外贸易史上占有重要的地位，对中国乃至世界经济发展都起到一定的影响。
【关键词\]海禁 隆庆开放 月港 白银货币化
中图分类号：K248 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1007-9106(2008)02-0139-03
隆庆元年(1567年)，明朝政府在福建漳州月港开放海禁，厉行二百年之久的海禁政策终于被打破。这次开海在中国古代经济史和对外贸易史上占有重要地位，史称“隆庆开放”。它对中国乃至世界经济发展都起到一定的影响。
一、海禁政策下的福建私人海外贸易
从明朝建立到明武宗正德十六年(1521年)，可以称之为明代前期。这个阶段的特点是朝廷实行严厉的海禁政策。洪武三年(1371年)后，朱元璋陆续撤掉泉州、明州等市舶司，厉行海禁。除政府与少数几个海外国家保持官方贸易关系外，私人海外贸易一概禁止。永乐时期，虽提倡“朝贡贸易”，仍对本国私人的海外贸易活动采取厉禁政策。明成祖即位伊始，得知“缘海军民人等近年以来往往私自下番，交通外国”马上下令有关海禁的规定“一遵洪武事例”\[\](P149)。永乐二年(1404年)又下令，把海船悉改为不能出远洋的平头船(21(P4)。以后又强令销毁违禁大船。不许出海和销毁民间海船使沿海商民陷人灭顶之灾，民间的私人海上贸易成为非法的行为，这对福建这样一个有海外贸易传统的区域打击很大。在宋元海贸开放时期初步形成的海上贸易往来遭到明初中央政权的强有力扼制。
福建是一个在宋元时期即有海上贸易传统的区域，海上贸易带来的收人，使福建的各行各业受惠良多。用明朝流行的话说：“海者，闽人之田也。”海禁后舟楫不通，福建与海外的贸易联系大大萎缩，人民生计萧条，只好冒禁出洋市贩，以走私形式维持宋元以来的海上私商贸易。这一阶段海上贸易的形式多样，一些商人冒充明朝的使者出海贸易。成化七年(1471年)，“福建龙溪民邱洪敏，与其党泛海通番，至满喇加及各国贸易，复至暹罗国，诈称朝使，谒见番王，并令其妻冯氏谒见番王夫人，受珍宝等物”(3\](77)。也有将外国走私商船引至沿海走私港进行交易者。“有日本夷船数十只，其间船主水梢，多是漳州亡命，谙于土俗，不待勾引，直来围头、白沙等澳湾泊。”+(F127)当然，更多的海商是私下出洋贩运，明代赵文华说：“福建遂通番舶，其贼多谙水道，操舟善斗，皆漳泉福宁人。漳之诏安有梅岭，龙溪海沧、月港，泉之晋江有安海，福鼎有铜山，各海澳僻，贼之窝，
向船主、哈喇、火头、舵工皆出焉。”(SJ(P09)由于明朝厉行海禁，原有的通商港口悉被严查，中国海商将货物集散地、交易场所、仓储、补给基地等转移到沿海小岛与偏僻澳湾之·处，形成从浙江至广东沿海地区的走私港网络。
福建人这种冒死犯禁出洋贸易的习俗，在明代的漳州月港(今海澄)一带表现得更加突出。在明以前的历史上，漳州是一个动荡不安的地区。漳州位于福建与广东交界的地方，远离各朝代的统治中心。唐代漳州建州后，这里宫军与当地少数民族的战斗一直未停过；宋代，漳州南部是畲族的天下，朝廷对其“以不治治之”；元代，漳州境内的畲族起义——如陈吊眼起义，是元朝廷长期深感头痛的问题。这里的人民有长期的反抗传统，朝廷的禁令在这里被接受的程度是可疑的。明代到漳州的官员，每每惊异当地的“奇异"风俗，"(海)澄，水国也，农贾杂半，走洋如适市。朝夕之皆海供，酬醉之皆夷产…·殊足异也”16H(P15)海澄即月港，说明这是一个与海外有广泛联系的市镇。据《海澄县志》记述，其地“饶心计着，视波涛为阡陌，倚帆椅为未耗。盖富家以财，贫人以躯，输中华之产，馳异域之邦，易其方物，利可十倍。故民乐轻生，鼓枪相续，亦既习惯，谓生涯无跗此耳。”\[T\](P71)走私贸易俨然为沿海人民所全力支持，大家趋之接济，三尺童子，亦视海贼如衣食父母，视军门如世代仇。走私规模之大，令严厉打击走私贸易的浙闽海道巡抚朱纨惊叹不已。
漳州地区远离福建政治中心，不为朝廷官府瞩目，沿海多偏僻港口，又临近走私猖獗的粤东地区，因此在嘉靖万历年间，成为中国沿海走私贸易的中心区域。漳州最大的市镇是著名的月港。月港位于贯穿漳州平原的九龙江下游人海口，以其“一水中暂环绕如偃月"而得名。据《漳州府志》记载，月港周围有月港、卢沈港、普贤港、海沧港、鸿江港等一大批港群。而其中的海沧港、鸿江港现在都属于厦门港，可见当时的厦门港已是月港的外港了。月港的发展有一个过程，明宣德年间，当地已开始出现走私贸易。至明中叶，月港就因走私贸易的发达而成为南方有名的市镇，被人。称为“小苏杭\*\[8\](P2)。葡萄牙人来到东方后，月港商人的经营更上一层楼。嘉靖年间，月港已是“两涯商贾辐犊，一
二、隆庆开放后私人海外贸易的发展
明朝廷对走私贸易的打击决不留情。朝廷武力镇压走私贸易的结果是走私商人转变为海寇，他们联结倭人劫掠沿海地区，武力对抗朝廷的高压政策。明代的倭寇中有许多中国人，这在明代已是常识，“夫海贼称乱，起于缘海奸民通番互市，夷人十一，流人十二，宁绍十五，漳泉福人十九，虽概称倭夷，其实多编户齐民也”10\](乃)。这一时期中国东南沿海先后形成的谢老、严山、洪迪珍、张维、吴平、曾一本等著名海寇集团，主要都由漳州人组成。许二、王直海寇集团中，也有不少漳州籍骨干\[H\](75-112)。
到16世纪60年代，经历了嘉靖年间倭寇骚扰沿海的大动乱时代之后，朝廷终于认识到：大海是闽人赖以生存的基础，在福建禁止海外贸易是不可能的。如许浮远说：“看得东南滨海之地，以贩海为生，由来已久，而闽为甚。闽之福、兴、泉、漳，襟山带海，田不足耕，非市舶无以助衣食。其民恬波涛而轻生死，亦其习使然，而漳为甚……当事者尝为厉禁。然急之而盗兴，盗兴而倭人，嘉靖之季，其祸蔓延，攻略诸省，茶毒生灵。”2\](P23)沿海地方督抚士绅基于守土或本地利益，也不断上疏要求开放海禁。在这一背景下，一些官员提出：废除过时的海禁令，允许通商，以求化寇为民。明穆宗隆庆元年(1567年)“福建巡抚御史涂泽民请开海禁，准贩东西二洋”11，终得"奉旨允行”。恪守了约二百年的海禁政策终于被打破，开禁地点即在福建漳州月港。这次开禁在中国古代经济史和对外贸易史上占有重要地位，史称“隆庆开放”。
海禁开放后，出洋经商者骤然增多。到17世纪初年，每年从月港扬帆的船舶多达 300余艘。这些商船遍历东西洋的47个国家，西班牙、葡萄牙、荷兰也各自通过其贸易转运港马尼拉、澳门和西爪哇的万丹与月港间接贸易。多达116种外国商品及更大量的中国商品，通过闽南海商水手在月港进出口1。17世纪初，以月港为中心的贸易网络北起日本，包括各主要的中国港口，南至印尼群岛。
月港是当时国内惟一允许民众赴海外经商的港口，当地商人拥有大海船百余只，“货物亿万计”\[13\](P332)，富甲天下。在福建省内，月港也是南方的贸易中心港，如安海据福州比月港更近，明代的安海商人却要到月港批发来自福州的商品115\](P117)，因为月港是南方商品批发中心，种类更全。
月港兴起后，海外贸易迅速发展起来。当时从月港出洋的商船，“大者，广可三丈五、六尺，长十余丈；小者，广二丈，长约七、八丈”\[16\](P170)“澄商引船百余只，货物亿万计\*\[2}(P20)。万历十七年(1589年)，明朝规定月港出海船只为：东洋44艘，西洋44艘，共88艘17(85)。但是，这一限额仍不能满足海商的要求，故又增至110艘。由于到西洋各地的航程遥远，因此“商船去者绝少，即给领该澳文引者，或贪路近利多，阴贩吕宋。”\[18\](P63)也就是说，当时大量商船是涌向菲律宾贸易。
三、马尼拉大帆船；开辟太平洋上的“丝绸之路”
明朝重开海禁之日恰值马尼拉帆船贸易发端之时。环球航海体系建立后，西班牙是当时占据殖民地最多的国家，在亚洲据有菲律宾，在美洲占有从墨西哥到南美的广大地区，建立了地跨南北美并远至亚洲的海上帝国。为了开拓国际市场，西班牙开辟了塞尔维(西班牙)——阿卡普尔科(墨西哥)—--马尼拉(菲律宾)-—月港(中国)的大帆船贸易航线，这也是中国与美洲之间联系的主航线。从1565
年第一艘大帆船横渡太平洋，到1815年最后一次航行，历时250年。
西班牙人据有马尼拉之后，立即与那里的中国商人发生贸易往来，并着手寻找与中国建立直接贸易的门路。1575年，马尼拉殖民当局首次派两名传教士与两名军官访问福建漳州。这是有关中国与西班牙最早接触的纪录119\](10)。1566年(嘉靖四十五年)福建置漳州府海澄县，翌年正式开放海禁，前往马尼拉进行贸易的中国商人人数日增。
明朝中叶，由于商品经济的发展，白银使用已非常普遍，而中国的银矿历来不太丰厚，在经历了宋元明三代的开发后，传统银矿渐渐枯竭，白银的价格逐步上升，与同期的外国银价相比，高出许多。1560年，欧洲的金银比价是1：11，墨西哥是1：13，而中国仅1：4。这就是说，把墨西哥银元运到中国来，马上可提价3倍20\](P66)。西班牙人渐渐发现，用在美洲像石头一样便宜的白银来采购中国的手工业品，是世界上最有利的贸易。而中国方面也发现，到马尼拉出售中国产品，利润极为丰厚。明代泉州籍的内阁大学士李廷机说：“而所通乃吕宋诸番，每以贱恶什物贸易其银钱，满载而归，往往致富，而又有以彼为乐土而久留，”【21\](?1304)正因为如此，中国商船为墨西哥银元所诱，大量涌向马尼拉。当时的福建巡抚徐学聚就说到：“我贩吕宋，直以有佛郎机银钱之故。”\[22\](P4726)闽人何乔远也指出：“渡闽海而南，有吕宋国……多产金银，行银如中国行钱。西洋诸国金银皆转载于此以通商，故闽人多贾吕宋焉。\*\*\[23\](P4436-4437)大致说来，明末对马尼拉的贸易是中国对外贸易中最有利的一部分，是当时南海上贸易利润最高的一条航线。
四、国际白银流动大潮
16世纪40年代，即明朝嘉靖年间，白银货币化已呈现出基本奠定的态势。白银渗透到整个社会，社会上下对于白银的需求量日益增长。白银的巨大需求造成了求大于供的局面出现，形成了银贵物贱，确切地说，发生了银荒。这一情况在大臣的许多奏疏中清晰可见。谭纶上疏指出：“夫天地之间惟布帛粟为能年年生之，乃以其银之少而贵也，致使天下之农夫织女终岁勤动，弗获少休，每当催科峻急之时，以数石之粟、数匹之帛不能易一金。”\[24\]国内白银储量和银矿开采量的严重不足，向海外的寻求成为必然。旧的对外贸易模式——朝贡贸易不能满足需求，私人海外贸易蓬勃兴起。
隆庆开放，突破了朝贡贸易的局限，不仅大大推进了中国与世界市场的联系，并且改变了中国白银供应不足的情况。
隆庆开放始至明末的外国白银流人中国的数量中，以西班牙、葡萄牙和日本为主，其中，西班牙白银的流人最为著名。明代中晚期，欧洲人在美洲的经营获得了巨大的成功，西班牙人在美洲发现了巨大的银矿。美洲是当时世界最大的白银产地，西属美洲殖民地的银矿在116世纪中、下叶都得到大量开采。如著名的秘鲁波多西银矿，据德国学者阿道夫·索毕尔的研究，在1581~1600年的20年间，年平均白银产量254吨，几乎占当时全世界产银总额的60%。占有巨额白银的西班牙于1571年占领马尼拉后，迅速把此地发展为东西方贸易的著名交易地点。经中外海商之手，世界白银滚滚流人中国。
16世纪末至17世纪初，是世界白银年流入中国额的
迅速增长时期。据梁方仲估计，自万历元年至崇祯十七年(1573~1644年)，从海外输人中国的白银达一亿银元以上\[\](P175-179)。而美洲白银主要是通过两条渠道输国。一是通过太平洋转输的渠道，一是通过欧洲转输的渠道。通过太平洋运到马尼拉，再转至中国，是美洲白银输人中国的主要渠道。
据万明的研究，通过太平洋运往马尼拉的白银1571一1589年约为3000吨，1590年一1602 年约为2010 吨，1603—1636年约为2400吨，1637一1644 年约为210吨。自1571年马尼拉大帆船贸易兴起之时，到1644年明朝灭亡，通过马尼拉一线输入中国的白银总计约7620吨26)。
美洲白银不仅从马尼拉流向中国，带动了整个东南亚贸易，即使是从美洲运往欧洲的白银，也辗转输人亚洲，大部分进入了中国。1493—1600年世间银产量2.3万吨，美洲产量就达1.7万吨，占世界银产量的74%27(P225)，贡德·弗兰克认为至少有一半甚至更多的美洲白银流人了中国i28\](P204)，总数极为庞大。葡萄牙学者马加良斯·戈迪尼奥将中国形容为“吸泵”，形象地说明了中国吸纳了全球的白银\[29\](P432--465)
五、隆庆开放在世界经济发展史的地位
晚明中国与世界有着重要的互动关系。16世纪下半叶，东亚海域局势发生了巨大变化，月港就是在这种特殊的形式下应运而生，它一开始就与国际贸易接轨，对中国乃至世界经济发展都起到一定的影响。
隆庆元年(1567年)，明朝政府在福建漳州月港开放海禁，准许私人海外贸易商申请文引，缴纳饷税，出海至东西洋贸易，月港遂成为闻名中外的私人海外贸易港。明朝政府之所以选择在月港开禁，一方面是顺应闽南人以海为生，非市舶无以助衣食的文化习俗；另一方面是沿袭开禁前大量船只皆由此出洋的习惯。
月港开禁后，私人海外贸易随即迅速地发展起来。当时主要的海外贸易的地点是菲律宾，这之中的原因除了马尼拉与月港的距离比较近外，更主要是西班牙殖民者开辟了从马尼拉至墨西哥阿卡普尔科的大帆船贸易航线，把墨西哥银元载运至马尼拉，以换取中国的手工业品。中国商船在美洲银元的利诱下，大量涌向马尼拉。
大量的中国商品经福建商船从月港载运至马尼拉，然后由西班牙大帆船转运到拉美和欧洲各地，中国货物已成为拉美人民生活中不可缺少的一部分。同时，月港贸易也促进了拉美地区的经济繁荣，作为大帆船贸易终点的阿卡普尔科随着大帆船的到来而逐渐繁荣。
在世界历史形成一个整体的历史进程中，通过月港中国市场与世界市场连接起来，滚滚而来的世界白银，推动着正在进行之中的中国白银货币化的最终完成。作为当时世界上最大的经济体，中国银本位制的确立，促使白银成为世界货币，围绕白银形成了一个世界贸易网络。丹尼斯·弗莱恩和阿拉图罗·热拉尔德兹提出，世界贸易在1571年即明隆庆五年诞生30。当世界逐渐形成一个整体之时，一个世界经济体系不是西方创造的，明代中国曾积极参与了世界经济体系的初步建构，为整体世界的出现做出了重要的贡献。
参考文献：
\[1\]明太宗实录.(卷十)\[M\].
\[2\]明太宗实录.(卷二十七)\[M\]
\[3\]明宪宗实录(卷九十七)\[M\].
\[4\]安海志(新编)卷十二，海港，1983年版.
\[5\]沈廷芳.乾隆《福建续志》卷七十四，傅衣凌.明清时代商人及商业资本\[M\].北京：人民出版社，1980.
\[6\]肖基.东西洋考小引，张燮.东西洋考\[M\].
\[7\]陈鏌.海澄县志\[M\].中国方志丛书，第九十二号，台北：成文出版社，1968年，卷十五，《风土志·风俗考》.
\[8\]陈瑛等.乾隆《海澄县志》卷十五，风土，乾隆二十七年刊本.
\[9\]刘天授.嘉靖《龙溪县志》卷一，地理，月港.
\[10\]明世宗录\[M\](卷四百二十二).
\[11\]林仁川.明末清初的私人海上贸易\[M\].华东师大出版社，1987年版.
\[12\]许浮远.《敬和堂集》疏\[M\].疏通海禁疏，明刊本.
\[13\]《明经世文编》卷四心O，许孚远.疏通海禁疏\[M\].述涂泽民奏议.
\[14\]张燮.《东西洋考》.卷七，《饷税考》\[M\].中华书局，1983年版.
\[15\]安海志.《安海志》\[M\].卷十一，物类志，引明志.
\[16\]张燮.《东西洋考》卷九，《舟师考》\[M\].北京：中华书局，1981年).
\[17\]《明神宗实录》(卷二一○)\[M\].
\[18\]中央研究院历史语言研究所编.天启红本实录残叶.明清史料\[M\].北京：中华书局影印本，1987年，戊编，第一本.
\[19\]张维华.明史欧洲四国传注释\[M\].上海古籍出版社，1982年.
\[20\] Alfonso Felix“The Chinese in the Philippines" Manila：Solidariclad Publishing， 1966， Vol 1.
\[21\]李廷机.李文节集\[M\].卷十四，报徐石楼，明人文集丛刊本，台湾；文海出版社，1970.
\[22\]徐学聚.《初报红毛番疏》，《明经世文编》\[M\].北京：中华书局，1962年，卷四三三.
\[23\]何乔远.《闽书》，《南孚志》\[M\].卷一五○，福建人民出版社，1995年.
\[24\]《明经世文编》\[M\].卷三三二，北京：中华书局影印本，1962年.
\[25\]梁方仲.明代国际贸易与银的输出人\[M\].《梁方仲经济史论文集》，北京：中华书局，1989.
\[26\]万明.明代白银货币化：中国与世界连接的新视角\[J\].河北学刊，2004年第3期.
\[27\]Ward Barrett： “World Bullion Flows，1450—1800”， in
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\[28\]贡德·弗兰克.白银资本——重视经济全球化中的东方\[M\].北京：中央编译出版社，2000年.
\[29\]Magalhae： Godinho ： O： Descobrimentos e a Economia
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\[301 Dennis 0. Flynn and Arturo Giraldez ： “Born with a
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en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | A New School in Belgium
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I
*•
A NEW SCHOOL IN
BELGIUM
A NEW SCHOOL IN
BELGIUM
• • . * •
BY
_•
•«"* ••' "■•• 0-)
A. FARIA DE VASGONCELLOS
HSADMASTIB OF THK NSW SCHOOL AT BIBBOB8-LXZ-WAWBI BILOIUM
PBOFE8SOK AT THE NIW UNrvSItSITy OF BRUS8BLS
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
ADOLPHE FERRriJRE
DOCTOB IK SOCIOLOGY PBOFI880B AT THK IVSTITUT J. -J. BOU88BAU
DIBICTOB OF THB IKTBBKATIONAL BT7BXAU OF NBW SCHOOLS
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH BY
EDEN AND CEDAR PAUL
LONDON
GEORGE G. HARRAP & CO. LTD.
2 6* 3 PORTSMOUTH STREET KINGSWAY W.C.
1919
^-'■}
% •
a '• » • ^» ■ •
> « t • •
THE RIVERSIDE PRESS LIMITED, EDINBURGH
^ GREAT BRITAIN
A*
V
s^
TO
MY FELLOW-WORKERS
AND
TO MY PUPILS AT
BIERGSS
518229
CONTENTS
CBAPTKK PAOS
INTRODUCTION. By Adolphb FerriAre 9
I. ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION 23
Foundation of the School, 25 — Site, 27 —
Buildings, 30 — Bodily Hygiene, 32 — Physical
Education, 36 — Craft Training, 44 — Agri-
cultural Work, 56
II. MENTAL EDUCATION 68
Man and the Earth, 68 — Development of
the Child's Needs, 69 — Development of the
Needs of Humanity, 70--Small Classes, 72~
~ Mobile Classes, Individual Time-tables, 73 —
Length of the Lessons, 75 — Concentration
upon a Limited Number of Subjects, 76 —
Interdependence of the Branches of Study,
no Water-tight Compartments, 81 — Qeneral
Culture and Specialization, 83 — Class Work,
Preparation, Individual Studies, 87 — Lectures
and Discussions, 91 — Library, Collections,
Archives, Laboratories, Workshops, 92 —
Excursions, 96 — Reports, Appraisement of
Work, 102
III. CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION 106
Zoology, Botany, and Geology, 106 ^ Physics
and Chemistry, 126 — Mathematics, 147 —
Languages^ 162 — Geography, 172 — History,
^182
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
CHAPTER PAO>
IV. MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAIN-
ING 190
Material and Social Enyiioament, 191 — Self •govern-
ment, Sooi^l Duties, 203 — Liberty, Authority,
Sanctions, Masters, 212 — Taste, Art, Music,
Singing, 222 — Sexual Education and Co-educa-
tion, 226 — Summary and Conclusion, 229'
8
INTRODUCTION
1HAVE often been asked what precisely is meant
by a New School, what are the essential char-
acteristics of such an institution. Some time ago
I gave a definition which did not succeed in putting
an end to misunderstandings.^ Henceforward I
shall only have to refer inquirers to the book written
by my friend and colleague, Faria de Vasconcellos.
His school at Biei^es-lez-Wawre in Belgium, ruined
by the War, was a typical New School.
The ideal of the New School may be conveyed in
a few propositions. Like other ideals, it is not com-
pletely fulfilled by any single specimen, or at least
by hardly any personally known to me. That is to
say, the thirty characteristics enumerated below
need not be all presented by a school that can justly
claim the title of New School. But with the maxi-
mum programme, a minimum programme may
reasonably be contrasted. The school must be in
* O/. "Ptojet d'fioole Nouvelle," Foyer aolidariste, 1909
(Delaohauz and Niestl^, Neaohfttel) ; " Jj&b iSSooles noavellee,"
SdueaUon, December 1910 ; " L'Mhoation noavelle th^oriqae et
pratique," Revue peychologiquef June 1910 ; " Lee fiooles nouvelles
)k la campagne/' Revue tUusirde, September 25, October 10 and
26» 1911; '* Ck)enobiams Mucatifs," Coenobiumf December 1911 ;
"L'Mucatidn noavelle/' Rapports du lef Oongr\s international
de piddogie^ BrosselB, 1912, vol. ii, p. 470 ; ** Lea Prinoipales
fioi^es nou vellef," InJtermidiavre dee iducaUure, June 1913 ; etc. |
9
-*■
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
the country ; the instruction must ]3e based upon
experience and enriched by manual work; there
mit be seIf.gov«nm«t ly the pupils, U, «>me
extent at least i and it must possess not less than
half of the thirty characteristics. In this commer-
cial age it is more than ever necessary to beware
of counterfeits. Let it be cleariy understood that
our international bureau of New Schools ^ refuses
to recognize as a New School any institution unless,
while fulfilling the minimum programme just men^
tioned, it exhibits at least fifteen of the characters
shortly to be enumerated.
I may perhaps be asked upon what warrant I
issue a ^ decree ' concerning the essentials of the
typical New School. I need hardly say that I do
not issue decrees, but merely record facts. An
experience extending over more than fifteen years ;
frequent and lengthy visits to a number of authentic
New Schools; much comparison of facts and of
methods; a careful study of results among the
pupils at school and after leaving school, in exa-
minations and in everyday life, have served to
convince me that certain pedagogic methods ap-
plied in certain definite conditions are better than
^ The Bureau international des &oIe6 nonvelles, inaugurated
in 1800 and organized in 1912, haa its headquarters at Les
Pleiades sur Blonay, Vaux, Switzerlsmd. It aims at bringing
into existenoe relationships of mutual aid between the various
New Schools, at oentralizing the literature of the subject, and
at the utilization of the psychological experiments made in
these laboratories of the education of the future.
10
INTRODUCTION
others. The modem study of child^psyohology has
confirmed these empirical results, has comiected facts
with laws. For, wHle these laws are based upon
experiment, subsequent experiment becomes more
precise, more weighty and more irrefutable, when
it is guided by sound psychological theory.
Let me add that the following picture of the New
School corresponds very closely to the reality con-
cealed by a term which, however unsatisfactory, is
ccmsecrated by usage. My aim has been to efEect
the deliberate illumination of a conception which
has hitherto been loosely and incompletely defined.
I
1. The New School is a laboratory of practical
pedagogy. It seeks to play the part of scout or
pioneer on behalf of the State schools, by keeping
thoroughly in touch with modem psychology in its
metiiods, and with the modem needs of the spiritual
and material life in its aims.
2. The New School is a boarding school y for ike
full and undiminished influence of the environment
in which the child moves and grows can alone
render an efficient education possible. This does
not mean that the New School considers the
boarding-school system to be an ideal for universal
application. By no means. The natural influence
of the family, if that influence be sound, is invari-
ably preferable to that of the best boarding-school.
11
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
3. The Hew School is in the country, the child's
natural environment. The influence of nature, the
possibility of primitive gambols, gardening and
agricultural work in general, constitute the best
adjuvant to physical culture and moral education.
For the sake of mental and artistic culture, how-
ever, it is desirable that a town should be near at
hand.
4. The pupils of the New School are grouped in
separate houses , each group of ten or twelve pupils
living under the material and moral guidance of a
teacher, assisted by his wife or by a feminine f eUow-
yorker. It is essential that the boys should not be
deprived of adult feminine influence, and that they
should not be deprived of the family atmosphere,
which is unknown in boarding-schools of the barrack
type.
6. Co-education of the sexes, practised in boarding-
schools and down to the close of the period of
study, has furnished, in all cases where the material
and spiritual conditions have been favourable,^
moral and intellectual results of incomparable
value, in the case of boys and girls alike.
6. The New School arranges that all the pupils
shall engage in manu^al work every day, for at least
an hour and a half, but more commonly for from
» Cf. " CoMuoation," Semaine liU6'aire, February 20, 1909 ;
'* Lea Conditions de suoobs de la coeducation dans lea intemate,"
Communicaiiond au ler Gongrls irUernational de p^iologie,
Braeaela, 1912, vol. i, p. 411 ; *' Coeducation et mariage,"
Foi et Vie, Jun« 1 and 15, 1914.
12 ♦
INTRODUCTION
two to four hours. This is part of the regular
curriculum, and is pursued with a general educa-
tional aim^ and on account of its value to the
individual or to the collectivity ; not with any eye
to the pupil's future profession.
7. Among the various kinds of manual work, the
leading place is taken by carpentry y which develops
manual skill and precision, a keen sense of observa-
tion, accuracy, and self-control. TiUing of the soil
and the rearing of smaU animals take their place
among the activities common to the history of the
race in which every child delights and which every
child should have the chance of practising.
8. Side by side with the work definitely specified
in the curriculum, a space is left ioxfree occupations
which cultivate the pupils' tastes and stimulate
their ingenuity and their inventive faculties.
9. Physical culture is ensured by natural gym-
nastics ^ performed in a state of nudity, or at least
with the body nude to the waist ; also by games
and sports.
10. Excursions, on foot or on bicycles, camping
out in tents, meals prepared by the pupils them-
selves; these play an important part in the
New School. Excursions are arranged in advance,
* Cf. " La Valeur morale des travaux manuels," Bapport du
lime Congrka internationdl d* Education morale^ The Hague, 1912,
vol. i, p. 488.
^ Cf„ for example, Georges Hubert, U^ducation physique ou
Ventrainement complei par la m4ihode nahireUe (Vuibert, Paris,
1913).
13
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
and serve as adjuvants to the ordinary course of
instruction.
II
11. In respect of mental education it is the aim ol
the New Schocd to enlai^e the mind by the general
cultivation of the judgment, rsH^her than to secure
an accumulation of knowledge acquired by rote.
The critical faculties originate in the application of
the scientific method ; observation, the f ormul^^tion
of a hypothesis, verification, the establishment of a
law. With a nucleus of regular studies an integral
education is secured, not by attempting to provide
encyclopaedic instruction, but by furnishing ^n
environment and providing books which shall
encourage the development of the pupil's innate
intellegtual powers.
12. General cultivation is reinforced by special-
ized traming. At the outset this specmUzation is
spontaneous, taking the form of a cultivation of
the preponderant tastes of each pupil ^; subse-
quently it is systematized for the development of
the interests and powers of the adolescent with a
view to his occupation in life.
13. The instruction given is based upon /act and
upon experiment. .Knowledge is acquired through
personal observation (visits paid to factories,
manual work, etc. ) ; or, in default of this, by the
* Cf. " La Loi biog6n6tique et TMucation, Archives de psycho^
logie^ March 1910.
u
INTRODUCTION
observations of others recorded in books. Instnic-
tion in theory must always follow instruction in
practice.
14. Education is thus based on the pupil's
personal activity. .This involves that drawing and
the most varied kinds of manual work shoidd be
closely associated with intellectual studies.^
16. Moreover, instruction is based upon the
child's spontaneous intere^ : four to six is the age
of play or of discursive interests ; seven to nine is
the age of interests attaching to the inmiediate
objects of concrete perception ; ten to twelve is the
age of specialized concrete interests, or age of mono-
graphs; thirteen to fifteen is the age of abstract
empirical interests ; sixteen to eighteen is the age
of abstract complex interests, psychological, social,
and phUosophical. Incidents at school or else-
where will give occasion, in the case of pupils of
all ages, for casual lessons and discussions, which
occupy a conspicuous place in the New School.
16. The pupil's individiial work consists of the
investigation (facts, books, newspapers, etc.) and
of the classification (in accordance with a logical
scheme suitable to his age) of documents of various
kinds; of original work ; and of the preparation of
lectures to be delivered in class.
17. Collective loork consists of the exchange, or
^ Cf . Biogenetih und ArheUs$chide (Beyer and Son, Langensalzi^
1912) ; ** Lee Fondements pByohologiques de I'feole du Travail,'"
Revut psychologique, July 1914.
15
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
the logical joint ordering and elaboration, of docu-
ments which have been studied individually.
18. At the New School mstruction in the strict
sense of the term is restricted to the morning hours,
being usually given from 8 a.m. to noon. The even-
ing, for a time varying, according to age, from one
to two hours, from about 4.30 to 6 p. m. , is the period
of preparation. Children under ten are exempt.
19. On cmy one day hut few branches are studied,
not more than one or two. Variety is not secured
by treating many subjects, but by the manner in
which subjects are treated, and by having recourse
to different modes of activity in rotation.
20. In am,y one month or term hut few branches are
studied. A system of courses of study, analogous
to that by which work is regulated at the univer-
sities, renders it possible for each pupil to have his
individual time-table.
Ill
21. Moral education, like intellectual education,
must not be effected from without inward, by the
imposition of authority, but from within outward,
by experience and the gradual exercise of a critical
sense of freedom. In conformity with this principle
certain New Schools have introduced the system of
the si^iod repuUic. The general assembly, consist-
ing of the headmaster, the assistant masters, the
pupils, and in some cases also the stafi of servants,
constitutes the real governing body of the school,
16
\
INTRODUCTION
and draws up a code of laws. These laws regulate
the work of the community for communal ends.
When this system is realizable its educational
influence is immense, but it presupposes that the
headmaster shoidd exercise a preponderant influ-
ence over the natural leaders of the little republic. ^
22. In default of a thoroughly democratic
S3nrtem most New Schools are governed as con-
stitutional monarchies. The pupils elwt leaders or
prefects whose responsibiUty is clearly defined.
23. Soddl duties of various kinds enable the
principle of mutual aid to be effectively realized.
Such services to the community are undertaken by
the little citizens in rotation.
24. Eewardsy or positive sanctions, consist of
opportunities furnished to creative minds to in-
crease their creative power. They relate to the free
occupations, and thus develop a spirit of initiative.
26. Punishments^ or negative sanctions, have a
direct relation to the f auft. That is to say, they
aim by appropriate means at enabling the child to
attain better in the future the good end which he has
failed to attain or has attained but imperfectly.
26. Emulation is fostered chiefly by a comparison
made by the pupil between the work he is at the time
doing and the work that he has done in the past ;
1 0/. " Le Self -Government scolaire. Communications du let
Congrhs international de pidohgie, Brussels, 1912, vol. i, p. 408 ;
also the articles previously quoted. (7/., in addition, William R.
George, The Junior Republic (Appleton, New York, 1912).
B 17
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
it does not depend exclusively upon a comparison
between his own work and that of his comrades.
27. As Ellen Key has written, the New School
must be an environment charged with beauty. Its
first condition, its point of departure, must be order.
The industrial art which the individual practises
and which permeates his life leads up to pure art,
fitted to awaken, in artistic natures, the noblest
sentiments.
28. Concerted music, choral and instrumental,
exercises the deepest and most purifying influence
upon those who love and practise it. All the
pupils should share in the emotions thus aroused.
29. The education of the moral conscience takes
the form, as far as children are concerned, chiefly of
temng o^ reading to them stories which ^dU arouse
spontaneous reactions in their minds, genuine
valuations which, through repetition and accentua-
tion, become in the end guiding principles of
conduct. Of such a character* is the ^ evening
reading ' in the majority of New Schools.
30. The education of the practical reason consists
for the most part, as far as adolescents are con-
cerned, of reflections and studies bearing on the
natural laws of spiritual, individual, and social
progress. The religious attitude in New Schools
is commonly independent of definite creeds. The
school will inculcate tolerance for diverse ideals
in so far as these represent an effort toward the
spiritual advancement of mankind.
18
INTRODUCTION
These thirty chaxacteristics, drawn from the
actual experience of New Schools, render it possible
to ^ g^ug^ ' such schools, if I may be permitted the
expression. A single visit will enable a father to
decide whether a school to which he thinks of send-
ing his child is or is not a New School The method
is doubtless a trifle arbitrary, but the same may be
said of every practical application of a theory. The
less arbitrary the procedure by which such a norm
of values is secured, the greater its worth, and I
We done my utmost to avoid being arbitrary.
Indeed, in a difierent domain, is not this the
method employed to estimate the type of motors
which may take part in a speed test or a reliability
test ? If it be applied to machinery, why should it
not be utilized in psychology and education ? The
rigour of the method may perhaps be modified by
recording that one or more of the specified condi-
tions are realized only to the extent of a half or a
quarter. I will give some examples. Let us take
six well-known New Schools, and list after the name
of each the figures corresponding to the enumerated
characteristics possessed by the particular school
Where a number is enclosed in parenthesis this
indicates that the particular condition is but half
fulfiUed.
Abbotsholme (England). 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11,
(12),13, 14,15,(16), 17, 18,22,23, (24),26,26,27,28,
29, 30. Total, 22^. -
BsDALES (England). 1, 2, 3, (4), 6, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,
19
A ^fEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
11, 12, 13, (14), (16), (16), 17, 18, 22, 23, 24, 26, 26,
27, 28, 29, 30. Total, 26.
Roches (France). 1, 2, 3, (4), 6, (7), (8), (9),
(10), 11, (13), (18), 22, 23, 24, 26, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30.
Total, 17^.
LiBTZ (Germany). 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, (8), 9, 10, 11,
(12), 13, 17, 18, 22, 23, 24, 26, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30.
Total, 22.
Qdbnwald (Gennany). From 1 to 30. Total,
30.
BiEBOES (Belgium). All the points except (4)
and 6. (Faria is entirely in lavour of education of
the family type in which the pupils are housed in
little groups. But the abundance of pupils and the
impossibiUty of improvising new bmldings during
the school year compelled him to lodge his twenty-
five pupils in a single house. As far as co-education
is concerned, Belgian conditions of political and
religious life made it impossible for Faria to adopt
this reform, though it is one which has his full
sjrmpathy, ) Total, 28 J,
This Introduction has been long enough. The
reader will doubtlesa be eager to make personal
acquaintance with the remarkable school at Bierges-
lez-Wawre. I therefore call upon Faria de Vascon-
cellos. A man of Portuguese birth, but Belgian by
education (he. is doctor of laws and social science) ,
Belgian in his professorial career (for ten years he
was professor of psychology and pedagogy at the
20
INTRODUCTION
New University of Brussels) and married to a
Belgian, he is before all a humanist in the widest
sense. Although he was exiled by the inexorable
necessities of the War, he has not abandoned the
hope of resuming his educational labours in a
Belgium restored to her native genius. We extend
our most cordial sympathy to this pioneer in the
education of the future.
Adolphe Fbbbi^srb
21
The substcmce of this volume comprises three
lectures delivered at the Institut Jecm-Jacques
Rousseau of Geneva in the months of February
and March 1915. The familiar style of the
lecture has been retained.
, ,
• • • • •
• ,->.:,... •••
A NEW SCHOOL IN
BELGIUM
CHAPTER I
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
Foundation of the School—Site— Buildings— Bodily Hygiene —
Physical Education— Craft Training— Agricultural Work.
]] MUST begin by thanking the Institut' Jean-
Jacques Rousseau for its hospitality. In ex-
^ isting circumstances my reception here moves
me profoundly. Although the tragedy has now
been in progress for six months, I find it difficult to
realize that I am among you far from my school,
far from Belgium. For those whose work in
Belgium was the education of youth, the blow when
it fell was the more terrible because they had con-
fided all their hopes to treaties, to the peaceful
settlement of international problems. Love of
peace, respect for agreements they firmly believed
to be inviolable, had been honestly made by them
the foundation of patriotic education. They
taught children to love their country, simply, but
not forgetting to explain that we all share a common
country. It is vaster, its boundaries are more
eirtensive, we said, but how alive it is, this country
23
» •
•>. : i/A:i^e;vr school in Belgium
of humanity, the country of all efforts accomplished
by all nations, each acting in accordance with its
own nature, in the liberating advance toward more
brotherliness, goodness, and justice ! We explained
that man was no longer, as he had been in former
days, a wolf toward other men. Enriched by the
.cLvements of prog««,. by mcr««mg ^i-
bilities of beauty and goodness, man was now able
to look toward higher things, able to devote himself
to cultivating the supreme values of the spirit.
Recent events seem to have given us the lie, and
that is why I am among you to-day. But our faith
remains unshaken, for above men and above nations
the spirit of humanity endures. Despite all horrors
and all atrocities, the ever-burning torch which
illumines the route as we climb toward the peaks
will not be extinguished. If everything had to be
done over again, Belgium would make the same
choice, just as the teachers of Belgium woidd say
once again to their pupils : " Fear nothing in the
hour of danger; retain your faith in man, in his
essential honesty, in his increasing goodness." It
is this simple faith in what is good in man which
has made the Belgian action so truly and nobly
human. It has shown that efforts toward the
redemption of mankind are not lost ; it has exem-
^plified a concentration of the energies of that
morality toward which man has aspired since man
first began to exist. It has safeguarded and pre*
served the common heritage of the moral life. The
24
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
pacific education of Belgian youths has not, as
you can see for yourselves, dulled their combative
energies. On the contrary, that education, glori-
fying and magnifying the humanity that is in man,
has rendered it possible ior us to stand erect in face
of the resurrection of ancestral brutalities which
has resulted from the militarist education on the
other side of the frontier.
L Foundation of the School
X Let me now turn to the main subject of these
lectures, a New School in Belgium.
I should have preferred that you should have had
the opportunity to see it close at hand, for you can
judge a school better when it is actually at work.
But to make my exposition as vivid as possible, I
shall frequently quote from the school magazine,
which was entirely edited by the pupils. Therein
they speak of what they do, discuss the methods
of instruction, relate the principal incidents of the
term, describing the excursions, the most notable
experiments, the debates, etc. This wiU give you
an idea of the school activities, and to a considerable
extent it will be from the pupils themselves that
you WiU learn how we do things.
The school was founded in October 1912, and
was looking forward hopefully and vigorously toward
its third year. It was tibe first New School in rural
surroundings to be inaugurated in Belgium. Un*
questionably it fulfilled a need, for from the first it
26
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
inspired a benevolent interest which was most
favourable to the progress of- the undertakmg«
Consequently, having started with nine pupils, in a
year and a half we had no less than twenty-five.
While awaiting the construction of suitable bmldings,
I found it necessary to enlarge the old ones to en-
able me in 1914 to receive new pupils whose names
had been entered as far back as the Easter holidays
of the previous year.
It was with some apprehension that I made up
my mind to found a New School. In Belgium,
o^ to the intemily of religioua and poUticl
struggles, educational 4)roblems are debated with
lamentable acerbity. The attempt to carry my
scheme into execution, to found a school which
should be above the struggles of party, might have
seemed Utopian, especially if the attempt should
be made to provide an education with a broadly
humanistic basis, one utterly hostile to exclusivism,
to absolutism of any kind.
It was our hope that we shoidd be able to realize
in its completeness the formula, the school for the
child.
To manifest our idealism amid the forces of a
crescent utilitarianism, and to show that the
essential aim of the school was to provide education
in the most comprehensive sense of that term, we
secured a committee of patrons cqmposed of persons
whose life and work might serve as guarantees of
our aims. The following kindly agreed to serve
26
ENVraONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
on this conmiittee: Alves da Veiga, Portuguese
Mmister in Brussels ; G. Compftyr6 ; Dr Decroly ;
G, De Greef; Devogel; Adolphe Ferrifere; T.
Jonckheere; J. Holdsworth; M. Maeterlinck;
A. Nyns ; de Oliveira Lima, Brazilian Minister in
Belgium ; N. Smelten ; Dr P. Sollier ; Dr Schuyten ;
E. Verhaeren.
The appointment of the teaching stafi, often a
delicate and difficult matter, was made under the
most fortunate conditions. I was able to assemble
a group of men, of friends, whose skiU, devotion,
and knowledge of the child mind enabled me
to realize the school programme, l^e teaching
faculty -ett Bierges numbered seventeen persons,
including the two master craftsmen, a smith and a
carpenter. I shall return to this question later.
11. Site
Choice of site is of capital importance to a school.
Gabriel Compayre, in a book he has been good
enough to devote to my experiment, is right in
declaring that the primary factor of success for a
New School is the choice of a suitable locality. I
have no reason to regret our selection. We are in
Brabant, in the open coimtry. The valley of the
Dyle, upon which we look down, and the wooded
hills in the neighbourhood, constitute a pictur-
esquely beautiful setting. We cannot boast the
magnificent scenery of Switzerland, the land in
27
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
which so many Belgians are recruiting their strength
and reviving their hopes after a time of hardship.
But at Bierges the situation is so cahn, so restful,
and so pleasant that everything about the place
inspires ease of mind, good temper, peaceful labour,
and the joy of life. These things exercise a precious
influence upon the child, favourably affecting its
physical and its moral development. The very fact
that life is happy leads the mind to strike deep roots
into this peace, whence it draws a nutritive sap.
It is farming country, so that the pupils can
observe close at hand the agricultural applications
of science. We are surrounded by large and inter-
esting farms. Not far away is Gembloux, with its
agricultural training college, justly regarded as one
of the best in Europe. But at no great distance are
some of the busiest industrial centres of the land,
and this enables us to pay frequent and regular
visits to factories and mines, to acquire a knowledge
of that vast domain of work and workers which
Constantin Meunier, the great Belgian sculptor, has
so puissantly exemplified in the marble epic of toil,
of the heroism of sacrifice, of patient and fruitful
production. In my next lecture I shall give you an
accoimt of these excursions and of the manner in
which they are prepared and organized by the pupils.
Finally, since we are close to Brussels, which can
be reached in three-quarters of an hour by train, the
school can make the most of the advantages offered
by a large town. We can pay regular visits to
28
ENVIRONMENT-PHYSICAL EDUCATION
museums and to the leading exhibitions of sculpture
and painting ; we can follow artistic developments,
attend concerts, and witness plays of educational
interest, especially at the literary matinees devoted
to French classical plays and to the work of notable
foreign playwrights ; these plays constitute a prac-
tical course of literature and render the pupils'
ideas on such subjects clearer and more concrete.
Occasionally we even take some of the seniors to
the university to attend such lectures as are fitted
to clarify and amplify the school studies. For
example, on Saturdays at five o'clock there was
delivered at the New University of Brussels a course
of lectures on the art of the Far East. A number
of our pupils attended these lectures, as our owp
studies in geography and history were at this time
specially directed to the countries concerned.
These particulars will show you that the situation
of a school is of outstanding importance. A country
life need not mean isolation, a Tolstoyan renounce-
ment of the enormous educational advantages
offered by the large town. I want to emphasize
this point, for I have met a great many people by
whom this return to nature that underlies the New
School movement is valued as a mystical, e«lu8ive,
and absolute symbol. They regard it as a kind of
enfranchisement from the diabolism of the ever-
spreading town. While it is excellent to bring up
children in the country, it would be a matter for
genuine regret if young people were to be deprived
29
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
of certain beneficent influences associated with
town life. I think it would be a serious mistake
to settle too far from a great centre, for the
school cannot be entirely self-sujficient, especially
where pupils of fourteen, fifteen, and upward are
concerned.
Besides, an advantage which must be taken into
account is the possibility of arranging for frequent
visits from professors and lecturers, whereby the
intellectual activity of the school may be enriched.
Establish your New School in the country, but
not far from a large town. This I believe to be the
best plan.
III. Buildings
Bierges School consists of a dwelling-house, two
separate buildings for class-rooms, the farm, and
various annexes. Surrounding these are kitchen-
garden, orchard, and arable land — groimds which
extend to about fourteen acres, and are amply
sufficient for our needs.
The dwelling-house contains the bedrooms, the
bath-room, the cloak-rooms, the dining-rooms, and
the drawing-room. It is a home, a place for family
life, calm and restful, without the continual coming
and going attendant on school life when the class-
rooms are under the same roof as the living-rooms.
*I regard this separation as absolutely essential,
not only from the point of view of 'the division of
labour, which is thus effectively realized, but also
30
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
because by tliis arrangement the idea of the home
stands out better in the midst of the totality.
Where the school is very small we may dispense
with such absolute s^aration, but in my opinion it
becomes extremely desirable as soon as the number
of the pupils reaches and exceeds thirty. The
advantages are nimierous. We gain in orderliness,
cleanliness, space, freedom of movement, happi-
ness. Since social life never fails to involve trifling
conflicts, minor troubles, resulting from the inevit-
able frictions of the environment, a child is glad
to secure wholesome relaxation in the beneficent
tranquillity of the home.
Of the two class buildings, one is especially
reserved for the workshops, the studios, and the
laboratories. There is a smithy and a carpenter's
shop ; there is a physical and chemical laboratory ;
there are shops for bookbinding and cardboard
work; and there are studios for modelling and
drawing. In this case also it is advantageous to
separate the fields of work. If we leave our pupils
the right to study as they please, we must take pre-
cautions that they do not interfere with one another's
work. If, as at Bierges, the workshops and studios^
are isolated and remote from the ordinary class-
rooms, those engaged in the former can pursue
their activities without disturbing the studies of
those engaged in occupations for^ which silence,
calm, and continued attention are indispensable —
attention which might be rendered difficult amid
31
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
the noise apt to be made by children employed in
manual labour.
The second class building is at the farther end
of OUR demesne, several minutes' walk from the
dwelling-house. It comprises four clasa-xooms,
an art room, and a natural science laboratory
(microscopy, dissection, collections, aquariums, and
terrariums).
Around the buildings are the garden, the wood^
and the land ilnder cultivation.
Our pupils thus live in thoroughly wholesome
surroundings. Fresh air, space, freedom, and light
are unquestionably the best environing conditions
to induce a natural and effortless progress in vigour
and health. But the salutary influence of country
life is supplemented by carefully planned physical
training.
•
IV. Bodily Hygiene
The first requisite of physical culiijire, the first
thing the body needs for the promotion of beauty
and of strength, is a sound regulation of life.
(a) Let us take sleep first. The children sleep for
from nine to eleven hours daily, the time varjing
with age and season. The bedrooms are spacious.
The pupils sleep with their windows open in any
weather and throughout the year. No risk is in-
volved, for we have a system of central heating,
and the radiators keep the rooms warm and dry.
Moreover, the children are so thoroughly inured
32
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
to cold that last winter several of th^u slept in
tents during nights when there was a sharp frost
For persons who have been gradually hardened to
l^e practice^ no delights can exceed those of passing
a night under canvas, with its suggestion of romance
and adventure.
We have four or five beds to a room, and in each
room there are seniors and juniors, for this renders
the environment richer in valuable social reactions.
The walls are adorned with drawings made or
engravings selected by the inmsites.
During summer a siesta is always taken after
dinner. When active growth and ossification are
in progress it is extremely desirable that the child
should have a period of recumbency during the day.
The practice is favourable to an erect carriage.
(6) There are five meals daily, for in addition to
the customary meals there is a very light lunch at
ten o'clock. At supper no meat is served; only
eggs, milk food, farinacea, or vegetable dishes.
We take no alcohol in any form.
Most of our food is derived from our own grounds,
and is the produce of the pupils' work. They till
the soil and manure it, they sow, and they reap
the harvest. Our live stock is tended and bred by
them. It consists of cows, fowls, rabbits, pigeons,
pigs, etc. A co-operative society has been founded
by the pupils, a society which is seriously engaged,
upon business lines, in exploiting the school grounds.
iVom this society we buy our butter, milk, and eggs,
c 33
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
Instead of one great dming-room, we have two or
three smaller ones. This makes our meals more
homelike. With the same end in view, we have
small tables, each seating from six to ei^t
pupils.
Conversation goes on freely during meals, and the
children help themselves. Th^ freedom is essential,
for thus only can they learn how to use it rightly,
thus only can they acquire agreeable table manners.
Moreover, the practice lends gaiety to these periods
passed together and induces a mood of relaxation
favourable to digestion.
(c) Except in cases where medical advice to the
contrary is given, the "pupils have a cold spray every
morning throughout the year. As soon as the
season is sufficiently advanced great benefit is de-
rived from swimming in the school pond. This
most salutary exercise is taken in the afternoon;
and after leaving the water the pupils, entirely
nude, enjoy a sun-bath in the neighbouring
meadow.
There are frpquent ablutions during the day;
and in the evening, on going to bed, a more elabo-
rate toilet is performed: the face, the hands, and
the feet are washed, and the teeth are brushed.
This practice establishes cleanly and hygienic
habits.
{d) Last of all come concrete and practical
lessons concerning physical culture, the hygiene of
the sense organs, the hygiene of the dwelling-house
34
ENVraONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
etc. ThesQ lessons, ^ven weekly by our physician,
furnish the pupils with a better understanding of
the principles that underlie a healthy and vifforous
life/and 4oh them how io .ppty tL. priSiplea
I may mention in passing that among the scholars
one always holds the post of * doctor.' This office
serves not merely to develop sentiments of initia-
tive, brotherliness, and responsibility, but also gives
opportunities for putting into practice the know-
ledge acquired in the hygiene class. The first-aid
officer, appointed for a month by his comrades, has
to deal with all the injuries and illnesses which may
arise ; he presides over the school phannacy ; and
he is responsible for the execution of various
hygienic measures. It is obvious that the fulfil-
ment of this function, while necessitating the
capacity to recognize the nature of the various
pathological cases, necessitates in addition a know-
ledge of how they are to be dealt with, what
medicaments to use, what dressings to apply, and
so on^
I need hardly say that our physician and our
gymnastic teacher (who is also a medical man)
closely observe and control each pupil's physical
development. A record is kept for every pupil,
showing his weight, stature, the circumference
and diameter of his chest, his musqular power,
the state of his sense organs, etc. The details
in every case are regularly communicated to the
parents.
36
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
V. Physical Education
Frequent meals, an ample allowance of sleep,
baths, fresh air, space, light, cleanliness, hygiene —
these things are favourable to the very active life
. led by our pupils, and enable physical training to
peld its best fruits. To the influences just enume-
rated, all contributory toward energy and vigour,
we add games, sports, physical culture, walks,
excursions short and long, agricultural work, and
the practice of (different crafts. The more varied
the exercises, the more efficient will be the bodily
culture. Each of the practices named awakens
and develops corporal aptitudes and energies and
moral and intellectual capacities difiering in every
case, but all co-operating toward the same end,
which is to make of the child an integral human
being. Let us review the various methods.
(a) In the first place we have games and sports.
Games are necessary. The child desires to play
and must be given opportunity to play. A longing
for games is an unmistakable sign of physical and
moral health. Games constitute an important part
of the programme. They stimulate the intellectual -
life and provide opportunities for fruitful experi-
ence. They prepare the child for the subsequent
stages of existence, teach him how to utilize his
'^[orces to the best advantage, accustom him to know
himself whUe bringing him into contact with the
surrounding world. They give pleasure, and simul-
36
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
taneously they develop skill, versatility, and courage
Apart from free play, which the pupils engage in as
their fancy prompts them, we attach great import-
ance to more formal collective games, such as tennis
and football, which favour the acquirement of
sentiments of mutual aid, solidarity, and discipline,
habituating the participants to strive on behalf of
a common cause, the cause of their own side, and to
submit to a law, the rules of the game.
The juniors play games suited to their age —
prisoner's base, hide-and-seek, and many others
which their fertile imaginations suggest. Also
certain games of skill, such as catch-ball, are
useful They run races, etc.
The seniors and those of intermediate age play
hockey, football, tennis, basket-ball, etc. Li
winter we play the brisker^ and more energetic
games, while the summer games are naturally
less vigorous, tennis being especially suitable for
the hot season.
Every week the elder pupils elect an umpire for
the games of the younger ones and also one for their
own games. The umpire, deciding any disputes
that may arise, develops his own sentiment of
justice, and acquires the self-command and tact
which are essential to all who take part in social life.
It need hardly be said that, in conformity with
the need for social life which characterizes all
children after the age of puberty, the elder pupils
have organized games clubs and have drawn up
87
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
codes of rules. Here are some of the rules of tlie
tennis club :
(1) The members of the tennis club play on a
piece of groimd hired for the purpose,
with the club balls and net.
(2) There is an entrance fee of 60 centimes and
the subscription is 60 centimes per month.
(3) No one can become a member muess he has
a racket of his own.
(4) Club meetings are held once or twice a
week.
* Every afternoon, after the siesta, there is a period
devoted to games and sports.
On Tuesday and Friday afternoons the boys also
practise various arts of self-defence, such as fencing,
boxing, French boxing (savaie), wrestling, running,
leaping, under the direction of the gymnastic
teacher. These sports develop suppleness, courage,
coolness, and strength. Only the seniors engage
in them. «
In addition to games and sports our young people
also practise the exercises and games of the Boy
Scouts, in which they take part during their walks
and excursions. Since we have a complete camp-
ing outfit, including three large tents, cooking
utensils, etc., we are able to enjoy all the delights,
the surprises, and the extemporizations proper to
aQ independent open-air life. Our pupils, besides
having a camping club of their own, are attached to
the Belgian Camping Club.
38
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
If due allowance be made for all our methods of
instruction, for their practical appUcations in the
acquirement of knowledge, for* the qualities of
initiative, perspicacity, and individual enterprise
requisite to their utilization; if, further, there be
recognized the trouble we take that our pupils
shall have 'as fuU a life as possible, one with
adequate responsibilities, one that is generous,
loyal, and humane, one that has unmistakably pro-
duced satisfactory results ; if, finally, there be con-
sidered the part played in our curriculum by games,
sports, and crafts, and the importance allotted to
these— it may be asserted without hesitation that
our influence is yet more extensive and more pro-
found than that of the system which Baden-Powell
has so ably inaugurated for the Boy Scouts. One
of the Belgian Chief Scouts, who visited the school
to invite us to join the Belgian association erf Boy
Scouts, readily admitted this, sajdng, after he had
studied the organization and the working of our
school life : " You practise the most thorough-
going Scoutism." tideed, the school is the per-
manent and continuous organization of a life in
conformity with the Scout's ideal. But it- has not
adopted the Scout unifonn. It has, moreover, with-
stood tendencies, fortunately few in number, which
now and again incline to exploit the Scout move-
ment for certain specific ends, such as militarism,
nationalism, or perhaps some form of poUtical or
religious exclusivism.
39
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
(6) Instruction in physical cultuie is given twice
weekly by ^ young medical man^ who is an enthusi-
ast in the matter. His suppleness, his strength, his
stajring power, and the symmetry of his body con-
stitute a living illustration of his system, which is
based upon those of Ling, Muller, and Hubert.
The aim of this system, to speak only of its physical
aspect, is to develop muscles and groups of muscles
by appropriate exercises.
Besides collective exercises, among which respira-
tory exercises take the first place, as they are
suitable for all pupils alike, there are individual
exercises with a definite therapeutic aim, specially
considered in relation to each pupil, taking his age,
his constitution, and his particular development
into account. The results in some cases have been
astonishing. One lad of sixteen had when he first
came to us so marked a lateral curvature of the
spine that the surgeon consulted in Brussels had
prescribed for him an orthopsadic jacket, a regular
cuirass imprisoning the body in a sheath of iron
and steel. A few months later, without the use of
any apparatus whatever, by the natural effort of
the muscles called into play by special exercises, his
spine had been almost completely straightened.
These lessons are given in the open air, and pre-
ferably with the pupils stripped to the waist.
Under such conditions, the exercises furnish mag-
nificent results.
But set exercises do not constitute the totality pf
40
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
physical education ; they are no more than means
to an end For children they may even become
an abstraction difficult to understand, a wearisome
task whose purpose remains elusive. I will go
farther and say that to make children do gjrmnastio
exercises for the sake of gymnastic exercises seems
to me as undesirable as to make them read or
calculate for reading's or calculation's sake. When
reduced to a routine, physical culture is of necessitv
arbitrary, artificial, u^telligible, unacceptable,
and unduly abstract. It produces weariness and
boredom, and profits little. Besides, there are
numerous bodily occupations providing natural,
practical, and lively movements, which interest the
child because they give spontaneous expression to
his activities. Such possibilities are offered by
games, running, leaping, climbing trees, gardening,
swimming, carpentry, work in the blacksmith's
shop, etc. Activities which express the spontaneous
needs of the child's natural life are much to be pre-
ferred to those which the best systems of physical
culture can offer to children under fourteen or
fifteen years of age. It is not until this age is
reached that physical culture, regarded as a com-
plex of systematized movements, can become of
genuine interest from the educational point of view,
being now of value not merely in relation to the
development ef the body, but in relation also to the
development of the mind. To our senior pupils,
therefore, we expound the theory of physical
41
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
culture, so ^hat they may grasp the purpose of
each movement.
As for the juniors, tibey run and jump as tibey
please, climb, swim, and garden. Their part in
formal physical culture lasts but a few minutes,
during which they are taught a portion of the
simpler exercises.
(c) We have frequent and numerous walks and
excursions. We visit factories, museums, scenes
of natural beauty, historic monuments. We make
our way about sometimes on foot, sometimes on
bicycles, sometimes by train, and we go out in aU
weathers. Twice every week, and especially in
winter, when there is little to do in the fields, we
make it a rule to give the whole afternoon to an
outing. In addition, once a fortnight an entire day
is devoted to an excursion. During the spring and
summer term all the pupils except the little ones
start on Saturday afternoon with their tents, and,
walking or bicycling, make their way to some inter-
esting spot and encamp there. On Sunday,
accompanied by the younger pupils, we go by
train to join them, overrun the district, and
return to school in the evening.
Every other month we undertake a big excur-
sion lasting five days, the purpose being to carry out
studies bearing on the class work. In this way we
have been all over Belgium.
At the close of the school year, when class work is
finished, we spend from two to three weeks in a still
42
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
more ambitious journey. In 1914 we went to
the Belgian coast, and thence actually got across
to Dover. A year earlier we wef e alfaired by the
Grand Duchy of Luxemburg, and went up and down
tibe duchy camping out, cooking our own food, in
the woods, beside the streams, in the wide expanse of
nature, taking everything as it came, enjoying alike
the pleasures of the real and the poetic delights of
tibe imagination, vagabonds in pursuit of the ideaL
How full of instruction and how full of emotion ate
these excursions ! SoUdarity, mutual aid, initiative,
practicality, patience, endurance, vigour, gaiety,
good temper, axt and science— one practises or
e:q)eriences them all. Such a life awakens, fosters,
and increases all the virtues of man.
Yet vaster projects loomed in the distance.
First of all we thought of studying the industrial
regions of Germany, England, Belgium, and France,
for a comparative examination of these would have
been of the utmost value to our pupils. Next were
to pome long journeys in the East during tibe
summer holidays, visits to Morocco, Algeria, Tunis,
l^ypt, or Palestine, returning by way of Turkey,
Greece, or Italy, to direct the boys' interest toward
the &u3cinating relics of ancient civilizations. Difie-
r^it as were classical customs from ours, different
as Was classical art, 'history, and poetry, neverthe-
less all that has passed away can be recalled to life
in n^ost impressive fashion when we revisit the very
places where our spiritual ancestors have lived,
48
y
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
eniSered, and sung. For those who know how to
travel economically, for those who are able to camp
out (the reader will remember that we have a com-
plete outfit), these extremely instructiye wanderings
are by no means e:q)ensiye.
VI. Craff Training
To conclude the account of bodily exercises and
occupations, it remains to deal with craft training
and agricultural work.
In the school prospectus I explain in the following
terms the function and purpose of craft training :
'^ Such crafts as those of the basket-maker, the
potter, the cardboard worker, the modeller, the
bookbinder, the carpenter and joiner, and the smith
complete our physical exercises, and constitute a
valuable factor in the child's physical and mental
development. Besides satisfying that need for
activity which is so imperious in the young, they
develop the faculties of observation, comparison,
and imagination; they stimulate the spirit of
initiative and the constructive faculties; they
constitute a training in accuracy; they fumiedi
numerous opportunities for applying all kinds of
knowledge (natural science, arithmetic, physical
geography), giving such knowledge a concrete and
vivid expression. Moreover, the pupils thus gain the
manual dexterity which is sa essential in later life-.''
So much for theory. Let us now turn to the
practical organization of craft training.
4A
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
(a) As the above enumeration will have shown,
we give craft training of various kinds. The aim
is to provide the child with manifold opportunities
for activity, creation, the application of ideas, self-
revelation. For, while all varieties of manual work
appeal to similar activities, they exhibit specific
distinctions in respect of the influences they exer-
cise, the actions they induce, the tendencies they
awaken, and the faculties they encourage. The
more diversified the craft training, the better
chance will there be of satisfying the pupil's need
for manual occupation, and of discovering his
tastes, his tendencies, and his peculiar aptitudes.
Thus knowing him better, we shs^ be able to guide
him more successfully.
A typical instance is that of one of the boys who,
destined when he came to us for a commercial
career, showed in our carpenter's shop and smithy
that he possessed manual dexterity and associated
intellectual skill of a character which served to con-
vince liJTYi that he was on the wrong road. For this
reason he decided to become a mechanical engineer,
a career far more suitable to him. The case is by
no means unique.
(6) The craft training is adapted to the pupil's
age^ The yotmgest of our scholars, ranging from
eight to ten years, are taught to make articles of
folded paper and of cardboard, and to practise
modelling and drawing. As regards outdoor work,
they keep the garden paths in order, cultivate their
46
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
own plots, and tend the smaller live stock, such as
fowls, rabbits, and piceons. They have been able
to make some oomji^ttyely «nMtio,.s ,tructax«.
and notably a rabbit-hutch. Let one of the older
pupils tell the story :
In November, the juniors reported the construc-
tion of a huge building in which to keep the rabbits.
They laid the foundations, mixed the mortar, did
all the work themselves. The walls are not very
thick, but they are five feet high. The hutch is
five feet wide. It is roofed with tarred felt.
Aided by the seniors, the juniors made the window
and the door in the carpenter's shop. It was a
long job, but at the end of a month the rabbits were
installed. How delightful to do some brick-laying,
to make mortar out of lime mixed with water and
sand, these two friends to the child and valuable
aids to the master! How delightful to see the
finished structure, to be able to show it off to school-
fellows and to relatives! Yet how sad that thp
work should come to an end, even though there
have been differences of opinion and little troubles
to overcome! The architects would really like
nothing better than to demolish the whole thing
so that they might begin all over again. But let
anyone beware who, not belonging to the group of
builders, should venture on a word of criticism, or
suggest the destruction of this idol, for then the
buMers, immediately on the defensive, would
thi^k of nothing but protecting their work. A
46
ENVraONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
child is full of these contradictions, wherein shines
the spark which illuminates his individuality.
From the age of ten upward, the pupils work
also in the carpenter's shop, and when stiU older in
the smithy. This last is reserved for lads of larger
growth, for forging requires a good deal of muscular
strength.
(c) Most of our craft training is given in the after-
noon, but in some instances in the ipaoming as welL
In any case, a pupil can find time during the fore-
noon to devote to manual work, and to engage in
the workshop or studio in occupations, it may be
of individual advantage, it may be for the general
good, or it may be as a practical application of one
of the branches of theoretical instruction. I wish
to emphasize that it is undesirable to arrange that
manual work shall be done exdusively in the after-
noon. Physical and mental labour should be
alternated, and this in the interest not merely of
general education, but also of specific instruction.
Many people find it difficult to understand that
naanual work is a n^eans for the expression of the
needs, sentiments, and ideas that result firom the
acquisition of knowledge by the pupils, and that
cardboard work, modelling, drawing, and carpentry
are just as important as reading, writing, and arith-
saetic. Let me add that precisely because we
avoid looking upon these things as ends in them-
selves, because we do not work in cardboard simply
in order to work in cardboard, because we do not
47
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
model or draw for modelling's or drawing's sake,
any more than we read for the sake of reading or
dictate for the sake of dictation — ^precisely because
all these occupations ar^ correlated witik the pupil's
different mental and social activities is their educa-
tional worth so considerable.
(d) The studios and workshops are thoroughly
well equipped. When a pupil enters the carpenter' s
shop or the smithy and sees the fine assorixnent of
tools ready for use there, he immediately derives
the impression that this is a place for serious and
important endeavour. He feels that if it is possible
to make a simple punt for use on the pond, it is also
possible to make a door, a window, and the like.
To have available a variety of tools and instruments,
and these of the best, eserts, especially in the case
of the elder pupils, a salutary influence, strengthen-
ing their powers of will and invigorating their
critical faculties. In ph3rsical experiments I have
seen some of them inclined to doubt a scientific
principle beca^ise the more or less rudimentary
instrument utilized in the demonstration failed to
give absolutely accurate results. Young people
» are not content with approximations; they like
data to be mathematically exact ; and their restless
minds, seeking, questioning, and doubting, have a
thirst for absolute precisions, for definite certitudes
— ^at the very time when, by a striking paradox,
they have a taste for dreams, and for the winged
flights of fancy and imagination.
48
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
(e) Each workshop or studio is under the special
charge of one of the pupils, these responsibilities
being allotted each term by the assembly of pupils.
The curator arranges the rotation of the classes ;
by his instrumentality requests or complaints are
transmitted from the pupils and the teachers to the
governing body of the school ; he must ensure that
the place is kept in order, and that tools, instru-
ments, and books are resWed to their ylfiMS after
use. He keeps an inventory and sees that the tools
are in good condition ; he is the person to apply
to about all work to be done, in his department,
whether this work be individual or social ; finally,
he has to buy materials and tools as needed, mak-
ing terms, either personally or by letter, with those
who supply them, and every day he must post a
record of correspondence, bargains, and expendi-
ture. Whether we are concerned with the smithy,
the physical and chemical labcnratory, or the
carpenter's shop, this duty is one of great educa-
tional value. The curator learns a number of
things that are extremely important. Simul-
taneously his character and his intelligence are
formed, tempered, and solidified. He is trained to
play his part in life's combat; for, while he has
great freedom of action, he incurs also ccmsiderable
responsibility. His freedom of action, I repeat, is
extLive, for ^e youBg man is master in hjTown
house; he organi^lbe working gangs and the
work itself ; he has to receive any complaints that
D 49
A NlW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
may arise, and usually knows how to meet them ;
he governs his own sphere of work, keeps it going,
and encourages its development. As for his
responsibility, this also is by no means trifling, for
it involves the eflfective supervision of order, toc^,
materials, produce, and of the money required for
the purchases — a couple of pounds each month.
I have frequently been asked if I was not afraid
that the pupU would make a bad use of these exten-
sive freffedoms. I have no reason to do anything
but congratulate myself upon the results. Diffi-
culties doubtless arise, but it is good for young
people to learn how to cope with difficulties. It is
good for chil4ren to be free to act, for I do not see
how an effort can be truly educational from the
moral point of view unless it be the outcome of
reflection and decision based upon personal experi-
ence. If the child begin by doing badly, he wiU
force himself to do bet^r. We must therefore
allow him to live morally; we must permit him,
that is to say, to excel himself, to get beyond evil
in order to reach good. All this must be done dis-
creetly and without any fuss. We must give the
pupil opportimities for action, we must multiply*
his possibilities for experience, since these alone
can endow him with character. If he has done ill,
point it out tactfully and relevantly. Every young
man of good instincts will at once endeavour to do
better.
Further, . a young man accustomed to action,
50
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
accustomed to do things for himself, besides en-
riching his mind with all the observations and
comparisons derivable from any experience, will also
acquire the habit of asking advice, of reading up
his subject, of collecting the data which may enable
him to form a judgment and to translate that judg*
ment into action. This is what our young people
always did at Bierges. Before they came to any
decision, they discuflaed everything among them-
selves, and they asked the advice of every one they
could get hold of. The organization of the farm, a
matter shortly to be described, is a steiMng example
of what I have just been sayiiig.
if) In what manner, at school, do we undertake
and complete some piece of manual work ? I shall
make you understand this better by taking a con-
crete instance and exhibiting the different stages.
I choose the construction of a great terrarium
made for the natural science laboratory. It wiU
be seen that we were fulfilling^ a social need, and
that the work of construction had an educational
application while simultaneously subserving the
collective advantage.
Such enterprises may originate in the mind of a
single pupil, or in the decision of one of the classes
which has instructed a pupil or pupils to such an
end. In the case of the terrarium, the notion was
that of the zoology class.
One of the lads, then, is conmiissioned by his
comrades to undertake the provision of a great
61
, A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
teirariunL How is he to set about it ? He must
not proceed at hazard, without knowing the means
available for his purpose. There must be an initial
period for research, for the collection of data. A
model must be found or made. Knowing what he
has to do, the constructor is nevertheless unable to
work until he has satisfied the following conditions:
(1) He must make an exact design, drawn to
scale in accordance with all the rules of the de-
signer's art.
(2) He must draw up specifications of the quality
and the amount of wood and other products to l>e
employed. In the present case these other pro-
ducts are : wire gauze, bolts, nails, and so forth.
(3) Total cost — ^this involving an estimate of the
price of the wood, wire gauze, etc. ; an estimate of
t]>6 number of hours requisite for the work ; and
an estimate of the sum it would be necessary to pay
for labour, if outsidfe labour were employed.
When the specifications and estimates are ready,
they are submitted to the approval of the pupil
who acts as foreman in the carpenter's shop, and
to that of the master carpenter. Examination,
criticism, discussion, modification, if necessary
correction, follow. Then the design, the specifica-
tions, and the estimates may be passed. If they
be rejected, a fresh ^start must be made, witii
the guidance of the criticisms that have led to the
rejection.
When the work has been completed, a further
62
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
discussion ensues concerning the technical value
of the finished undertaking, a consideration of its
merits and its defects.
The same procedure is followed, not only in tibe
case of other woodwork, but also in the case of
iron-work, agricultural work, etc.
As regards the cardboard industry, the junior
pupils who practise this are taught to draw pre-
liminary designs, to estimate the amount of paper
and cardboard they will use and the time that will
be needed, and also to estimate the total cost of the
article they are going to make.
By manual work in the sense thus defined we
initiate our pupils into professional and industrial
life, into practical life. The work becomes a
potent instrument of intellectual and ^social educa-
tion.
A knowledge of tools and raw materials, the draw-
ing up of specifications with estimates of final cost,
of the number of hours of work needed, and of what
would have to be paid for this work at the ordinary
rate of wages, do not merely serve to instruct the
pupils in methods of production, and, as I have ex-
plained in my prospectus, to bring them into con-
tact with the actualities of human life and work,
but likewise enable them to measure the producer's
effort and remuneration, and this will tend to open
for them wide horizons concerning social problems.
Craft training, as we understand it, thus in-
volves the application of a practical criterion of
53
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
incontestable value, and serves as an introduction
to the actualities of everyday life. There is nothing
academic about it, nothing false or artificial, and»
let me repeat, we never do manual work simply for
tibe sake of manual work. We have no conventional
or uniform schemes applicable to the entire class,
for with us manual work is regarded as a means for
tibe expression of ideas, and for the satisfaction
either of individual needs or else of the needs felt
by the social environment in which the child de-
velops, lives, and works. To teach the pupil to use
his hands, his tools, and his raw materials in order
to create useful objects, is to teach him how such
objects are made in the wider life that surrounds
the school.
In addition, when we teach children to collabor-
ate in a manual undertaking, we are pursuing their
social education. Our pupils participate in the
scholastic enterpri§e. Everywhere are visible the
traces of their passage, everywhere can be seen
the imprinte of their eager and active co-operation.
Of many things in the school they can say: " That
is our work. We made it." It seems to me that an
educator can hardly experience a joy more intense
than to hear his pupils exclaim : ^^ This is our own
school ; we created it ! " There is no end to the
enumeration of the work which the children have
done for the school. They have made towel horses
and other accessories for the bath-rooms, boot cup-
boards, greenhouse tables and modelling tables,
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
blackboard easels, bookcases, sets of drawers,
benches, step-ladders, kneading trouglis (for we
bake at the school), a rabbit hutch, a pigsty, a dog
kennel, a dovecot ; filially, they built the cow-shed,
a big piece of work of which details will be given
presently. I must not omit to mention what they
do in the fields, the kitchen garden, and the flower
garden. I forget the rest — or rather I spare you a
further arid enumeration.
But I will not dismiss this subject without telling
you that the senior pupils intended to make formal
plans for the new school buildings, both the dwelling-
house and the class-rooms. Each one of them had
his own ideas, and I know that the architect they
consulted on several occasions was much impressed
by a number of their happy thoughts.
Our manual work is not designed solely to satisfy
the social needs of school life, but is directed also
toward supplying the child's personal needs, toward
contenting his desire to construct, to imagine, and
to create, toward gratifying his appetite for fancy
and invention. With this end in view, the pupil
is able, over and above disposing of his free hours
as he pleases, to devote one class of the two craft
classes during the week to individually chosen
occupations. Thus regarded, and thus realized,
manual work has a profoundly educational mission,
whose full cycle you will have grasped as soon as I
have explained to you the invaluable supplementary
function fulfilled by agricultural labour,
65
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
VII. Agricultural Work
As I have told you, the school grounds comprise
fourteen acres. We have enough land to supply us
with numerous food products. Agricultural work,
besides being an inexhaustible source of scientific
knowledge, a field for practical applications, a
means toward the boys' physical development,
furnishes one of the most efficient of conceivable
agents for social education. This is tantamount to
saying that it is an instrument of moral education,
for in my view morality and sociality are msepar-
able. Not only does it facilitate the initiation of
the pupil into practical life, but it helps also toward
the realization of a well-planned social life.
(a) The juniors are chiefly concerned with garden-
ing and with the care of animals. This latter en-
ables them to make interesting observations and
comparisons concerning animal life and customs and
concerning the services animals render us. A child
that has charge of an animal must care for this
animal at fixed hours, and this originates and
organizes habits which, simple as they are, underlie
habits of much greater importance. Setting out
from the interest the child feels in the performance
o| these duties, we educate its faculty of attention
and its will-power, and we inculcate that sense of
responsibility which is so necessary throughout life.
The junior pupils take care of the chickens, the
dogS) the pigeons, the rabbits and the variegated
56
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
and numerous inmates of the aquariums and the
terrariums. In these there are fishes of all kinds,
indigenous and exotic, mice, serpents, lizards, frogs,
newts, toads, and hedgehogs, besides aquatic in-
sects, fierce eaters of fleshy abominable vandals,
capable of any atrocity. This population so closely
akin to the primary and remote forces of the world,
this population whose life is brutal and iostinctiye,
is intensely interesting to the child, which delights
above all in colour and movement. Week by week
the younger pupils hold a meeting to allot the
offices in this department, offices which concern not
merely the obtaining and preparing of the animals'
food, but also the cleansing and tidying of their
habitations. All this involves, though inconspicu-
ously, that the children must take much thought.
As regards gardening, the juniors attend to the
upkeep of the paths in the garden, the orchard, and
the wood; and they till their own special plots,
sowing, tending, and harvesting vegetables, and
cultivating their smdl flower gardens. Let me
borrow a few lines from the record kept by the
juniors, published in the school magazine in the
section " Echoes and News " :
Our little natural history society has held meet-
ings as regularly as possible. Its chief work last
term was to beautify the garden. Each member
has his own garden plot, and each produced at the
meeting his plans^or cultivating it. We discussed
these plans and we carried them out.
67
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
The plans in question related to the shape of the
beds, and the choice and placing of the flowers.
Various shapes were adopted, and some of the plots
were most successful in respect alike of form and
colour. Here is a simple account of his garden
given by a child of ten:
My garden is close to the greenhouse. I have
sowed nasturtiums and sunflowers, and I have just
planted out forget-me-nots, chrysanthemums, and
Udon pride. %rith ite rose-tries, my garden has
a triangular shape. Its borders are marked out
with large stones. It is very pretty and everything
isgrowi^welL But it is v^ tir^ome that ^
will walk on the grass which I have sowed close to
the lilac shrubbery. The lilacs are in flower. They
are of three kinds, white and two shades of mauve.
I water my flowers every evening.
You may imagine how we turn this gardening
work to account for instruction of various kinds,
botanical, geological, physical, meteorological,
geographical, and geometrical. It is also of great
value in the education of taste, in the inculcation of
patience, and in that aesthetic initiation which can
be made by nature alone, by the simplest, the most
beautiful, and the most vivid things in nature-
flowers and trees.
Since I have mentioned the natural history
society, let me add that we owe to this body an in-
ventory of the school trees, a classification embrac-
ing more than sixty different types, with a table
58
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
describing budding, flowering, and the fall oi the
leaf, a table whose importance will be obvious to
you. It has given us an admirable understanding
of the relationships between plants ai;d their en-
vironment, of the influence of light, heat, soil,
exposure,, etc.
Most of this work was done by the pupils of
intermediate age, but the juniors helped.
(b) The seniors and the pupils of intermediate
age will obviously be able to undertake field work
of a more ambitious character, work having an
indisputable moral and social bearing. To them
are sdlotted the labour and the delight of the agri-
cultural utilization of the school grounds. They
have undertaken this utilization under conditions
which deserve detailed description, and I cannot do
better than give you the pupils' own worda One
of them writes as follows :
THE FARM
Directly the school was opened plans were shaped
for establishing a farm. There were lengthy dis-
cussions, for we were aU interested in the' question.
We were to have numerous beasts and to tend them
ourselves. There were fourteen acres of land to
cultivate ; we proposed to sell the produce to the
best advantage.
In the geometrical drawing class we determined
to survey certain parts of the garden where it was
Proposed to place the farm buildings. We made
nished surveys of several regions iil the large
69
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
garden. But we hesitated for a long time before
beginning to build, for a great many reasons, of
which the chief alone need be mentioned. First
of all the selected sites had been recognized to be
unsatisfactory owing to their excessive dampness.
Further, they were too far from the school-house, so
that in bad weather access would have been difl&cult.
The discussions were long continued, but at last,
in the early days of December, the plan was finally
settled, and, having agreed upon a favourable site,
we began laying the foundations.
Each pupil had drawn a formal plan, m accord-
ance with all the prescriptions of law and custom.
The cow-house was destined to receive two cows
only, there being sufficient rogiM* the other
animals in the existmg annexes.
Though the foundations were fairly deep they
were soon dug, for the weather was favourable.
We now had to become woodmen, for a large cherry-
tree was in the way and must be cut down. For
several hours, therefore, we took it in turn to wield
the axe. We then began the walls. Under the
supervision of our bricklayer, who is the school man-
servant, we learned how to use the trowel. There
was no lack of craftsmen or of labourers. All put
their backs into the work, especially during the free
hours.
While building was in progress it was suggested
that we should found a company to farm the land
and dispose of tite produce. The members were to
buy shares and the profits were to be distributed
proportionally to the number of shares held. The
proposal was haUed with acclamation.
It was necessary to decide what type of company
60
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
we should form. ^^ This is no difficult matter/'
said Monsieur Faria. " 60 and consult a lawyer.
It is his business to advise in such questions, and
he will put you on the right road. Realization
drew nearer and nearer. After an appointment
had been made through the kind instrumentality
of a friend, the three eldest among us went to
Brussels to consult our lawyer. The consultation
lasted an hour, during which we learned how such
companies are worked, what are the various kinds,
and which kind would be best suited to our
purpose.
At a meeting held next day we reported the
results of our mission, and unanimously agreed to
found a co-operative society. Monsieur Faria, all
the seniors, and some of the juniors are members.
Meanwhile the buildings had been making rapid
E regress, for we had now acquired skill in brick-
tying, making the comers of the walls, ete. During
the second term we shall finish our famous cow-house
which will play so nota];)le a part in school life at
Bierges.
In a subsequent issue of the journal we read as
f oUows :
The Society La Fermi^re has made considerable
progress during the second term, and although the
term was a short one the farm bmldings have grown
apace. As soon as we were back from the Christmas
holidays we set vigorously to work, and within a
month the walls were finished. Now came the
turn of the^roof , and the woodwork was all in place
by the time the tQes arrived.
61
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
I may be allowed a parenthesis to explain that
the purchase of the building materials was carried
out by the young people, who read up the subject^
studied the question of prices, etc., like any adult.
The paving of the interior, and the making of the
window frames and of the door, remained to be
done. While some were engaged upon the wood-
work (for the door and the window frames were
made by us at the school) others attended to the
paving.
In one of the school yards there was a large stone
manger. AU the seniors set to work to move it into
the cow-house. This took several hours, for the
ground was sticky, and the manger extremely
heavy. At length, however, our task was accom-
plished, and while engaged in it we were able to
apply with considerable profit what we had learned
in the physics class. The manger was cemented to
its place, and a second manger was made out of
brick. Lafit of aU we had to whitewash the interior
of the cow-house. This was now completec' ,. and it
only remained to make the liquid manure pit and
to prepare the site for the manure heap.
Let me call your attention to the fact that all this
work was still done by the pupils unaided.
During the course of the term discussion had
been rife concerning the animals we were to keep.
The problem was somewhat complicated, for the
holidays would come just at the moment when we
should have most occasion to be at work in the
62
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
fields ; it was therefore only possible to iiaye quite
a small number of beasts. Besides, our capital
could not be said to be large, and it was considered
prudent to be modest in our ambitions.
Since then the society has grown, and last
year the capital, held in twenty-five-franc shares,
attained or exceeded the sum of two thousand francs.
We are to have one cow, one goat, some rabbits,
fowls, pigeons, ducks, and bees.
The cow ! A new difficulty ! ! Of what breed
was she to be ? Belgian or Breton ? We read up
the whole question. We consulted experts, and
were told : " Breton cows are cheaper, smaller,
more easily fed, housed, and teftded, and their milk
is extremely rich. But the calves weigh less and
therefore bring less money." We were also told
that the change of climate tended to depreciate the
merits of these cows.
Belgian cows give a great deal of milk, but milk
of poor quality. The beasts are dearer, bigger,
and eat more. They are more difficult to tend,
especially when calving.
To settle this question we went for advice to a
farm twenty kilometres distant where Breton cows
were kept. The farmer had nothing but good to
say of them and we decided to buy a Breton cow.
I will spare you a number of details and will
summarize the rest of the article.
The society bought the goat, the fowls, the
rabbits, and the pigeons. Last year the population
63
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
of the farm was increased by an additional cow
and two pigs. The beasts are, of course, fed and
tended by the members of the society, who buy
food and litter when necessary, but whenever
possible use the produce of their own farm*
Let me explain in a few words the organization
of our agricultural society :
(1) It has been founded in co-operative form,
each share in the capital being twenty-five francs.
All the pupils belong, and as they were anxious that
I should also become a member I agreed. One of
their number who is destined for an agricultural
career has been appointed technical manager, to
organize the field work, to arrange for the market-
ing of the produce^ and so fortL There is also a
business manager who deals with general questions
of finance and keeps the books. These are posted
day by day under the guidance of the teacher of
commercial science and book-keeping. Pupils in-
tending to adopt a business career can thus gain
knowledge that will be of practical help in their
future occupation.
(2) The members of the society, the seniors
and the intermediates chiefly, do the actual work
of cultivation, ploughing, manuring, sowing, and
harvesting. Where necessity arises they engage
outside assistance, employing agricultural labourers,
whom they have to find, and pay. Work in the
fields is done twice or thrice a week, sometimes in
the mornings and sometimes in the afternoons, this
61
ENVIRONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
vaxying with the season. During the smmner term
of last year the young people worked in the fields
thrice a week from five to seven in the morning.
This was their own choice, and I offered no objection,
on the understanding that they should have not
less than nine hours' sleep in the twenty-four,
siesta included.
The pupils likewise tend the animals, seeing that
they are fed and watered regularly, turning them
out to grass, and littering them down ; the pupils,
too, milk the cows, etc. A gang of two or three is
charged with these duties every week.
In such avocations the children receive lessons
in initiative, freedom, responsibility, endurance, and
vigour — lessons they will never forget. What an
excellent thing it is that they should learn to feel
and to understand how all kinds of work, even those
which are most distasteful and most humble, con-
tribute generously to the success of every enterprise.
No longer do they give themselves airs, no longer
are they animated with false pride, for they now
have a healthy appreciation of the value of work
and of the worker. From the moral and social out-
look nothing can be more desirable than this mag-
nification of labour. The child learns not to look
down upon manual activities, for he sees that from
out the manure heap germinate and bloom all the
splendours of the flower. For the rest of life his
heart and his mind will become a treasury of affec-
tion, kindliness, esteem, and justice, toward those,
E 65
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
no matter their position in life, who create or assist
in the creation of values useful to all,
(3) The members of the society build, repair, and
keep in order the habitations of the furred and
feathered folk on the farm. Besides constructing
the celebrated cow-house, they repaired the chicken
run, built a hen-house, a rabbit-hutch, a dovecot, a
kennel for the watch-dog, a brick drinking-trough,
a pigsty, etc,
(4) At first the school was able to buy all the pro-
duce of the farm, but the enterprise was assuming
such proportions that it had become necessary to
think of seeking customers elsewhere. The organ-
ization of sales to the general public was in prospect,
and without doubt but for the War an expansion
would have occurred competent to emphasize the
profoundly social character of our pupils' agri-
cultural imdertaking. Pending this development,
which would have been a logical necessity, the milk,
butter, eggs, and other produce of the society were
purchased by the school.
I cannot imagine any lesson in soUdarity which
could be more effective, more intense, and more
cordial than this friendly life in which each and all
labour for the advantage of our little community.
A work of self-government and co-operation, the
school agricultural society serves to initiate the
pupils at once into practical and into social life. It
effects this initiation through the freedom and the
responsibility attaching to the individual members
66
ENVraONMENT— PHYSICAL EDUCATION
and through the experience in organization and
administration with which it furnishes them.
Fresh air, space, freedom, light, varied and
attractive physical and manual activity in a
healthy and cheerful environment thus favour the
child's development, and promote the acquisition of
balance, calm, and energy. All who have visited
the school, relatives and friends alike, have been
impressed with the tranquil confidence, the whole-
some peace, characteristic of our pupils.
You cannot have failed to recognize how these
physical activities are potent factors of intellectual,
moral, and social development. I must surely
have made it plain that such physical training as
has been described is the best, the most efficacious,
and the most comprehensive preparation for the
cultivation of the child's mind, heart, and character.
I shall always recall with emotion the cry of
admiration voiced by our physician when, one day,
he had been watching the children at work, stripped
to the waist, bubbling over with good spirits and
energy: " How splendid they are ! "
Not at Bierges alone are the pupils splendid.
This is equally true of all the New Schools in which
a well-conceived physical education is made the
prelude to intellectual and moral education.
67
CHAPTER II
MENTAL EDUCATION
Man and the Earth — Development of the Child's Needs —
Development of the Needs of Humanity — Small Classe s —
Mobile Classes, Individual Time-tables — Length of the
Lessons — Concentration upon a Limited Number of Subjects
— Interdependence of the Branches of Study, no Water-tight
Compartments — General Culture and .Specialization — Class
Work, Preparation, Individual Studies — Lectures and Dis-
cussions — Library, Collections, Archives, Laboratories,
Workshops — Excursions — Reports, Appraisement of Work.
IN my second lecture I should like to sketch
the foundations and the methods of mental
education as understood and practised at
Bierges.
Our material installation, with the grounds, the
fields, the orchard, the farm and its live stock, with
the laboratories, the studios, and the workshops,
constitutes a genuinely living environment, an en-
vironment at once real and natural, competent, as
Beddie puts it, to serve as an ever-open book, the
book of science, art, and morality.
In the school prospectus we have formulated
certain fundamental principles as indispensable
prerequisites of mental education.
(1) The primary foundation of all is a study of
the relationships of the child and the adult to the
68
MENTAL EDUCATION
earth. Our pupils are brought into direct contact
with the various forms of human life and labour;
things and living beings are displayed in their
natural framework. The child can observe, con-
template, experiment, act, manipulate, create, and
construct. In the first lecture I discussed the r6le
of manual work, and explained the manner in
which manual work is organized at Bierges. It
would therefore be superfluous to stress the im-
portance of the practical applications of this
principle. To bring the child into actual relation-
ship with life, with nature, and with labour, there
is nothing equal to manual work.
(2) Next, we adapt instruction and education to
the child's natural development. We take into
account the needs, the inquisitiveness, of our pupils,
so that nothing is presented to them until their
intellectual development renders them competent
to understand, to assimilate, and to grasp the scope
and utility of what is presented. Such is the
principle that guides us in arranging our cur-
riculmn. It is in accordance with this principle
that certain branches of study are undertaken im-
mediately, while certain others (and above all the
dead languages) are deferred until later. More-
over, the principle is carried out, not merely as con-
cerns each branch of study considered as an organ-
ized wholcb) but also as concerns the various parts
of which each branch is made up. An example will
make this clearer. In the study of language, the
69
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
usefulness of grammar does not become plain to a
child imtil much later than people are apt to be-
lieve, and children may be introduced to the study
of their native tongue in ways more appropriate to
their age, by the practice of reading and composi-
tion. In zoology and botany, again, a description
of the external characters of living beings, and an
account of their habits, their life, and their useful-
ness, should precede the study of their physiological
characters and of the principles of classification.
If children are really to understand what they
are taught and to turn it to advantage, it is essential
that the mentality, the predispositions, and the
interests of childhood should be taken into account
by the instructor. We shall have to consider this
question more fully when we come to discuss details
of practical application.
(3) Finally, our system of instruction harmonizes,
not merely with the natural development of the
needs of childhood, but also with the historical
growth of the various branches of knowledge.
The natural evolution of the child's needs is but
a reproduction of the natural evolution of the needs
of the species, of the needs of humanity. Thus the
child is' n«de to pa«, though obvioualy at an
accelerated pace, tlirough the successive stages that
have characterized human progress. It is perfectly
logical to make the child's experience the recon-
stitution of an epitomized history of knowledge, the
teacher concerning himself mainly with saving the
70
MENTAL EDUCATION
pupil superfluous labour or fruitless divagations.
To present to the child the various branches of
knowledge in the order wherein difierent acquire-
ments were made, to arrange that the stages of in-
struction shall correspond with the stages in which
knowledge was gained and developed — surely no
one will deny that this is the natural and most
desirable method ? The pupil who passes by these
stages, who thus rediscovers the different sciences,
who has experimented, acted, sought, and found for
himseK, does not forget what has been taught.
Guided by his teachers, he makes the experiments,
the verifications, and the discoveries through
which science has advanced to its present level of
development. Knowledge being thus acquired in
a natural and logical order, it is retained in a manner
at once precise, personal, and durable.
A second advantage of this plan is the acquisition
of good working methods. If we do not present the
systematized science of the a^ult as a finished
structure, which is to be accepted in its entirety,
but if we teach the child to reconstruct this whole,
this logical complex, by personal experience, the
result is that the child has not merely ' learned,' but
knows how and why to use the knowledge that has
been acquired. The significance of this in actual
life is very great, for what matters is, not simply the
possession of knowledge, but knowledge how to use
knowledge, how to turn it to practical account.
The instruction we give is essentially educative.
71
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
We desire, not merely to furnish the child's mind,
but to form it. We make unceasing appeal to active
collaboration, to curiosity, to interest. We in-
struct as little as possible, while we lead the child to
discover as much as possible by a personal effort of
research.
In the realization of these principles we employ a
aeries of methods which must now be expounded.
**^ I. Small Classes
For the practical application of such a system of
instruction and education as the one whose principles
have been expounded in the foregoing pages, it is
obviously necessary that the number of pupils in
each class should be small. In large classes there
would be inadequate cohesion. In classes of the
barrack tjrpe, proper working conditions are
evidently unattainable. If we are to deal with
children in an intelligent manner, if we are to know
them intimately and to follow their progress with
close attention, we must concern ourselves with
small numbers at a time. This is imderstood in
New Schools, and the classes are small.
In 1914, the second year at Bierges, we had at
Easter twenty-five pupils. Applications for admis-
sion were to hand which would have enabled us
this year to increase our numbers to upward of
thirty-fi^ve. I did not intend in any case to accept
more than sixty pupils.
72
MENTAL EDUCATION
11. Mobile Classes — Individual Time-tables
I must not be understood as implying that indi-
vidual teaching is the ideal method. This is far
from being the case. Grenerally speaking, class
teaching is much to be preferred, for nothing can
replace the suggestions, the incitements, the reac-
tions of a social environment in which an appeal is
made to all the child's interests, so that it is led to
accept with spontaneity the influence of the factors
of enthusiasm and emulation which are essential
to its intellectual and moral development. It is
for the child a pressing and irreplaceable need to
live gregariously, at work as well as at play. It is
eminently desirable that a child should display an
appetite for social life, in addition to healthy appe-
tite in other directions. If the taste for society be
lacking, there is something wrong.
There are, however, disadvantages about collec-
tive instruction if it be applied to too large a number
of pupils at once. The greater the number, the
stronger the tendency to stereotype instruction, and
this tendency becomes irresistible when classes
exceed a certein size. Identical methods of teach-
ing can be adopted, as a rule, to but a small number
of pupils, to those whose mental development is
characterized by the golden mean. Pupils of
exceptional intelligence feel that they are merely
marking time, and lose interest ; while those whose
intelligence is below average cannot follow what is
73
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
going on, and su£Eer from all the disadvantages
which press upon the ' laggard/ We must guard
against these dangers if instruction and education
are to be profitable to all. The best way is to take
natural inequalities into account, to make adequate
allowance for different degrees of mental develop-
ment, for varying aptitudes, and for diverse in-
tellectual and organic needs.
For these reasons, in New Schools we have what
we term * mobile classes,' in contradistinction to
the classes characteristic of the rigid oflicial organ-
ization, in which the pupils are grouped in all
subjects alike, without regard to individual advance
along different lines. Where the system of mobUe
classes prevails, the pupils are grouped according to
variation in their acquirements, in their capacity
for different subjects, so that a child may be in the
sixth in French, in the fifth in English, and in the
fourth in Arithmetic.
To enable each pupil to attend his normal class
and to attend all the classes he should, he works
fewer hours at subjects in which he is compara-
tively advanced, and more hours at subjects in
which his progress is less rapid ; in some cases, too,
where it is possible, without changing the general
time-table, we give a little more time to those who
keep up with difliculty, in the form of supplementary
lessons.
There are various ways of attaining the desired
end, and each pupU has his special programme of
74
MENTAL EDUCATION
study, adapted to his particular aptitudes, to his
own intellectual or organic needs.
It is obvious that a considerable staff is requisite
for the organization of mobile classes. At Bierges,
while there were twenty-five scholars, there were
seventeen teachers, including the two master-
craftsmen. Most of them were non-resident.
III. Length of the Lessons
The question of the length of lessons is one of
peculiar interest, and can be looked at from numer-
ous points of view. The importance and the wide
bearing of the problem are due to the fact that a
class is not merely a quantitative datum but is like-
wise a qualitative phenomenon. We are concerned
not only with the function of duration, but with the
expression of two states of mind, that of the pupil
and that of the teacher, and with the relationships
between these mental states and the topic of in-
struction. It follows that in this matter of the
duration of lessons we must avoid fixing too arbi-
trary a limit. Manifestly, however, there is an
ultimate limit at the point where work produces
fatigue or is no longer competent to arouse interest.
Repose is needed, a period of relaxation, during
which the powers of will, attention, and interest can
be renewed. At Bierges, therefore, after forty-five
minutes the lesson comes to an end or is interrupted.
Moreover, I need hardly say that the teacher can
76
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
stop sooner should he think it wise to do so. Be-
tween lessons there is a period for recreation, lasting
from ten to fifteen minutes. Lessons begin at
7.55 A,M. in winter and at 7.40 a.m. in summer, end-
ing at 12.15 P.M. in winter and 12.5 p.m. in summer.
The final lesson lasts only forty minutes.
Mental instruction occupies the mornings, the after-
noons being commonly reserved for manual work,
excursions, preparation, and individual studies.
This arrangement is not rigidly observed. I
have already explained that on certain days mental
instruction and maipiual work alternate during the
morning hours.
Further, at least three days a week, the senior
pupils have classes of mental instruction during the
afternoon, from 3.15 to 6.15 p.m.
Nor must it be inferred from what has been stated
as a general principle that the preparation and other
individual work done by the pupils is necessarily
confined to the afternoon. In this, as in other
matters, when practice can improve upon theory we
need not hesitate.
IV. Concentration upon a Limited Number
OP Subjects
Concentration of attention is essential. If atten-
tion be unduly diffused, the results are disastrous,
not only as concerns the formation of mind and
character, but also in respect of the simple acquire-
76
MENTAL EDUCATION
ment of knowledge. At Bierges, therefore, we
concentrate attention by working upon a very
restricted number of subjects at one time.
Nothing could be worse than the system of in-
struction wherein the child's attention is directed
toward an infinity of subjects not connected by any
bond, subjects which have no organic and evident
relation one with another. To study arithmetic,
dictation, reading, history, geography, physics, and
perhaps other subjects as well, during a single
morning, may be a bold? undertaking, but the
results will be practically nil if there be no common
tie between the matters treated in these various
branches.
By what method do we avoid this inevitable dis-
integration of the mind, this dispersal of attention ?
In the first place, we concentrate in any one term
upon a series of branches in a way that enables us
to study better and to grasp more thoroughly the
subjects with which we are concerned. By these
means our instruction can be better adapted to the
general environing conditions. During the spring
and summer months we have advantageous oppor-
tunities for the study of zoology and botany. If
more time is to be given to these sciences, less time
must be given to such branches as physics and
chemistry, which will, in their turn, have been
treated more exhaustively during the autunm and
winter. But concentration furnishes other ad-
vantages, for it enables the pupil to acquire a more
77
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
thorough grasp of the subjects studied, to work with
greater interest, with better results, and with less
fatigue.
Moreover, the concentration thus practised is not
limited to a new grouping of the subjects of study
during each term, for we have generalized and ex-
tended the method. Thus we devote, it may be the
entire morning, or it may be part of any one morn-
ing, to the study of a single branch, or to the study
of a group of intimately related branches. Pupils
and teachers are enabled to get to the bottom of the
subject of study, to treat it suitably, and to contem-
plate it from various points of view. For example,
instead of during a single morning working at French,
mathematics, history, and physics — ^instead, that is
to say, of dealing with utterly disconnected sub-
jects, since we occupy ourselves with but a single
branch or with no more than two — ^we study these
more efficiently, at greater length, and without the
shocks and the losses of time consequent upon
the frequent transitions of topic characteristic of the
ordinary school time-table. Let us suppose that
we devote a considerable part of one morning, or the
entire morning, to French. There is no difficulty
in occupying the pupH's mmd, in holding his atten-
tion so She 4l be neither wean^nor bored,
for the subject may be approached in many different
ways, each making its appeal to special activities.
By reading, byredtationf by the stady of graimnax,
by the practice of composition, and by the study of
78
MENTAL EDUCATION
literature, in succession, we sustain the most lively
interest.
During another morning we deal with experi-
mental science, studying by turns chemistry and
physics. We have plenty of time for experimental
work, for research. Thus only can our labours be
truly productive, for it seems to me impossible in
the space of one hour to study science experiment-
ally, to allow the pupil to act, to do things .for
himself. In addition, having sufficient time at our
disposal, we can fruitfully engage upon a cycle of
experiments, or can undertake a series of observa-
tions upon subjects which constitute part of the
same chapter. We are able to complete the study
of a single department of science, Uterature, history,
or geography, a section constituting an integral
whole. Not only is this advantageous for the sake
of the work itseK, as concerns the methods of acquir-
ing knowledge, butat likewise favours the growth of
the intelligence and the development of character,
for it gives the pupil a keen understanding of the
need for patience, perseverance, and continuity of
efEort.
The hour strikes. The period for recreation has
arrived, and we rest and relax. Then, after a
pause, we resume the same subject. Time is thus
economized, seeing that we get to work again more
rapidly, and that concentration upon the topic with
which we are concerned is more earnest. Our work
gains in unity and depth, and I am sure that it also
79
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
gains in interest. We have literary mornings,
scientific mornings, and so on. We have unity in
variety.
EfEort of this character is demanded above all
from the senior pupils, but it is demanded in the
jimior classes as well. Let us suppose that we have
to consider a single animal or a single group of
animals for an entire morning. How do we pro-
ceed? We contemplate the subject from various
aspects; we connect it with items of knowledge
common to other branches, such as geography,
history, botany, physics, chemistry, etc. ; and we
appeal to the pupil's various activities — ^in observa-
tion, experiment, reading, elocution, the arranging
of notes, drawing, etc.
Interest is greatly quickened by frequent changes
in the questions we ask ourselves concerning a par-
ticular subject, and also by frequent changes in the
forms of expression by which the pupil manifests
his reactions. Children are not wearied at all by
having thus applied to a single subject, or to a group
of subjects connected by organic ties, a sustained
efEort of attention to which the eyes, the hands, and
the ears have all contributed. By devoting our-
selves for a longer period to the particular subject,
we have made it richer in interest; and we have
made it richer also by having recourse to varied
activities.
Thus, on the one hand, concentration gives depth
to thought and enables us to study the interrelations
80
/•
MENTAL EDUCATION
between phenomena in a single branch, while, on
the other hand, it enables us also to gain in the
matter of extension, seeing that we can correlate the
distinct phenomena belonging to sundry branches.
V. Intebdependence of the Branches op Study
— ^No Water-tight Compartments
We have broken down the water-tight bulkheads
by which, in official programmes, the various sub-
lects of study are separated. We have established
between them ties of interdependence, of intimate
solidarity, of logical connexion. This natural
solidarity is essential to the proper understanding
of their respective worth, above all on the part of
children and of primitive men. Not merely, there-
fore, do we associate the study of certain branches,
aa in the ca«. of history, geo^aphy, and Uteratae,
but further, into each branch taken by itseK we
introduce details, borrowed from other branches,
competent to throw light upon the leading topic and
to display it under the most diversified aspects. As
a biologist might say, we demonstrate around the
central nucleus of the cell all the protoplasmic
processes by which eaxjh cell is connected with its
neighbours. Our aim is to co-ordinate the various
branches, to constitute out of them integers easy to
grasp and thoroughly alive, and thus to illuminate
the matter with which we are concerned.
In the case of all the sciences, a reciprocal loan of
F 81
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
plienomena, of principles, and even of methods,
serves to complete them, helps each to explain the
others, permits them to practise mutual aid. It
must, therefore, be our care that no science shall
remain dumb, isolated, motionless, estranged from
the rest. The sciences must join hands. An ex-
ample will show how important and how essential
is this co-ordination.
Imagme a lesson on zoology in which the func-
tion eviration has been described without any
appeal to chemistry, and without recourse to facte
and experimente concerning oxygen and carbon !
Within this same department of study, is it not
obvious that when we are explaining the chara^re
of the skeletal system, while appealing to physical
considerations (since the movemente of the bones
are incomprehensible to a pupU who does not possess
elementary knowledge concerning the lever), we
must appeal also to chemistry to throw light upon
tie comjTition of bone ?
When, from the sciences that are termed natural
and experimental, we pass to historical and geo-
graphical sciences, we find that like considerations
apply. For example, is it possible to understend
the history of Egypt unless that history be illumin-
ated by a knowledge of the geography of the
country? It is obvious that these two branches,
which mutually elucidate, supplement, and explain
one another, must be simultaneously considered.
Not only, however, must the different branches of
82
MENTAL EDUCATION
the programme be co-ordinatedT in logical relation-
ships and proportions. We have further to estab-
lish intimate connections between our class work
and our manual work, for, as I explained in the pre-
ceding chapter, manual work affords methods of
expression and provides means of investigation for
abstract knowledge.
VI. General Culture and Specialization
Toward what end is our secondary education
directed ? Do we desire to promote general culture,
or to effect specialization which will fit our pupil
for his particular occupation in life ?
Our method realizes the synthesis of these two
tendencies, neither of which, acting in isolation, can
fulfil the true mission of education. I have already
said that at Bierges the pupil is prepared for life in
arealandvirileLmier This 4pUes that aU the
possibilities of his being must be developed by the
methods of an integral education, aiming simul-
taneously at the formation of the man in general
and of the man with a specialized occupation.
Greneral culture and professional specialization
must be complementary, must practise mutual aid,
must illuminate one another; they must not be
distinct or mutually antagonistic forces.
The man of specialized occupation gains greatly
by the possession of general culture, for, from the
technical point of view, this enhances his skill, his
83
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
versatility, and his intelligence; it gives him in-
creased capacity for attention and for reflection;
it furnishes him with varied kinds of knowledge,
which augment his creative faculties and his means
of work. It is well known that the pupils of
technical schools begin their studies at these in-
stitutions when they are too young to derive full
benefit, and that those who stay somewhat
longer at the primary school become apprentices
possessing a higher faculty for attention and a
more solidly grounded education. It is, moreover,
a matter of current observation that a workman
with an all-round education plies his trade with
more intelligence and skill than one who has
specialized too early. This is equally true of all
pSessions.
But it is not solely from the technical point of
view that general culture is essential to the en-
richment of intelligence and of professional skill.
Greneral culture is equally necessary from the
humanist outlook, for if the technician is not to
become a mere wheel in a machine, a thing without
thought and without feeling, nothing which con-
cerns other men must be foreign to him. Greneral
culture makes its appeal to the mind, the source of
all our activities. It enables the worker to appreci-
ate the social significance of labour ; it enables the
technician to grasp the bearing of his particular
activities upon the general current of human life,
whereas the analytical and particularist pursuit of
84
MENTAL EDUCATION
some exclusive specialty tends to isolate him from
that current.
We must be careful, as Ferri^re points out in his
notable Projet d* Nicole Nouvdhy^ to avoid confusing
general culture with an encyclopedic, fatiguing,
and sterile culture. Moreover, education and in-
struction go utterly astray when they fail to take
into account ^e specific characteristics of individual
pupils, their needs, their interests, and their apti-
tudes, their individual development, the extent of
their existing knowledge, their destined career, etc.
Were it not that I have a dread of formulas, that
I am aware that formulas incline always to be un-
duly vague and unduly narrow, I should be inclined
to say that Bierees tends to realize a general system
of ii^oUon ^pted to iBdivido/ capmt^ and
individuri need, id having a ^iali? teSency
in the case of pupils that have reached a certain
age.
The pupils are grouped and the subjects of study
are distributed in four sections :
(a) Preparatory . . 7 to 10 years of age
(6) General . . . 11 to 14 „
(c) Higher . . . 15 to 17 „
{d) Special . . . 18 to 19
It is hardly necessary to say that our classification
by^age is far from absolute, for the limits vary with
^ ifedition Foyer Solidariste, Saint-Blaise, 1909, published by
Delachauz and Niestl^, Neuohatel.
86
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
each individual, and the system of classification is
sufficiently elastic to enable us to take this fact into
account.
From seven to fourteen years of age general in-
struction is the same for all. The branches of study
are obligatory. They are : natural science, mathe-
matics, native and foreign tongues, history, and
geography. Such is the programme of our pre-
paratory and general sections.
After fourteen, in accordance with the natural
development of the pupil's aptitudes, we introduce
new branches of study, such as the dead languaces ;
or we develop instruction in branches pr^W
studied, such as mathematics, natural science,
modem languages, etc., with an eye to the pre-
destined career. Such is the work of our higher
section.
Finally, we have a special section which the pupil
enters at about the age of seventeen. I do not
believe that there is such a section in other estab-
lishments for secondary education, whether these
are or are not New Schools. It is our aim to give,
in a general, elementary, and abridged fashion, in
so far as the nature and complexity of the subjects
and the technical means at our disposal permit,
specialized instruction which will prepare the pupil
for the work he will have to undertake as soon as
he leaves Bierges.
86
MENTAL EDUCATION
VII. Class Work — ^Preparation — Individual
Studies
Method is of primary importance in educational
work. That wWch is of gr^t significance for the
future career, that wHch really matters, is not the
mere possession of knowledge, but knowledge how
to make use of knowledge. This is the knowledge
we endeavour to impart. We try to make our pupils
understand the need for working well, and for thereby
acquiring the faculty, not merely of knowing well
that which they learn, but also, and above all, that
of putting what they have learned to good use.
How, then, are our classes conducted at
Bierges ?
You all know how classes are conducted under the
old system. The teacher comes into the room, in-
stalls himself at his desk, and begins to question the
class about some subject which has been learned
more or less by rote. The recital of the lesson and
the exposition of the subject are equally mechanical.
Such and such a lesson has to be repeated. It is a
self-suflB.cient whole, rigid and lifeless ; and as the
lesson is being said, the teacher concerns himself
merely with the particular pupil he examines, dis-
regarding the others. The whole lesson is of the
same character. When it is finished, the teacher
leaves. Next day the class begins at the same hour
and is of the same duration.
Now, a lesson should be something at once more
87
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
simple and more complex, more interesting, more
vivid. Let me show you what I mean, by explain-
ing the different stages.
At Bierges a lesson is given anywhere, for the
class-room k everywhere. Next, a ksson is not a
ready-made exposition which the pupil must learn
by heart. It is something to be built up ; it is some-
thing which the pupil must construct for himself,
little by little, detail after detail ; and he must do this
with the assistance of his teacher and of his comrades.
I will give a general sketch of our method.
Let us suppose that you are going to attend one
of our classes. You enter the natural science
laboratory. Around you are terrariums and
aquariums, and glass jars containing anatomical
specimens. You notice a characteristic odour.
But if, instead of coming here, you had found your
way into the chemical or physical laboratory, or into
any of the class-rooms, you would grasp our
principles just as well, for in all the subjects of
instruction these principles give rise to similar
activities, and the differences are no more than
superficial.
(a) To begin with, the class draws up a plan of
the work to be done. There is a play of mutual
question and answer, and as the outcome of the
resulting discussion a definite plan of action is
secured. We agree to make a number of observa-
tions and comparisons upon one, two, or three
animals.
88
MENTAL EDUCATION
(6) Now the pupils may leave the class-room to
carry out their plan, or, in another case, may remain
where they are to engage in dissection or to make
anatomical or microscopical preparations — ^f or each
one of the pupils has a dissecting outfit, a small
microscope, and a hand lens. We are in the second
phase of the lesson, which comprises the study of
aU the details, including observation, experiment,
verification, and note-taking. It is carried out in
various places, perhaps in a laboratory, perhaps in
one of the workshops or studios, perhaps in the open.
In the instance now under consideration we have
to carry out the plan elaborated in class, to find
answers to the iiJquiries we have formulated, to
make the necessary observations. Pierre is going
into one of the fields, Jean will visit one faL«^
Andre another, and so on. They set off in every
direction to harvest their observations and to glean
all possible information.
(c) The time allotted for researches has expired.
The members of the class return, having made the
observations specified in the plan which was worked
out at an earlier stage. Speaking generally, the
elaboration of this plan and the work of research
occupy the greater part of Tuesday morning, which
is devoted to zoology. On Wednesday morning we
continue to study zoology from half-past nine to
five minutes past noon. We are now in the third
stage of the lesson, wherein we elucidate the signifi-
cance of the observations that have been made;
89
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
correct badly taken notes or ill-made drawings, with
the objects of study before us ; and acquire com-
plementary notions by further direct study. Dis-
cussion and reading terminate this stage. We now
reach the fourth phase, in which we classify, in
which we arrange into definitive groups, all the
details we have acquired, the results of all our
observations and experiments. We proceed to the
systematic organization of the lesson.
(d) At the close of the afternoon, between
4 and 6 p.m., during the period devoted to prepara-
tion, in the appropriate manuscript books the pupil
will write notes of the lesson which has been pre-
pared in class by himself, his comrades, and his
teacher. This is the last phase of the work.
In some of the classes, that of geography and
that of history, for example, certain pupils are com-
missioned to efiect a preliminary study, to clear the
ground, before the teacher intervenes at all, and in
many cases this work of collecting and classifying
details is so admirably done by the monitors that aU
the teacher need do is to add a few supplementary
ideas.
Thus the lesson is something more than the
accomplishment, the development, of a series of
individual efforts ; it is likewise the result of collec-
tive work. It appeals, not merely to the pupil's
intellectual activity but also to his physical, social,
and manual activities.
It is a slice of life, for work done in this way
90
MENTAL EDUCATION
associates the pupU with everything that is going on
around him. The article by one of our scholars,
entitled The Installation of our Wireless Telegraphy
Station, which will be reproduced later, is a lively
illustration of what I have been saying.
In addition to work of this kind, in addition to
the preparation and organization of those lessons in
which all the pupils co-operate, the seniors under-
take more extensive individual researches, which
they pursue unaided.
VIIL Lectures and Discussions
Each month, in the presence of the whole school
and of the relatives and friends of the pupils,
addresses upon a set subject are given by one of the
pupils and one of the teachers. Discussion follows.
In this way, by expounding in public one side of a
controversial question, the pupil learns not only
how to speak from the platform, but also how to
submit to criticism and correction. The lecture,
at which the audience consists of his comrades, of
his relatives, and of strangers, is to him rather
a solenm affair. Here are the subjects of the
addresses given last year. The pupils who took
part were those of fifteen and upward :
The Port of Antwerp.
Brazil.
The Development of Agricultural Implements.
91
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
The Protection of Wild Nature in Belgium, and
the Formation of a National Park.
The Installation of our Wireless Tel^raphy
Station.
Trees from the Economic Outlook.
In the school journal the pupils give their own
report of these lectures and discussions.
IX. Library— Collections— Archives-
Laboratories — Workshops
If the lesson is to have its full value, if the work
of preparation is to be as extensive as possible, and
if we are to secure the most profitable return for the
processes that have just been described, the pupils
must have at their free disposal implements of work
enabling them to study under good conditions. In
default of certain precious and indispensable adjuv-
ants, we cannot look for the effectual realization of
any work of education and instruction based upon
the principles expounded at the beginning of this
chapter.
Unless the pupils have free access to books, and
to laboratories and studios furnished with an exten-
sive armamentarium, it is practically impossible for
them to undertake the necessary investigationa
Consequently, from its first foundation, a New
School must devote its most careful attention to
the provision of these essentials.
At Bierges each class has its own library. We
92
MENTAL EDUCATION
have nearly four thousand volumes, relating to all
the branches of instruction. In addition, there are
extensive coUections of engravings, photographs,
drawings, and picture post- cards, which supply the
pupils with all kinds of information. We subscribe
to about a dozen reviews and magazines. The daily
papers, too, are at the disposal of our young people.
Here is a precious mine, which can be turned to
good account from the educational standpoint by
one who has learned how to use it. In the peri-
odicals, accounts are given of social, political,
economic, moral, artistic, and scientific happenings.
If young people are induced to discuss, to under-
stand, and to explain these events, they receive an
excellent and vivid lesson concerning social afiairs
which a young person should know about and in
which he is ready to take an interest. The junior
pupils are also provided by the newspapers with
information concerning matters within the scope
of their attainments. They make cuttings from
the daily papers. These cuttings are classified and
pasted upon pieces of cardboard, and, renewed day
by day, they constitute the daily paper of the school.
Each month one of the pupils is appointed by his
comrades to fulfil this journalistic function.
The abundance of books, reviews, magazines, and
newspapers furnishes us with a wealth of docu-
ments. This is all the more necessary seeing that
at Bierges we make no use of set text-books. We
have declared open war upon the compendium, that
93
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
storehouse of fixity and uniformity. Not only do
we take this course owing to the nature of our pro-
gramme, sinde no manuals have ever been published
in harmony with our plan of study, but we are in-
fluenced also by spiritual motives. If we are to
develop in the child's mind a somidly critical spirit,
if we are to create in the pupil a habit of systematic
investigation, we must enfranchize him from the
intellectual and moral slavery of the manual. Our
appeal is to observation, experiment, research,
individual discovery by the pupil ; what interesta
us is what our scholars do on their own initiative,
what they think on their own account. Our leading
desire is that their knowledge should be the fruit of
personal experience, organized, co-ordinated, and
systematized by themselves. They must draw their
data from all possible sources. The use of a single
manual of instruction would restrict their thoughts
and activities.
Stodios and laboratories are equally indispensable,
and I detailed in the first chapter our equipment in
this respect. I explained that whenever further
purchases are necessary for an experiment we do
not hesitate to make them. But while it is desir-
able that scientific experiment and research should,
as a rule, be made with instruments of precision,
there are certain investigations whose educational
value is greatly enhanced when the pupil constructs
his own implements.
This is where our workshops can play so useful a
94
MENTAL EDUCATION
part. As I shall subsequently show, in these work-
shops every branch of instruction can harvest facts
and methods. It is extraordinarily interesting to
note how great is the educational advantage de-
rivable from manual work. Nothing can have a
profounder moral influence, and nothing can give
a more striking idea of human courage and self-
reUance, than the comparison which the pupil is
able to make between the rudimentary implements
he can construct for himself, resemblii thL made
by his remote ancestors, and the compUcated in-
strmnent« of precision with which modem scientific
technique equips our laboratories. Just as the
pupil can reconstitute scientific evolution, he can
reconstitute also the associated evolution of tech-
nique. Further, these laboratories and workshops,
with all they contain, are entirely at the pupil's
disposal; we do not keep things in locked cup-
boards or in hermetically closed glass cases. There
are many schools where there is no scarcity of
laboratories and scientific instrmnent«, but where
what is lacking is freedom for the pupils to make
use of them. The teaching of experimental science
takes the form of an experiment made by the teacher
in the presence of theTupik But tlisl al.x.gether
inadequate. One who merely looks on at an ex-
periment learns little in comparison with what he
can learn if he perform the experiment for himseM.
At Bierges the instruments of scientific research
are genuinely at the disposal of the student. In
95
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
class or privately, and whether the teacher be
present or not, the pupil can engage in any experi-
mental investigation necessary for the work in hand.
K he damage or destroy an instrument he will have
to pay for it, and he is thus efEectively responsible
for what he uses.
As previously explained, the library, the collec-
tions, the archives, the laboratories, the studios,
and the workshops are entrusted to the care of
pupils elected each term by the assembly of pupils.
The children enrich our collections by the result
of their own researches and labours, and by the
things which they bring back from our walks and
excursions.
X. Excursions
A few words have already been said concerning
the frequent excursions by which we supplement
our studies — visits to museums, public monuments,
farms, markets, great shops, public works, etc. It
will interest the reader to know how these are
organized. Let me quote an article on this subject
contributed to the school magazine by one of the
pupils.
THE PREPARATION OF AN EXCURSION
For some time we have been planning a geo-
graphical excursion to illustrate the knowledge of
watersheds gained during the present term. Obvi-
96
MENTAL EDUCATION
ously, it is not enough to understand, to discuss,
and to remember what we have learned ; we should,
as far as possible, see things for ourselves.
Since we are unable to visit Switzerland, Norway,
or the United States, and since it is impossible for
us to undertake a diflBlcult expedition to the^polar
regions, the phenomena to which our studies have
related could be contemplated by us in no other way
than in the numerous photographs we possess. We
finally decided that we should go about in Belgium,
where we should endeavour to see as much as
possible: mountains, plains, different aspects of
valleys and of rivers, industries derived from
natural resources.
My comiadea commissioned me to draw up plans
for lie journey, which we divided into two sections,
each lasting five days. In this way two exciirsion
tickets of five days' duration would suflB.ce.
The first of the two excursions was to take place
at the beginning of February. According to the
information which I have hitherto been able to
collect, I believe myself entitled to say that it will
comprise chiefly the districts of tie Ourthe and
the Ambleve, centring probably in Aywaille or Re-
mouchamps. Our leacung aim will be to examine
the hills, watercourses, waterfalls, ravines ; the dis-
appearance of streams; springs, quarries, etc., etc.
We shall go to the Hautes Fagnes and to the Ba-
raque Michel, also to Herou and to the confluence
of the two Ourthes. Probably, too, we shall visit
Flanders, so that we can stady the difEeren^e be-
tween the sluggish flow of the navigable rivers of
this region, whose fall is so gentle, and the ahnost
torrential current of the streams of the Ardennes,
G 97
- ♦
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
which are non-navigable ; and that we may note the
differences between the wide and shallow Flemish
valleys and the narrow ravines of the Walloon
region, knowti locally as m.
The second section will be mainly devoted to the
study of mines (coal, lead, iron, and zinc), quarries
(porphyry, maxble, and granite), lime-kilns, cement
factories, the extensive industries of the coal and
iron districts (the glass-works, china factories,
potteries, brick-fields, which swarm in this region).
Of course this is no more than an outline sketch, in
which details are necessarily suppressed.
The suitable preparation of an excursion is a
lengthy business. We cannot set out at haphazard,
trusting to our guiding star, heedless of what we
shall or shall not see. One or two months barely
suffice for the work of preparation. First of a31 you
must collect all the boots you need, reading them
carefully, and noting matters of interest, while
adding from time to time some ideas of your own.
At the end of this stage you will have a sheaf of
papers fiUed with suggestions. You must now go
through these notes, culling the essential ideas and
ehminating the remainder, endeavouring ta concen-
trate what you propose to see m two or three
localities, so as to avoid needless travel and loss of
time. Next it is necessary to consider the material
details of the journey : dates, lodging, food, railway
journeys, permits of inspection — not to mention all
the minor details which take up a great deal of time.
The last stage of all is by no means easy. By
lectures or in class the comrades have to be pre-
pared, so that they may gain a better understanding
of what they are to see. Last of all, it would never
98
MENTAL EDUCATION
do to lose sight of the aesthetic and picturesque
aspects of the excursion, to overlook the natural
beauties of the regions we are to visit, but it wiU be
easiest to decide about these when we see thena.
This is a rough account of the way in which I
prepared our excursion.
Let me sum up in a few words the principles and
the facts relating to the excursions :
(a) The class nominates one, two, or three pupils,
the nmnber varying with the importance and scope
of the plan, to prepare and organize the excursion,
alike from the material and from the intellectual
point of view.
(6) The work of preparation and organization
comprehends the f oUowing points :
(1) A study of all the data and information bear-
ing on the Object: reading, making not«e, eto.
Ss ia ■ndiwl.il worthed oTSy the pupfls
conamissioned to prepare the journey. .
(2) The classification of these data, the selection
of the essential notions and the elimination qf those
that are unsuitable, the localization of the places to
be visited in two or three centres, so that needless
teavelling and loss of time may be avoided. This
part is d<Hie collectively by the excursion committee.
(3) The results are now presented to the class,
so that each i>upU may contribute his particular
ideas and m^ grasp the nature of the design. In
many cases the discussion is extremely interesting.
99
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
Further meetings ensue, at which the members of
the excursion comipittee give readings and brief
lectures, preparing their comrades for the under-
standing of everything they are to see.
(4) It need hardly be said that during the excur-
sion the organizers will, as occasion arises, have to
furnish all necessary information and supplementary
explanations. They act as guides to point out and
illuminate the conunon road; as junior teachers
who, with the assistance of their elders, play their
parte admirably.
(5) The organization of the journey in respect
of practical details likewise involves numerous re-
sponsibiUties. Dates have to be fixed, questions
of food, lodgiflg, railway tickete, and permite to
view have to be considered ; an estimate must be
made of the cost, for the organizers will attend
to financial details and similar matters during the
journey.
• (6) When the excursion is over, much work still
remains to be done, for there is a logical sequel
which it will be interesting to explain. The class
assembles to commission the pupil or pupils who
organized the afiair (should the matter appear to be
worth the trouble) to give lectures describing the ex-
cursion to an audience consisting of schoolfellows,
relatives, and friends, and to organize an exhibition
of photographs, picture post-cards, drawings, notes
— in a word, all the material coUeeted on the
journey. A sjmthesis is effected, a vivid picture
100
• »•• •» «•
MENTAL l^ttCATlOI* i ••; :* •.; : . V
of the work done, displaying the^ results that
have been secured.
After the lectures on prehistoric times ^ven by
some of the piQ)ils to an audience of relatives, we
took these to see an exhibition we had organized
relating exclusively to prehistoric times. Within
two days our studio for modelling, cardboard work,
and drawing had been transformed. We had
arranged round the walls some improvized easels,
d^playing in chronological order quite a number
of prmts, drawings, and photographs of prehistoric
dwellings, also tools, ornaments, weapons, etc. In
addition, we exhibited collections of fossil plants
and shells found by us during our excursion or
^ven to us by friends. OneTf our teachers had
drawn for us a large picture representing a pre-
historic family at work. ... This exhibition en-
abled us to familiarize ourselves pictorially and by
the examination of actual objects with all that has
preceded us in the world, and we could thus make
a profitable start upon the study of history.
(7) But perhaps you will ask me what part the
teacher plays in all this. Before the excursion he
contributes to the work of research, to the acquisi-
tion of data. During the excursion he supplies
information and explanations which the organizing
pupils are unable to furnish, or which the other
participants are unable to understand without the
teacher's aid. By no means does he replace the
pupil or do the pupil's work; his function is to
101
V : A; 3Hii^f SCHOOL in Belgium
guide, enlighten, ccnrrect, and supplement. N(»r
should he try to do more than this if it be true
that the child's knowledge ought to be the fruit "^of
organized personal experience.
XL Reports — Appraisement op Work
We have studied the principles in accordance with
which our pupils work. Let us now consider how
the value of that work is appraised.
At the end of the term we send to parents a brief
report of the pupil's work. In addition to notes
a^n physical development, this report contains
numerous psychological observations upon the
child's manual, intellectual, and moral aptitudes,
upon the branches he has studied and the number
of hours given to each, the reasons for progress or
arrest, and so on.
We observe our pupils very closely, and since
we furnish them wSh manif id opportunities for
activity, since the school enviromnent is brisk and
varied, we are enabled to take note of their char-
acteristics, tastes, interests, and habits, and are in a
position to sketch psychological portraits in outline.
My fellow- workers assist me by making their own
observations, taking regular notes and placing these
at my disposal. In view of the limited number of
pupils, it is thus possible for us with little difficulty
to adapt to their respective individualities out
methods of education and instruction.
102
MENTAL EDUCATION
In a tactihil and cautious manner the pupil is kept
informed of what we think of him, for it iS desirable
that he should become accustomed to recognize that
his activities are under observation and that they
are appraised. It is necessary for him to under-
stand that he is not perfect.
To develop the pupils' critical spirit, to encourage'
in them sentiments of justice and equity, I have
established at the school an organization whose
results have proved pecuUarly gratifying. At the
end of each term we undertdie the appraisement,
not merely of the work done by the pupil, but like-
wise of his moral and social Hfe. Whereas in the
ordinary school such reports are drawn up by the
teachers alone, ours are made with the assistance
also of the pupils, including the person chiefly
concerned. Moreover, the report relates to the
pupil's efforts, not in comparison with those made
by his classmates, but in comparison with his own
efforts, with the results of his earlier work. The
last week of every term if devoted to this matter.
Each pupil is asked to appraise his own work, and
our observations are recorded upon a numerical
scaJe. The words ' good,' 'bad,' and ' indifferent '
give far less precise expression to what we want to
say than figures, for although figures are incom-
petent to denote complex psychological values,
they render it possible to indicate certain grada-
tions, certain shades oi difference, which it is desir-
able that the pupil should clearly recognize.
103
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
Here is a class in which teachers and pupils are
engaged in this work of appraisement. " Now,
Peter, have you worked hard? Have you made
any progress ? What is your estimate of your
work ? " The pupil has to say what he thinks of
his own efforts, to select a number from a scale of
values ; it may be twelve or thirte'en, or seven or
eight— the number which in his view expresses the
worth of his endeavours. His classmates are in-
vited in their turn to select the number which seems
to them best fitted for the occasion. Then only
does the teacher intervene, criticizing what has been
said by the others, giving his own opinion and his
personal numerical valuation. The number finally
chosen is the mean of all the others. Let me repeat
that this system is not confined to the appreciation
of class work, but that all the pupil's vital mani-
festations are similarly appraised : orderliness, care
of lihe person, consideration for others, companion-
ableness, straighjtforwardness, etc.
The advantages of the system are obvious. It
rend«s ae pu/il Mly awa^ of hi. progre» .nd of
his defects, helps him to discover his weak points,
aids him to estimate his powers and capabilities,
accustoms him to introspection, to an examination
of conscience. The pupil is induced to appreciate
his own endeavours, not in relation to his comrades,
but in relation to himself. When we mvite class-
mates to give their opinions on one another, our aim
is to arouse in their minds sentiments of justice
104
\
MENTAL EDUCATION
and equity, to teach them to ezeicise their critical
faculties, accustoming them to use these tactfully,
cautiously, and considerately, but also frankly.
Our reports, therefore, do not consist solely of
observations made by the teachers, but comprise in
addition observations made by the pupils, for since
the individual pupU's work is the outcome of indi-
vidual endeavour, and since its good results are in
large part due to the collectivity of the class, it is
logical and right that the class should collaborate in
appraisement.
* ^
106
CHAPTER III
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
Zoology, Botany, and Geology — Physios and Chemistry —
Mathematics — Languages — Geography — History
1 PROPOSE to write in due course a monograph
dealing with the methods we employ in teach-
ing the various branches. In the present
general sketch no place can be found for the nu-
merous details appropriate to a didactic treatise,
I must confine myself to practical, general, and
summary indications, which wiU suffice, I hope, to
give an adequate understanding of the manner in
which our programme is carried out
L Zoology,' Botany, and Geology
The teaching of natural science constitutes the
essential foundation of intellectual education in our
preparatory section, where the pupils range from
seven to ten years of age. The natural sciences are
especially suitable to the needs and to the mental
interests of young children, most of whom, as
Herbert Spencer justly points out, are naturalists
by instinct. Moreover, during the formative period
of preparation, these sciences play an extremely
106
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
important part in promoting the aoquirem^it of
habits of industry, of a critical sense, and a faculty
for scientific investigation. The natural sciences
bring the child into direct contact with the reaUties
aad tae forms of nature and of life (realities and
forms which arouse the child's passionate interest
by their movement and their colour), and with the
realities and the forms of human labour employed
in turning natural forces to man's account. The
latter side of the question is equally interesting to
the child, for its need of action, its desire to make
things, can find herein manifold appKcations.
^t;aching these branches we Z guided by the
following principles :
(1) The first essential toward making instruction
in natural science vivid and interesting is that it
should be concrete, and with this end in view we
bring the child into direct contact with natural
ph^iomena. We do not teach zoology from books
with the assistance of more or less diagrammatic
drawings, of comparatively inert objects, but we
have recourse to the study of concrete and living
reaUties, Observation and experiment, whilst con-
stituting the foundation of all our instruction,
are in addition inspired by the following con-
siderations.
(2) We draw attention, first of all, to the most
salient characters, the most obvious aspects, of
animals, plants, the world. We begin, for example,
by studying the external characteristics of the
107
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
body of some animal, its needs, its diet, its
habits, etc.
(3) We begin, likewise, with the study of our im-
mediate environment, and only when that is known
do we direct attention to more distant environ-
ments, to those of other lands. We commence
with the geological strata of our own neighbour-
hood, examining the alluvial deposits in the school
grounds, the strata displayed in adjacent properties,
and so on.
(4) It will be seen that these studies have
an eminently practical character. The children
learn what se^ces animals and plante render
to man, how their products are utilized, how
raw materials are transformed in manufacturing
processes, ptc.
(5) But we must not rest content with a simple
accumulation of memorized facts. It is necessary
that general notions should gradually be acquired.
The work the children do in their garden plots en-
courages *em to make comparative observations,
to note the resemblances and differences between
the various phases of development of the plants^
they watch growing. Similarly in the case of
animals. They study the metamorphoses of the
frog, preserving in spirit examples of the separate
stages of growth : ova ; tadpole with external gills ; *
tadpole after the external gills have disappeared;
tadpole when the front paws have grown ; tadpole
almost completely transformed into a frog; frog.
108
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
In a different domain, com^k^ons wiU be made
between our own cows and those kept by our
neighbours.
(6) Through regular observations and compari-
sons we are enabled ultimately to arrive at general-
izatiom, ,yna.eac poupmg,, ol^rifioationa' From
the outset these are precise in character and have
a definite aim. Thus, without leaving the school
grounds, we have been able to classify more than
sixty species of trees, and our inventory of these
species is illustrated by a table displaying the
foliation, the inflorescence, and the defoHsrtion of
eacL
(7) With the study of any animal or plant, or of
any geological phenomenon, we associate all the
attainable related knowledge in the domains of
physics, chemistry, geography, history, etc. With
this study we likewise associate manual work,
and in especial, drawing, cardboard work (making
boxes in which to keep specimens), modelling
(models of plants and animals), carpentry (making
of terrariums, etc.).
(8) Observations and experiment are carried out
under conditions and are made with the aid of means
which require fuller description.
A school situated in the country has for the study
pf natural science, and for the conduct of observa-
tion and experiment in this field, an exceptionally
favourable position. By a natural transition the
child can pass from aimless observation to the
109
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
deliberate and methodical study of nature, and of
the surrounding life which makes such numerous
appeals to his interests.
Let us consider first of all the study of zoology.
(a) The Farm. The Poultry -t/ard. The Apiary. —
I have explained that the pupils tend various
animals : cows, pigs, fowls, pigeons, ducks, rabbits,
a goat, dogs. They feed these, watch their mode of
life, study their growth, lend a hand at calving-time,
set eggs. They collect the produce of the farm, and
undertake the transformation of raw materials into
manufactured articles, making butter, cheese, etc.
Let me quote a description from the school magazine :
^ OUR COW
Last year our agricultural society had determined
to buv a cow after the holidays ; but to give us a
surprise they bought her sooner. How great was
our astonishment, when we went into the cow-house,
to see there a beautiful little Breton cow. Her
great black eves, her pink nose, her splendid curving
horns, her black and whit^ hide, made me fall in
love with her.
Really, I am extremely fond of this animal
Although we are told that cows are stupid, I con-
sider that our cow is clever. How she looks at us
when we go into the cow-house at feeding-time
without bringing her fodder! But happily we
do not keep her waiting long.
Her calving was a great event. For some days
thare had been talk of fitting up all night to tend
110
/
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
.'j
her. Unfortunately the day she calved we all
arrived too late.
But the pupils were able to attend the calving
of the second cow, the one bought at a later
date,
Eoses have thorns. It is aD very well to have a
cow, but the beast has to be tended, to be given
fodder five times a day, to be littered, milked, etc.
Week by week two pupils are appointed to attend
to these duties.
Breton cows yield on the average from two to
three gallons of milk daily, whereas Belgian cows
yield from four to five galons. But the latter' s
milk is much poorer, so that proportionally the '
yield of butter is less. To man, the cow is one of
the most useful of animals. She gives him milk, from
which butter and cheese are made ; her flesh," the
flesh of her young, and even her bones and horns,
are of great use in manufacture. Consequently the
beast possesses high commercial value and shoidd be
treated more humanely than is customary.
It would be an excellent thing to establish a
number of model farms in order to instruct ignorant
peasants in hygienic methods of cow-keeping, and
also in order to teach them how to improve the
breed.
Here is another extract :
THE SCHOOL ANIMALS
We have a number of animals at the school,
among which may be mentioned the two cows,
111
;
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
the pig, the dogs, the fowls, the pigeons, and the
rabbits. ^
The two cows are stabled in the cow-house built
by the pupils last year. One, the first we had, is
a dear little Breton, black and white, extremely
gentle. We have called her Paquerette [Daisy],
since she came to us at Easter [P&ques]. The other
is a ^eat big Belgian cow ; she is white and jealous.
She IS known as Mammoth because of her enormous
size.
The watch-dog lives in a brick kennel beside the
farm; he is a good old brown beast; his'name is
Bergeot. The black bitch is quite young and loves
to be ofi the chain; she is known as Top. Her
kennel was made by the juniors last year.
The pig camd the other day ; he is pink all over,
and very small ; his ears hang &own over his eyes ;
I regret to say he has not a corkscrew tail.
The hens are housed close to the farm buildings,
and have a special run; there are many difierent
kinds ; they lay a lot of eggs every day ; there are
also some cocks.
We have now twelve pigeons; some are blue
and some are white; they are ted on maize and
wheat!
We have an ^iary, and can make interesting
observations on bees.
(b) The Terrcmums and the Aqiumums. — The
terrariums provide the pupils with another field
of zoological study. We have several terrariums,
and they contain the following animals: white
mice, a hedgehog, a tortoise, some lizards, a
112
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
slow-worm, a Caucasian snake, an adder, and some
salamanders.
There are also members of the insect world:
carabidae, cockchafers, cricl^ets, ants, burying
beetles, dung beetles, and all kinds of larvae and
caterpillars.
In the aquariums we reproduce as closely as
possible the natural environment of the various
inhabitants. These are:
(1) Fish: gold-fish, carp, teAch, perch, catfish,
loach, stickleback, Idus melanotics.
(2) Batrachians: toads, frogs, tadpoles, newts.
(3) Aquatic insects : hydrophilidae, water-beetles,
water-boatmen, etc.
(4) Molluscs: common snails, pond-snails, plan-
orbid», etc.
(5) Worms, leeches, etc.
The pupils undertake regular observations of
these animals, keeping notes upon their peculiarities
in respect of food, habits, dwellings, external char-
acters, etc. Let me quote once more from the
school magazine:
THE AQUARIUMS
At school I am in charge of the four aquariums.
The first contains newts; these animals live on
earthworms and mud, fighting with one another for
their food ; they are both aquatic and terrestrial,
and I have arranged some stones close to the water
H 113
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
to enable them to leave it, Li the second aquarium
I have some specimens of Idus melanotics ^ which live
on small aquatic animals, earthworms, and mud;
they are silvery, like sardines, with the tip of the
tail and of the fins slightly tinted with red ; they
are extremely greedy, and when I pass in front of
the glass of tne aquarium they press their noses
against it as they trv to follow me with their eyes,
Taere is also a variety of perch, flattened and of
an oval shape ; they have a bluish sheen and are
remarkable for their voracity. They eat so much
that I can never satisfy them: they are always
hungry. The worms thrown into the aquarium are
spe^ily disposed of, and unless the percn were kept
apart from the loach, the loach would have been
devoured long Ago.
The third aquarium contains some young Idus
mdanotuSy some tench, and some catfish; the cat-
fish are nocturnal, sleeping during the day among
the aquatic plants and the stones ; in the evening,
toward 5 or 6 p.m. , they emerge in search of food ;
iheir motith is garnished with eight barbels, which
form their chief tactile organs. The tench are
sluggish ; they have a greenish sheen and are not
notably voracious.
Loach and stickleback live in my last case. The
loach are extremely small, the largest being barely
two inches in length. They also have barbels, but
very smaU ones. These Uttle fish have a most
remarkable method of breathing : when the water
they live in is too impure they stick their mouths
out and swallow a lot of air, simultaneously dis-
charging from the anal orifice bubbles of carbonic
acid, an irrespirable gas. The stickleback are
lU
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
very small. For self-defence they erect the spines
which at ordinary times are folded along the back.
They make nests, but imfortimately they have
never made one iri the aquarium.
(c) Practical Work. — The practical study of
anatomy and physiology is pursued by means of
dissection. The pupils also make anatomical pre-
parations for permanent preservation.
(d) Experiments. — It need hardly be said that
zoological study is completed and vivified by ex-
perimental work, including the observation of move-
ment, circulation, respiration, digestion, etc.
(e) Excursions. — Since our grounds have an ex-
tent of fourteen acres, including the arable, the wood,
the pleasure garden, the kitchen garden, the orchard,
the pond, the stables, and the cow-house, there is
sufficient to satisfy the needs of a rich and varied
instruction. But we undertake excursions further
afield, to observe in their natural environment the
beings and things which interest us. We study
zoology, botany, and geology wherever we go ; and
wherever we go we keep our eyes open for matters
that will repay study.
When it is desirable that the pupils shpuld
examine foreign and tropical fauna, they have an
excellent opportunity in their visits to menageries
at Brussels, to the Zoological Gardens at Antwerp,
the Brussels Natural History Museum, and the
Tervueren Colonial Museum.
115
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
The school "magazine gives us an account of some
of these visits.
AVICULTURAL EXmBITION
We have been to visit the avicultural exhibition
at the Palais du Cinquantenaire in Brussels. As we
entered we heard a concert of animal cries which
racked our ears. This made us think of the old
story of the Bremen musicians, among whom
were a donkey, a dog, a cock, and a cat, singing
in choir.
The birds interested us very much ;] there were all
kinds of cocks, both large and small, hens, ducks,
turkeys, peacocks, pigeons, and parrots. There were
some very funny cocks and hens ; their legs were
covered with tufts of feathers, which made them
look as if they were wearing trousers. We looked
at the incubators and artificial foster-mothers, and
saw poultiv-houses of all sizes and various models.
We saw likewise several kinds of rabbit — some of
them were very nice, with very long ears— there
were little wooden houses for them to live in,
and there were machines to cut up the carrots
in thin slices. The avicultural exhibition was
splendid.
THE TERVUEREN COLONIAL MUSEUM
This museum has an imposing appearance and I
was much interested to visit it. At the entrance
there is a rhinoceros, who seems to act as hall porter.
In the first hall there are chiefly girafEes, elephants,
and apes, some of the apes bemg as large as men.
116
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
The other halls contain important collections of
fish, birds, insects, and stones.
But I found most interesting of all the room con-
tainmg the weapons, tools, and other implements
used by sava«es. for these things give one a very
good idea of the strange life they lead. Extremely
interesting, too, were the rooms showing how rubber
is collected, with different kinds of wood from the
Congo, and various other imports.
r^'Everything is very well arranged, and we were
cfiarmed \dth our visit.
Another pupil writes :
To inform ourselves de visu concerning pre-
historic times and zoology we organized ^excur-
sion lasting five days. *We went to the Antwerp
Zoological Gardens. We had a guide-book and
visited all the houses. Subsequently we paid a very
interesting visit to the Brussels Natural History
Museum.
Jn botany similar methods have produced similar
results. Our studies are vivid and concrete. The
school grounds furnish us with ample material. The
work done here by the pupils gives them an oppor-
tunity of studying the external characters of plants
and the processes of plant development. Moreover,
while digging, manuring the groimd, sowing, and
reaping, they gain practical knowledge of the entire
technique of agricultural work, involving numer-
ous applications of physics, meteorology, chemistry,
etc.
117
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
(a) The PuTpiU' Gardens. — Apart from general
work in the fields and the gardens, each of the junior
pupik has a garden plot of his own. Here he culti-
vates whatever vegetables and flowers he likes, and
here he acquires detailed experience in hoeing,
draining the land, propagation by cutting, layering,
and grafting ; here he makes observations upon the
effects of exposure, of different manures, of light,
etc. These methodical and sustained observations
are duly recorded in notebooks.
(b) Practical Work. — ^By plant dissection, by
laboratory experiments (upon roots, branches,
leaves, seeds, ete,), by classificatory work, the pupils
are enabled to approach the problems of vegetable
anatomy and physiology mider peculiarly instruc-
tive conditions.
(c) Excursions. — In the Brussels Botanical
Gardens, in the Museum of Forestry attached to
these gardens, in the great hothouses of the Ghent
district, and in the Tervueren Colonial Museum the
pupils can appreciate the most interesting features
of foreign and tropical vegetation. Botanical study
is supplemented by visiting private establishments,
great agricultural exhibitions, and factories engaged
in the transformation of raw materials of vegetable
origin.
In geology we use similar methods. In experi-
mental work we reproduce various geological phe-
nomena displaying the geological action of the
118
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
atmospliere (disintegration of rocks through frost,
etc.), of water (infiltration, denudation, etc.), and
showing the movements of the soil, etc., etc. In our
walks and excursions we lead the children to make
direct observations upon the most diverse geological
phenomena. We visit sand-dunes, quarries, mines,
grottos, railway cuttings. We study the excava-
tions made for foundations, wells, etc. We examine
the stratification and sedimentation of rocks, and
we note the phenomena of erosion displayed upon
the hiU-sides, in sunken roads, etc.
In this department also our methods can best be
iUustrated by aUowing the pupils to give their own
account of theuL
EXCURSION TO FUKFOOZ
• • . Next day we took train to Namur. Between
Namur and Dinant the Meuse valley is magnificent,
with its precipitous rocks and its cliffs. From
Dinant we made our way to Furfooz, a splendid
walk. We followed the Meuse as far as the conflu-
ence of the Lesse, and then followed up the Lesse
to Walzin. ... On reaching Furfooz we visited
the various curiosities in the neighbourhood: the
grottos, the well, the steaming hole, and the Roman
camp. The grottos are quite smaU. We carried
lighted candles. It was very amusing ; with a little
imagination we could take ourselves for prehistoric
men. The well is a natural siphon communicating
with the Lesse. The water in it stands at the same
level with the water in the river, rising when the
119
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
Lesse is swollen by rains and conversely. The sur-
face of the subterranean waters Ues at a depth of
fifty feet, and the entrance to the cavern is through
a hole half hidden by rocks. The steaming hole lies
between the Lesse and the well, upon a hill-side, and
you reach it by goat tracks. It is said that the
steaming hole communicates with the subterranean
waters between the Lesse and the natural siphon.
It owes its name to the way in which steam escapes
from it in winter, by a sinular phenomenon to that
which characterizes the human breath in cold
weather.
EXCURSION ,T0 UCCLE
First of all we went toward Uccle to examine an
excavation of great interest &om the geological and
archaeological outlook. It was about four himdred
yards long, a himdred yards wide, and twenty-four
feet deep. We went into it down a narrow track,
'which was at first extremely steep. We obtained
a few geological specimens for our collection, but
the best ones had already been taken away by
geologists.
VISIT TO A PORPHYRY QUARRY AT QUENAST
There are two very different ways in which the
earth's crust has been formed. One of these is by
the lajing down of sedimentary rocks in ancient
submarine deposits, and this is obvious all over
Belgium. But the other method, the formation of
eruptive rocks, can be studied at two places only,
not far irom one another, Quenast in Brabant and
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CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
Lessiaes in Hainatilt Porphyry is found in a very
restricted area, and there is hardly any outcrop. It
has been necessary to remove, by means of exca-
vators, a stratum of clay of varying thickness.
Porphjrry is greyish-bW in coloVT sometimes
brownish from the presence of oxides, and can only
be cut very roughly. Its sole use is for road pav-
ing, and it is employed for this purpose throughout
Belgium. Some of the stone is exported for the
same purpose. At Quenast there are two quarries,
the * old ' and the * new.' We visited both, begin-
ning with the new quarry, which is smaller, since
it was more recently opened. Taken all in all, the
two quarries are very much alike, but the old quarry
employs 3250 worbnen, the new quarry no more
than 500. The engine-house of the large quarry 4ft
huge. The quarry is 1100 yards long, 550 yards
wide, and extends to a depth of over 300 feet.
So gigantic are its proportions that when one looks
into it from the top the men at work in' it seem as
small as flies — at firet, in fact, one does not see them
at all. The interior is terraced for convenience of
working. The stone makes up a united mass, cut
up in a manner more or less rectangular by blasting.
It is hewn into large Blabs, and loaded upon truc&
which are drawn up inclined planes through a
tunnel to the place where the stone has to be worked.
The total length of the great chains by which the
trucks are drawn is nearly twenty miles. The
thatched huts where the men work, arranged in
rows, occupy more than fifteen acres. Here the
large blocl^ are fashioned into neat rectangular
paving-stones and are loaded upon railway trucks
for the market.
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
Sixty-five millions of these blocks are sent away
from the quarry every year. The residual frag-
ments are passed through a stone mill and broken
into material of various sizes, ranging &om the
stone used as ballast on the roads down to the fine
powder which is employed for making reinforced
concrete.
A himdred and four men are constantly at
work at 62 forges making the drills used to bore
holes for the , reception of the explosives. The
smiths also imdertake the numerous repairs on the
plant.
There are several dining-halls for the workmen.
These are well arranged. One seats 900 men,
another 1200. A steam heater runs along each
table, at which they can warm up their food.
VISIT TO A SLATE QUARRY AT BERTRIX
Our last day was devoted to visiting a slate
quarry. We reached Bertrix after an interminable
journey. The quarries, we learned, were a good
half -hour's walk frpm the village. On the way
a young quarryman who accompanied us gave us
to imderstand that the quarries were dangerous;
nevertheless, we went on.
The road was very pretty. In the distance we
could see the hills overlooking the Semois. The
footpath ran beside a wood and led past the two
quarries. Our guide advised us to visit the smaller
one, saying we should have a better reception there.
We were, in fact, welcomed most cordially, and
were reassured about the danger. It would be
122
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
all right to go down into the quarry if we were
reasonably carefuL
Rrst /e witnessed a blast in a. sloping shaft,
recently begun, and intended to ventilate the under-
ground galleries. We then took advantage of the
hour during which the workmen leave the quaity
to make our own descent.
Each of us carried a small acetylene lamp lent by
the quarrymen. The entrance to the mine was by
way of a shaft descending at an angle of 46^ and
running straight downward to a depth of 260 feet.
From it numerous lateral galleries diverged. The
uppermost of these, 65 feet below the surface, was
the one we visited. It runs almost horizontally,
but here and there we had to climb one ladder or go
down another. There was ample time to examine
the strata by the light of our lamps. The stone is
blue-black, and is deposited in thin layers, which
are easily separated. The quarry is worked in the
following manner. When a gallery has been be^un
and the stone is found to be slate of good quahty,
blasting operations are carried out in the diection
of the strata (which lie here at an inclination of 35°
to the horizon) to make a chamber in which the men
can work. From this, blocks weighing two to four
hundredweight are removed, and are loaded upon
trucks in which they are drawn to the surface.
The cavities are partiaUy fiUed with debris, so
that the floor upon which the men stand remains
always at the same distance from the surface they
are cutting.
Sometimes quite extensive subterranean cavities
are thus excavated, the roof being sustained solely
by a few pillars of unworked material •
123
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
Sb strong is the slate that there is no danger in
having these piUars sixty to seventy yards apart.
The greatest depth of such mines rarely exceeds
850 to 900 feet, for lower than this the stone is too
hard to be of any use.
Now let us return to the licht of day.
We pass a series of }iuts, and in these the men
are now again at work. There are four in each.
One workman, using an iron implement and a heavy
hammer, divides the stone into blocks of suitable
dimensions ; the second spUts these blocks into thin
layers ; the third cuts them into shape ; the fourth
finishes them.
In one of the huts two machines are trimming
the edges of the slates, for there is much less loss
of material when this is done by machinery. Out-
side are stacked, ready for the market, slates of
various sizes and shapes.
•
The description of these visits show how clear,
precise, and enduring is the knowledge of things that
have been seen at first-hand in their natural setting.
Vividly impressed on the memory, they are able
successfully to resist the levelling flood of oblivion.
I have now to speak of some adjuvants common
to the three branches.
(a) Collections. — These are absolutely indispen-
sable. They fix the ideas that have been acquired,
materializing them in palpable form. Stimulated
by such objects, the pupil looks at them frequently,
and his interest is kept alive. But two conditions
124
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
are essential In the first place the coUections, if
they are to inspire a natural interest, must be made
by the pupils themselves. Secondly, they must as
far as possible represent the real environment, the
natural framework, of the objects in question,
animal, vegetable, or mineral, for an abstract and
artificial arrangement is fatal to the persistence of
interest. I.q^ote from *he «hool m^^ne =
MY, INSECT CASE
Last year every one of us juniors made a card-
board box in which to teep the insects we catch.
Mine were dragon-flies, water beetles, and hydro-
philidae. When we have studied them we like to
keep them.| But instead of pinning the insecte into
the box, aslis done m ordinary collections, I have
arranged mine in a difEerent 4y. /My box repre-
sents a lake containing a small island, for my insects
live in the water, and the dragon-flies are hovering
over the surface. In the same way all my comrades
had boxes showing the places in which th^ insects
live. There were boxes for crickets, cochineal in-
sects, carabidsB, burying beetles, dung beetles, etc.
,(b) Manual Work. — Cardboard work (making
herbariums, insect cases, etc.), modelling (plants,
animals, etc.), carpentry (making terrariums, etc.)
are, as has been said, constantly associated with
draughtsmanship (of primary importance), to en-
able our young naturalists to fix, express, and
illustrate their acquisitions and discoveries.
125
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
(c) Natural History Society. — ^This society {supra^
p. 57), independently of class work, co-ordinates
the efforts of those who are specially interested in
natural science, organizing walks, excursions, and
nature festivals, encouraging the more detailed
study of subjects bearing on natural history, pro-
ducing monographs on various plants and animals,
etc. The society meets at regular intervals. An
essential preliminary to membership is the presen-
tation of a record of work based upon individual
observation or experiment.
(d) Materials for Practical Study. — For practical
work in zoology, botany, and geology, each pupil
has the necessary outfit for observation and experi-
ment : a small microscope, a hand lens, forceps, a
dissecting outfit, a geologist's hammer, butterfly-
nets, flower-presses, etc.
11. Physics and Chemistry
In these departments also we realize the principles
dear to us, appealing to the child's individual
activity, inducing it to observe and to experiment
with the phenomena of concrete reality, to elaborate
explanations, to effect syntheses, and to formulate
general ideas.
(a) Observation and Experiment. — ^Physics and
chemistry are experimental sciences, and the pupils
are therefore brought into direct contact with
phenomena. Purely verbal instruction is pro-
126
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
scribed. The laboratories constitute the centre, the
focus, from which the students radiate, in order,
as necessity arises, to make observations and ex-
perimente elsewhere.
(b) Character and Course of Experiment. Part
played by the Teacher. — ^The general principle as
concerns experimental study is that it should
have the character of personal investigation. Each
pupil, with a text Enumerating the experiments to
be made, should investigate the phenomena for him-
self, preparing the apparatus and making the neces-
sary dispositions, verifying principles, and deducing
laws. He must rediscover, must reinvent. Work-
ing alone, the pupil is compelled to find his own way
through difficulties; he must think and act for
himself ; and this individual activity is of the first
importance in promoting manual dexterity and the
growth of creative faculty. All that the teacher
has to do is to guide the pupils, to watch the course
of their experiments, but not to think and act on
their behalf. In our view, when the experiment
is merely made by the teacher in the presence of
the students, there is not, properly speaking, any
instruction in experimental science at alL Our
students do not learn by hearsay, nor by seeing
other people do things, but by thinking and acting
for themselves.
Here is the course of an experiment. Each pupil
has a leaflet, or syllabus, giving a brief account of
the operations to be performed. These indications
127
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
are inscribed at the head of a series of columns
which the pupil has to fill in.
(1) Text of the experiment to be made.
(2) Necessary precautions ; dangers, etc.
(3) Essential apparatus.
(4) Description of the course of the experiment ;
observations, notes.
(5) Deductions.
(6) Sketches of the instruments used.
(7) Practical applications.
(8) The formulation of alternative procedures,
with different experiments and different
instruments, wherebythe same principle
may be verified. (This rubric fre-
quently reveals facts of extreme inter-
est as regards the pupils' equipment in
respect of scientific method.)
The conclusions resulting from a large number
of observations and experiments are subsequently
associated, co-ordinated, and systematized into a
scientific whole, with the aid of explanations and
supplementary details furnished by the teacher.
In addition to experiments individuaUy per-
formed, there are collective experiments which are
made when, for educational or other reasons, it is
desirable to associate the efforts of individual pupils
to attain a common end. But it need hardly be
said that, in this collectiye organization, while each
pupil is allotted an individual task in accordance
with the principle of the division of labour, each one,
128
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
by means of frequent discussions, is kept in touch
with all the details of the operation.
Quoting once more from the school magazine, I
propose to give two examples of experiments which
required collective work on the part of the class.
They serve, in addition, to demonstrate the way in
which our instruction is based upon the individual
activity of the pupil.
FOUCAULT'S EXPERIMENT
This experiment was made in the modelling work-
shop, in former days the chapel of the chateau. On
December 21, 1912, in the morning, after we had
been at work for several days, the preliminaries to
the experiment were completed. We made a circle
one metre in diameter. This was a small ridge of
cement on which the bob of the pendulum was to
trace a record of its course. The pendulum was
suspended from a piece of wood attached by means
of Jlaster round a moulding originally intended to
hold a chandelier. The centre of this piece of wood
was perforated by a hole into which fitted a wooden
plug, split for the attachment of the thread sustain-
ing the bob.
The bob was made of lead, and had been cast at
the school forge the evening before the experiment.
Through the centre of this leaden bob there passed
a piece of iron wire pointed at one extremity and
hooked at the other, the hook being for attachment
to the thread. The pointed extremity was to trace
marks upon the cement ridge. The weight of the
bob was 1400 grammes.
I 129
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
The length of the pendulum, from the point of
suspension to the centre of ike bob, was 682*5
centimetres.
In the morning, therefore, on December 21, 1912,
we burned the thread by which the bob was at-
tached to a nail in the wall 245 "9 centimetres from
the centre of oscillation, and our pendulimi began its
prolonged swing in the presence of all the pupils,
both seniors and jimiors, and of the professors.
The experiment was successful, and we were quite
convinciBd that the earth was still rotating on its
axis*
THE INSTALLATION OF OUR WIRELESS
TELEGRAPHY STATION
Last year there had been some vague talk about
installing wireless telegraphy at the school. Dur-
ing our studies on electricity the question was re-
discussed. At length, when we returned from the
Easter holidays, we came to a decision and ordered
the apparatus. While awaiting its arrival we
studied the question at some length. I shall briefly
recall that the receiving apparatus for wireless tele-
graphy consists of an antenna for the reception of
the waves dispatched from the transmitting post.
These waves are conducted through a wire to a
* self-induction ' bobbin. From the bobbin a trans-
former, consisting of coils whose number varies
with the distance of the transmitting station and
the wave-length of the wireless waves, conducts
these to a coherer consisting of a crystal of
galena. Finally the waves are earthed through
a wire.
130
J
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
"When the apparatus|arrived, the first question
was : " Where shall we fix the antenna ? "
Some considered that we should employ as
standards the tall poplars in our garden. Others
suggested that the antenna should be fixed above
the roof of the school, the standards being made of
iron and cemented into the walls.
After a number of proposals had been made the
idea suddenly occurred to us to utilize the open
space of our lucerne field. The antenna was to be
supported by two standards, and it would thus lie
across the meadow. This having been agreed to,
two pine masts nearly forty feet high were erected,
one fixed to the wall of the physical laboratory and
the other attached to the gable of a peasant's
house. But the man having raised certain diffi-
culties, we had to remove the second mast. It
was all the better. We planted it fifty feet higher
up upon our own agricultural land, across the
common.
Permission to stretch our wires over the road was
given by the " C!oimcil of Burgomasters and Alder-
men of the Commune of Bierges." We ourselves
went to the secretary to ask for the permit.
The next step was to decide upon the methods by
which the antenna was to be fixed to the masts.
We forged two iron collars attached to the wood by
bolts.
On the mast against the wall of the phj^ical
laboratory there is a pulley enabling us to lower the
antenna at will.
The antenna consists of three wires of phosphated
bronze, the sections being sq)arated by pieces of
tarred pine one metre in lengtL Since each
131
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
section is 46 metres long, the total length of our
antenna is 136 metres, enabling us to hear the
principal sigmls sent out from the foreign stations,
French, German, English, etc. The extremities of
the antenna are insulated by paraffined cords. The
three wires are interconnected by a fourth wire,
situated one metre from the pine ; to this are con-
nected two other conductors having a Y shape,
and communicating with , the main insulated cable
which leads to the apparatus. The apparatus is in
the laboratory upon a stand made by us in the
carpenter's shop. Beside it is a desk, also of our
own construction, where we can write down the
messages transmitted. Our joints were at first
made with ordinary lead, but as we have learned
that there are other systems giving better results,
we intend to remake the joints after the holidays.
The wire is ' earthed ' by attachment to one of the
water-pipes, and is not insulated; but since this
might be dangerous in a storm, we are going to
replace it by a special cable.
The instdlation took a great deal of time. We
i^ent quite a number of afternoons and evenings
over the work. Great was our delight when, every-
thing being ready, we heard the first ' err . . .
err . . .' from the EifEel Tower. Here was a man
more than 150 miles away, seated in his office,
moving a little lever, and about a thousandth of a
second later a sound reached our ears. It was
wonderful !
We think of subscribing to a wireless telegraphy
review which will keep us in touch with all the new
modifications made in this recent invention, one in
which we are greatly interested.
132
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
(c) Individual Practical Work. — Out of class the
pupil undertakes individual practical work upon
physical and chemical questions in which he is
specially interested.
(d) Free Use of Apparatus, etc. — Work in class
as performed at Bierges, and free individual study,
imply that the student should have free use of the
apparatus, materials, and tools with which our
laboratories, studios, and workshops are equipped.
Thus the pupil has a real responsibility for all these
things, a responsibility which educates his attention
and cultivates his patience, so that he is taught,
not the mere technique of manipulative work, not
;3imply to find his own way out of difficulties, but
also to guard against mishap.
(e) Manual Worky the Making of Apparatus, etc.
— There is a constant association between our craft
training and the study of physics and chemistry.
The pupils make many of the instruments that
are indispensable in their researches. It would take
too long to enumerate everything they have con-
structed, but I may mention: levers, pulleys,
apparatus to demonstrate the laws of falling bodies
and the parallelogram of forces, inclined planes,
Atwood's machine, presses, pumps, barometers,
hygrometers, steam-engines, condensers, model
aeroplanes, levels, thermopiles, telephones, tele-
graphic apparatus, pendulimis, batteries, etc., etc.
But while making these simpler kinds of apparatus
for themselves, they learn in addition how to manip-
133
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
ukte the instnuuents of precision with which the
laboratories are equipped. I have previously referred
to the twofold importance of the use of such instru-
ments, importance at once scientific and moral.
In the first place, comparing these more elaborate
instruments with those he is able to make for him-
self, the student learns how great is the progress
that has been effected by modem scientific tech-
nique. Further, the mind of youth, inclined toward
vacillation, hesitation, and doubt, acquires experi-
mental certitudes which can never be furnished by
inefficient instruments.
Furthermore, the pupils become accustomed to
work with rigorous precision, to understand the
importance of strictly scientific method. Let me
mention, in this connexion, that we attach great
importance to quantitative experiments, to experi-
ments whose results have to be stated in precise
numerical terms.
(f) Acquirement of the Spwit and of the Practice of
Scientific Method. — It is not the aim of our system
of instruction to bring about the accumulation of a
store of memorized facts, but to enable the pupil to
understand the spirit of the scientific method, the
spirit of investigation and verification.
We derive scientific ideas from matters of every-
day experience, familiar data, current facts.
With the aid of the observations and experiments
and by the application of the methods previously
described, we proceed from the concrete to the
X34
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
abstract, from the particular to the general We
lead the student to deduce for himself, from the
totality of the phenomena which offer themselves to
observation and of those which are brought about
by the work of his own hands, conclusions leading
up to the formulation of laws. In other words, we
enable hiin to secure a synthetic outlook, to discern
the great frescoes of general ideas.
From physics and chemistry, studied from the
first, not simply for their own sake, but as primary
elements of knowledge, and above all with an eye
to their practical applications, the pupils pass by
degrees, through increasingly regular, precise, and
definite co-ordinations, to the stage of classification
when phenomena are studied in their widest bear-
ings, under an autonomous scientific aspect, and in
a systematic interlacement.
(g) Practical CJiaracter of the Instruction.
Glimpses into Industrial Life. Visits to Fa^ctorieSy
Public Works y etc. — To perform experiments, to
undertake individual researches, to construct
apparatus for physical and chemical study, to
provide the means requisite for the rediscovery
of a natural law — all these things are, in truth,
varieties of laboratory work, and of primary im-
portance.
In addition, however, it is essential that the pupil
should secure a direct view of industrial life, visiting
factories and public works in order to grasp the
practical aim of his studies, his efforts, his scientific
135
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
investigations. Even though instruction be based
upon the current applications of physics and
chemistry, upon the phenomena and ideas under-
lying industrial processes, such excursions as I sug-
gest will give the student a better understanding
of the rationale of his labours. He will come into
direct contact, not merely with the technical and
scientific elements of physics and chemistry in their
diversified applications to manufacture, but also
with the social element of the division and organ-
ization of labour.
Some further quotations from the school magazine
may be permitted.
A THREE DAYS' EXCURSION DEVOTED TO
THE STUDY OF HYDRAULICS
(1) TO LA LOUVIiftlRE
Our excursions this term were to be devoted to
the study of physics. We have just been learning
about the hydraulic press, and to give us an interest-
ing illustration of its practical use nothing better
could be found than a visit to the hydraulic lifts of
La Louvi^re.
On January 27th we took train to La Louviere,
reaching the place at about half-past ten, and mak-
ing our way to the Central Canal. This is to con-
nect branches of the Charleroi-Brussels Canal with
the Mons-Conde Canal. The Parliamentary Bill
introduced in 1877 declares : " It will enable a^
better use to be made of the varied products of the
136
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
Belgian coal basins, and will promote the interests
of numerous Belgian manufactures."
As an engineer has said, when this canal is finished
an uninterrupted navigable channel between Cond6
and Liege will connect all the coaling basins of
Belgium. Mons coal will be easily conveyed to
Northern France, to Flanders, to the province of
Li6ge, and to Holland.
When we had walked along the canal for a quarter
of an hour and had taken some photographs, we
visited lift No. 1 , under the guidance of the foreman,
who did his best to answer the questions with which
we overwhelmed him. I give a summary of the
information I collected in class, the night before,
and on the spot.
The difference of level between the two navigable
channels connected by the Central Canal is con-
siderable, amounting to 296 feet. But this difEer-
ence of level, in a canal no more than 13 miles in
length, is not uniformly distributed, for it may be
divided into two very distinct sections. In one of
these sections, 4| miles long, the change of level is
230 feet, whereas in the second section, 8| miles
long, the fall is only 66 feet.
Lift No. 1 is composed of two metal chambers
working side by side, each carried by an iron piston
6 feet 6 inches in diameter, the piston descending
into a press of 6 feet 10 inches in diameter. The
inside measurements of the chambers are : length
150 feet and width 18 feet, the depth of the water
in the ascending chamber being 94*4 inches, and in
the descending chamber 107 '2 inches. This difEer-
ence of 12 '8 inches in the depth of the water gives a
weight of 79 tons. The surplus water is withdrawn
137
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
from the upper reach and emptied into the lower
reach. The water is retained in the chambers and
in the canal by a system of watertight doors.
These doors are work;ed by water stored at a
pressure of 40 atmospheres, the pressure being
maintained by a pump operated by powerful tur-
bines, driven by a head of water whose height is
65 feet. The water for these turbines comes from
the upper reach.
To sum up, the hydraulic Uft is a gigantic balance,
the two chambers constituting the platforms. A
complete cycle of operations on the part of lift No. 1 ,
including the time necessary for the entrance and
exit of two boats, one for the ascent and the other
for the descent, amounts to fifteen minutes, nearly
three minutes of this time being occupied by the
vertical movement of the chambers. The total
cost of the lifts was approximately half a million
francs.
We subsequently visited lifts Nos. 2, 3, and 4.
These aire stUl in course of construction and differ
in some respects from No. 1, since experience
showed that certain modifications were desirable.
Lift No. 1 was finished in 1888, and its use will be
inaugurated when the others, as well as the entire
canal, are finished, probably in 1915.
(2) TO LA GILEPPE
On the second day of our excursion we visited the
dam of La Gileppe. We took the train as far as
DoUiain, and walked thence to the dam.
Every one knows how and why this dam was
138
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
made, and I shall therefore be content to recall a
few details. Formerly the manufactures of Verviers,
when various processes in the production of wool
were in question, had to get on with the water
of the Vesdre, ii^erior in quality, extremely hard,
and often impure and insufficient in quantity. The
water was unsatisfactory for cleansing and dyeing.
To remedy this unfortunate state of affairs it was
proposed to build a dam across the valley of the
Gileppe, thus constructing a huge reservoir. The
dam was to be made as strong as possible. Here
are some of its dimensions.
It is 50 feet high, 46 feet thick at the summit, and
212 feet thick at the base. The width at the top is
900 feet and at the base 270 feet. It is slightly
curved, the better to resist the pressure of the water.
The total volume of the masonry is nine and a
quarter million cubic feet, its estimated weight
being 800,000 tons. To carry this quantity of
material by rail there would be required 80,000
trucks each loaded with 10 tons, making up 2000
trains of 40 trucks each. If these trains were
placed in series, they would extend for a distance
of considerably over 300 miles, more than twice as
far as it is from Arlon to Ostend !
In the centre of the dam, on a pedestal 26 feet
high, is a sculpture of the Belgian lion, the figure
being 60 feet high.
The reservoir behind the dam has a surface of
200 acres and a maximum capacity of two thou-
sand seven hundred million gallons. The dam cost
seven million francs to build. The first stone was
laid in October 1869, and the colossal structure was
completed seven years later.
139
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
(3) AT ZEEBRUGGE
At seven o'clock in the morning we entrained at
the Gare du Nord. On reaching Heyst we inhaled
with delight the bracing air of the coast. It was
quite cold. 2ieebrugge is a quarter of an hour' s walk
from Heyst, but we covered the distance in half the
time, for we were eager to see the wonderful Zee-
brugge Mole, unfortunately a useless structure.
In a preliminary study of the port of Zeebrugge
we learned the f oUowing details.
During the Middle A^es Bruges was one of the
principal seaports of the Continent, and was indeed
spoken of as " the Venice of the North." It com-
municated with the North Sea by the Zwyn, an
arm of the sea which gradually became silted up.
Therewith disappeared the fame of the town, which
became known as ' Bruges-la-Morte.'
King Leopold II conceived the idea of reviving
the place. For this it was essential to secure direct
access to the sea. At the same time, it would not
suffice merely to prolong the Bruges canal as far
as the sea, but it would be requisite, in addition, to
construct on the Belgian sea coast a harbour suit-
able for the accommodation of large merchantmen.
Bruges possessed no such port, and the work under-
taken at Zeebrugge would have filled the gap had it
not been for an error in the calculations of those
who planned the enterprise. But this error, we
are told by engineering specialists, rendering the
realization of the design impossible, made the
gigantic works practically useless.
A roadstead was constructed by building a mole
surrounding three-fourths of the anchorage. The
140
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
length of this mole is over 8000 feet. It stretches
out from the coast, turns eastward in a curve, and
. ends by running parallel with the coast.
The mole consists of three sections. The first of
these, on the tidal shore, is continuous, and is 10
feet thick. Sheltered by this wall is an embank-
ment 37 feet wide to carry a double railway track.
The second portion of the mole is broken by a gap
over 800 feet in length, its object being to allow
currents to circulate in the roadstead in order to
prevent its silting up.
The third portion is continuous and consists of
two parts. The first of these, 6700 feet in length,
shelters a quay 250 feet wide, where vessels can
make fast. The quay carries electric cranes, ware-
houses, etc., which are at present useless. The
second part acts as breakwater and ends in a jetty-
head faring a lighthouse.
This huge structure cost thirty-eight million
francs. It was made with the aid of a powerful
electric crane, the Titan, which handled the cement
blocks weighing 55 tons. The work took six yeara
A TEN DAYS' EXCURSION DEVOTED TO
PHYSICS AND CHEMISTRY, TO THE STUDY
OF VARIOUS INDUSTRIES
During this excursion we visited the Cockerill
factories (the Belgian Creusot), the electrical works
of Charleroi, cement and lime kilns at Gaurain-
Bamecroix, a sugar refinery at Chassart, glass works
at Jumet, marble works at Merbes-le-Chateau, a
factory for making glazed tiles at Hemixen, a
141
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
tannery at Stavelot, porphyry quarries, and slate
quarries.
(1) The CockeriU Works. — ^The ore whence is
derived the iron used in making machines, etc.,
is mined in Belgiimi and elsewhere. The coal
used at the Cockerill works is Belgian. . . . The
ores, loaded into trucks drawn by electric tractors,
are tipped into the blast furnaces. Manganese and
coke are used in the smelting. The blast furnaces,
seven in number, are kept continuaUy charged, hot
air bemg forced into them by the blasts to increase
the heat and thus to increase the yield of metaL
These blasts are thirteen in number, six being
worked by steam and seven by the waste gases from
the blast furnaces. The slag is used for the manu-
facture of bricks (forty-five millions) and of cement
(twenty thousand tons), known as slag bricks and
slag cement. The growth of the Cockerill company
has been favoured by the fact that the works were
established in the neighbourhood of abundant de-
posits of coal, and although the mines have been
vigorously worked for more than fifty years they
are far from being exhausted. But the company
buys coal from neighbouring mines in addition to
using that from its own mines. The coke employed
for the smelting is made in Semet-Solvay ovens.
The gas given off during this operation is used
to heat boilers, the steam from these being the
motive power of steam-hammers and various other
machinery used in the ironworks. A gas engine of
2000 horse-power drives the electric plant.
Next comes an enumeration of the principal
mines in which the Cockerill company has a con-
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CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
trolling interest, and wliich will supply it with ores
for a century to come.
Let us return to the iron. In the furnaces it
becomes liquid and white as milk. It is drawn off
every hour, and we were fortunate enough to witness
one of these discharges. The fused metal runs into
sand-moulds, emitting a dazzling light on its way.
By a small carrier the pig-iron is subsequently con-
veyed to a converter in a neighbouring building,
where it is transformed into steel by various pro-
cesses, among others those of Bessemer and Martin.
Thence it passes to the Pits furnace, where it is kept
at an even temperature until it is sent to the rolling-
mills. For this purpose it is lifted by a huge crane,
and the fiery mass is delivered to the rolUng-mill.
Its fate is sealed ; it has to be crushed, flattened
out, and tortured in various ways. The block is
now lowered to the ground, and thereupon two
levers known as ' rippers ' emerge from the ground
and push it into the grasp of iron rollers which
crush it ruthlessly, without an instant's hesitation.
The operation is repeated again and agai^, the mass
of steel becoming more and more elongated, until it
resembles a fiery serpent. At length, when these
terrible jaws have done with it, there is left but
a slender ribbon. Not all the steel passes thus
through the mills, for some goes direct to the steam-
hammer and some to the hydraulic press. At the
furnaces it is loaded on to electric carriers, by which
it is delivered to the anvil of the steam-hammer,
where the ingots are forged, flattened, and shaped
as desired. We saw a great pillar of red-hot iron
nearly 60 feet long and more than 3 feet thick ; it
143
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
was the main shaft of a steamboat. So hot was it
that we, standing twenty yards away, were forced
to shade our eyes. When large masses of steel have
to be treated in the forge several times, they are
reheated in special furnaces. The hydraulic press
kneads gigantic masses of incandescent metal with-
out either noise or shock. This is why the press has
certain advantages over the steam-hammer, for the
latter shakes the whole building in which it works,
and frequently disintegrates the homogeneous
texture of the steel. There are three presses of
2000 tons each, two of which are used for the
making of big guns and the third for the shaping
of conning-towers, casemates, etc.
After forging, everything is sent to a workroom
where it is finished off to the exact size. There
is a tremendous din in this building, for here are
at work drills, planes, band-saws, rotating disks, etc.
All these machines are driven by electric power.
Some finish off the various rounded articles, such
as big guns, polishing them both within and
without.
We visited the shop in which turbines and other
engines are put together. There is a separate
building where locomotives are assembled. The
CockerUl company supplies these to many different
countries. There is yet another building devoted
to the manufacture of quick-firing guns. . • •
(2) Visit to a Tile Factory at Hemixen. — On reach-
ing Hemixen we asked our way, and soon saw in
the distance the impressive assemblage of factory
chimneys and huge buildings. We walked fast,
being eager to satisfy our curiosity. Already we
could hear all kinds of noises : the whistling of small
141
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
locomotives, the blowing off of steam, the hmn of
machinery.
. . . Our guide took us first to the sheds to which
the various raw materials are brought by rail:
kaolin, a pure, white, and friable clay ; sand ; fel-
spar. These materials are mixed in suitable pro-
portions, milled, and then washed in great tubs.
There results a paste of a homogeneous consistency
and of the colour of cream ; thw is passed through
filter-presses, and emerges in the form of rounded
cakes. After being dried in special chambers, the
cakes are recrushed to constitute a very fine powder.
The powder is then compressed into slabs of various
shapes, or into small bars cut by machinery into
little pieces used in mosaic work. The blocks are
now stacked in boxes of fire-clay, the boxes being
placed in a furnace and submitted for some hours
to a temperature of 1000° C. As soon as they have
cooled, the tiles are ready for tSie decorative pro-
cesses. Some of them are conveyed upon an endless
band beneath a cylinder, where they are coated with
an enamel W which the wate/ is inunediatel;.
absorbed. The solid constituent of the enamel is
left on the surface of the tile, to melt when the tile
is reheated and to cover it with a thin layer of
glaze. The enamel is of various colours and can be
appUed to tiles stamped with designs in reUef . The
tUes, after they have been refired, are sorted and
packed ready for transport. . . .
(3) Visit to the MaMe Works at Merb€s4e'Chdteau.
— Our guide took us first to the yard where the
different blocks of marble are stored : white Italian
marble, red marble, violet Norwegian marble, etc. ,
etc. We visited also the sheds for the storage of
K 145
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
marbles liable to be unfavourably affected by heat and
cold; for example, a particular black Belgian marble.
Next we spent a good deal of time at the electric
power station, perfecting our ideas on electrical
matters, a subject we have studied at considerable
length during the last two terms. The Cockerill
works and the Charleroi electrical works, above all,
taught us a great deal about electricity.
We followed our guide across the sawing-room,
in which numerous machines were working simul-
taneously. We learned how the great blocks we
had just seen are cut into slabs of varying thickness.
The large horizontal framework of each machine is
provided with five, ten, fifteen, or even a greater
number of blades, and this framework can be moved
backward and forward, from side to side, or up and
down. We had imagined that the marble was sawn
by the steel blade, but we found that the cutting is
really effected by the rough sand with which the
saw-cut is kept supplied. By this method a cut
two-fifths of an inch deep is made per hour. It does
not seem very much. Of late years carborundum,
a preparation of silicon carbide, has been used in
marble works in the form of circular saws. By
these saws marble can be cut into slabs far more
expeditiously. For example, let us suppose that a
saw-cut has to be made in marble to a depth of 1^
inches, the cut being 6 feet 6 inches long. By the old
method this would take three hours, but by the new
it can be done in about ten minut'es. At the marble
works of Merbes-le-Chateau there have recently been
invented and brought to perfection maichines worked
by electricity and using carborundum saws.
In other rooms the marble is sculptured with a
146
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
graving tool, with compressed air, or by hand.
Chinmey-pieces, staircases, etc., are manufactured.
It is curious to note how the younger worlanen have
no difficulty about the prompt adoption of machine
methods, whereas the older ones proved unwilling
to change their habits, so that a whole room was
filled with elderly hands working slowly and labori-
ously as they stooped over their benches.
After being cut, the marble slabs have to be
polished. They are secured to the metal bed of a
machine which has a vertical shaft turning a large
plate of steel grooved on the under surface. This
plate polishes the marble with the aid of sand and
powdered stone. The surface to be pohshed is first
of all scoured with coarse sand introduced between
the polishing disk and the marble. Next, any small
holes which may appear on the surface of the plate
are plugged with a cement of pecuKar composition.
A final polish is given by the rotating disk, with the
intermediation of powdered stone.
After visiting these marble works, the largest in
Belgium, we took train to Jumet to see the glass
works there.
I have quoted enough. These examples should
suffice to show how valuable are such excursions for
the scientific, technical, and social education of the
pupils.
III. Mathematics
We apply the same methods to mathematical
instruction. We were able to ascertain that
children have a keen interest in these branches of
147
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
study, which appear so forbidding at the first
glance, but which fulfil such eminently human
desires: the love of investigating the unknown;
the delight in action and in discovery ; and the
possibiUty of vividly realizing results, of materializ-
Lg the (Hscovered datum.
(a) Observaiion and Experiment. — In mathe-
mathics no less than in natural science the pro-
cesses of observation and experiment can be
applied to the acquirement of elementary ideas,
the ideas, in this iLtanoe, of extension, size, and
movement. We have recourse to the outer world,
to the world of concrete reality, in order to confer
upon the child's mind a practical understanding
of arithmetical, geometrical, and algebraical notions.
(b) Initiation into Mathematics. No Abstract
Definitions , no Calculation for its own Sake. Manual
Work. — In order that the instruction may be vivid
and easy to understand, we avoid starting with
abstract definitions and confusing rules which the
student will gradually discover for himself as he
manipulates the objects whence he derives mathe-
matical data. Moreover, we select as such objects
things that belong to the concrete environment.
We avoid setting simis which are done for their
own sake ; we do not look upon number as an end
in itself, but as a means for the expression of ideas,
the definite representation of sensations, the repro-
duction of the qualities of outward objects. Mathe-
matics is thus associated with other branches of
148
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
instruction. The child has unending opportunity
to make use of numerical data, and by frequent
applications he gains a thorough and efficient grasp
of the utility of this group of ideas. Thus calcula-
tions are made about all sorts of things directly
concerning the child's own life, the life of the
school.
(c) Geometry and Algebra. — Initiation into geom-
etry and algebra is begun at a very early age, the
study of the latter branch being associated with
that of arithmetic. By an inductive, obvious, and
concrete instruction, we give the child a perfect
imderstandiog alike of geometrical theorems and
of algebraical expressions. Laisant and M6ray have
well shown how these branches can be rendered
inteUigible and palpable. Inspired by their work,
we have verified their ideas in practice.^
(d) Manual Work. — ^Manual work is an in-
valuable instrument for the initiation into mathe-
matics and for the progressive enlargement of the
circle of mathematical knowledge. Cutting out,
cardboard work, and gardening, give vivid and
frequent opportunities for the practical application
of arithmetical notions, of the metric system, and
of geometry. All this is peculiarly interesting to
^ In this oomiexion I may refer to the ingeniotis English
method of * curves ' (combinations of coloured wools stretched
over surfaces, or in space within cardboard boxes) used at Bedales,
in England, and described by Madame Truan-Borsohe, who
taught and developed it.
149
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
the pupU, for it is while acting that he counts,
weighs, measures, and learns geometry. Consider
what was said, d propos of manual work, on pp.
49-52, as illustrative of practical training in the
use of numerical and geometrical data.
(e) Graphs and Drawings. — ^We make extensive
use of graphs and of drawing to habituate the
pupils to give concrete expression to mathematical
ideas and to enable them to grasp the relationships
between geometry, algebra, and arithmetic. For
example may be mentioned graphic records of the
growth, the weight, the dynamometric and spiro-
metric force of each pupil; graphic records of
gas consumption; graphic statements concerning
various supplies, etc.
(f) Orders Office. Workshop Accounts. The Co-
operative Society. — The pupils have organized an
orders ofl&ce. Month by month one of their number
is responsible for the purchase of materials used in
class work, such as paper, pencils, india-rubber,
manuscript books, pens, pen-holders, blotting-paper,
etc. For the workshops and studios, too, numerous
purchases have to be made. The business relation-
ships of the co-operative society are extensive.
All these afEah*s involve the spontaneous entry into
social relationships wherein the pupil ' lives ' his
arithmetic and comes to grasp its value to the
individual and to the collectivity. A knowledge
of the price of goods, the problems of interest,
discount, etc., the keeping of accounts and the
160
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
posting of books, the numberless financial opera-
tions involved in the actual life of these groupings,
combine to furnish arithmetical operations with
positive significance and supreme interest.
(g) Higher Mathematics. — The mathematical
knowledge which the pupils acquire by the methods
which have been detailed is precise, firm, and clear,
and thus affords a valuable introduction to the
study of higher mathematics. It is comparatively
easy for the adolescent to continue to assimilate
mathematical ideas without being repeUed by their
rigorous logicality, or by their systematic con-
catenation of reasonings, formal calculations, and
abstractions. But for this purpose we must wait
patiently until the pupil's intellectual maturity
permits him to interconnect logical ideas, to grasp
their interplay, to become interested in the dis-
interested labours of the pure reason and in the
inward contemplation of the developments of a
train of mathematical reasoning. All this comes
with time and patience. Mathematical study, as-
sociated at the outset with concrete life by means
that are practical and easily comprehensible to the
child, taught in a manner which does not ignore
the natural development of the faculty of attention
and the power of reasoning, leads in the end with all
the more certainty and clarity to the understanding
of abstract truths.
151
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
IV. Languages
1. THE NATIVE LANGUAGE
In the study of the mother tongue we apply
the same methods of observation, experiment,
and individual work as elsewhere.
(a) Elocution
Speaking is no less necessary than writing.
During the first stages of scholastic life the ideas,
feelings, and thoughts of the child are expressed
orally. The spoken word plays a very important
rdle beside drawing and other manual work. It is
a natural means of expression, of which we avail
ourselves, not only in other branches of study, but
in the study of the mother tongue as well. Children
love to taUf. We teach them to talk well and to
express themselves clearly, learning how to articu-
late plainly and to pronounce correctly, but also
how to give their thoughts easy and fine expression.
To form the taste, to improve verbal expression,
we have recourse to methods which become
amplified and increasingly complex as the pupil
grows in years and knowledge. Choice of words
and careful enunciation are excellent means for
the cultivation of the mother tongue, and from
the first we lay much stress upon both. We make
speech an instrument of action. Let me explain
to you some of our regular procedures.
152
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
(1) First of all come oral descriptions and
narrations, given freely and spontaneously, relating
to the facts and events of the individual life,
scholastic life, social life, of the child; reports of
what has been read or heard, tales or anecdotes,
news, scientific expositions, etc.
(2) Lectures are given in class or before the
school, in the presence of relatives and friends,
relating to school work, experiments, excursions,
etc. The object of this, as one of the pupils
explains in the school magazine, is ** to accustom
us to public speaking, which is extremely difficult
for nervous and timid persons."
(3) Dialogues between two or three pupils who
represent characters in fables or stories.
(4) Set discussions in class.
(5) Drama. — *' The juniors,'' we read in the school
magazine, '' have organized and installed a little
theatre, and have already played several pieces
with considerable success." Tlds year the pupils
were to perform a long play, Maeterlinck's The
Blue Bird J and a number of shorter ones. Another
excellent supplementary means for language study,
especially in the case of the senior pupils, is to
attend classical and literary matinees at the
Brusi^ls theatre. \
(6) Poetical recitations and the reading aloud
of prose selections.
153
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
(b) Reading
This may be considered under the following
heads:
(1) Readings to the Pupils. — Children are very
fond of being read to and of listening to story-
telling. Many would rather be read to than read
for themselves, feeling that the reader's voice and
gesture make the action more vivid. In order to
develop this taste we have a story-telling hour in
the afternoon for the juniors, and evening readings
for the seniors.
(2) Reading in Class. — Here the readings refer
to the subjects of current instruction, and in
respect of linguistic study, in particular, they
take the form of explanations and commentaries
suited to the pupils' age and acquirements,
bearing upon the study of grammar, composition,
literature, etc.
(3) The Choice of Books. — This is a difficult
problem. There are not many books whose qualities
definitely correspond to the ends we have in view,
but such are not entirely lacking. Besides classical
and modern writers, native and foreign, there are
books written expressly for young people : stories,
legends, novels, books of travel, works of science,
etc. We make no use of anthologies, preferring
extracts or complete works suited to our aims and
of interest to the pupil. I mention haphazard
the following names: Jules Verne, Mayne Eeid,
154
CERTAIN METHODS OP INSTRUCTION
Fenimore Cooper, De Amicis, Fabre, Moreux,
Kipling, H. G. Wells, Tolstoy, Daudet, Theuriet,
Blondiau, Shakespeare, Victor Hugo, Demolder,
Maeterlinck, Maspero, Giraud, Maindron, Michelet,
J. Renard, Butts, Charcot, de Gerlache, Walter
Savage Landor, etc. We read also biographies of
great men. We have books of all kinds, suited
to all ages and all tastes.
(4) Literature and the History of Literature. —
Literature is studied in the originals ; and literary
history, freed from pedantry and from fusty
erudition, is brought into relationship with histor^
in general. A work of art is an organ of the environ-
ment and an organ of its creator — hence the
interest of vivid biographies. From time to time
we devote our evening readings to the study and dis-
cussion of some notable work by one of the leading
figures in foreign Uterature, ancient or modem:
Cervantes, Shakespeare, Dante, Ibsen, Tolstoy,
Emerson, Kipling, etc.
(c) Composition
One of the pupils contributed to the school maga-
zine an article entitled " Teaching Composition."
It expounds our principles. At his age (he is
seventeen) it is already possible to offer independent
opinions upon such topics. Having studied French
in an ' athenie ' ( Belgian public school) , his experi-
ence enables him to compare the system practised
156
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
at Bierges with that adopted in official educational
institutions. ' He writes as follows :
Composition is one of the leading subdivisions
in the study of the French language. Not only
does it cultivate our faculty for literary apprecia-
tion, but in many cases it is of essential value
in daily life. Unfortunately its study is often
neglected, and if taught at all it is apt to be taught
very badly.
Let us first ask ourselves whether it is logical
to speak of * teaching ' composition. Ought a
child of seven or eight to be ' taught ' composition ?
It is a natural vehicle for the expression of thought,
for the putting together of ideas, for the narration
of a fact, for description or exposition.^ In com-
paratively young children this can onl^take the
form of recapitulations and descriptions of what
they have seen, of individual opinions and reflec-
tions. To recount what one has seen or felt, it is
needless, in my view, that one's expressions should
be cast in a form rigidly limited by arbitrary and
artificial rules. Why should we compel a child to
think, to see, and to express itself, through the
intermediation of others' thoughts, upon subjects
which do not interest it, and where its personal
initiative can find no vent ? In compositions set
for exammation, those that have previously been
learned by rote will be reproduced almost word
for word, and the more literally they are reproduced
the higher will be the marks scored.
How, then, can we expect that a child will take
pleasure in these tasks which are eternally the
same?
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CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
It should rather be our aim to render instruction
in the mother tongue as natural and pleasant as
possible. This is by no means difl&cult. It would
suffice to choose subjects which interest the child
and which are within the scope of its powers, not
alarming it with the idea that something very
difficult has to be done, but allowing it to tell the
story in its own fashion, and using its own words.
The great thing is to avoid giving the pupil pre-
digested food, or material upon which the work
has already been done. If the better method were
chosen, we should before long secure compositions
quite free from stereotyped characteristics, and
LeraUy reflecting the altitudes of the writers.
This young man has grasped the principles by
which the teaching of composition ought to be
guided, the principles we apply at Bierges.
First of all the subjects should be those which
interest the child, and which he is competent to
understand, subjects belonging to environing reality,
matters of direct experience in individual or
scholastic life, matters concerning the animals,
human beings, plants and other things by which
the writer is surrounded. The subject may be
selected freely by the pupil, by the teacher in
conjunction with the pupil, or by the teacher in
conjunction with the class.
Secondly, we must leave the child free to retell
in its own manner what it sees, does, and thinks.
We must leave freedom for the manifestation of
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A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
initiative, for the display of individuaUty ; we
must neither ask for nor impose a literary style,
for we shall then evoke compositions which are
free from stereotyped characteristics and which
honestly reflect the writer's tastes and aptitudes.
I do not mean to imply that there will be no
occasion in class to furnish practical indications,
to give general directions. Eogular discussion
(jointly undertaken by the entire class) dealing
with the subject of the composition, and the reading
of passages from writers who have dealt with the
same topic, will lead to criticisms, comparisons, and
reflections. This is excellent practice, providing
safeguards against future errors, and iUuminating
the road which has to be traversed.
I append a number of compositions published
in the school magazine. They are not models of
* style,' but free and spontaneous writings. They
breathe the child, with his individual characteristics,
his turns of phrase, his way of understanding things,
and of expressing what he feels and thinks.
(1) Description of Animals ^ Plants ^ etc.
BERGEOT
Bergeot is an old grey dog. He is watch-dog
at the farm. When he hears anyone in the road
he begins to bark. Every week one of the juniors
tends him, and when his food is brought he jumps
up at the bowl, but directly one says, '' Lie down ! "
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CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
Bergeot goes into his kennel and does not come out
untU the bowl is on the ground. For a long time
Bergeot had to sleep in a doorway, like a beggar.
But now he is rich and sleeps in a fine house which
has been built for him in front of the farm. We are
all very fond of Bergeot !
TOP
Top is a bitch from Groenendael. She is mine,
has belonged to me since the summer holidays.
She was quite small when she first came to the
school, and she was so funny that we all burst
out laughing at sight of her. What we saw was
a large black ball, which jumped about, and which
whined because the house was strange and because
it was already dark. Now she is nearly a year old 4
she is sheddi4 her coat ; she is large aid beautiful.
She loves to play with us. When we throw a
stick for her to retrieve, she rushes to it, but
instead of retrieving it she runs away with it. We
run after her, but she is so lively in her movements
that we have much difficulty in catching her. We
all have great fun with Top.
THE COCK
The cock is a bird belonging to the family of
Gallinacese. It is the male of the hen tribe. The
cock ke^s company with the hens to f ertiUze their
eggs. He is the master of the farmyard and his
manners are rather like those of a father with his
children. He is generally larger than the hens,
and this helps him to keep up his position. His
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A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
plumage varies according to breed, being sometimes
white, sometimes black, and sometimes of many
colours. In the last case there are some specimens
whose colours harmonize beautifully although so
very varied Perched on the top of the cock's
head is a red comb which is sometimes very large.
Thus the cock is the best-looking fellow in tne
fowl run, being perhaps decorated in this way to
please his wives. He is celebrated for his crow.
He calls the hens, gathers them round him, warns
them of danger by a loud " Cock-a-doodle-doo ! "
He starts ^wing ver^ eaxly in the morning and
repeats the call from time to time during the day.
As a rule he is gallant, at feeding time he summons
those of his subjects who are late for the meal, and
does not begin to peck until all have come. Should
you unfortunately want to catch him, he draws
himself up in a posture of defence, a trick of his
whenever he is (fespleased. So well known is this
characteristic that when people wish to speak of
some one who gets into a rage they compare him to
a cock. Besides, the cock is a national emblem,
for the symbol of France is ' the Gallic cock.'
(2) Accounts of Excursions and Journeys
VISIT TO A COAL-MINE
One of the foremen took us to the machine-house
to see the steam-engines. Next he took us to the
lamp-room, contaming hundreds of lamps. It is
one man's business to take charge of these, and he
cleans them and keeps them in order every day.
Before going under ground we went for a walk
160
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
round, to see the locomotives and trucks; from
time to time long trains laden with coal started off.
After a quarter of an hour we came back and put
on blue overalls and leather caps. When we had
waited for a moment the cage came up. It is very
low and narrow, so that you have to squat down
and take up as little room as possible. Still, we all
managed to crowd in, and in a few mmutes were
more than 1500 feet below the surface of the ground.
Leaving the cage, we plunged into the main gallery,
which is from 6 feet 6 inches to 8 feet in height and
from 10 feet to 12 feet in widtL Leading from it
were smaller galleries and seams. We walked for
some way along the main gallery, seeing there the
ponies that draw the trucks. These beasts go into
the mine when they are quite young, directly they
are strong enough to work, and do not leave it unless
they fall ill or until they die of old age or fatigue.
At the end of the main gallery we entered a seam
which was barely 2 feet tmck, so that we had to slide
on our backs and sometimes on our sides. In these
narrow seams the miners' work is difl&cult. They
look black and tired. After visiting other seams
and passing through some more galleries we got
back to the cage and were soon above ground again.
We had a wash and a shower bath, redressed, and
went away, having enjoyed our visit very much.
(3) Reports of Lectures^ Discussions y etc.
ALEX'S LECTURE
This lecture was given on February 8 th to a
friendly audience of relatives. The subject Alex
L 161
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
had chosen, " The Evolution of Agricultural Im-
plements," was familiar to him, for he practises
agriculture. Nevertheless, the preparation of his
lecture required a laborious collection of data, a
work he was well able to undertake, and required
also a careful arrangement of these data. The first
part of his lecture dealt with " The Origin of Agri-
cultural Machines.'' It described the way in which
man discovered the primitive swing-plough, which
imitates the paw of burrowing animals, such as
moles, and dealt with the subsequent invention of
the modem wheel-plough. Later, at the opening
of the nineteenth centiny, when the population of
the rural districts began to flock to the towns, there
ensued a rapid improvement of all agricultural
implements in order to make good the deficiency of
labour. His account of these developments was
followed by a profound study, in which Alex com-
pared ploughs, sowing machines, reaping machines,
and thrashing machines used to-day with those that
were employ^ fifty years ago. In newer countries,
and, above all, in the United States and Canada,
animal traction has, during the last ten years, been
largely replaced by motor traction, the cause of this
change being likewise a dearth of manual labour.
Two different types of machines are used : first of
all those which, resembling the older ones in form,
are drawn by heavy petrol motors ; secondly, the
newer types of apparatus in which the motor
and the agricultural implement are combined in
a single machine. It cannot be said that either
of these two systems is predominant as yet, for
both have rendered great service, realizing as
they do extensive economies in respect of labour
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CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
Jboih of men and beasts and in respect of time
and money.
The lecture was a success, for it was not so
technical as to lose general interest, and it was well
delivered.
(4) Explanations of Pictures, etc.
A COUNTRY SCENE IN PORTUGAL
It is a fine day, and the peasant women are wash-
ing linen in the river, using little wooden frames in
wmch to kneel at their task. They never go alone,
for while at work they keep an eye on their sheep
pasturing in the meadow. The clothes already
washed are stretched out to dry on the grass.
Houses can be seen in the distance. The sun blazes.
The running water is saying " dug, glug, glug,"
while the linen as it is rubbed in the water murmurs
" w . . . w . . . w . . .'' " Mary, have ^ou
finished your washing ? Give it to me to put mto
the basket." In some places the stream is wider
than in others. Birds are singing, flowers are grow-
ing and smell sweet. The women are reflected in
the water. What a glorious day for washing ! The
clothes are dried and bleached in a trice.
Contrast with this description by a lad of nine
the following by a writer ten years of age, who
adds almost nothing from his own imagination
to the plain facts of the picture post-card he is
looking at.
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A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
MOUNTAINS IN WINTER
We see mountains in the distance, the Alps. The
chalets and houses with turrets and small balconies
from which to look at the panorama are covered
with snow. The trees are leafless. The heavy
clouds seem to say, " Bad weather ! " It is cold and
the sky is dark. Near one of the houses lies a pair
of skis used in the mountains. The road is bordered
by snow and by sad-looking pines.
(5) Personal Sketch^
These are very difficult, and especially so for the
younger children, seeing that psychological analysis
is not'within a child's competence. But the juniors,
having heard that the seniors were writing descrip-
tive sketches of themselves, wished to follow suit.
The following was composed by " a little boy eight
years old":
MY PORTRAIT
I am a little boy. I was eight years old three
weeks ago. I have a fine train and I have broken
the engine, for it was too weak to draw the carriages.
I study animals> plants, and the world; I do
arithmetic, reading, writing, cardboard work, and
music. I go for very nice excursions. I am very
fond of modelling and drawing, but I like drawing
best. Once a week I go to Brussels for my
teeth, because of a thing I have to wear in my
mouth.
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CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
The following portrait is sketched by a boy some-
what older :
MY PORTRAIT
I am a little boy nine and a half years old. I
have a little nose which gets fiat when I read and
when I eat. I also have little teeth which will
become bigger by and by. I wear worsted stockings
and hobna^^ boots. I am not very clean and I
am rather untidy. I shall try to be good and to
work hard.
(6) Accounts of Daily Life
The jmiior pupils have their own magazine for
the record of the matters in which they are specially
interested. They write very simply. To the same
category belongs the writing of letters home.
(7) Ethical y Scientific, and Literary Subjects
For the study and analysis of these it is essential
that the pupil should have attained a degree of
intellectual development enabling him to reason
about general and abstract topics. He can then
analyse and expound a sentiment, a proverb, an
idea, an event real or fictitious, a symbol, a prose or
poetical selection, a scientific or artistic essay, etc.
I quote some titles from the school magazine:
" The Seniors' Function at School," " A Little Study
on Coffee," ^ " Social life at School," " A Summer
Day in Rural Portugal," " Life is to the Strong," etc.
I Engliih in th« original.
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A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
THE PLEASURES OF EABLY RISING
How delightful it is to rise early in summer ! I
say ' in summer,' for in winter it is rather difficult
to leave one's warm bed to take a cold tub. But
it is very different in summer. We never seem to
wake early enough. I generally wake at five, and
hardly have I shaken off my lethargy when Alex
comes to tell me in the sacramental formula, '^ It is
time to get up." I rise, put on my slippers, pick
up my clothes, and go down to the bathroom.
Having washed and had a cold shower bath, I rub
myself down vigorously, dress, and take a run in the
garden to quicken up my circulation and promote
reaction. In the garden one is filled with a sense of
well-being and joy. The dewy air of early morning
is fragrant with the scent of a thousand plants.
The sky is limpid. On the horizon is gradually
ascending the great golden disk, returning to nourish
with its beneficent rays the entire animal and vege-
table kingdom. In'the air and flitting among the
trees anAusW are swaUows, robins, titmic? and
sparrows. They pipe iojM greetings. It is in
this beautiful natural environment that we set our-
selves to work, a little reluctantly, perhaps, for we
would much rather go for a walk. Still, it is for the
sake of physical culture that we labour in the garden.
As one of the pupils has well expressed it in " life
is to the Strong," a formal essay : " We must above
all cultivate our physique in order to grow strong,
seeing that none but the strong succeed." ^ No-
^ I need hardly say that the thought here voiced does not,
in its crude form, express the spirit of the school, nor even the
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CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
where but in the country can one enjoy the full
pleasures of early rising, for in town the environ-
ment of nature is lacking. Still, the habit of early
rising is a good one, for young people should not
sleep too long, since this tends to make them soft
and sluggish.
(8) The School Magazine
WHY DO WE PRINT A MAGAZINE ?
As A. M. wrote in his introduction to the opening
number, we print a magazine to accustom ourselves
to the formulation of our ideas. Of course we can
do this in our class compositions, but less adequately.
It is weU to state that we do not aim at showing our-
selves off as infant prodigies. The articles in our
little review are composed by the pupils and are
entirely individual. We sign our articles so as to
habituate ourselves to accepting responsibility for
what we write. Further, in each case the writer's
a^e is mentioned, not (as might be imagined) for
display, but so that the readers of our magazine
may take into account each writer's capacity and
may note his progress. We speak chiefly of actual
doings, describing how we learn, relating the
principal events of the term, recording excursions,
lectures, etc. It thus becomes possible to gain an
spirit of the pupil who composed the above- quoted essay. We
teach, all the life at Bierges teaches, that the chief value of
physical force is to constitute a precondition of nervous energy,
the chief value of this in its turn being to constitute a pre-
condition of spiritual strength — for by none but the spiritually
strong is attainable a fine, rich, and fruitful life, a life of moral
health.
167
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
idea of our activities and to keep track of the way
in which these are graduaUy modified.
Only because the pupils' writings are free and
individual, because these writings reflect the psy-
chology of the authors, exhibit their ' style' (whicli
is not literary, but simple, sincere, frank, and human) ,
only because they give so full an idea of the school
life, have I quoted largely from the school magazine.
I am convinced that the best way of describing the
essence of a school is to make the pupils undertake
the description. Ours give a simple account of
what they see, of what they know, and of what
they desire.
(d) Grammar
Instruction in grammatical theory is intensely
discouraging, owing to its mechanical and purely
verbal character, and owing to its abuse of abstrac-
tion and classification. In its place we give a
thoroughly Uve instruction, inspired by the f oUow-
ingp^ciples.
We deal with things rather than words. It is
by observation, by the inductive method, that the
pupil rediscovers the rules of grammar, which are
treated as living phenomena in need of understand-
ing and explanation.
This study is pursued whenever opportunity
offers. We do not learn grammar for grammar's
sake ; we create a rule which is real and integral,
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CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
not isolated in a quintessential definition. Syntax
and morphology are welded together in the simul-
taneous study of the form of the word, its sense,
and its usage.
In the preparatory section we approach grammar
by accident, as it were, during the study of elocu-
tion, reading, and composition, without laying
stress upon it, but in a manner that leads to the
inductive elucidation of certain elementary and
fundamental principles.
In the general section we proceed to methodical
study, which is pursued, however, by the methods
of observation and experiment. There are no
formal lists of names, and there is no rigid frame-
work ; we explain and expound an example, deal-
ing with a text which has a complete signification
and constitutes a living whole. At a later stage
in the same section, grammatical study assumes
a wider amplitude. Profounder comprehension is
possible when a knowledge of other tongues en-
ables the pupil to learn something of the history of
languages and to make comparisons between the
different forms of these.
(e) Orthography
Elocution, reading, and composition familiarize
the pupil with the meaning, the form, and the sound
of words, creating visual, auditory, and motor as-
sociations, and facilitating correct spelling.
169
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
If the pupil, notwithstanding these exercises
carried on in connexion with every branch of study,
should fail to spell as well as is usual at his age and
with his degree of knowledge, he copies texts. This
links up the motor and visual associations in a way
which will ultimately get the better of orthographical
difficulties. The matter chosen to be copied, in
prose or verse, must, of course, be something in
which the pupil takes a genuine interest.
2. FOREIGN LANGUAGES
The foreign languages taught at Bierges are
German, English, Spanish, ItaUan, and Portuguese,
the three latter being optional. Instruction is given
under the following conditions :
(1) The study of a foreign language is not begun
until the pupil possesses a good knowledge of his
mother tongue, nor in any case until he is twelve
years old. v,
(2) We employ the direct method, applied as
follows :
(a) For two, three, or four terms the student is
engaged in acquiring a concrete knowledge of the
indispensable vocabulary, being bathed in an at-
mosphere by which he is, as it were, impregnated
with the language. The best of all ways, it seems
to me, is to stay in the foreign country for one or
two terms, this being unquestionably preferable
to the acquirement in class, by however excellent
170
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
a method, of the primary elements of the foreign
vocabulary.
(6) When an extensive vocabulary has been
mastered with the aid of much practice, both
written and oral, but all vivid and concrete, the
pupils pass to reading. During the first stage
the study of grammar has been begun, pursued
methodically, but always by the experimental
method. Now the study of grammar becomes
more fruitful. The practice of free composition is
added to reading.
(c) In the last period translation is practised both
ways, from the foreign tongue into the mother
tongue, and conversely. The course is completed
by essay-writing, and by readings from the more
difficult authors, both being employed for the study
of the literature, the art, and the social life of the
foreign nation concerned— for our instruction aims
not merely at imparting knowledge of the language,
but also at making of the language an instrument
for entering into and understanding the environ-
ment wherein it is spoken.
Our pupils begin the dead languages much later
than is customary, Latin at thirteen or fourteen,
and Greek at fifteen. They will now have attained
a stage of intellectual development sufficiently
advanced, and will have acquired a knowledge of
the mother tongue sufficiently profound to enable
them to study the dead languages more fruitfully
and with less loss of time. The inductive methodB
171
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
used in learning modem languages are, mutatis
mutandis y applied also to the study of Latin and
Greek.
V. Geography
In teacliing geography and history we apply the
same principles and have recourse to the same
methods of scholastic activity, these being invari-
ably based upon the pupil's individuedL work.
(a) Introduction to the Study ofOeography
Young children are incompetent to grasp the
ideas of space and time which underUe the sciences
of geography and history. At the commencement
of school life they lack even the idea of extension,
or at least of great distance; and it is not until
a comparatively advanced stage that geographical
terms acquire for them any definite meaning. They
must therefore be initiated by degrees, geography
being presented to them in conditions under which
they can assimilate it.
(b) Natural Sciences
These constitute one of the most- valuable means
for the child's introduction to geography. From
the study of the beings and the things (men, animals,
plants, and minerals) which compose his immediate
environment, the pupil advances by natural grada-
tions to the study of other environments and of
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CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
other kinds of life. Thus a comparison between
the forms of our civilization (dwellings, furniture,
clothing, food, agriculture, manufactures, conmierce,
etc.) and the modes of life of contemporary savages
and extant lower races facilitates delightful ex-
plorations in all the countries of the world,
explorations which initiate the child into an under-
standing of the interdependence of nature and
man, and into a knowledge of the way in which
each reacts on the other.
Zoology furnishes similar results. From the
study of native ruminants we pass to the considera-
tion of foreign and tropical ruminants. The lizard
takes us to the Pyrenees, the chamois to the Alps,
the dromedary to North Africa, the zebu to the
East Indies, the yak to Tibet, the bison to North
America, the llama to South America, etc.
In the study of plants, mineral specimens, and
rocks we find further opportunities for taking
our children on fascinating voyages round the
world.
These geographical explorations, quite unsys-
tematized, pursued merely as part of the study
of natural science, exercise a suggestive influence,
familiarizing the pupil with the idea of other beings,
other surroundings.
(c) The Immediate in Geography
Obviously, then, we set out from the child's
immediate surroundings, since it is to these that
173
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
observation and experiment can be applied in pre-
cise fashion and so as to furnish directly assimilable
data. But this does not mean that we never go
farther afield. To locaUze does not signify to
isolate. I am wdl aware that there is sometimes
a tendency to restrict the study of geography and
history to the * native land/ to confine this study
throughout the period of primary instruction and
education within a narrow, petty, nationalist circle.
But from local facts we should pass to general
phenomena, making the pupil grasp the extent
and the interlacement of the data of immediate
observation. We teach him to co-ordinate these,
to compare them with analogous, facts of a more
striking character, facts at once more important
and more impressive, which belong to a remoter
environment beyond the familiar frontiers. We
must quit the native circle and have recourse to
explanations, descriptions, and comparisons that
will elucidate geographical reality and render it
more comprehensible. For example, we have en-
abled the child to see for himself the difference
between the gentle flow of the navigable stream
which meanders by the school and the rapid,
almost torrential current of the non-navigable
streams of the Ardennes ; he has noticed the con-
trast between the wide and shallow valleys of
Flanders and the narrow * ris ' of the Walloon
country. Why should we stop there? Must we
not transcend the local and national outlook?
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CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
Should we not familiarize the child with more
generalized phenomena ? It would be preposterous
to renounce the impressive and fascinating educa-
tional opportunities furnished by a description of
such great rivers as the Nile, the Congo, the Amazon,
the Mississippi, the Ganges, and the Rhine. Why
should we not illustrate the formation of the narrow
Walloon ravines by the stupendous example of the
Colorado river, which since remote geological times
has been hollowing out a gigantic fissure in the
plateau across which it flows, making canons with
sheer walls sometimes attaining a height of nearly
7000 feet ?
(d) Interest and Enthusiasm
Dry formulas and arid nomenclatures have no
interest for the child. He has no use for this
abstract geography, for dull strings of names;
what interests his inteUigence and arouses his
enthusiasm is to discern the reciprocal reactions
between living beings and nature, their respective
efEorts, struggles, harmonies, and successes. Greo-
graphical facts taken in isolation are dull. We
must make them alive, and must never detach them
from their environing conditions. What is a river,
a mountain, a sea, a town, a country, or a people ?
They are nothing but labels, empty names, unless
behind them the child can envisage life, movement,
and emotional reality. It is essential that he should
be able to feel what is in progress in these things,
176
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
that lie should be ^ven a sense of the active inter-
play in the relationships between nature and man.
Narratives of journeys, made by real or imaginary
travellers, furnish an admirable guide in all geo-
graphical explorations. The use of such narratives
will be reconsidered presently.
The essential point is that the pupil should not
remain passive, but should acquire a sympathetic
understanding which will interest him in the life of
the earth.
(e) Integral Conceptions ^ Great Syntheses
I have previously explained that at the outset
geographical instruction takes the form merely of
chance explorations, of intermittent study, under-
taken as opportunity arises in connexion with the
study of other natural sciences. In the second
stage we efEect co-ordinations, establish certain
integral conceptions, lead up to syntheses possess-
ing a self-sufficient life. From the study of physical
geography and of human geography we derive the
elements indispensable for the illumination of
certain natural geographical aspects. Concentrat-
ing our attention upon this or that natural pheno-
menon, and upon this or that form of civilization,
we devote special attention, now to the mountain,
the table-land, or the plain ; now to the nature of
the soil, to the sea, to climate, and to the distribu-
tion of animal and vegetable life ; now to contem-
porary savages, to primitive man, to agricultural
176
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION.
and industrial civilizations, to towns, mines,
harbours, means of communication, etc. In organ-
izing these geographical syntheses we call the other-
sciences to our aid, appealing to geology, zoology,
botany, history, physics, chemistry, etc., not in
order to establish mere superficial co-ordinations,
but going to the root of the matter.
Casual explorations followed by synthetic co-
ordinations of the- leading aspects of nature and
civilization, originating and cultivating a geo-
graphical sense, prepare the pupil by degrees for
the systematized study of the geography of various
countries irom the physical, economic, political,
and commercial outlook.
(f) Auxiliary Metikods
(1) Manual Work. — Mapping and the construc-
tion of geographical models are of prime importance
to co-ordinate the pupil's ideas, to render them pre-
cise, and to fix them. We have recourse to the
cardboard workroom and to the carpenter's shop
for the construction of various receptacles for collec-
tions of picture post cards, engravings, photogmphs,
natural products, etc. , and also for more ambitious
purposes. I may mention as a tjrpical example an
apparatus constructed in cardboard and in wood for
the verification of the hypothesis of Suess concern-
ing the formation of terrestrial reliefs.
Gardening and agricultural work are turned to
M 177
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
great advantage in geograpliical training. While
engaged in these labours we can make numerous
and interesting observations and experiments upon
the varying characteristics of soil and consequent
variations in crops, upon the slope of the ground
and its utilization, upon the way in which floral
distribution is afEected by soil, exposure, humidity,
etc. Thus, phyBical geography, Studied in the open,
based upon geology, and continually brought into
relationship with human geography, becomes a
peculiarly vivid science.
(2) Excursions. — In our excursions, though these
are, as a rule, primarily devoted to zoology, botany,
physics, chemistry, etc., we never miss an oppor-
tunity of studymg the geographical environment,
our methods of instruction being peculiarly fitted
to throw light upon geographical aspects and re-
lationships.
Some excursions, however, are speciaUy organized
for geographical study. Thanks to the ease and
cheapness of Belgian travel, we have been able to
visit the entire country, studying from close at hand
its natural ^regions, its inhal5itants, and its manu-
factures. Geographical ideas acquired concretely
and in situ are better assimilated and better re-
membered.
Some days Jbefore the outbreak of the war, the
pupils returned from a ten days' excursion devoted
to the study of the sea under the following aspects :
(a) Geographical and physical : saline ingredients,
178
CERTAIN METHODS OP INSTRUCTION
waves, tides, currents; rain and wind; climate;
nature of the soil of the coast, contour; sand,
shingle, dunes, alluvia, etc., etc.
(6) 2iOological and botanical : littoral fauna and
flora, varying with the character of the coast.
(c) Sociological: population (physical character-
istics, habits, etc.), grouping (dwellings, towns, eta);
agricultural Kfe on the coast (polders, drainage,
tillage, and pasturage, etc.) ; maritime life (fisher-
men and fisheries, fishing-boats, harbours and their
equipment; commerce; lighthouses, life-saving
apparatus; education, training-ships, etc.; fish-
markets) ; the moving and tragical history of the
incessant struggle carried on by the coast-dwellers
against the hostility of land and water, a struggle
in which Belgium, displaying heroic and invincible
persistence, has at length gained the upper hand.
(3) Reading. — In the happiest fashion this supple-
ments personal observation and experiment in
physical and human geography. During the pre-
liminary stages of exploration and elementary syn-
thetic co-ordination, children are greatly fascinated
by the travels of imaginary characters, such as the
heroes of Jules Verne, Mayne Reid, and Selma
Lagerlof , and by those of real individuals like Vaseo
da Gama, Magellan, Christopher Columbus, Stanley,
Savorgnan de Brazza, Cook, Nansen, and Sven
Hedin. The doings of these travellers, the move-
ment and the colour of their voyages, arouse the
pupil's enthusiasm, stiniulate his receptivity, and
179
A NEW SCHOOL IN BBLGItJM
breathe life for him into geographical details. Om
more advanced scholars read and refer to mono-
graphs on the different countries of the world, relat-
ing to mineral resources, flora, fauna, manufactures,
commerce, etc. When the school library proves
inadequate for our needs, the New University of
Brussels aad the Greographical Institute attached
to the university generously allow us the use of
their Ubraries. Let me take this opportunity of
reiterating my cordial thanks for the favour.
(4) Collections. Oeographical Museum. — Our col-
lections of pictures o| aU sorts, graphs, statistics,
natural and economic products, etc., serve to illus-
trate our instruction, to render it more precise, more
actual, and more complete. From every walk, every
excursion, we return laden with materials for the
gradual furnishing of a geographical museum.
(5) Free Work. Oeographical Society. — ^As in
other subjects, so also in geography, some of the
students engage in independent research. I may
quote in illustration the report in the school maga-
zine of a lecture delivered at the school.
The series of lectures by pupils and teachers was
inaugurated by our comrade, A. M., his chosen
subject being the port of Antwerp. He visited
Antwerp, to study matters at first hand, to verify
what he had read, and to bring us back personal
impressions. To a large audience the young
lecturer began by recounting the history of the town
of Antwerp, introducing the legend regarding the
180
CERTAIN METHODS OP INSTRUCTION
origin of the name * Antwerpen.' He went on to
describe the city as it exists to-day. He took us for
a walk along the Scheldt to show ns the river and
to give us a better understanding of the natural
advantages ' of the harbour. In his company we
visited the quays, with their gigantic cranes, the
docks, the slips, and the warehouses, studying the
dimensions of these and their busy activities. We
were thus enabled to marvel at the powerful equip-
ment of the great harbour. In conclusion, he made
a detailed examination of the commerce of Antwerp,
comparing it with the other great ports of the world :
New York, Liverpool, London, Rotterdam, Ham-
burg, and Havre. Numerous diagrams, maps,
statistical and graphical statements enabled us.^to
form a precise idea of Antwerp.
When the war broke out a number of other
studies had been completed, and yet others were in
course of preparation, for lectures on Brazil, Canada,
Argentina, Portugal, the great industrial regions
of Belgium, Northern France, and Grermany, the
Belgian mercantile marine, etc.
At the suggestion of the Natural History Society
a Geographical and Historical Society was founded
by the junior pupils, to supplement the zoological
and botanical monographs produced at the school,
by monographs dealing with geographical and
historical topics. Our little geographical society
initiat-ed a collective investigation into the geog-
raphy of Bierges and neighbourhood, which was
to be studied under various aspects, industrial,
181
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
agricultural, geological, sociological, etc. Each
member of the society undertook a special branch,
while all participated in the excursions organized for
the collection of data. Visits to local industries
had already been begun, and numerous observations
had been recorded relating to geological, physical,
meteorological, and agricultural phenomena, as well
as to the lives of the workers. We had hoped this
year to extend these researches far more widely.
VL History
We apply the same methods in introducing the
pupU to the study of history.
(a) Natural Sciences
At the outset of his scholastic career the child
lacks the sense of duration, just as he lacks the sense
of space. He is quite unable to grasp the meaning
of historical development. Only by degrees can he
acquire the idea that in other times things were
different from now. For history, as for geography,
the natural sciences furnish invaluable auxiliaries
in this historical initiation. The study of men,
animals, and plants suggests associations, turns
attention toward the past, and leads to interesting
explorations of bygone periods. The oxen peace-
fully grazing in front of the school, and the cat
dozing indifferently by the stove, never suspected
that, without asking their permission, and mounted
182
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
in imagmation on their backs, we were travelling
to distant lands and to remote epochs when they
were worshipped. One day these travels may take
us to ancient Egypt, another to some other land.
It is not surprising, when we find ourselves in India
riding on an elephant, that we should make our
mount carry us back through the ages in order that,
as bold explorers, we may pay homage to the
strength and majesty of the mammoth.
I have spoken of animals, and I could refer also in
this connexion to plants and stones. But obviously
man is the centre of interest, the focus from which
all our explorations radiate, the starting-point for
the excursions we make Arough time. What we
discuss are human activities, the way man
satisfies his personal and social needs considered
in their simplest, most general, and most essential
aspects. We deal, in a word, with the way man
Uves and strives, in his attempte to gain mastery
over nature, or when he obeys nature to conquer
in the end.
(b) The Starting 'Point — Historical Actualities —
Chronological Order or Working Backward —
Synthetic Co-ordinations — Precise Systematiza-
tions
Such historical explorations and journeys are
chance ventures, suggested during the study of
other branches. But as the child grows older he
becomes competent to grasp the meaning of
183
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
historical development, he acquires a definite notion
of time. Lectures and excursions come here to the
aid of nature. We can now introduce the study of
phenomena and of historical questions relating to
the things and the forms of social life. Thus, by
synthetic co-ordinations, we bring the concrete data
of the pupil's experience into relationship with
general questions of housing, clothing, transport,
agriculture, manufacturing industry, and commerce
(markets, money, etc.). We are concerned with the
history of the means by which man satisfies his
quintessential needs.
Thus, starting from the social realities of the
child's environment, leading on to the considera-
tion of analogous details in the lives of the extant
lower races, and proceeding to the study of the Kfe
habits of our own primitive ancestors, we establish
the idea of time upon a solid and objective founda-
tion.
Our synthetic co-ordinations are based upon con-
temporary social facts, reduced to their simplest
and most essential forms. ,From these, by a
brusque transition, we pass to the earliest days of
human history, travelling thenceforward in chrono-
logical order. Since it is obvious that the child's
natural evolution is an epitomized and fragmentary
reproduction of the phases through which mankind
has passed, the phenomena of remote epochs are
apt to be far more completely within its compre-
hension than the phenomena of our own day. A
184
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
clear understanding of the conditions of primitive
life will therefore help the pupil to understand the
present.
When these special synthetic co-ordinations have
been established, and when these isolated aspects
of history have been considered, we may turn to
the study of more generalized synthetic co-ordina-
tions, no longer grouping ihmgs , \mt forces. Around
the figure of a man, of a hero, we shaU reconstitute
the material and spiritual life of an epoch.
When this stage has been passed our pupils
will be competent to undertake the systematic
study of history at once in its details and in its
interlacements.
(c) Interest and Emotion
These constitute the motive forces in the teaching
of history.
In the first place we ensure that the child shall
never be a mere passive spectator in relation to the
events of history. We call upon him to undertake
individual efEort to achieve the reconstitution of
historical fact, putting at his disposal for this
purpose, books, albums, collections, etc. In dis-
cussions which take place in class he is further
invited to comment upon historical events, to
elucidate their consequences j in a word, to adopt
a moral outlook. He plays a part in the scenes,
lives among living beings.
Secondly, in addition to holding classes in which
185
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
the plan of study is elaborated on the lines previ-
ously explained, we deal with history as a descrip-
tion and an explanation of the ascent of man, of his
efforts, struggles, and progress, in the course of this
evolution. Thus the biographies of great men, of
all those who have incarnated or symbolized a
scene or an epoch of historic Kfe, are to us precious
aids to the understanding of events. I need hardly
say that we endeavour to place these heroes in their
proper setting, to explain the social determinism
through which they came into existence and thxoflgh
which they became the figures that we see. The
individual and the environment are reciprocally
generative of action and reaction, and in this inter-
play of forces lies the essence of evolution, of human
progress. When such methods are adopted, history
ceases to be the history conamonly taught in schools,
a dry and lifeless exposition, a precise catalogue of
dates, names, dull and sterile facts.
(d) Manual Work — Collections — Historical Museum
— Excursions — Beading — Free Work — Lectures
—^Historical Society — Dramatic jRepreserUations
— Monographs
(1) Mam,ual Work. Collections. Historical Museum
Drawing and modelling aid us in the repre-
sentation of monuments, churches, dwellings,
weapons, utensils, of everything that can recall,
symbolize, and concrete the material and spiritual
186
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
energies of past times. In the cardboard work-
room and in the carpenter's shop we prepare some
of the materials for our collections and construct
the cases in which these are housed when made.
For with pictures and documents of various kinds,
with fossils and the like, we have established what
I may speak of as an embryo historical museum,
assisting the pupU to form a vivid picture of the
events of distant epochs. The exhibition we gave
concerning the history of primitive times has abeady
been described (p. 101). This year the Historical
Society hoped to organize an exhibition dealing
with the historical development of dwelling-places,
clothing, and means of transport.
(2) Excursions
One of the best ways of encouraging a historic
sense is to visit ancient monuments, antique
dwellings, old streets, all the vestiges of the past.
In these respecte Belgium offers an astonisliingly
varied field of observation. Next door to a factory
we can see a noted church or monument, a house
celebrated in history. Many of our excursions
are devoted to visiting Belgium, considered as a
vast and living historical museum. In the towns,
and in the pubUc coUections in these towns, we find
everywhere means for making the past Uve again.
Visiting Spy and Furfooz, impregnating ourselves
in the local atmosphere of these places, examining
their prehistoric caves and other notable relica, we
187
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
have been able to reconstruct in imagination the
most remote epochs in human history. Our efforts
in this direction have been supplemented, and gaps
in our historical knowledge have been filled in,
during visits to the Jubilee Museum and the Natural
History Museum in Brussels.
(3) Reading
It is essential that the pupil should read and
should have read to him matter which will
amplify and elaborate his historical knowledge.
Suitable works are those dealing with the history
of products, manufacturing industry, instruments,
science, and art (Bleunard, Figuier, d'Avenel,
Pelloutier, Bambaud, Parmentier, Hoeffer, Reinach,
M6nard, etc. etc.) ; biographies of great men deal-
ing with real or imaginary figures (Rosny, Maspero,
Buckley, Butts, Wallace, etc.) ; historical romances
(Waiter Scott, Chateaubriand, M6rimee, etc.);
accounts of manners, customs, and institutions
(Maspero, Menard, Guiraud, Langlois, Maruejol,
Froissart, Lenotre, Lacour-Gayet, etc.); general
history (Duruy, Lavisse, Rambaud, Seignobos, etc.).
Our young people also have at their disposal works
of a more specialized character, enabling them
to grasp the critical and investigatory methods
employed by the great historians of all times
and nationalities — the works of Plutarch, Taine,
Pirenne, etc.
188
CERTAIN METHODS OF INSTRUCTION
(4) Free Work. Lectures. Historical Society.
Dramatic Representations. Monographs
Outside class the pupils study various historical
branches chosen by themselves. In one instance the
subject may be one relating to a historical epoch ;
in another it may concern the history of some
particular place, such as the port of Antwerp;
while yet another pupil may devote himself
to the history of methods of tillage; and so
on. Lectures are given upon the results of
such researches. One pupil made a collection of
pictures beaxing upon the history of the means
of transport. Among lectures given to the whole
school by the teachers, two may be cited for special
mention: a history of Belgian music, and a biography
of the Belgian savant, Houzeau de Lehaye. Owing
tb more pressing claims upon our time, all that has
been possible to the historical society is to formulate
its programme, consisting of the following items:
(a) the organization of excursions devoted to
history; (6) the organization of dramatic repre-
sentations of historical interest; (c) the prepara-
tion of a historical ' monograph on Bierges. Its
activities this year would have been more extensive,
and it would doubtless have fulfilled its mission
with an ardour no less notable than that displayed
by its elder sisters, the Natural History Society and
the Geographical Society.
189
CHAPTER IV
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
Material and Social Environment — Self-government, Social
Duties — Liberty, Authority, Sanctions, Masters — Taste,
Art, Music, Sii^:ing — Sexual Education and Co-education-
Summary and Conclusion
PHYSICAL and mental education are no m^re
preludes to moral and social education ; if
the former be well directed they constitute
for the latter the widest and most efficient pre-
paration.
For physical and mental education do not aim
solely at making the child a robust animal and at
equipping his mind with all desirable knowledge;
it is their function to endow him with virile qualities,
with a spirit of initiative, independence, and
personal responsibility ; to lead him to become a
man master of himself, a self-governor, and one
whose heart vibrates in response to a sense of
solidarity with his fellows. At Bierges, then, we
have no concern with that didactic instruction in
morals wherein the pedagogues of old delighted to
excess. Did not William James declare that the
theoretical teaching of morality has never taught
men the art of good conduct ? The ancients recog-
190
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
nized this truth, for they said that virtue cannot be
inculcated by theoretical instruction. It is acquired
by experience, by making personal use of freedom.
It is not transmitted from without, but comes from
within. We are led to a specific conception of the
means suitable for ensuring moral education, to a
new orientation of scholastic discipline.
Just as in physical and manual training and in
mental education we appeal to the pupil's collabora-
tion, to his initiative, his inquisitiveness, and his
self-interest, so also in moral education we ask him
to set out from his own experience, so that he may
organize his moral life for himseM, and by individual
means and personal efEort may realize the existence
that will besl conform to an ideal of goodness, truth,
and beauty.
This implies that we should know and practise
various methods which have now to be indicated.
L Material and Social Environment
It is incontestable that one of the leading factors
of the child's moral evolution is constituted by the
organization, the type, the value, of the environ-
ment in which he has to live and to grow towaxd
maturity. These questions of surroundings are of
primary importance, and it is necessary to take
great care that the environment shall respond,
through its solicitations and other influences, to the
mission which it is by nature called upon to fulfil.
^ 191
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
The action of environment, be it direct or be it in-
direct, has a power which nothing can withstand,
for it works continuously. If it be true that the
moral life of the child should be the outcome of ,
personal experience, should be the fruit of spon- I
taneous adaptation to school life, to the social life
parsed with comrades and teachers, it is easy to
understand the importance of properly organizing
the physical and social milieu wherein the child has
to live and grow.
This milieu is, however, extremely varied. Its
aspects may be classed in two categories, the
physical and the human, respectively. In the first
chapter I referred to the importance of physical
environment. One of the essentials of the ^uca-
tional success of a New School is a right choice of
locality. Our school is in the country. The valley
of the Dyle, which it overlooks, and the wooded
liills by which it is surrounded, form for it a pictur-
esque and beautiful frame. So calm, restful, and
pleasant is its situation that, as I have said, every-
thing about the place inclines toward ease of mind,
good temper, peaceful labour, and the joy of life.
These things exercise a precious influence upon the
child, favourably afEecting alike its physical and its
moral development. The woods, the orchard, the
park, the country-side, the rich, natural scenery,
amid which the child lives, exercise a salutary,
beneficent, and stimulating influence, an influence
which is profound, unconscious, and unceasing.
192
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
The very fact that life is nappy, cahn, and satisfied
leads the mind to strike deep roots into the peace
and the beauty of the natural environment, whence
it draws a nutritive sap.
The school is also the home. Like the natural
environment, it is calm, restful, and favourable to
ease of mind. There is nothing to recall the school
of traditional type ; above all, there is nothing to
recall the school which resembles a barrack or a
prison.
Fresh air, space, light, freedom amid nature,
amid country scenes, amid trees and flowers, un-
questionably furnish the best envkonmental con-
ditions to guarantee that children shall enjoy,
naturally and without efEort, the vigour and the
health which are the basis of all moral life ; and
these are the best things to inspire them with a taste
for the beautiful. But while country life spon-
taneously exercises this salutary influence upon the
child's heart and disposition, it is necessary to
employ additional means aiming more directly at
the formation of moral character.
First of all, do we not discern such means in
games, sports, gymnastics, walks, excursions short
or long ? Are not these valuable auxiliaries to the
child's social and moral education ? They furnish
excellent opportunities for the development of
powers, moral as well as physical ; they enable the
child to discover itself, to grow hardy, to acquire
discipline, self -discipline ; they enable it to gain
N 193
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
courage, patience, and endurance ; they encourage
the practice of solidarity and mutual aid in an
atmosphere of vigour, cheerfulness, and good
temper. ^
Need I add anything to what was said in the
first chapter concerning the great moral value of
the various kinds of manual labour ; concerning the
numerous traits of steadfastness, patience, precision,
truthfulness, and emulation which they develop in
the child ? I sh9wed that manual work, to be re-
garded from one point of view as a means by which
the child can express its ideas and satisfy its needs
(in especial, its instinct for constructing, inventing,
imagining, and creating), is from another point of
view a powerful instrument of social education. At
the forge, at the carpenter's bench, in agricultural
labour, the child learns to join with others in a
common work. It will be remembered how the
pupils love to recall the joys and the difficulties of
the tilling of the school grounds which they under-
took in the conditions previously described.
Just as much as the different kinds of manual
work, the methods of mental education aim at
developing, the child's moral powers, tending to
induce the recognition that knowledge is the out-
come of himaan endeavour, and valuable only
through its moral impUcations in the widest sense
of that term. The child which has been led to re-
discover knowledge and technical competence by
personal efEort is in a position to understand how
194
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING ;
much effort has been necessary generation after
generation in order to bring humanity to the stage
now reached. Such a child will realize how much
steadfastness, patience, and enduring courage man
has needed, how many lofty virtues he has required,
to enable him to effect the gradual illumination of
the darkness by which he^is surrounded. The
continuity of human struggle, the persistent love
of truth which inspires scientific research — ^these
things will have become real to the child. It will
have learned, too, that in sharing the delights and
difficulties of this upward evolution no country can
take precedence of the others, for scientific en-
deavour is social endeavour, an endeavour in which
the work of the individual and the work of society
are happy complements, that it is, in a word, human
endeavour. Each nation contributes its own share
to the construction of the joint edifice.
The child will also have learned that all the
sciences are an instrument of social development,
inasmuch as their applications serve to ensure the
advance of the collective life, to enhance the strength
and the beauty of the collective hfe, and to enrich
the moral and materiallife of the individual
It is our constant care at Bierges to render in-
struction thoroughly educative. We seek to make
the pupils understand that all science, while eman-
ating from the physical, mental, and moral powers
of the individual, and increasing these powers in
return, emanates also from social collaboration, gives
195
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
ezpreflsion to ihat collaboration, and increases the in-
telligence, the power, and the interest of social life.
Thus in ultimate analysis every object and every
method of instruction is utilized in our school to
make the child understand wherein consists the
moral essence of social life, to make the child feel
that the ideas it acquires, and also the scientifiic
technique in whose utilization it gains f acility^ are
functions of human solidarity. Mental work, no
less than manual work, tends to develop the con-
sciousness of a relationship with the social environ-
ment, and to instil an idea whidi, however simple,
is of immeasurable scope — ^namely, 'that the indi-
vidual's effort is not purely individual, but invari-
ably has social reactions. In other words, the child
learns that the facts and the doings of private life
are also functions of social life. We attempt to give
the pupil the feeling that while he is subject to the
influences of the social environment, he, in turn, acts
upon this environment; that he can modify the
environmtot for good or for ill, and that all his
work, while redounding to his individual profit, has
an echo in the collective life of the school. •
Everything at Bierges, lessons, classes, manual
labour, field work, contributes toward developing,
strengthening, increasing, in the child, not only the
consciousness of its own individuality, not only the
recognition of itself as a self-assertive agent, but in
addition and no less the social sense, 1}he conscious-
ness of the collective Ufe.
196
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
In the preceding chapters I have given numerous
examples of our attempts in this direction, and need
merely refer to them in passing. But £rom amid
the assemblage of facts which have combined to
make up our school life I should like to select a
single concrete example which will enable me to
explain myself in more definite terms.
There is a pond at the school, where the children
bathe when the weather is warm enough. Sinpe it
is fairly large, we use it as a swimming bath, and its
transformation to fit it for this function was effected
under conditions which are worth relating at some
length, in view of the Ught the matter throws upon
our methods.
Some of the children who bathed in the pond
complained that the water was very dirty and that
there was a great deal of slime. Since its size
rendered it suitable for a swimming bath, it seemed
to them that it would be worth while to clean it out.
How could this be done ? What were the best
means to employ ? There were problems to solve
and difficulties to overcome. There was knowledge
to acquire, and there were studies to be made. All
this seemed very interesting to the pupils.
The first step was to convene the general assembly
of the pupils in order to make the matter known,
and naturally all were delighted at the idea. A
committee was appointed to approach me on tlje
subject. I approved the suggestion, and advised
the pupils to set to work by collecting all the in-
197
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
f ormatioii and leviewing all the facilities they would
require, so that they might draw up a plan of work,
might provide a methodical erpoeition of the prob-
lem and of the means available for its solution.
The pupils' assembly having been again csJled,
notice was given of my approval, and the matter
was talked over once more.
The committee, having marshalled its ideas and
collected all kinds of information, drew up a report
for presentation to me. Having carefully examined
it, I met the committee, cmd after an exchange of
views and a discussion we modified certain points,
amplified others, and were able to formulate a plan
of campaign.
The first step was to empty the pond, a complex^
problem. This was a mattes for ph3rsical science.
What are the means suggested by that science for
such an operation? Obviously the experience of
our teacher of phjrsics would help us here. And you
may imagine he was not slow to avan himself of this
opportunity to suggest the study of a particular
department of physics, that known as hydraulics.
Was not the occasion propitious? Science exists
tb subserve social needs, and could there bB a better
way of making a child understand its usefulness, its
social bearing, and also the way in which it may
prove profitable to the individual ?
The physical problem required close examination.
First of all it was necessary to divert the stream
which fed the pond, for otherwise our trouble
198
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
would tave been the reverse of that which afficted
the Danaides, who were compelled everlastingly
to pour water into a sieve. This part of the work
was cleverly carried out by the children, now be-
come real engineers. Have not grown folk found
it necessary in the past to change the course of
rivers?
Now the emptying of the pond could be imder-
taken. A troublesome operation this, requiring
patience, great inventiveness, and numerous re-
searches. After a study of scientific principles we
had to discover the precise application of these
to the given case. A thoroughly able and well-
informed teacher of physics, like our own, could
not fail to turn these researches and endeavours
to great advantage, guiding his pupils in the arts
of discovery, observation, and comparison. After
various methods had been tried, siphonage and
others, some one proposed that we should use a
Dutch scoop, and this apparatus was made at the
carpenter's bench. It was tried, and the results
were entirely satisfactory. In the present case it
was the only appliance which could serve our turn.
The happy thought emanated from a youth
who had never had any intention of becoming an
engineer, whereas, and this is the amusing point,
one of the others looked forward to being an
engineer. He and his parents were absolutely set
on the idea. Our own impression had been that the
suggested future was an unsuitable one. He did
199
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
his best, worked very hard, made investigations
and practical attempts, but none of his proposals
were of sxry use. For, let me repeat, the essential
is, not the knowledge of a great many things, but
the knowledge how to apply things, to set them to
work. In the case with which we are now dealing
the fruitful idea was furnished by one who, apart
from all question of specialization, best represented
the spirit of the school. Does not this prove once
more that creation is not the work of specialists
alone, and that routine and automatism may some-
times hinder invention ?
Our pond had been emptied by the Dutch scoop,
and we now had to clean it. How was the enormous
quantity of slime and mud to be removed ? Several
methods were essayed. We even tried a sort of
dredger, carried upon a cable slung above the pond
and worked by a system of pulleys. It was no good.
We were forced to have recourse to the most
primitive, the most rudimentary procedure. We
shovelled out the mud and carried it away in wheel-
barrows. The work required plenty of patience;
it was ardous, tedious, and extremely dirty; but
since it had to be done, we all put our backs
into it.
The mud was cleared away. It was impossible
to pave and cement the bed, for this would have
been too costly. But I need hardly say that
very complete estimates were drawn up. The
pupils consulted firms supplying building materials,
200
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
visited experts and listened to what thfese had to
say — ^lust as they had gone to Brussels to con-
Jt I Wer before foLli-g their agricultural
co-operative.
In view of the high price of concrete, and await-
ing a more favourable opportimity which we antici-
pated would come shortly, v(e contented ourselves
for the nonce with covering the bed with sand.
This was also obtained by the children.
Now came the time when the pond was to be re-
filled. Its cubic capacity had been calculated, the
yield of the stream had been measured, and a com-
parison of the figures showed that unfortunately
the pond would not be filled in time for the festival
of the birds and the trees. General had been the
desire to inaugurate the swimming bath on that
day. What was to be done? How difficult a
problem! The children must rack their brains.
Having done so, after a few days a solution occurred
to them. A number of wooden gutters, made in the
carpenter's shop and fitted by means of pipes to the
water-taps of the house, would enable them to use
the communal water supply to fill the swimming-
batibi. The idea was simple, but search was re-
quired to find it. The wooden gutters were
prepared, and so were the pipes to feed these from
the taps. The pupils were delighted that their diffi-
culties were at an end and that everything was in
place ready for use. Suddenly, however, work had
to be suspended, for a meeting was convened, the
201
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
committee amiouncing that I had foimd mys^
compelled to object for reasons which I desired to
explain.
What had I to say to them at the meeting ?
" It's all quite simple, my friends. You have
overlooked tibiat the water you wish to use belongs
to tibie conamune, and that you cannot dispose of
it without asking permission. I have Uttle doubt
that the commune will authorize you to use the
large quantity of water you heed, but still, you must
ask. This is the month of June, and the weather
is already very sultry. You cannot be certain
whether you may not be doing injury to others,
whether you may not be depriving others of their
due, for at this time of year the consumption of
water is heavy. The commune allows every one to
use a quantity proportional to his ordinary needs.
You must not exceed this quantity without special
authorization, for if you do you will expose us all
to the risk of prosecution."
Every one understood. The pupils received a
direct and concrete demonstration of the legitimate
demands of the society in which they lived. They
acquired a practical and vivid understanding of the
manner in which, by innumerable ties, their lives
were related to the social environment.
It is almost superfluous to say that the commune
acceded to the children's request, and that the in-
^jjguration of the pond took place on the festival of
the birds and the trees. The whole incident will
202
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
serve to show how our pupils were instructed con-
cerning the elements of social life.
On the one hand, they definitely learned that the
sciences exist for social ends, promoting the progress
* of the collective life ; on the other hand, they came
to understand that every act performed by the
individual has a reaction upon social life, and that
the individual cannot isolate or abstract himself
from this environing reaUty.
Thus moral education, like social education,
presupposes the^ establishment of two essential
foundations :
(a) The introduction into school life of a genuine
social activity which shaU vivify, nourish, and in-
spire the entire programme and all the modes of
action, alike physical, manual, intellectual, and
moral. The school must subserve the purposes of
social life.
(6) The organization of the social environment in
which the child lives and grows toward maturity.
This involves the daily practice of a well-planned
social life within the school. To the examination
of this second point we must now turn.
II. Self-government — Social Duties
A moral life cannot be inculcated by instruction ;
virtue is not a lesson which can be acquired by
rote. It is achieved through practice, through
experience, through the individual use of free-
203
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
dom. It is the outcome of self-possession, of self-
mastery.
We have shown that in the child the moral nature
is not to be evoked by violent means, nor by a crude
rigidity of principles, nor by having recourse to
artificial sanctions. The only way of securing the
desiied end is to create around the child an en-
vironment and a social life which enable us to dis-
pense with punishments (invariably degrading and
humiliating), and to do away with that authori-
tarian and mechanical discipline which would
regulate every impulse and every action, and which
oi^uccee(k in producing a paLive machine, void
of bought and feeling, biy working in obedience
to a rule imposed from without.
Do I mean by this that we have no rules, no
regulations, no sanctions ?
Not at alL Let me proceed to show how we deal
with this question.
One fact is indisputable, that children are much
more influenced by one another than they are in-
fluenced by adults. The child is subject to numer-
ous suggestions from the social environment.
Among these the suggestions emanating from its
comrades are the most urgent and the most effective. '
If we place a child in an anarchic environment,
one lacking coherence, order, and rule, we hand it
over to influences which are likely to prove dis-
astrous both to its emotional and to its intellectual
nature. To enable us to give children much
204
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
liberty, liberty which will render it possible for them
to acquire, at their own cost, experience of good and
evil, and to estimate the results of their actions, it
is indispensable that we should organize the social
environment in which they have to Uve, to giow
toward maturity, and to make a moral code by
spontaneous efEort.
But, let me repeat, this social organization must
be the children's own work. This is what we mean
by a regime of self-government. The pupils con-
stitute a republic within which, in accordance with
their respective aptitudes and upon. terms of free
consent, they share the duties incumbent upon
the school society, appoint representetives upon the
governing body of the school and the relatives'
committee, pass laws, etc.
The objects of this system of self-government are
twofold :
(a) It permits the organization of the social en-
vironment in which the child lives. We can disci-
pline the child's energies. We can guide certain
tendencies which, if left to themselves, and in view
of the outstanding influence the pupils exercise one
upon another, would be injurious.
(6) It renders possible the creation of an atmos-
phere wherein the children, encouraged to spon-
taneous efEort and left to use the means at their own
disposal, can become initiated into the practice of
a social life well within the compass of their under-
standing, can eflect their social education in the field
205
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
of personal experience, and can gain an objective
and concrete grasp of their duties and rights as
members of a collectivity.
Self-government has been somewhat widely
applied in certain institutions without furnishing
the anticipated results. This proves that it has
not been organized in a manner conducive to
success. In some cases the attempts have been
half-hearted, transient, and clumsy. In other
cases, instead of true self-government there has
been instituted a system of rule by monitors with
powers delegated from above.
Self-government as I understand it involves the
following foundations:
(aj The organization of a system of rules,
activities, habits, and customs, in conformity with
physical and moral hygiene, and thoroughly well
ordered.
(6) The creation of a genuinely social spirit by
means of a wise division of labour, together with
the effective and genuine co-operation of the pupil
in the school life. The pupil is thereby enabled
to practise social life and to acquire by degrees a
sentiment of collective life.
(1) Division of Labour
At the meetings held at the beginning of every
term the pupils allot the duties rendered necesscuy
by the social life of the school Those who fulfil
206
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
the various functions imposed by the division of
labour are appointed by the assembly of pupils.
The chief duties relate to the inventory ; the care
and the purchase of books, produce, instruments,
and tools ; correspondence with those who supply
such necessaries or visits paid to these persons;
keeping accounts of all the expenditure connected
therewith ; the organization of working gangs and
the drawing up of a time-table. There is the duty
of supJSg order and oleanline» in the foUowi^
departments: the studio for modelling, binding,
and drawing ; the carpenter's shop ; the smithy ;
the physical and chemical laboratory ; the natural
history laboratory ; the four ordinary class-rooms ;
the class-room for geometrical drawing ; the Ubrary
and the musical library. Finally, there are the
following duties: responsibility for the gardens;
care of buildings, purchases and sales, overseer's
work, book-keeping for the farm ; organization of
games ; the editing of the school magazine.
Each term the assembly appoints a president,
whose task it is to supervize the general order of
the pupils, to see that the decisions of the assembly
are carried out, to represent the pupils at the meet-
ings of the relatives' committee — ^in a word, to
co-ordinate joint efforts, to establish relationships
between the various functions, and to deal with any
disputes which may arise.
In addition to these offices held for an entire
term, there are others for which rotation is indis-
207
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
pensable, so that each pupil may gain certain neces-
sary experience, may acquire the elements of orderly
conduct and of cleanliness, and may gain a spirit of
initiative and a sentiment of responsibility. Month
by month, or week by week, the pupils allot a
number of appointments, certain of which, obvi-
ously, will be more congenial than others.
Here are some of the offices of monthly tenure :
first aid ; games— seeing that things are put away,
etc. ; ordering necessaries ; the school journal.
Among the offices of weekly tenure those may be
mentioned which concern the order and cleanliness
of the following places : tiie bath-room ; the boot-
room ; the cloak-room ; the closets. Besides these
there have to be appointed: an umpire for the
games ; a curator of manuscripts ; pupils respon-
sible for the care of the farm beasts and the fowls.
What are the salient features of all this organiza-
tion? First of all it must be observed that the
assembly of pupils possesses almost sovereign
powers. Only in very grave cases, where the pupils'
inexperience might compromise the educational
spirit of the school, do I find it necessary to veto a
decision of the assembly. This happens rarely, for
with the system of life we have adopted at Bierges,
frank, open-hearted, fair, and intimate, we are able,
through the intermediation of the elder pupils, to
influence and direct to a degree, the decisions of the
assembly. With tact, with a great deal of tact, the
teachers, assuming the rdle of elder comrades, can
2oa
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
prepare the ground by talking matters over and by
exchanging views with the young people.
Thus the assembly has something more than a con-
sultative voice. It can come to definite decisions,
subject to the headmaster's veto.
In the second place, the pupils who havQ accepted
office for a definite period, for a term, a month, or
a week, cannot resign unless in quite exceptional
«««. and <rfter the^ignation Z been diLsed
and sanctioned by the assembly of pupils. This
consecrates the principle that any effort JEreely
undertaken ought to be carried through to its end.
It is in the child's own interest, and cultivates
patience, perseverance, and strength of wiU.
Thirdly, the duties are apportioned in accord-
ance with the physical ^nd mental powers of the
pupils.
Fourthly, the pupils enjoy extensive freedom of
action and initiative in the performance of these
various duties, and, this being so, they assume a
considerable and genuine responsibility.^
(2) Concentration of Work
In addition to this co-operation in the social life
of the school which is the outcome of the division
of labour, the child takes part in the organization of
school life, a part perhaps more direct. He helps
to organize festivals, lectures, and excursions, and
* Suprct, pp. 49-61.
209
V
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
contributes to the discussion of various questions
concerning the internal life of the school. He con-
tributes also to the formulation of the general time-
table of class work anl manual work, a time-table
which is the topic of discussion at one or more
meetings of the assembly of pupils, the suggestions
of this body leading occasionally to modifications
in conformity with reasonable desires. MnaUy.
through manual work and in other ways, the pupils
collaborate in the upkeep and improvement of the
school buildimgs, of the materials used in study, of
the collections, etc. Numerous examples of such
coUaboration have akeady been given.
Beside the social life of the school, on the margin
as it were, there are associations foimded by the
pupils, games clubs, camping societies, and so on.
There is the orders office, one of the pupils being
entrusted each month in rotation with buying
various articles used in school work, such as paper,
pencils, india-rubber, exercise books, pens and pen-
holders, blotting-paper, and the like. All these ar-
rangements are made amotig the pupils, the school
staff not interfering in any way. There is also the
agricultural co-operative, which tills the school
lands. ^
The reader will have understood for himself that
our system of self-government does not apply in all
its completeness to pupils from seven to nine years,
for these are at a stage of evolution at which the
^ Supra, pp. 64-66.
210
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
patriarchal system is, in truth, far more suitable.
Since they do not possess and cannot yet possess a
plain and full sense of social life, in their *case the
presiding judge, the high priest, is, not /the collec-
tivity, the assembly of pupils, but * Maman Faria,'
or * Papa Faria,' as they call us. The word of the
patriarch, of the father, is supreme. We must walk
before we can run. None the less, since mimicry is
instinctive, and since the little ones like to resemble
their elders and to do the same sorts of things, the
younger pupils have also desired to effect social
organization. Let us hear howla youngster of nine
records the incident :
THE YOUNG ONES
After the Christmas holidays the young ones of
the school made up their mindB to have a president
of their own, and set to work to elect one. It did
not turn out well, for every one voted for himself ;
but when M. Faria explained to us that this was
impossible, and was really bad manners, we took a
second vote. I was elected president for one month,
and I suggested that each pupil do some one duty
in our class. One would have the library, another
the blackboard, another would keep order in the
class, another would look after the stove, the book-
case, the flowers, the collections, etc. My comrades
agreed. M. Faria has given us the care of some
of the animals ; we have to feed them, to take them
out, etc. Our animals are : a goat, some rabbits,
two dogs, thirty hens, some pigeons. Every week
211
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
we exchange animals, and exchange the other duties
of our class-roonL
• • •
iii. libekty — authokity — sanctions —
Masters
Outside this social organization, this robust frame-
work of <X)llective life wherein the social sentiment
can arise and grow, we cultivate with no less
earnestness and ardour the sentiments of initiative,
independence, and personal responsibility. We
leave much freedom to our children. We have done
away with all that authoritative discipline which
aims at imposing upon the child moral habits whose
' rational purpose is incomprehensible. We en-
deavour to lead each pupil to create for himself an
inward rule, the outcome of his individual experi-
ence, a spontaneous adaptation to school life, to
the social life he leads with his comrades and his
teachers. In aU departments, in physical training,
in manual labour, and in class work, we appeal to
active collaboration, to interest, inquisitiveness,
initiative, individual effort. There is freedom of
movement, freedom of action, creation, organization,
research ; there is free disposal of everything used
in the school. The reader will do well to recaU what
I have written about manual labour, class work,
laboratories; about the principles of our mental
education and the means we employ to adapt it
to the pupil's capacity, to his physiological and
212
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
psychological development. These liberties are
real, and they are not abused.
Does this mean that there is no authority?
The suppression of punishments which degrade
and humiliate does not imply that sanctions have
ceased to exist. These sanctions, however, are not
artificial, but natural ; the child acquires for him-
self the experience of good and evil. He is free, but
he is responsible. Being able to estimate the out-
come of his actions, he must, in so far as he is able,
repair the injurious consequences of such actions.
Those who break things replace them out of their
pocket-money ; those who have not done their work
at the proper time make up during spare hours for
their previous neglect ; those who have left things
untidy, tidy them up ; those who have made things
dirty, clean them. A pupil who is habitually late
has to start earlier. In case of misconduct, the at-
tention is not merely directed to the offender's bad
action, but he is reminded of good actions which
he has performed at some other time. The con-
trast illuminates the road'; it makes the balance
dip on the side of good.
At Bierges the sanctions are prescribed by the
assembly of pupils, whidi votes laws and rules.
These thus acquire an impersonal character. Since
they are voluntarily accepted by all, all submit to
them without ill-feeling.
In a New School that is really animated by the
new spirit, where due allowance is made for the dis-
213
f^^JltmOli. I -^ I "Ml
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
position, the needs, and the character of the pupils,
and where the environment comprises all the
elements and. factors indispensable to the child's
development, moral and physical equilibrimn is
practically invariable. Fresh air, light, space,
freedom, physical exercise and manual work, suit-
able diet, sufficient sleep; a system of mental
tr.mii>g and meU>odB /t»ad4 wMeh pay d™
regard to youthful capacity ; a simple, cordial, and
frank atmosphere — all these things combine to
produce an environment characterized by repose,
health, and physical and moral vigour.
The influence of this natural environment at
Bierges, very cahn, very restful, is aU-important.
If, in a New School, we are strict in the enforce-
ment of the principle that no abnormal or backward
children can be accepted, every one wiU gain thereby,
and, above all, the children who are accepted.
It is essential that parents should understand
that a New School must ^ot be regarded as
a dumping-ground, as a last resource for their
children when all else has failed. *
At Bierges I was not willing to accept every
applicant, and pupils as well as parents knew that
those admitted were accepted on probation.
I was thus enabled to inaugurate an extremely
hedthy atmosplere, and withinZee or four monfl^
of the founding of the school its physical and moral
life was established upon a tilioioughly solid founda-
tion, so that an exceUent social spirit reigned.
214
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
To the indirect influence' of the physical and of
the social environment there is superadded the
comparatively direct action of schoolfellows and
teachers.
For this we depend, in the first place, upon young
people who show themselves worthy of special con-
fidence, whom we ask to exercise a direct influence,
above all upon the youngest pupils, but also
upon those of intermediate age. The seniors thus
appointed are chosen by the ass^nbly of pupils,
and each of them is asked to take care that two or
three specified younger pupils shall be punctual at
class and at table, that they shall keep their clothing,
underclothing, and books tidy, that they shall have
their accoimt books duly posted, and that their
exercise books (which the seniors inspect every
Saturday) shall be neat and written up to date.
Mfil4 th«e arui sMa. offices, the seLrs pUy
the part of elder brothers, training the jumors in the
acquirement of the elements of neatness and cleanli-
ness. The senior, in playing his part, learns patience
and tact, and acquires social habits of kindliness akd
brotherUness. The results have been admirable.
It is hardly necessary to say that the influence of
the teachers is no less efficacious because it is some-
thing very different from the authoritarian and
police-like methods of the old pedagogy, by which
the child was regarded as a delinquent in constant
need of correction.
Where the regime is frank, cordial, and open-
215
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
hearted, you regard the master simply as an older
comrade, a trusty and far-sighted friend, one who
feels with you, who understajids you, who is inter-
ested in your personality, your life, and your occupa-
tions. The child considers the master a big brother
of much experience, who plays with him, works
with him, and laughs with him ; not a dictatorial
pedant, not an usher ever on tjhe watch, a police-
man taking notes^ a strict and unfeeling judge,
a hateful gaoler. For the school is not a prison.
The pupil of the New School does not lose all liberty
of acting, thinking, and feeling. In such an en-
vironment the master's influence is much more
comprehensive; its effects are more certain, its
results are happier.
It is touching to see how readily at Bierges the
pupils come to us in their difficulties. We advise
in a spirit of friendly and affectionate persuasion, a
persuasion exercised either directly or indirectly,
and thus induce the child to make an effort which
will lead to the spontaneous realization of the
possibilities of progress. Whenever circumstances
make it our duty to intervene, to apply a sanction,
we are careful that this sanction shall be simul-
taneously adapted to the nature of the child, to the
nature of the action he has performed, and to the
nature of the attendant circumstances. Above all,
we make sure that the sanction shall be understood
by the pupil, so that he may feel its usefulness, and
may recognize the logical, apt, and harmonious
216
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
relationship between the fault and its redress.
Anything beyond a natural and logical sanction
would be a degrading punishment, inducing a sense
of humiliation and a spirit of revolt.
Let us suppose that one of the pupils is wanting
in orderliness, cleanliness, attentiveness, diligence,
desire for work, kindliness, altruism, or brotherli-
ness. We must give^^im a position in which he
will acquire, develop, and strengthen the habits
and sentiments wherein he is deficient. There are
plenty of suitable posts in a school where the
system of self-government is comprehensively and
intelligently applied.
Do not discourage children, but help them on-
ward. Here you have the key- word; help the
child to become better.
The best way to ensure this is by literally follow-
ing the fine precept of moral hygiene enunciated by
Adolphe Ferriere. We must act in such a manner
" that positive sanctions abound rather than nega-
tive sanctions; that joys are conamoner than
sorrows, regrets, and vexations, which lessen energy
and rarely have a good result." ^ We must appeal
to sentiments of wholesome pride and self-respect,
sentiments which will have a tonic influence; we
must not overwhelm by an atmosphere of reproba-
tion. We must show that the fault is the fruit of an
accident, that it is not an organic disease, and that
patience and steadfastness will enable the pupil to
1 Erojet d'Acole Nouvdle, p. 60.
217
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM '
control his own individuality. This is why at
Bierges we teach the children to watch their own
progress, to measure their growing strength, to
compare the mental work or the moral effort they
are now makmg with those they have made in the
past. We lay especial stress upon this individual
emulation, without, however, negl^ting the factor
of social emulation, which, if tactfully utilized, may
become a powerful lever of moral education.
We offer rewards, but not as a lure which deforms
the morality of effort. No sort of bargain is struck
between pupil and teacher before work is begun.
Moreover, the reward must not immediately follow
the realization of the effort, for it is imdesirable
that the teacher should seem to be honouring a
draft drawn by the pupil.
Thus the choice of reward is a matter requiring
tact and finesse. Let us suppose that one of the
pupils has just finished a piece of JEree work, some-
thing individually chosen, in which he has been
interested. He has put his back into it and is
gratified with himself. But the personal satis-
faction at duty fulfilled does not suffice ; he requires
in addition the encouraging approval of others.
Approval will be still more precious if it materialize
in action or as a gift. This may take the form of
a book treating the subject that has been studied,
some implement useful for his work, or a holiday
which will afford rest after labour. But these
actions must be performed, these gifts must be
218
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
bestowed, tactfully. It is not enough to give ; we
must know how to give.
In the second chapter^ I mentioned that at
Bierges we have another institution whose results
have seemed to me peculiarly Ratifying.
In order to develop the child's critical faculties
to accustom it to self-control and self-examination,
and ako to strengthen its sentiments of fairness,
justice, and kindliness, we undertake once or twice
every term a public appreciation of the work and
the conduct of each pupil, the person chiefly con-
cerned and his comrades having to speak and to
give their opinions.
In the discussions that ensue the pupil is led, not
merely to compare his present individuality with
his past individuality, to make an examination of
conscience, to look back upon the route he has
traversed and to estimate what his efforts have
accomplished, but he is led also to appreciate his
copirades, to learn, that is to say, to be trusty,
frank, just, forbearing, and kindly. All who have
taken part in these discussions have been greatly
impressed by thenL The child's psychological in-
sight, naturaUy profound, gains in depth, and there
becomes associated with it a charitable and tolerant
spirit by which its value is greatly enhanced.
As already explained, there are seventeen teachers
in the school, including two master-craftsmen, the
^ Supra, p. 1Q6.
219
^TS
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
blacksmith and the carpenter. Seventeen teachers
for twenty-five pupik! Many are surprised at
these figures, and it is suggested that a school must
be financed by a benevolent millionaire if it is to
be staffed so generously — or else that the teachers
must be grossly imderpaid. But neither of these
suggestions bears any relation to the facts.
With one exception, all my fellow-workers live
out. In the nfajority of New Schools it is other-
wise, but we prefer our method for the following
reasons:
(a) First of all our school retains a homelike
character, which it would lose if we were compeUed
to board a number of teachers.
(6) We avoid the difl&culties which frequently
affect the social life of a school from imperfect
adaptation of the masters, when these live in, to
the school domestic environment. This lack of
adaptation leads almost inevitably to overt or
hidden discords which may hainper the work of
education.
(c) Our system permits the teacher to lead an
autonomous life in an environment distinct from
that of the school. He enjoys his own domestic,
moral, and intellectual existence, retaining com-
plete personal liberty and independence of mind.
The enjoyment of these possibilities is all the more
essential because educational work is extremely
absorbing and exhausting. The teacher should
be enabled to reinvigorate himself daily in an
220
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
environment suited to the vital needs of an
adult.
(d) We gain in addition something of extreme
importance, alike in the matter of instruction and
in that of education in the wider sense. The
teacher who does not Uve in the school brings into
it a fresh and vivifying current from the wider
spaces of the outer world ; he is ready to combat
automatism and routine, which are always to be
dreaded in an environment unduly stable and
homogeneous. Our teachers furnish the school with
numerous and varied impressions, suggestions, ob-
servations, and data ; and they do this all the more
effectually because they live in Brussels, a centre
of vigorous, intellectual, moral, and social life.
Je) Seeing the way our branches of work are
grouped and concentrated, the teacher who visits
the school for one, two, or three days a week, spends
the greater part of the day there, mmgling in the
life of the pupils, joining them at meals, and partici-
patmg in their games. His mfluence being, as it
were, spaced out and not uniformly continuous,
induces richer and more varied reactions, because
there is more interest and more charm in relation-
ships which, though frequent, are not permanent,
as are the relationships of those teachers who live
in. Since th6 value of life depends not upon the
quantity but the quality of its hours, teachers and
pupils lose nothing in respect of mutual knowledge
and reciprocal understanding.
221
nB^ — f"^
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
Our experiment at Bierges has, in this respect,
yielded resulte with wMch we are entirely satisfied.
rv. Taste — Art — Music? — Singing
The formation of the child's taste, its aesthetic
initiation and education, are among the most inter-
esting of the problems with which a teacher has to
deal when he is organizing the life of a school.
How can we awaken and strengthen a feeling for
beauty in children ? What means are available for
this purpose ?
In this case, too, it is obvious that we must not
attempt measures isolated from those which con-
stitute the general organization of school life.
Since materials and opportunity for awakening and
forming a child's taste occur everywhere, we must
effect aesthetic education apropos of everything
and of nothing. The pupil's mind should inhale
beauty, just as his lungs inhale the pure country air.
Love of the beautiful, love of the true, and love
of the good constitute the sacred alliance of the
moral powers. Just as in respect of the other
activities or manifestations of child life, so here it
is impossible to isolate the formation of taste, to
isolate aesthetic initiation and artistic culture, from
the totality of school life.
Day by day we have a thousand opportunities of
directing a child's attention toward some beautiful
object, or, in the case of some other object, of show-
222
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
ing why it is regarded as ugly. But we have *6 take
into account the age of our .pupils, and it is obvious
that the same methods of initiation and of aesthetic
culture will not suit all alike. It is clear that very
young children will gain nothing, as far as the forma-
Ln % taste is colmed, Z> vidting a picture
gaUery, from seeing sculpture, from Ustening to a
concert, or from attending a dramatic performance,
if we present them with matters quite beyond their
prasp. Their inteUectual development is insuffi-
cient to enable them to appreciate the value of such
things.
Artistic education may be either direct or in-
direct. As a foundation, we must have training in
orderliness, in cleanliness, alike in the private rooms
and class-rooms, and as concerns exercise books,
lockers, books, and general behaviour. It is here
that we must begin in matters of aesthetic culture.
It is conamonplace ; it is simple ; but it is funda-
mental.
We aim first, therefore, at orderliness and neat-
ness ; we concern ourselves with the organization
of the home in which the child Uves and grows.
While we are speaking of the house, of the interior,
let me point out that at Bierges we have everywhere
plants, reproductions of pictures and statues, and
numerous engravings — things to attract attention
and to charm.
In"ad(Mtion, some of the work that our pupils do,
the best among their drawings, paintings, models,
223
Af NEW SCHOOL Df BELGIUM
carvings, etc., give us valuable assistance in the
matter of school decoration.
Outside school we are at home with nature, in
the fields, among trees and flowers, inexhaustible
treasuries of pleasurable emotion. If we teach a
child to observe nature, we are taking the first
step to induce the study, the admiration, the love
of nature. We are opening the heart to all the
delights, those of line, colour, form, and sound.
Gardening, flower culture, outdoor reading, walks,
excursions, camping out in the woods, observation
and study of natural phenomena — ^how memorable
are the sensaticms and emotions thus achieved!
Our life at the school is a perpetual round of them.
We live in the very heart of nature. I have
previously told you that the natural surroundings
of the school are picturesquely beautiful.
Of all our festivals, the nature festival, the festival
of the birds and of the trees, is the chief. Let me
briefly describe it.
It is organized by the pupils and comprises the
following items :
(a) The liberation of birds, bought by the pupils
with their own pocket-money from bird fanciers.
Here we have redemption, deliverance from prison.
At our last festival the liberation was preceded by
a few well-chosen words, composed, written, and
recited by pupils selected for the purpose by their
comrades. It was a touching occasion and several
among the adults present were genuinely moved.
224
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
(6) Placing of artificial nests in the trees. These
nests had been made by the senior pupils in
ike carpenter's shop and presented by them to the
juniors, who, for their part, had decorated the
interior of the nests with charming and ingenuous
inscriptions addressed to the birds-
(c) The reading of compositions written by the
pupils about trees, poetical recitations, choral sing-
ing, and music. A delightful festival, well suited
to children, and leaving most agreeable memories.
Let us return to the question of the formation of
taste.
Our teachers awaken and form the taste of their
pupils through the medium of cardboard work,
modelling, drawing, water-colour painting, and oil-
paintmg.
Every year the pupils organize an exhibition of
drawings, paintings, models, artistic work in wood
and wrought iron, the fruit of the year's labour.
Some of the objects are genuinely beautiful. This
exhibition has been christened by them the * Salon
des Independants,' and their friends and relatives
visit it in large numbers.
Among our favourite methods I must mention
frequent visits to museums and to exhibitions of
painting and sculpture. On these occasions the
senior pupils are accompanied by artists who are
friendly to the school.
The seniors, for whom we take subscription
tickets, regularly attend the great monthly con-
p 226
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
certs given in the Brussels Opera House, and they
also attend literary mating to witness the per-
formance of classical dramas and choice works by
modem playwrights. In addition we have at
school courses of lectures and debates in which the
pupils participate, and where they acquire freah
elements of artistic initiation. I must also mention
dramatic performances organized by the junior
pupils. Finally, all are taught smging, and the
choruses add grace to the festivals and concerts
which we organize at school.
As has been shown, there is no lack of opportunity
in the field of artistic education.
Two questions remain to be considered, that of
sexual education and that of co-education. The
reader is doubtless aware of the extreme importance
of both.
V. Sexual Education and Co -education
At Bierges the sexual question is treated tactfully
and frankly. A child living in the country under-
goes in these matters an easy and wholesome
initiation. The breeding of animals, gardening,
flower culture, afiord him a natural introduction
to phenomena and problems of this character. His
teacher leads him to observe these phenomena and
explains them, doing so with the same simpUciiy
with which the pupil is led to observe and to under-
stand the other phenomena of organic nature.
When he is old enough our medical men advise him
226
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
concerning all the problems of individual and social
hygiene bearing upon the matter.
A child living under the regime which obtains in
our school, one living much in the open air, nourished
by suitable food, free from stimulating ingredients,
with daily tubs and shower-baths, engaged in
manual labour and physical exercises of various
kinds pushed to the point of agreeable &tigue,
participating in games and sports, and having a
programme of mental activity which does not en-
tail overwork, but involves genuine and wholesome
exercise of faculty alike in the moral and social
sphere, and whose training includes a natural and
frank knowledge of sexual hygiene— such a child is
likely to enjoy perfect physical and therefore perfect
moral health.
Passing to consider the co-education of the sexes,
its advantages are so obvious to me that I am
strongly in favour of the method. I have just been
reading with much interest the arguments of the
advocates and of the opponents of co-education,
and also the judicious and objective views ex-
pounded by Adolphe Ferri^re in an article which
may be commended to those interested in the
subject.^ Ferri^e here discusses the question with
the mastery, the good sense, and the skill which
he invariably displays about educational topics.
Nevertheless, much as I favour co-education, I have
not hitherto been able to introduce it at Bierges.
1 " Co^uoation et Manage," Foi et Vie, June 1 snd 19, 1914.
227
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
I have to await a more favouiable moment. In a
country where educational questions are debated
with extraordinary acerbity, and where there is
absolutely no precedent for co-education, it would
have been dangerous to complicate the launching of
the new venture with an esperiment which could
not have failed to add greatly to the difficulties
(sufficiently numerous in any event) attendant on
the foundation of the first New School in Belgium.
But it has always been my intention to introduce
co-education as soon as the school, in virtue of its
authority, its eiq)erience, the results to which it
could point, should be in a position to carry through
this reform. The opponents of co-education have
three principal grievances to urge agamst the
advocates of the method. They complain that co-
education is desired for motives of economy, they
assert that it tends to overwork girls by subjecting
them to the same regime as bqys, and they declare
that it diverts the members of either sex from the
ideals proper to that sex. But actual ei^perience
in schools where co-education is carried out under
proper conditions justifies the belief that the tend-
ency of the method is to ensure the normal evolution
of boiJi sexes ; this eiq)erience shows that the mixed
school, far from diminishiTig or extinguishing manli-
ness in the boys and womanliness in ihe girls, en-
courages the regular development of the qualities
respectively comprised under these terms. The
tendencies and aptitudes proper to each sex are
228
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
not mutually exclusive, but are complementary
qualities, so that the members of each sex require
constant association with individuals of the other,
and in this way only can there be avoided a one-
sided development of intellect and character.
Boys and girls gain by Uving together. As
Bumess points out, comradeship, life in common,
common interests, tend to encourage mutual sym-
pathy and understanding, while attenuating and re-
tarding the appearance of sexual nervous tensions.
The result of co-education is to establish a frank,
wholesome, and affectionate camaraderie between
boys and girls. It does not hinder the normal'
evolution of the tendencies, aptitudes, mental
powers, and dispositions characteristic of the
respective sexes, but tends rather to promote
favourable reciprocal reactions. Finally, it enables
young men and women to know one another, to
collaborate, and to practise mutual aid. For this
reason it furnishes one of the conditions most likely
to lead to happy and healthy marriage.
VI. Summary and Conclusion
I am satisfied that I have been advancing along
the right road. I am convinced that the methods
employed and the life lived at Bierges enable
children to develop under the most favourable
conditions possible. At any rate, our pupils were
exceedingly happy. Parents assured me that their
229
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
sons weie impatden% awaiting the end of the
hoIida^B and the letum to school In the school
which have led to the issue of that publication,
remarked :
Another thing is that we wish to make our school
known and to make known the new methods which
are used in it. We take pleasure in our work here
and are happy. Those who, like myself, have been
at other schools understand the diSerence better
than those who have not. We should like more
pupils to enjoy the advantages of this fine and
pleasant life.
What results have we secured ? Since the school
has been in e^dstence for two years only, it is im-
possible to claim permanent conquests, or to con-
tend that it has exercised a decisive influence upon
the moral and intellectual growth of our pupils.
I should be the last to deny that in many instances
a good school and the individuality of its head-
master may be competent to secure the immediate
realization of the germinal promises latent in a
child. In general, however, educational work can-
not produce its full effect until the element of time
has been superadded to the other indispensable
factors.
The reader will forgive me if I quote some extracts
from the letters of a young man who spent two years
with us at Bierges, and whose development there
230
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
was exceptionally gratifying. When he first came
to the school he was impulsive and dictatorial. If
faced with difficulties he lacked energy of will ; he
was prone to discouragement and, though by no
means wanting in intelligence, was inclined to
desultoriness and lack of concentration. Through
a sustained effort of attention and application he
was enabled, during two years spent in our cordial,
kindly, and well-regulated environment, to acquire
the qualities of orderliness, calm, self-possession,
strength of wiU, and clarity of judgment which
make a man of him to-day.
Here are three of his letters, two from Scotland
and the third from Paris.
(1)
Stirling : January 17, 1915
Deab Monsieur Faria, — ^^I can hardly find words
to tell you how delighted I was to get your letter
yesterday. I was at the office when it came, and I
was not able to read it until half-past two in the
afternoon, which only enhanced my eagerness. I
have now read it and re-read it more than once,
and have found it extremely encouraging and in-
structive. The impression it gives me is one of
hope and of great optimism. I see you thirty
kilometres from the firing line, making arrange-
ments to open a temporary school. How splendid
of you! . . .
What a lot we shall have to tell one another when
we meet.
231
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
Now I will give you a few words on my new life
and on my adventuies since I left you.
I spent two glorious montlis at Oxford, months
which contributed greatly to increase my know-
ledge and to form my mind. During the first month
I attended the vacation courses for foreigners,
coming and going on my bicycle. I was living in
a charming little village about five miles fiom
Oxford. Tlie country was magnificent, and every
morning I enjoyed a delightfm panorama of the
town, of its historio colleges, of its churches, etc.
This city is one of extraordinary interest; every-
thing there has its history, every ceremony ite
ancient tradition.
We had three or four lectures daily. These
lectures, courses for the most part, were extremely
instructive. The subjects were varied: Engli^
literature; historical grammar; the political, in-
dustrial, and social life of England; the English
colonial system ; education in England. I took a
great many notes. The lecturers were among the
most celebrated and the ablest of the university
professors. Twice a week, in the afternoon,
visits to the colleges and various excursions were
arranged.
In my free hours I got on well at tennis, and
several times I went boating on the river, which is
beautiful.
I organized my life very regularly, keeping an
exact record of how I spent my time. Eight hours
sleep, eight hours work, and eight hours recreation.
Two days a week I worked only six hours and played
ten hours, these being the tennis days.
This jolly time soon came to an end. By the
232
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
middle of September I had lost all hope of returning
to Bierges, and I wanted to volunteer for service.
FoUowing my father's advice, I gave up this idea for
the present and started looking for work. It was
not easy to find anything. I wrote to all my
acquaintances in England, and heard from one after
another that they knew of nothing. I put two
advertisements in the paper, and went to see five or
six influential people, farmers on the large scale, but
an without success. At length I received a letter
from a Scottish merchant who had business rela-
tions with my father, telling me that one of his em-
ployees had enlisted and that I could have the vacant
place. I wrote to ask the salary, and as soon as I
had heard from him again I made my way to Stirling,
arriving there on October 1 st, feeling thoroughly out
of sorts, I don't know why ; but I was all right after
a week. I took a bed-sitting-room. You can walk
the length of it in two strides and can cross it in one
and a half. The bed is eighteen and a half times
too large and the pictures are awful. The east
window looks over neighbouring roofs and chimneys
and also ovtr the stables of the adjoining house.
It's ja charming yiew ; quite poetic !
The landlady does my room and cooks for me. I
pay fifty-six shillings or seventy francs a month for
lodging, board, and light. No fire except on Sunday
evenings, as it would be too expensive.
The firm for which I work deals in grain, hay, and
straw. There are ten of us in the ofl&ce and we
work from half -past eight in the morning to the
same hour in the evening, and sometimes to nine
or half-past.
The only breaks are half an hour for dinner and
233
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
twenty minutes for tea. The rest of the time we
work without intermission, and very hard indeed.
We send out from 160 to 200 letters daily and buy
and sell from 10,000 to 13,000 cwt. of grain every
week. Add 100 to 160 tons of hay every week and
you can imagine how busy we all are.
Most of the employees start early to the markets
of the neighbouring towns, some of them going as
far as seventy-five miles from Stirling, and they do
not get back until five in the evening. Then comes
the busiest time of the day, the correspondence. I
write very few letters as yet, but I copy letters and
write the addresses.
In the morning I work in the office, posting the
books and examining samples, until half -past
eleven ; then I go on my bicycle to visit neighbour-
ing fanns, three or four miles away, to buy newly
threshed com. At one or half -past I have dinner,
and then I set out for more distant farms, buying
com and hay if there is any, selling oilcake, bran,
chemical manures, etc. At five o'clock I return to
Stirling, have tea, and stay at the office until quite
late. In the evenings, three times a week, I give
lessons to civilians and officers who are going to
Prance. The officers pay nothing, but the civilians
pay enough to eke out my salary, so that I am no
expense to my parents.
There, dear Monsieur Faria, you have a few de-
tails about my life. As you see, I am far too busy
to suffer from boredom. Lately there has been a
considerable change. In October I felt as if I were
quite alone in the middle of a gloomy forest. The
Eeople here are extremely reserved and talk very
ttle. They are closely shut, as it were, and ex-
234
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
pand only to their intimates. At first I knew no
one, but I have gradually got to know quite a
number of people. I have a thousand things more
to write to you, but it is very late, so good-bye. . . .
(2)
Stirling : April 25, 1915
Deab Monsieur Faria, — All is well with us here.
The spring is later than at home, but it is delight-
ful when it comes. The trees are budding, and the
whole country-side is reawakening after the long
winter. . . .
I have somewhat altered my plan of^life. For
nearly two months I have been rising at five or a
quarter paat and |oing to work in aiarden I have
rented for ten shillings. It is about three miles
from the town, in the neighbouring hills. I have
done all the work myself, carting manure, digging,
and sowing. The garden is about half the size of
the kitchen garden at Bierges. • . .
For the last three weeks I have had a second
garden. It belongs to a friend who is too lazy to
cultivate it himseu. I work a third of it for him,
while the rest is at my own disposal rent-free. . . .
As you see, I am greatly interested in my gardens,
and I spend two hours tnere every morning, as well
as Saturday afternoons. ... I think of giving the
produce to an institution for children or to a hospital
filled with convalescent soldiers, as a contribution
to the upkeep of this institution during the war, in
which I have not hitherto been able to take an
active part. . . .
235
A NEW SCHOOL IN BELGIUM
In the evenings I still have seven civilian pupils,
in three classes, and also a class of officers. . . .
Here you have a brief description of my life. I
hope that you will be pleased with me. I should
like to show that I have been under your influence
for two years. . . .
(3)
Paris : June 15, 1915
Dear Monsieur Faria, — I can't tell you how
pleased I am to know that my brother is to join you.
I am sincerely grateful to you for undertaking to
make a man of him. I am fiUed with hope now
that he is to be under your care, for I know all that
I have learned from you, and I shall never forget
what I owe to you. Before I left Bierges I did not
fully realize the benefits you conferred on me, but
I understood well enough as soon as I was left to my
own devices and when difficult times came. Had
it not been for my experience at Bierges, brief as it
was, I should never have known how to organize
my life so as to make it active, wholesome, and
interesting. I have to thank you for having made
a man of me.
I left Scotland to enlist. The arrangements are
nearly finished. On Monday I shall be in uniform
and then I will send you my photograph. I am to
join the Engineers. I can't say that I look forward
to life in barracks, but I shall get along all right.
What I really want is to go to the Front as soon as
possible, so that I may take an active part in this
gkantic struggle for the life and the liberty of those
1 love.
236
MORAL, SOCIAL, AND ARTISTIC TRAINING
My task is ended.
Bierges was no more than a laboratory for patient
and continuous investigation. It makes no claim
to perfection.
If, in an unfortunate hour, it should assert any
such futile claim, this would signify that, having
lost its animating vital impulse, it had become a
poor little prison of formulas, systems, and dogmas.
We keep our windows open to all the winds of
heaven. Our minds are alert, and we wish to
respond to every simmions from the future. We
are alive. Or, rather, since the war has made us
exfles from our spiritual fatherland, it would be
better to say, we have lived. But we can confi-
dently add, we shall live again.
The school at Bierges was an experiment, a place
for unceasing analysis ; but it had also a synthetic
and idealist aim, and was quite free from meanness
or vulgarity. A small working community, a
source of delight, it enthusiastically collaborated
toward the advent of a better life. Sombre and
lowering as has been the outlook at times for
us in our exile, we have never lost our confidence
in the permanency of the values which man has
''created through the centuries, values which will
be safeguarded and enhanced by a truly humanist
education.
•w
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zh | N/A | N/A | **武汉城市圈残疾人口生存现状及发展对策探讨**
**江传曾1.2，邵红梅**
**(1湖北省残疾人联合会，湖北 武汉 430070；2武汉大学人口资源、环境经济研究所，湖北 武汉 430070)**
**摘要：武汉城市圈是国家确定的促进中部地区发展的重要区域经济发展圈。统筹武汉城市圈城乡残疾人事业发展，对于统筹圈内城乡发展具有重要意义。由于圈内城市间经济社会发展的差异，城乡残疾人发展存在较大差异。促进武汉城市圈残疾人事业发展，武汉市要继续推进残疾人服务体系建设，充分发挥龙头示范作用；要开展城乡一体化社会保障试点工作，为城乡一体化建设积累经验；要构建统一的、共享的残疾人就业服务平台，促进圈内残疾人就业；要构建统一的残疾人就业、康复、教育、文化体育等方面的优惠政策，推动城乡残疾人事业协调发展；要加强残疾人干部队伍的交流和培训，提高服务能力和品质；圈内应建立合作协调机制。**
**关键词：武汉市城市圈；残疾人状况与发展；城乡统筹**
**中图分类号：C913.69 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1674~1668(2011)03-0050-09**
**1 武汉城市圈残疾人口发展的理论基础与背景**
**城市和乡村的关系一直是国内外学者和政府决策者研究关注的重点和热点问题之一。中国对统筹城乡发展的研究背景主要是基于中国国民经济发展进入新阶段发展的需要以及城乡收入差距扩大导致社会矛盾加剧。2007年中国人均 GDP 为 2490美元，人均 GDP 突破 2000 美元，城市化率达到44.94%2，根据钱纳里一赛尔奎因工业化阶段规律和世界各国发展的普遍经验，中国已经进人工业化中期，城市化进程不断推进的阶段，各项经济指标已经比较接近工业反哺农业的要求。另外，改革开放以来，尽管中国经济取得了巨大发展的同时，然而贫富差距也在进一步扩大。城乡收入差距悬殊，二元结构经济依然存在，“三农”问题仍然难以解决。所有这些使得统筹城乡发展正成为一个亟待研究的课题。综合国内外的理论研究成果看，统筹城乡二元经济发展，核心问题是剩余劳动力由传统劳动部门向现代工业部门转移问题；以城市为中心的资源要素从城市到乡村的流动来带动乡村发展。**
**2002年党的十六大明确提出了解决“三农”问题必须统筹城乡经济社会发展。2006年十六届六中全会指出2020年和谐社会日标和主要任务要求统筹城乡发展。2007年十七大报告中提出必须统筹城乡发展。统筹城乡是一个系统工程，要在“统筹”二字上下苦功夫，把农村与城市、农业与工业、农民与市民作为一个整体进行考虑，对城市和农村经济社会发展中存在的问题及其相互关系进行统一部署，把缩小城乡差距作为出发点和落脚点，实现以城带乡、以工促农、城乡一体协调发展。**
**①根据世界各国的普遍经验，当一个国家人均 GDP 达到 1000—3000 美元的水平时，是国民经济快速增长时期，也是社会矛盾的突发期。即工业化进人中期阶段后，就进人了二元经济结构向一元经济结构转换过渡，工农、城乡关系开始改善的最重要阶段，在这一阶段，为确保农业积累不再为工业发展所吸取，农业与非农产业平等发展，不同国家往往从各自国情出发，采取相应的平衡发展措施，一般都是以工业反哺农业为主要手段。**
**②根据中国共产党历届代表大会报告资料整理所得。**
**收稿日期：2009-12-24；修订日期：2010-11-14**
**作者简介：江传曾(1967一)，男，湖北省残疾人联合会办公室主任，武汉大学人口、资源、环境经济研究所博士研究生，长期从事残疾人事业理论与政策研究；邵红梅(1982一)，女，武汉大学人口、资源、环境经济研究所博士研究生。**
**武汉城市圈是以武汉为中心，由武汉及周边8个城市组成的一个经济联合体，主要指武汉及其100公里半径内的黄石、鄂州、孝感、黄冈、咸宁、仙桃、潜江、天门等8个城市构成的城市圈，即“1+8”武汉城市圈14.，具体见图1。其总面积6.1万平方公里，占湖北省面积的 33%，2002年区域内人口3040.8万，是湖北省总人口的50.4%5\]。武汉城市圈在全省经济增长中处于举足轻重的位置，不仅是湖北经济发展的核心区域，也是中部崛起的重要战略支点。2008年9月国务院批复的武汉城市圈“两型社会”建设综合配套改革试验总体方案的重点内容之一就是创新统筹城乡发展的体制机制。消除城乡二元结构，突破城乡分割的制度障碍和行政区划壁垒，促进生产要索自由流动。统筹公共服务资源，探索建立城乡一体化的公共服务体系，**
**图1“1+8”武汉城市圈具体分布图**
**促进公共服务均等化，加快社会与经济协调发展，建设和谐城市圈。**
**_2_ 武汉城市圈残疾人口现状**
**_2.1_ 残疾人口数量多，生活状况不高**
**根据2006年第二次全国残疾人抽样调查数据，武汉城市圈共有残疾人181.8万人，其巾武汉市有43.8万人、潜江市6万人、咸宁市17.1万人、仙桃市8.7万人、黄冈市有46.2万人、黄石市有15.1万人、鄂州市有5.1万人、孝感市有30.9万人、天门市为8.9万人(见图2)。**
**残疾人就业总体不高。2008年武汉市城市圈残疾人总就业人数为548652 人，占残疾人总数的30.18%，其中城镇就业人数为162022人，占总就业人数的29.53%，农村就业人数为386630人，占总就业人口的70.47%。城市圈内9个城市具体就业人数与就业比重见表1。**
**图2 武汉城市圈残疾人数量**
**表1 武汉城市圈残疾人就业情况**
| | **武汉市** | **潜江市** | **咸宁市** | **仙桃市** | **黄冈市** | **黄石市** | **鄂州市** | **孝感市** | **天门市** | **总计** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **就业人数(人)** | | | | | | | | | | |
| **城镇** | **97990** | **1883** | **4301** | **373** | **13416** | **20825** | **4517** | **10287** | **8430** | **162022** |
| **农村** | **57868** | **6704** | **42025** | **6100** | **164235** | **31803** | **6619** | **36606** | **34670** | **386630** |
| **总计** | **155858** | **8587** | **46326** | **6473** | **177651** | **52628** | **11136** | **46893** | **43100** | **548652** |
| **就业比重(%)** | **35.62** | **14.33** | **26.9** | **7.47** | **38.46** | **34.83** | **21.76** | **15.18** | **48.43** | **30.18** |
**注：就业比重为总就业人数与2006年二次普查残疾人数量之比。**
**不同城市间残疾人人学率差距较大。据统计2008年武汉城市圈义务教育阶段人学28014 人，义务教育入学率为83.34%，武汉市入学率最高达到97.72%，成宁市最低只有62.45%；只有武汉市拥有特教高中，武汉、黄冈和孝感有残疾人进入高等特殊教育学校，且武汉占有绝大部分比重(见表2)。**
**表2 武汉城市圈残疾人受教育情况**
| | **武汉市** | **潜江市** | **咸宁市** | **仙桃市** | **黄冈市** | **黄石市** | **鄂州市** | **孝感市** | **天门市** | **总计** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **义务教育人学人数** | **7253** | **1003** | **1139** | **1488** | **6987** | **1809** | **799** | **6048** | **1488** | **28014** |
| **学龄儿童人数** | **7422** | **1060** | **1824** | **1599** | **8901** | **1962** | **938** | **8308** | **1599** | **33613** |
| **义务教育人学率(%)** | **97.72** | **94.62** | **62.45** | **93.06** | **78.50** | **92.20** | **85.18** | **72.80** | **93.06** | **83.34** |
| **高中人学人数** | **54** | **一** | **一** | **一** | **一** | **一** | **一** | **一** | **一** | **54** |
| **接受高等教育(普通学校)人数** | **51** | **2** | **20** | **25** | **33** | **6** | **6** | **46** | **0** | **189** |
| **接受高等教育(特殊学校)人数** | **65** | **0** | **0** | **0** | **1** | **0** | **0** | **4** | **0** | **70** |
| **高等教育总人数** | **116** | **2** | **20** | **25** | **34** | **6** | **6** | **50** | **0** | **259** |
**注：高等教育阶段的普通学校是指普通高等教育学校，特殊学校是专门针对残疾人的高等教育学校。**
**残疾人收人消费差距较大。本研究数据来源于湖北省残联在武汉城市圈(未计潜江市)8个城市定点调查台帐，时间跨度为2007年6月至2009年3月，通过计算月消费支出、月生产支出及月收人的平均值①，分析武汉城市圈残疾人家庭收人与消费情况(见表3)。**
**表3 武汉城市圈残疾人收入与消费状况(单位：元) 武汉城市**
| **城市** | **总平均** | | | **城镇** | | | | **农村** | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **城市** | **收人** | **消费支出** | **生产支出** | **收人** | **消费支出** | **生产支出** | **收入** | **消费支出** | **生产支出** |
| **武汉市** | **3204.94** | **1899.60** | **408.13** | **2846.14** | **2607.70** | **719.30** | **1547.12** | **483.38** | **406.83** |
| **黄石市** | **1820.72** | **1396.17** | **355.06** | **2343.35** | **1848.30** | **178.50** | **1534.92** | **1320.63** | **356.08** |
| **黄冈市** | **767.99** | **466.17** | **83.03** | | | | **767.99** | **466.17** | **83.03** |
| **仙桃市** | **711.00** | **479.80** | **149.59** | | | | **711.00** | **479.80** | **149.59** |
| **孝感市** | **2795.62** | **\[086.93** | **683.70** | | | | **2795.62** | **1086.93** | **683.70** |
| **鄂州市** | **608.97** | **346.08** | **51.83** | | | | **608.97** | **346.08** | **51.83** |
| **天门市** | **1195.28** | **1298.21** | **390.45** | | | | **1195.28** | **1298.21** | **390.45** |
| **咸宁市** | **1292.20** | **887.73** | **350.73** | | | | **1292.20** | **887.73** | **350.73** |
| **平均值** | **1549.59** | **982.59** | **309.07** | **2594.75** | **2228.00** | **448.90** | **1306.64** | **796.12** | **309.03** |
**圈残疾人经济**
**收入消费状况**
**与所在城市经**
**济状况联系紧**
**密，武汉市与黄**
**石市的收入消**
**费水平较高，孝**
**感、咸宁、天门**
**居中，仙桃、黄**
**冈较低，鄂州市**
**为最低，圈内城市之间收人消费差距较大。圈内残疾分城镇与农村来看，武汉市与黄石市的农村收人与消费支出远远少于城镇水平。其他市情况也大体相当。**
**2.2 残疾人社会保障水平不高，城市间差异较大**
**武汉城市圈各城市努力做好社会保障工作，结合本地经济发展水平，明确制定居民最低生活保障标准。从2009年公布的居民最低生活保障标准来看，武汉市保障水平最高，但武汉城市圈内9个城市之间城镇标准相差不是很大(见表4、图3)。**
**表4 武汉城市圈2009年居民年最低生活保障标准(单位：元)**
| | **武汉市** | **潜江市** | **咸宁市** | **仙桃市** | **黄冈市** | **黄石市** | **鄂州市** | **孝感市** | **天门市** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **城镇** | **2880/3600** | **2760** | **1920/2280** | **2880** | **1860/2400** | **2280/2760** | **2760** | **1920/2280** | **2520** |
| **农村** | **1000/1500** | **840** | **693/800** | **850** | **720/840** | **700/1200** | **1200** | **720/840** | **840** |
**注：数据来源于湖北省政府网，城镇标准根据月标准换算得来，市内标准不同的城市选取了其最低值和最高值。**
**武汉城市圈积极推动残疾人参加最低生活保障，总体来说城镇残疾人参加低保情况好于农村，参加人数占应参人数的比重值存在一定差距。城镇残疾人参加低保比重基本在80%以上，潜江市参加比重达到**
**①月消费支出是台帐汇总中指标H1至 H10 累加，总平均月生产支出是指标H11至H16 累加，总平均月收人是 H17 至H23 累加；城镇月生产支出汇总指标为 H11，H15，月收入汇总指标为 H17、H18、H20、H21、H22、H23；农村月生产支出汇总指标为 H12、H13、H14、H16，月收人汇总指标为H17、H19、H20、H21、H22、H23。**
**100%，依次为武汉、仙桃、天门、鄂州、孝感和黄石。农村残疾人参加低保情况，有8个城市在50以上，最高为鄂州市比重达到 85.01%，最低为孝感仅为27.32%。**
**此外，各个城市积极出台各项措施帮助残疾人参加养老保险。武汉城市圈内残疾人参加养老保险情况越来越好，除仙桃和黄石外，其他**
**图3 武汉城市圈2008年残疾人参加低保情况**
**7市2008年比2007年参加养老保险人数均有所上升(见表5)。**
**表5 2007-2008年武汉城市圈参加养老保险的人数(单位：人)**
**2.3 残疾人公共服务范围不断扩大**
| | **武汉市** | **潜江市** | **咸宁市** | **仙桃市** | **黄冈市** | **黄石市** | **鄂州市** | **孝感市** | **天门市** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **2007** | **5115** | **362** | **379** | **307** | **11957** | **5840** | **230** | **2337** | **51** |
| **2008** | **6278** | **362** | **573** | **262** | **13110** | **4495** | **790** | **2580** | **90** |
**武汉城市圈残疾人公共服务体系建设不断加强，社区服务网络、就**
**业服务网络、托养服务网络建设逐渐展开，服务范围不断扩大，服务水平整体较好。根据表6，以康复站为例，截止2008年圈内已建康复站931家，覆盖率达到34.87%，城市圈内各城市都设立了就业服务机构，2008年共有53家。托养服务网络覆盖范围有限，目前圈内共有托养机构17家，只集中在武汉市和黄石市，分别为14家和3家。**
**表6 武汉城市圈残疾人公共服务体系建设情况**
| **公共服务** | **武汉市** | **潜江市** | **咸宁市** | **仙桃市** | **黄冈市** | **黄石市** | **鄂州市** | **孝感市** | **天门市** | **总计** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **康复站** | | | | | | | | | | |
| **已建数** | **468** | **2** | **83** | **28** | **104** | **101** | **88** | **57** | **0** | **931** |
| **应建社区数** | **1234** | **55** | **114** | **54** | **208** | **174** | **641** | **140** | **50** | **2670** |
| **覆盖率(%)** | **37.93** | **3.64** | **72.81** | **51.85** | **50.00** | **58.05** | **13.73** | **40.71** | **0.00** | **34.87** |
| **就业服务机构** | **14** | **1** | **7** | **1** | **10** | **7** | **4** | **8** | **1** | **53** |
| **托养机构** | **14** | **0** | **0** | **0** | **0** | **3** | **0** | **0** | **0** | **317** |
| **特殊教育学校** | **9** | **1** | **6** | **1** | **9** | **3** | **1** | **7** | | **38** |
| **法律援助** | | | | | | | | | | |
| **法律援助中心数** | **11** | **0** | **7** | **1** | **7** | **6** | **1** | **5** | **1** | **39** |
| **帮助处理案件数** | **204** | **0** | **56** | | **33** | **30** | **1** | **53** | **18** | **395** |
| **文化活动** | | | | | | | | | | |
| **有声读物阅览室** | **8** | **0** | **Q** | **0** | | | | | | **11** |
**同时公共服务体系继续深入发展，在满足残疾人的基本生活需求和保障权益的基础上，更加注重满足残疾人的教育和法律需求，丰富其精神文化生活。截止2009年7月，武汉城市圈共有特殊教育学校38家，基本覆盖圈内9个地区；共有法律援助中心39个，2008年共帮助残疾人处理案件395件；共有11个有声读物阅览室。同时各地还积极组织残疾人文化活动，丰富残疾人的业余文化生活，提高精神面貌。**
**_2.4_ 残疾人口发展的政策和社会环境进一步优化**
**武汉城市圈纷纷出台各项优惠政策和措施，为推动残疾人事业发展创造了良好的社会环境。武汉城市圈各市基本上都制定了《扶助残疾人的规定》、《残疾人事业发展“十一丁”规划》、党委、政府《促进残疾人事业发展的意见》等发展残疾人事业的政策措施。武汉城市圈各地积极在基础设施建设中考虑残疾人的特殊**
**需求，加强无障碍设施建设，努力为残疾人提供便利。武汉、黄石创建无障碍建设示范城，将带动圈内其他的城市积极推动无障碍环境建设。**
**武汉城市圈为残疾人服务的组织和队伍逐步加强。截止2008年底武汉城市圈共有1633个社区建立了残疾人组织，社区组织覆盖率达到90.72%。共有工作人员9011人，其中市级干部队伍有193人，县**
**图4武汉城市圈残疾人工作人员情况**
**级有618人，乡镇、社区一级有885人，村、社区一级包括兼职人员共有7315人。**
**3城市圈残疾人口发展存在的问题**
**3.1武汉城市圈地区、城乡间发展不均衡**
**武汉城市圈残疾人工作发展整体水平较高，但由于残疾人工作发展很大程度上受地区经济实力的制约，圈内残疾人工作发展不均衡，仍然呈现“一市独强，城乡失调”的发展现状(见表7)。**
**表72007年武汉城市圈地方生产总值(单位：亿元)**
| | **武汉市** | **孝感市** | **黄冈市** | **黄石市** | **咸宁市** | **鄂州市** | **仙桃市** | **潜江市** | **天门市** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **3141.504480.794473.74 466.68 286.81 208.71 190.40 156.63 151.48** | | | | | | | | | |
**首先，武汉城市圈内城市之间发展不均衡，发展水平存在差距。对照各地区经济发展水平，显然武汉市作为城市圈的核心**
**城市，残疾人事业发展水平最好，在残疾人经济状况、社会保障水平、公共服务基础设施等方面与其他8个周边城市相比都具有很大优势。其他城市虽然残疾人事业发展各有特色，但从整体来看，仙桃、潜江和天门这三个县级市发展程度不高，在公共服务体系建设和社区组织建设方面还很薄弱。目前，只有武汉市和黄石市设立了托养机构。其他五个城市残疾人事业发展水平居中，其中孝感和黄石在各方面都可以紧随武汉之后。虽然鄂州市农村社保标准最高，但数据显示鄂州市残疾人家庭经济状况最差，其月收人和消费均不到武汉市的五分之一。鄂州市残疾人经济状况亟需改善。**
**其次，城镇与农村发展不平衡，发展水平差距较大。受经济实力的影响，武汉城市圈残疾人经济状况城镇明显好于农村。以武汉市为例，城镇残疾人家庭月收入为2846.14元，消费支出为2607.7元，而农村月收人仅为1547.12元和483.38元，分别相差1299.02元和2124.32元。同时最低生活保障标准城镇也大大高于农村，参加社保比重也高于农村。选取武汉市城乡最高标准，二者相差2100元/年；孝感市城乡最高标准之差最低，也达到了1440元/年。由于缺乏财政资金支持，农村残疾人工作非常薄弱，歧视残疾人现象很明显，同时农村残疾人的消息闭塞，相关优惠政策和措施经常落实不到位。虽然武汉市注重城乡协调，制定措施适当向农村倾斜，由城区带动农村发展，但其城区和郊区发展差距明显，农村在公共服务设施、社区组织建设方面仍然落后。**
**3.2 社会保障机制不健全**
**残疾人作为社会弱势群体应是各国社会保障优先考虑的对象，然而在我国社会保障制度建设中，在职人员、健全人口却成为制度保障的重点，残疾人社会保障权力被严重忽视，武汉城市圈也不例外。社会保障包括社会救济、社会保险和社会福利三个方面，尽管武汉城市圈快速推动社会保障机制的建立，紧紧围绕三个方面展开工作，取得较好的成效，但是武汉城市圈社会保障水平参差不齐，残疾人社会保障制度需要进一步完善和统一。目前武汉城市圈社会保障工作的重点仍是社会救济和社会保险，具体表现为最低生活保障制度、养老和医疗保险制度。**
**社会救济方面，在省残联相关统计中武汉城市圈仍有一部分实际收人低于所在地最低保障线的残疾人未纳人最低生活保障范围；最低保障制度适用于本地区所有居民，没有特别针对残疾人提高标准；同时最低保障标准仍是按照现有行政区划各自制定，武汉城市圈没有形成统一标准。此外通过实施专项救助、临时救助和应急救助，帮助残疾人解决生活、就学、就医等方面遇到一些困难，农村危房改造工作覆盖面还很低，为贫困残疾人提供住房保障和廉租房仍在起步阶段。例如武汉市对纳人低保的精神残疾人补贴100元/月，但仙桃和咸宁等地因为缺乏资金不能实施此类优惠措施。**
**社会保险方面，虽然武汉城市圈在积极推进残疾人养老、医疗等保险制度，但是数据显示残疾人养老保险参保率很低。与普通家庭相比残疾人经济收入一般较低，在现有的养老保险制度下，导致残疾人无力承担参保费用参保积极性不高。残疾人社会保险制度的推广更需要政府的大力支持，并承担一定的资金支持责任。**
**社会福利方面，残疾人社会福利政策需要进一步完善，福利标准和范围需要进一步提高，例如除了关注身体残疾外，要高度关注精神残疾和智力残疾。同时慈善事业的发展还需要进一步推动。**
**3.3 公共服务体系不够完善**
**武汉城市圈残疾人公共服务体系初步形成，公共服务深入社区，体系包括了就业服务、托养服务、特殊教育、法律援助和文化设施等，并且开展基础设施无障碍建设，在一定程度上为残疾人提供了方便，满足了需求。但是由于区域内发展水平不均衡，公共服务体系也存在服务设施城市间分布不均的问题，同时教育机构、托养服务、文化服务等方面仍然十分薄弱，公共服务体系需要进一步完备。**
**社区服务以社区康复为基础，武汉城市圈康复站覆盖了将近三分之一的社区，但是天门市康复站建设十分落后，到2008年底还没有建立社区康复机构。特教学校基本达到“十一五”期间“30万人口以上的市县建一所特教学校”的要求，但是只有武汉设立高中教育机构，影响了义务教育、高中和高等教育的衔接，很难满足其他城市残疾人学生的需求；此外特教机构只有盲校、聋校，针对智力残疾的学校很少。残疾人缺乏专门文体活动机构，武汉城市圈内只有4个地区在图书馆设立的有声读物阅览室共有，且武汉占绝大部分。**
**残疾人托养服务需要进一步加强，武汉城市圈内托养服务机构仅有17家托养服务机构，而且只分布在武汉和黄石两市。托养服务工作主要靠家庭自己承担，残疾人服务市场的发展潜力巨大，现有托养服务机构远远不能满足需求。同时现有托养服务机构大多为针对肢体残疾和智力残疾，缺少精神残疾的专门机构，而且对孤独症方面的康复还没有政府设置的机构，一般由民间投资经营，其收费较高，一般家庭难以承受。**
**3.4 圈内优惠政策不能共享**
**目前武汉城市圈针对残疾人的优惠政策仍以目前的行政区划来划分，辽未达成统一标准，也不能进行地区间的共享。相对而言武汉市残疾人优惠政策较为全面，周边其他城市暂时难向其标准看齐。而且各地区制定措施只针对本地区残疾人，在各地标准和优惠措施不统一和不能接轨的情况下，周边城市残疾人来武汉也无法享受本地的优惠政策。例如武汉市残疾人可以享受市内免费乘车优惠，而其他城市残疾人来武汉就不能享受。因此在武汉城市圈的建设中，如何促进各项政策的统一和优惠共享，实施公共服务的均等化，实现残疾人社会事业均衡发展，成为值得研究和解决的重要问题。**
**_4_ 武汉城市圈残疾人口发展的路径**
**关心残疾人，是社会文明进步的重要标志。残疾人事业是中国特色社会主义事业的重要组成部分。武汉城市圈残疾人口发展应使用全新发展理念，突出9市的社会事业资源联动共享，着重改变武汉城市圈社会事业“一市独强、城乡失调”的发展现状，整合圈内的社会事业各类资源，实现优化配置，促进公共服务均等化。切实解决武汉城市圈残疾人事业发展中的重点与难点问题，建立信息交流平台、资源共享机制、协调机制，进一步促进武汉城市圈残疾人口发展，实现武汉城市圈内城市之间及城乡之间残疾人事业协调发展。具体可以从以下几个方面着手：**
**(1)武汉市要继续推进残疾人服务体系建设，充分发挥龙头示范作用**
**核心城市是城市圈的辐射源与发动机。根据上文分析可知，在残疾人就业情况、受教育情况、经济状况、社会保障水平、公共服务体系建设等方面，武汉市的情况远远好于圈内其他8个城市，具有极大的发展优势。另外，武汉市作为湖北省的省会城市，是湖北省政治经济发展的中心，是当仁不让的“龙头”，只有舞动武汉这个“龙头”，才能推动整个武汉城市圈残疾人事业的发展，充分发挥带头示范作用。武汉市应构建制度化、机制化、法律化的残疾人服务体系，在城市圈残疾人服务体系建设中充分发挥示范带头作用，引导圈内其他城市残疾服务体系建设。应针对残疾人特殊性、多样性、类别化的服务需求，建立健全以专业机构为骨干、社区为基础、家庭邻里为依托，以生活照料、医疗卫生、康复、社会保障、教育、就业、文化体育、托养、维权为主要内容的残疾人服务体系。公共服务机构要为残疾人提供优先优惠的服务。残疾人专业服务机构要改善条件，完善功能，规范管理，扩大受益面，提高服务水平。①.要继续健全完善残疾人服务体系相关政策法规，在探讨实行普惠制的同时，要根据残疾人困难群体的特点，建立特惠制相关政策，使为残疾人服务走向系统化、科学化和法制化。最终使得武汉市残疾服务体系建设成为圈内其他8个城市的先进模范，起示范带头作用，促进圈内其他8个城市残疾人服务体系建设进程。**
**(2)统筹城乡残疾人口发展，缩小城乡残疾人口差距**
**要根据武汉城市圈社会发展和城乡一体化建设的总体规划，研究制定残疾人口发展的规划，将残疾人口发展规划纳人城市倦发展大局，同步规划，同步部署，同步推进。要对现行的各种残疾人政策进行梳理，逐步修改完善，打破影响城乡一体化建设的体制机制性障碍。武汉城市圈必须进一步完善和统一圈内各城市之间、城乡之间的残疾人社会保障制度，加快圈内城乡一体化进程。应该结合圈内各个城市的特点和优势，确立先行试点(鄂州、汉南区作为湖北省和武汉市城乡--体化的试点，在统筹城乡残疾人发展方面，目前已经作了一些有益的探索)，然后发挥模范带头作用，为圈内其他城市建设残疾人城乡-体化的社会保障制度提供先进经验与总结，促使其少走弯路，加快圈内残疾人城乡一体化建设进程。加快武汉城市圈残疾人城乡一体化社会保障试点工作，其基本思路如下：以社会保险制度为重点，打破原来社会保险城乡分割自我封闭的格局，加快“农保”向“城保”的转轨。对于城镇个体工商户、进城务工、灵活就业的残疾人和无业重度残疾人、无业残疾居民等群体，可采取社会保险补贴的办法鼓励他们参加养老和基本医辨保险。有条件的地区要扩大农村残疾人参加养老保险的覆盖面，武汉市应该率先对参加新农保的重度残疾人个人交费部分予以全额补助；圈内特困残疾人享受基本医疗待遇时，统筹基金支付的起付标准可予以适当降低，对个人统筹账户出资部分予以补贴或减免。将部分残疾人医疗康复项目纳人合作医疗报销和救助范围，提高农村残疾人抵御疾病风险的能力6。加强社会救助制度建设，健全城乡社会福利、社区服务和社会互助事业。扩大最低保障制度的适用范围，提高残疾人保障标准。逐步改变目前按照现有行政区划各自制定最低保障标准的制度，在武汉城市圈形成统一的标准。加强社区卫生服务中心及服务站的建设，提供廉价方便的医疗服务。加大政府对康复站建设的资金投入，为圈内康复站配备的专业服务人员，提高残疾人康复水平，最终实现残疾人“人人享有康复服务”。对城乡重度残疾人和智障轻残人，积极创造条件实行托养。必须采用多渠道、多元化的资金筹集模式，加大政府资金投入，吸引民间资本进人，扩宽托养机构建设资金来源，改变日前收费较高的局面。大力发展专门针对精神残疾和智力残疾提供服务的专门服务机构。重视残疾人住房保障，避免残疾人在城镇化的过程中被边缘化。对社会救济对象及其他低收人家庭和领取提租补贴后仍有困难的残疾人家庭，要适当减收或免收新增租金，有条件的地区，可以采取由所在单位给予适当补助的办法。对危房或无房户，要加大“危改”力度，保障“居者有其屋”。**
**(3)构建统一的、共享的残疾人就业服务平台，促进圈内残疾人就业**
**构建统一的、共享的残疾人就业信息服务平台。应该大力构建圈内城乡一体化的就业信息服务平台，服**
**①中共中央国务院关于促进残疾人事业发展的意见\[EB/OL\].中国残疾人联合会官方网站，2008-03-28**
**务于武汉城市圈所有残疾人就业。特别应在武汉建立一个定期提供残疾人就业供求信息、技能培训、职业规划等方面的信息固定场所，促进圈内残疾人就业。**
**构建统一、共享的、专业化的就业培训服务平台。在武汉市构建资源共享的、开放的、高水平的、专业化的就业培训学校(基地)，加强残疾人职业技能培训、职业介绍等服务保障设施建设，职业教育培训机构残疾人招生应主要面向武汉城市圈，旨在提高圈内残疾人职业技能，增强就业能力和创业能力，使得圈内残疾人实现自主择业和自主创业，解决就业问题。具体可采取委托专业培训机构、职业技术院校和有条件的特殊教育学校开展残疾人职业技能培训，加强残疾人职业培训工作针对性、实用性和有效性，推动培训工作从短期、“兴趣式”培训，逐步向专业化、学历化、“双证”式培训转化，千方百计提高培训后的就业率，稳步提升残疾人稳定就业的数量和就业层次。特别应该加强农村残疾人技能培训，加大投人力度，扩展培训范围；强化农村残疾人科技培训，促进科学“种植、养殖、加工”；加强农村残疾人劳动力转移技能培训，促进转移就业。**
**(4)构建统一的残疾人就业、康复、教育、文化体育等方面的优惠政策，推动城乡残疾人口共享发展成果**
**武汉城市圈应该实行城乡统一的就业政策，扶持农村残疾人就业，对于圈内从事各类生产劳动的农村残疾人，要在生产服务、技术指导、农用投资供应、农副产品收购和信贷等方面，给予统一标准的支持和帮助，扶持其自食其力，脱贫致富，并及时解决其在就业中遇到的问题。在土地划拨、资金投人、信贷支持、政策优惠等各方面对残疾人给予优先考虑，在扶贫基地、就业基地及农村残疾人职业技能培训基地、农村实用技术培训基地、种养殖业示范基地等建设方面给予统一的、适当的照顾。圈内残疾人到任何一个城市就业，在计算残疾人就业比例时都应给予平等待遇。**
**构建武汉城市圈城乡统一的康复优惠政策。圈内残疾人康复资源应实现共享，残疾人在圈内因故须转介治疗的，都应给予相应的优惠和扶持。**
**构建武汉城市圈城乡统---的教育优惠政策。武汉市的特教学校要积极接受圈内其他市残疾人因故到武汉市就读，并给予同等的优惠待遇。圈内残疾学生因故转学到其他地方上学时，应给予积极帮助，并给予同等待遇。**
**构建武汉城市圈城乡统一的文化体育优惠政策。武汉城市圈应积极组织和扶持盲文读物、盲人有声读物、聋人读物、弱智人读物的编写和出版，积极兴办肓人有声读物图书馆，开办电视手语节目，在部分影视作品中逐步增加字幕、解说。鼓励残疾人进行文学、艺术、科学技术等方面的创造性劳动。圈内可以组织残疾人开展文化、体育、艺术等方面的交流和比赛，开阔残疾人思想视野，丰富残疾人业余文化体育生活，提高残疾人生活质量和水平。**
**提供城乡统一的残疾人福利和环境。圈内公共服务机构应当为残疾人优先提供同等服务并给予适当的特别照顾。**
**(5)加强残疾人干部队伍的交流和培训，提高为残疾人服务的能力和品质**
**建立残疾人干部教育培训的长效机制，使其科学化、系统化和规模化。各市都应根据自身干部的情况，开展多层次、多形式的分级分类培训，使得干部队伍教育培训逐步科学化、系统化和规模化。武汉城市圈的残疾人工作者可以通过一定的形式相互交流，总结经验，资源共享，使得先进的、科学的残疾人工作经验在圈内放大，取长补短，共同发展。**
**建立圈内干部交流制度。圈内残联可以互相派干部到对方学习。圈内城市可以采取考察、挂职等多种形式派干部到武汉市交流、学习，学习武汉市先进的残疾人工作理念、方式和方法，武汉市可选派干部到圈内艰苦的地方交流学习，帮助工作，培养锻炼干部。**
**(6)建立圈内残疾人组织合作协调机制，加强残疾人口发展的交流与合作**
**在自愿的基础上，圈内各市残联可以建立一个协作委员会，委员会下设秘书处，及时收集圈内各市工作信息，定期任开会议，组织交流活动，交流工作心得，协调圈内涉及残疾人的相关政策事宜，维护圈内残疾人的合法权益。**
**引文文献：**
**\[I\]国家统计局.中国统计年鉴2007\[Z\].北京：中国统计出版社.**
**\[2\]国家统计局.中国统计年鉴2007\[Z\].北京：中国统计出版社.**
**\[3\]赵彩云.我国城乡统筹发展及其影响要素研究\[D\].中国农业科学院博士学位论文，2008.21.**
**\[4\]邹利林、王建英.武汉“1+8"城市圈城镇空间分布研究\[J\].科协论坛，2008，(12)：90.**
**\[5\]张建民、任玲.把武汉城市圈打造成中部地区重要战略支点\[J\].湖北大学学报(哲学社会科学版)，2007，(1)：42.**
**\[6\]刘敏，鲍仁国.残疾人社会保障问题探析——以江苏省为例\[J\].南京人口管理干部学院学报，2009，(1)：18.**
**参考文献：**
**Lewis，W. A.. Economic Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labor. Manchester School of Economic and Social Studies，1954.**
**赫尔希曼.经济发展战略(曹征海、潘照东译)\[M\].北京：经济科学出版社，1991.**
**劳动保障部劳动科学研究所课题组.战略研究：统筹城乡劳动力就业\[J\].中国劳动，2005，(5).**
**温铁军.发展中国家的发展问题：比较发展研究——在“中国统筹城乡发展论坛”上的发言\[J\].湛江师范学院学报，2008，(2).**
**范杰.推进基本公共服务均等化实现城乡统筹协调发展\[J\].陕西综合经济，2008，(6).**
**宣迅.城乡统筹论\[D\].西南财经大学博士学位论文，2004.**
**城乡协调发展与构建和谐湖北课题组.湖北城乡协调发展：问题、原因和对策\[J\].湖北社会科学，2006，(5).**
**迟福林.强化农村公共服务与统筹城乡发展\[N\].光明口报，2006-08-14.**
**成都就业研究课题组.成都市城乡统筹比较充分就业研究\[J\].中国劳动，2007，(1).**
**曾繁华、杨晓佩、钟卫创.武汉城市圈城乡统筹就业机制及制度服务体系建设\[J\].财经政法资讯，2008，(6).**
**杨立雄，吴伟.中国残疾人扶贫政策的演变与评价\[J\].湖南师范大学社会科学学报，2009，(1).**
**邹利林、王建英.武汉“1+8”城市圈城镇空间分布研究\[J\].科协论坛，2008，(12).**
**张建民、任玲.把武汉城市圈打造成中部地区重要战略支点\[J\].湖北大学学报(哲学社会科学版)，2007，(1).**
**湖北省统计局.2008年武汉城市圈经济运行情况简析\[EB/OL\].2009-02-09.http：//www. wuhan18. gov. cn/Show. asp? id=4287**
**刘敏等.残疾人社会保障问题探析——以江苏省为例\[J\].南京人口管理干部学院学报，2009，(1).**
**刘紫凌、沈种.武汉城市圈改革试验重在创新九大体制机制\[J/OL\].新华网，2008-09-27.**
**李先生.关于当前武汉城市圈综合配套改革试验区建设的几个问题\[N\].楚天都市报，2009-07-21.**
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**\[责任编辑：陈功，顾鉴塘\]** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **DOI：10.13451/j.cnki. shanxi. univ(phil. soc. ).2020.06.010**
**山西在先秦中亚交通中的重要地位**
**——以《穆天子传》记载的西行路线和考古学为视角**
**李玉洁，李丽娜**
**(河南大学黄河文明与可持续发展研究中心暨黄河文明省部共建协同创新中心，河南开封475001)**
**摘 要：山西是我国最早最重要的黄河古文明发祥地之一，是中原连接北方草原的要冲，是古代黄河流域与中亚交通的必经之地。我国古代曾把山西北部的雁门关称为“天下第一关”。先秦史籍《穆天子传》记载了周穆王西行西域、甚至可能到中亚的路线。周穆王的西行与东归路线可以看出，山西是周穆王出、进中原的必经之路。在今山西境内，也发现了大量的考古学证据，说明在这条中亚交通线上确实留下许多中西交流的文化遗存，也可以看出中亚白种人族群进人我国境内的遗迹。山西在先秦中亚交通中具有重要的地位。**
**关键词：《穆天子传》；中亚交通线；文献；考古；山西地位**
**中图分类号：K22 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1000-5935(2020)06-0069-07**
**先秦时期，山西是中亚交通的必经之地，是民族走廊，文献材料和考古材料皆可以证实。战国时期成书的《穆天子传》记载的西周穆王西征就是从山西向北、经内蒙古草原再向西去的。山西陶寺遗址和山陕交界的石劵古城遗址皆发现有外来因素。绛县横水镇发现多座西周时期的国墓葬，有关专家认为就是《穆天子传》记载的国墓葬；传世《毕魂鼎》当与殷商时期山西地区的“鬼方”“魏”“魏”等方国有关。这些方国当与外来族群有一定的关联。当时，从西安向中亚不仅要经过高山大川和沙漠，而且还有强悍的匈奴部族拦路，是无法通行的。先秦时期的文献与考古材料皆表现出山西是先秦时期中亚交通的必经之路，在中亚交通史上具有的重要地位和作用。**
**一、《穆天子传》其书的历史价值**
**《穆天子传》是汲冢周书的一种。《穆天子传》一书，是晋武帝太康二年(281)汲郡人不准，盗发魏襄王墓所得的一部周书。晋武帝组织束晳、荀最等**
**人整理而成。晋武帝太康二年，汲郡(今河南省汲县)有人，名不准，盗发一个战国古墓，可能是魏襄王墓，也有人认为是安釐王墓，发掘得到竹书数十车，称为《汲冢竹书》。其中有《竹书纪年》，记载夏商周史迹，直至三家分晋，接述魏国史迹。魏国之史书记载史实大略与春秋诸书相似，有些与经传记载大异；但是大大丰富了春秋以来的史书记载。**
**《汲冢竹书》中还有一本重要的史书《穆天子传》。《晋书·束晳传》记载：“《穆天子传》五篇，言周穆王游行四海，见帝台西王母，图诗一篇，画赞之属也。又杂书十九篇，周食田法，周书论楚事，周穆王美人盛姬死事；大凡七十五篇。七篇简书折坏，不识名题。冢中又得铜剑一枚，长二尺五寸，漆书皆科斗字。初，发冢者烧策照取宝物，及官收之多烬简断，札文既残缺，不复诠次。武帝以其书付秘书校缀次第，寻考指归，而以今文写之。皙在著作得观竹书，随疑分释，皆有义证，迁尚书郎。”\[1\]1432-1433**
**荀最《穆天子传序》云：“古文《穆天子传》者，太康二年汲县民不准盗发古冢所得书也，皆竹简素丝**
**收稿日期：2020-04-03**
**基金项目：郑州中华之源与嵩山文明研究会第四批立项课题“嵩山地区夏商周王都文明研究”(Y2015-4)**
**作者简介：李玉洁(1948一)，女，河南开封人，河南大学黄河文明与可持续发展研究中心首席专家、教授、博士生导师，主要从事考古学、古代文化史、先秦史研究；**
**李丽娜(1975一)，女，河南南乐人，河南大学黄河文明与可持续发展研究中心副教授、博士后，主要从事先秦考古学研究。**
**编。以臣最前所考定古尺度，其简长二尺四寸以墨书，一简四十字。汲者，战国时魏地也。案所得《纪年》，盖魏惠成王子令王之冢也；于《世本》，盖襄王也。案《史记》《六国年表》，自令王二十一年至秦始皇三十四年届书之岁，八十六年。及至太康二年初得此书，凡五百七十九年。其书言周穆王游行之事。春秋左氏传曰：穆王欲肆其心，周行于天下，将皆使有车辙马迹焉。此书所载则其事也。王好巡守，得盗骊騄耳之乘，造父为御，以观四荒，北绝流沙，西登昆仑，见西王母；与太史公记同。汲郡收书不谨，多毁落残缺，虽其言不典，皆是古书，颇可观览。谨以二尺黄纸写上请事，平以本简书及所新写，并付秘书缮写藏之《中经》，副在三阁，谨序。”21720**
**《穆天子传》的文体是学界争论了多年的问题。自《穆天子传》出土汲冢，由荀勖等列于《中经》。**
**唐代编修的《隋书·经籍志》将其纳人了史部起居注之类，云：“《穆天子传》六卷……晋时又得汲冢书，有《穆天子传》，体制与今起居正同；盖周时内史所记，王命之副也。近代已来别有其职事在百官志，今依其先后编而次之。”\[3\]964-966《旧唐书·经籍志》《新唐书·艺文志》《宋史·艺文志》、马端临《文献通考》卷一九四《经籍考》二十一《史》，皆把《穆天子传》列于起居注。马端临《文献通考》卷一九四云：“穆王始巡狩，得骅骊、绿耳之乘。造父为御，以观四荒，北绝流沙，西登昆仑。”\[4\]3321**
**由以上记载可知，宋元之前《穆天子传》被认为是起居注，即天子起居活动的真实记载，是完全的信史。明代，也被认为是历史类书籍。**
**而至清代纪昀所辑的《四库全书》将《穆天子传》列入子部小说类；《穆天子传》不过是一本“神仙怪异之事”“鱼龙变见之说”的书籍；但是也承认西王母是“西方一国君”。如《四库全书·穆天子传提要》说：“河宗氏亦仅国名。”“《山海经》《淮南子》犹为近是郭璞注。《尔雅》西王母句，不过云西方昏荒之国，于‘河出昆仑墟'句，虽引《大荒西经》而不言其灵异，其注此书，乃颇引志怪之谈……盖当时流俗有此，记如后世小说、野乘之类。”5\]**
**笔者认真研读了《穆天子传》，认为此书确实没有一点“灵异”之说、“志怪之谈”；此书虽引《大荒西经》，而不言其灵异；其注此书乃颇引志怪之谈，所指仅仅是此书之“注”。笔者也注意到，晋人郭璞为《穆天子传》作注，亦为《山海经》作注，而且在两书的注中互引，其实《穆天子传》与《山海经》基本是不同时代的两本书，毫无关系。**
**《穆天子传》最迟成书于战国，而《山海经》有一部分出自战国，一部分出自西汉，较《穆天子传》为晚。而且《穆天子传》作为一部起居注，或者一部史书的纪实作品，虽有夸大成分，但毫无灵异鬼怪之说。《山海经》是一部充满灵异鬼怪的奇书。《四库全书·穆天子传提要》怎么能够因为《穆天子传》一书虽“不言其灵异”，但却因“其注此书乃颇引志怪之谈”，而否定《穆天子传》的史学价值呢?**
**清代《四库全书》编修之后，将《穆天子传》打入小说类，否定其史学价值，从此学术界有些学者开始把《穆天子传》视作文学作品，甚至将其视为伪书。**
**关于周穆王远征西方的史迹，我国古籍确实有许多记载。如《国语·周语》云：“穆王将伐犬戎，祭公谋父谏曰：‘不可'……王不听，遂征之，得四白狼、四白鹿以归，自是荒服者不至。”6\]1-8**
**今本《竹书纪年》卷下载：穆王八年春，“北唐来宾献一骊马是騄耳。九年筑春宫。十一年，王命卿士祭公谋父。十二年，毛公班、共公利、逢公固帅师从王伐犬戎。冬十月王北巡狩，遂征犬戎。十三年春，祭公帅师从王西征，次于阳纡；秋七月西戎来宾；徐戎侵洛。冬十月造父御王人于宗周，王所居有郑宫、春宫。，……十七年，王西征昆仑丘，见西王母。其年，西王母来朝，宾于昭宫。秋八月，迁戎于太原。王北征，行流沙千里，积羽千里，征犬戎，取其五王以东。西征于青鸟所鮮、三危山。西征还，履天下亿有九万里。十八年春正月，王居祇宫，诸侯来朝”721。**
**《史记·赵世家》云：“造父幸于周缪王。造父取骥之乘匹，与桃林盗骊、骅骝、绿耳，献之缪王。缪王使造父御，西巡狩，见西王母，乐之忘归。”\[8\]1779《史记·匈奴列传》云：“而穆王伐犬戎，得四白狼、四白鹿以归，自是之后，荒服不至。”92881**
**我国古文献皆记载，穆王十七年，王西征昆仑丘见西王母，其年西王母来朝，宾于昭宫。秋八月，迁戎于太原。王北征，行流沙千里，积羽千里征犬戎，取其五王以东；西征于青鸟所解(三危山)，西征还履天下，亿有九万里。从《穆天子传》的内容来看，全书没有什么灵异鬼怪之说，亦没有太多的夸张成分，基本上是按时间顺序记载周穆王的行程。《穆天子传》是一部周穆王西行的纪实之作。**
**《穆沃子传》的文体，可以说是一部周天子的起居注。起居注是后代记载皇帝的言行录。西周史官对天子的言行进行记载，以载于史书。《礼记·玉藻》曰：“动则左史书之，言则右史书之。”911474《穆天子传》被认为是史官记载西征路上周穆王言行的**
**史书，是记载西周时期的中原至西域交通和民族文化交流的重要文献，有重要的史料价值。**
**二、文献记载的周穆王西征路线与西王母**
**西周之前，我国已经与中亚、西亚的民族有了很多的交流，中亚、西亚的民族已经进入我国的边境地区。这些都为穆天子西行准备了很好的条件和基础，也准备了翻译人员。自殷商时期，中国已经有了非常轻便适用的交通工具马和马车，可以在草原上飞奔。马和马车的出现，为周穆王西行创造了条件。中亚、西亚族群来自西方，当然精通他们自己的母语，对他们进入中国所走过的道路也是熟悉的。他们进入中国后，又学会了中国的语言。周穆王西行，可以由进入中国的中亚、西亚人士充当向导和翻译。周穆王西行所用的翻译和向导河宗伯夭当是西亚进入中国的人士。**
**《穆天子传》记载了周穆王西行、东归的路线，虽然“发冢者烧策照取宝物，及官收之多烬简断，札文既残缺，不复诠次”，出现不少错乱简情况，但是整理后的简册可以看出周穆王西行的大概路线。周穆王行程的起点与终点皆在洛阳，山西在周穆王西行、东归路线中占据首要地位。**
**《穆天子传》卷一、卷二记载了周穆王西行的路线，云：周穆王自雒邑出发，经过水，“天子北征，乃绝漳水……(至)于盘石之上……至于钘山之下......北循專沱之阳……北征于犬戎……觞天子于当水之阳……甲午，天子西征乃绝输之关橙……己亥至于焉居、禺知之平……辛丑天子西征至于崩人，河宗之子孙嘣栢絮且逆天子于智……..癸酉天子舍于漆......甲辰天子猎于渗泽…··…丙午天子饮于河水之阿......戊寅天子西征鹜行至于阳纡之山，河伯无夷之所都居。是惟河宗氏、河宗伯夭逆天子燕然之山......遂宿于昆仑之阿赤水之阳……..天子三日舍于甄鸟之山……升于昆仑之丘以观黄帝之宫……甲子天子北征舍于珠泽……季夏丁卯天子北升于舂山……壬申天子西征甲戍至于赤乌……甲申至于黑水西膜之所谓鸿鹭……癸巳至于群玉之山……丁酉天子北征之人潜时……辛丑至于奇闾氏天子乃命奇闾氏供食六师之人于铺山之下…庚戌天子西征至于玄池……丙辰至于苦山，西膜之所谓茂苑……丁巳，天子西征己未宿于黄鼠之山西。乃遂西征，癸亥至于西王母之邦”。**
**以上是周穆王出发起点及其西行的路线。顾实先生的《穆天子传西征讲疏》对周穆王“西征”路线**
**进行解读；所谓西征，就是西行。山西是周穆王西行的主要路线，这些已经得到大多数学者的认可。顾实认为，周穆王从洛阳出发，然后就到了山西境内。**
**蠲山，《汉书·地理志》“泫氏(县)”条下颜师古注：“《山海经》‘泫水所出者也’……泫，音工玄反。”泫，音涓，即蠲；蠲、涓一声之转，泫可假借为蠲。蠲山，当是山西高平境内的泫山。漳水，是长子县东的浊漳水；盘石，山西定州有磐石山；鈣山，今河北井陉县有餅山，周穆王是从釿山之西的山西境内越过釿山的；庤沱，发祥于山西省繁峙县，周穆王当循虞沱北岸，井陉县西、繁峙县东100 里左右；此处当有犬戎部族活动。当(繁体为“當”)水，顾实与日本的小船博士皆认为就是山西的雷水，“當”，为“雷”的字形所讹110\]10。喻之关，《说文》云：“喻，北陵西喻属门是也。”《尔雅·释地》亦云：“北陵西喻，雁门是也。”隃之关，当是山西代县、古代称为“天下第一关”的雁门关。**
**焉居、禺知，当在今山西境内。《国语·齐语》记载齐桓公“悬车束马，逾太行与辟耳之溪拘夏，西服流沙、西吴”\[6\]242。“拘夏”，当为夏人一支；西吴，或作“西虞”，吴、虞二統，韵声相同。吴，当为夏人的同盟部族有虞氏。“虞氏”，在有些文献中又称为“禺氏”“禺知”“月氏”等，当是夏人失败之后迁到太行山之西麓的部落。西周时期，焉居、禺知，当皆在今之山西。顾实先生认为，禺知在今山西省平鲁县一带之地，也是有道理的。**
**至此，周穆王穿过今山西境内，从山西北部折而向西；进入陕西北境、内蒙古、新疆，从天山、塔里木盆地的南麓向西，经昆仑之阿、赤水；又过舂山，《山海经》卷三《北山经》云：“边舂之山多葱。”郭璞注：“或作舂山；山，葱名。”春山，当即葱岭。黄鼠之山，顾实先生认为：“当在今波斯之大撒耳特盐漠附近，因产黄鼠，故名。”12\]129周穆王下一站，就到达西王母之邦，已经进入中亚。本文重点谈山西，其他另文详述，此不赘述。**
**《穆天子传》卷三、卷四记载了周穆王见过西王母后的东归路线：“己亥，天子东归六师……癸未至于戊口之山智氏之所处……己亥至于瓜纏之山，三周若城，阕氏胡氏之所保。天子乃遂东征，南絕沙衍......甲辰至于积山之口，爰有口栢，曰□余之人…庚辰，至于滔水浊繇氏……丙戌至于长炭重氏之西疆……庚寅，至于重氏黑水之阿……丁西，天子升于采石之山，于是取采石焉。…...乙丑，天子东征，送天子至于长沙之山……己巳，至于文山，西膜之所谓**
**口，觞天子于文山……至于巨搜……乙亥，天子南征阳纡之东尾……柏夭送天子至于郿人。。……戊午，天子东征，顾命柏夭归于丁邦…...孟冬壬戌，至于雷首……癸亥，天子南征，升于髭之橙。丙寅，天子至于枅山之队……癸酉，天子命驾八骏之乘，赤骥之驷，造父为御，南征翔行，径绝翟道，升于太行，南济于河，驰驱千里，遂入于宗周。**
**周穆王东归路线当不是原路返回，而是自中亚从塔里木盆地的北麓向东，经阳纡之东尾、崩人国；进入山西境内，然后经雷首，即今山西东南之中条山；之噔，今山西代县；钎山，太行、越过黄河，入于宗周。西周时期，把镐京认为是宗周；洛阳为王城，或者成周；而此处为什么把洛阳称为“宗周”呢?《穆天子传》成书之时已经进入战国，洛阳也就是周王室唯一的都城，战国人眼中的洛阳就是“宗周”。**
**下面笔者欲再谈谈周穆王见西王母的情况。**
**周穆王西行之目的是见西王母。很多学者认为西王母是周穆王的情人，顾实先生认为，“西王母，即周穆王之女”1113。西王母是周穆王的女儿。周穆王西行是为了看望女儿。丝毫没有情人之间的暧昧。周穆王与西王母之间或是父女，或是姊妹，或为姑侄，最少是故人。西王母当是周王室嫁出的女儿。**
**周穆王在见到西王母时，他们坐在瑶池之上，天子向西王母敬酒，然后西王母为天子赋诗，周穆王与西王母互相赋诗，完全是周人的习俗。**
**《穆天子传》卷三记载，西王母诗曰：“白云在天，山陵自出。道里悠远，山川间之。将子无死，尚能复来?”周穆王答曰：“予归东土，和治诸夏。万民平均，吾顾见汝。比及三年，将复而野。”11\]6-7注云：“弇兹山，日入所也。”弇兹山，是太阳晚上所落之山，在西方。**
**西周、春秋时期，爱情诗是很多的，仅《诗经》305 首诗中，爱情诗就占78首之多，占《诗经》总篇数的四分之一。西王母与周穆王在瑶池之上会见，相互所赋诗中，没有情人之间的情愫，却有政治家之间的情怀。西王母与周穆王会见时所赋的诗，像《诗经》所赋的诗篇一样，都是四言诗的诗歌风格，完全符合周人的习俗。**
**笔者在翻阅中西交通史料时发现，唐朝玄奘《大唐西域记·渴盘陀国》记载有这样一段故事：古代汉土有一个公主，政治联姻到波利斯国，嫁给波利斯王。在前往波利斯途中遇到兵乱，在高山上避乱三个月。当兵乱息后，公主怀孕；波利斯使者害怕，不敢把怀孕的公主送到波利斯。众人于是在山峰上72**
**建筑宫殿馆舍，环绕宫殿筑城，立公主为女王，建立起一套官职和宪法。至期，女王产下容貌俊美的男婴。男婴称王，其母摄政。汉朝公主的执政能力非常强，把国家治理的“威德遐被，声教远洽；邻域异国，莫不称臣”11\]450。。他们母子的先祖之世，乃为“汉土之人”，这支王族成员的相貌与中国完全相同。多年之后，其后嗣衰落，受强国之压迫。**
**张星粮说：“汉武帝以后，没有公主下嫁波斯者。及研究《穆天子传》，而始得其人也。”\[12\]84-85张星娘先生的观点应该说是有一定的道理。**
**玄奘《大唐西域记》记载的“波利斯国王娶妇汉土”，是民间的传说，经过千年的流传，已经记不清年代了。当地人把唐代之前的中华女儿皆认为是汉土公主，也不足奇怪。如《大唐西域记》卷一《玄奘与戒日王》，玄奘在羯末唱祇逻国(今印度的一个小国)与戒日王会见时，戒日王就把玄奘所在的大唐国，理解为“摩诃至(支)那国”，即“支那国”，就是伟大的秦国121173。**
**渴盘陀国一带的土著人把西周公主认为是汉土公主。西王母当是玄奘在西去取经途中，揭盘陀国传说的“波利斯国王娶妇汉土”的汉女之原始身份。西王母可能是西周王室嫁出去的女儿。周穆王西征之目的就是想看望遥远的亲人、故人，即西王母。揭盘陀国一带的当地人把西周的公主认为是汉土公主，是完全可能的。**
**三、山西境内中亚交通的考古学证据**
**山西是民族走廊之地，是古代草原部族和中亚族群进入中原的必经之地，因此自远古的石器时代，山西就聚集了许多的外来民族，包括中亚族群。目前在山西的考古材料中已经发现很多这样的遗存。**
**山西境内重要的陶寺文化遗址中晚期就出现外来因素。考古工作者从人体遗骸的牙釉质的锶同位素比值研究远古人类的不同来源。陶寺遗址中出土21个人类遗骸，这些人体遗骸牙釉质锶同位素比值，范围大致在0.712037~0.711083；陶寺遗址中晚期遗迹出土的猪牙釉质的锶同位素比值平均值0.711179。陶寺遗址人类遗骸牙釉质锶同位素比值范围在0.711314~0.711044 之间。由陶寺遗址中晚期的猪和人类的遗骸牙釉质锶同位素比值可以推断出土人类遗骸是当地的、还是外来的。**
**Ⅱ M22 是陶寺中晚期的一座“王”级的墓葬。墓主人的牙釉质的锶同位素比值0.711143，在遗址当地的锶同位素比值范围内；还有Ⅱ M14墓主是一**
**个十几岁的少年，锶同位素比值为0.711232，在当地的锶同位素比值范围内；说明ⅡM22、ⅡM14 两位墓主人当是此地出生。另外还有另外两个遗骸个体的锶同位素比值分别为0.711627、0.710183，均在当地的锶同位素比值范围之外，说明这两位个体是外来的。**
**灰坑中有16个尸骸个体，有3个锶同位素比值在遗址当地的锶同位素比值范围内，他们可能是本地出生的。其余的13个尸骸个体牙釉质的锶同位素比值均在遗址当地的锶同位素比值范围之外，表明这些个体可能出生在外地，占81.3%左右。在陶寺中晚期的200 余年中，陶寺本地先民占28.6%，在牙釉质形成后迁入遗址本地的外来移民占71.4%左右，外来移民占大多数。墓葬中出土的人骨为本地出生，扰坑和灰坑出土人骨是外来人\[13\]68-70**
**当然陶寺先民中的外来移民不一定就是中亚人，但我们还可以对其他邻近同时期的遗址进行研究。我国山西、陕西、内蒙古交界处发现100多座的石城遗址，遗址中发现许多石刻人像，多为头面部像，还有一些半身像或全身像。2009年10月，研究者对石坑遗址20余件特征明确、造型独特的石雕、玉雕或石刻人像，进行详细的考察和研究，其中不乏头戴尖帽高鼻深目者。20余件石刻或玉雕的人头侧面像，头顶盘束高髻，圆团脸，鹰钩形大鼻子\[14\]16。这些雕像面目可能是西方白种人，当为中亚族群来到中国境内。那么与石城遗址同时期、占大多数陶寺先民的外来移民，也当有中亚人群到此地者。山西是一条远古时期的中亚交通线路，中亚人群到此也是必然的。**
**山西省绛县横水镇发现多座西周时期的墓葬，其中有崩国墓葬，有关专家认为这就是《穆天子传》中的嘣国墓。绛县横水镇发现两座大墓：M1在北， M2在南，南北相距4米。**
**横水镇遗址出土的 M2：58铜鼎内腹壁有“伯肇作鏌鼎其万年宝用享”铭文12 字。铜鼎 M2：103内腹壁有“唯五月初占，俪伯肇作宝鼎，其用享考于朕文考，其万年永用”铭文24字7112。M2的2件铜鼎和1件酅上的铭文表明这些铜鼎和甌是硼伯为自己作器。M2铭文表明是綳伯之墓。**
**横水镇 M1 发掘出5件铜鼎中的M1： 212 内腹壁有：“綳伯作毕姬宝旅鼎”的铭文8字。5件铜簋中的 M1： 199 的铜簋内底有：“綳伯作毕姬宝旅簋”铭文8字\[15\]10。M1是蒯伯夫人毕姬墓。蒯伯夫人毕姬，当是西周毕国的女儿。**
**《穆天子传》卷一云：穆天子“辛丑，天子西征至于郿人。”上面 M2：58 铜鼎铭文“崩伯肇”，当是《穆天子传》记载的“河宗之子孙”“崩伯繁”。**
**绛县横水镇出土的崩伯、毕姬(崩伯夫人)的墓，是西周中期墓；当是西周中期崩国遗存，也是周穆王西征所经之地。W伯墓发现在绛县横水镇，绛县横水镇一带当是西周时期的崩国之地。**
**蒯国是周穆王行至于阳纡之山所相会的河宗氏之分支。《穆天子传》卷一记载：“辛丑天子西征至于崩人，河宗之子孙蒯栢絮且逆天子于智。”“河宗伯夭逆天子燕然之山。”“河宗伯夭皆致河典，乃乘渠黄之乘为天子先，以极西土。”18\]先驱，就是在周穆王之前引路之人，就是向导。河宗国伯夭是蒯国的母族部落的首领。他迎接了周穆王，并赠送“河典”(河图)。周穆王在河宗氏那里祭祀了黄河的河神，并得到了日行千里的“八骏之乘”16\]2。这样周穆王向西方巡游，有日行千里的“渠黄之乘”“八骏之乘”为交通工具；河宗伯夭，就是周穆王西行道路上的向导；可以说周穆王完全具备向西方巡游的条件。**
**伯夭还是周穆王西行道路上的翻译。《穆天子传》卷二记载：“孟秋丁酉，天子北征口之人，潜时觞天子于羽陵之上，乃献良马、牛羊。天子以其邦之攻玉石也，不受其牢。伯夭曰：‘□□氏，口槛之后也。'天子乃赐之黄金之罂三六，朱三百裹。潜时乃膜拜而受。”18\]6潜时，当是周穆王西行路上所遇到的部族首领，向周穆王敬酒。周穆王与潜时没有说话，可能由于语言不通。伯夭为之介绍，并把潜时的话翻译给周穆王。伯夭既然能够懂得西部语言，又可以为西行之向导，他对西部民族非常熟悉，最少曾经与西部民族有过来往，或者本身就是内迁的中亚民族。**
**如前所述，横水镇发现M1崩伯夫人毕姬墓。我国传世的《毕魂鼎》，其铭文曰：“硼仲作毕姚媵鼎，其万年宝用。”17J64《毕媳鼎》铭文之意是，蒯国君为女儿陪嫁做一件鼎，崩国女儿毕姚将嫁到毕国。根据铭文可知蒯国女儿称为毕妙(kuì)，那么硼国当为塊姓。毕国是周文王之子的姬姓封国。佣国与毕国是互相通婚的诸侯国。国，媳姓。塊，当与殷商王朝西北方的“鬼方”有关。**
**殷商王朝的西北部有一个称为“鬼方”的部族，当与后来的魏有极大的承继关系。**
**殷商人把这个方国称为“鬼方”。《礼记·祭法》曰：“其万物死皆曰折，人死曰鬼。”《说文》云：**
**“人归为鬼。”人们把另外一个世界上的人称为“鬼”。“鬼方”之人，当是与自己长相不一样的人。根据考古材料，石古城址、新疆罗布泊地区小河遗址的墓地上发现的人骨架有很多是高鼻深目者的尺骨架。这些现象说明与黄种人长相不一样的中亚、西亚人已经进入中国境内。**
**卜辞有：“乙酉卜，完贞：鬼方扬无祸?五月。”《合集》8591**
**“乙酉卜，内……鬼方扬……祸?五月。”《合集》8592**
**“......殼贞：乎龙田于……”《合集》8593**
**“......卜，殼贞：鬼方扬……”《合集》8593**
**“乙巳卜，穷贞：鬼不其获羌?一月。”《乙》865**
**“鬼方扬”之“扬”，郑杰祥先生认为，“当是鬼方部落首领的私名”18\]317。笔者认为，“鬼方扬”之“扬”，当是一个动词，举起、震荡之意。《周礼·夏官·环人》有“讼敌国，扬军旅”句，又如《诗经·大雅·公刘》“弓矢斯张，干戈戚扬”等句，其中“扬”字皆为发动兵戈、军旅之意。**
**《吕氏春秋·恃君览·行论》：“昔者，纣为无道，杀梅伯而醯之，杀鬼侯而脯之，以礼诸侯于庙。”殷商王朝的后期，鬼方已经有“鬼侯”，是殷的诸侯方国之君。春秋时期的“魏”，可能是鬼方的后裔部族方国。**
**由以上记述可知，崩、鬼、魏之人，极有可能是进人中国的外邦人士所建的方国。**
**朋国铜器在绛县横水镇多有发现，西周蒯国故地“河伯无夷之所都居，是惟河宗氏”11，可能就在这一带的地方。《史记·赵世家》云：“奄有河宗。”《正义》云：“河宗之子孙，则栢繁；按盖在龙门河之上流，岚、胜二州之地也。”9\]1795岚，今山西岚县、岢岚一带；胜州，治所在榆林市(今内蒙古准格尔旗所在地)。**
**是时，从西安直接向西并不是人们看好的选择路线，不仅要经过高山、大川和沙漠，而且还有一个强悍的匈奴族拦路，是无法通行的。山西才是一个民族走廊之地，在古代中西交流中有重要的地位。**
**四、结论**
**山西地处黄河流域的高地上，西依吕梁山、东靠太行山、北临恒山、南抱中条山。山西西面紧邻黄河，汾河水从中部穿过，形成肥沃的汾河平原。山西群山环抱，汾河流淌，是远古文明发祥的重要地区。山西晋南地区有富含铜矿的中条山，有人们生活必**
**须的“河东盐池”，有富庶的晋南平原，是最适合古人类生活的地方。**
**自新石器至先秦时期，由于山西地区开发较早，这里不仅集中了大量的本土族群，而且西域、西亚、中亚、伏尔加河下游草原、咸海沿岸的居民等也通过新疆草原进入中国。山西是西域、西亚进入中国内地的必经之路。**
**《穆天子传》记载，从中原地区的洛阳，向北经过山西，从雁门关、大同到塞外，越过内蒙古草原，从新疆草原向西，是一条到达西域、中亚的路线。这条路线穿过整个山西地区。这就是我国先秦史籍《穆天子传》记载的，周穆王从洛阳西行西域、中亚看望西王母，再从西域、中亚回到洛阳，来往皆经过这条路线；说明这条路线的重要性。**
**今山西境内也发现了大量中西文化交流遗存的考古学证据，如山西境内重要的陶寺文化遗址中晚期就出现外来因素。考古工作者从人体遗骸的牙釉质的锶同位素比值研究远古人类的不同来源，迁人遗址本地的外来移民占71.4%左右，外来移民占大多数。墓葬中出土的人骨为本地出生，扰坑和灰坑出土人骨是外来人\[14\]68-70。山西、陕西、内蒙古交界处发现100多座石城的石遗址，遗址中发现许多石刻头面部特征明确的人像，其中不乏头戴尖帽高鼻深目者，还有头顶盘束高髻，圆团脸，鹰钩形大鼻子151。这些雕像面目可能是西域、西亚的白种人，当是来到中国境内的中亚、西亚族群。从考古材料也可以看出，中亚交通线上确实留下许多中西交流的文化遗存，也可以看出中亚白种人族群进入我国境内的遗迹。山西是一条远古时期的中亚交通线路。山西是西域、西亚进入中国内地的必经之路，在先秦中亚交通中有非常重要的地位。**
**参考文献：**
**\[1\](唐)房玄龄.晋书\[M\].北京：中华书局，1982.**
**\[2\](明)张** **溥.荀最集：穆天子传序\[M\]/汉魏六朝一百三家集，清文渊阁四库全书本.**
**\[3\](唐)魏** **徵.隋书\[M\].北京：中华书局，1973.**
**\[4\](宋)马端临.文献通考\[M\].清浙江书局本.**
**\[5\](清)永** **珞.四库全书总目\[M\].清文渊阁四库全书本.**
**\[6\](春秋)左丘明.国语·周语\[M\].上海：上海古籍出版社，1983.**
**\[7\](梁)沈约，注.今本竹书纪年\[M\].四部丛刊景明天一阁本.**
**\[8\](汉)司马迁.史记\[M\].北京：中华书局，1982.**
**\[9\](清)阮元，校刻.十三经注疏·礼记\[M\].北京：中华**
**书局，1980.**
**\[10\]顾实.穆天子传西征讲疏\[M\].北京：中国书店，1990.**
**\[11\](唐)玄** **奘，撰，董志翘，译.大唐西域记\[M\].北京：中华书局，2014.**
**\[12\]张星粮.中西交通史料汇编：第一册\[M\].上海：上海书店，1930.**
**\[13\]赵春燕，何** **弩.陶寺遗址中晚期出土部分人类牙釉质的锶同位素比值分析\[J\].第四纪研究，2014(1)：66-72.**
**\[14\]陕西省考古研究院，榆林市文物考古勘探工作队，神木**
**县文体局.陕西神木县石绑遗址\[J\].考古，2013(7)：15-24.**
**\[15\]山西省考古研究所，运城市文物工作站，绛县文化局.山西绛县横水西周墓发掘简报\[J\].文物，2006(8)：4-18.**
**\[17\]张淑一.两周金文女子称谓规律再探讨——兼论“杨姑壶”的问题\[J\].考古与文物，2009(5)：63-67.**
**\[18\]郑杰祥.商代地理概论\[M\].郑州：中州古籍出版社，1994.**
**The Important Position of Shanxi in the Transportation of Central Asia in Pre - Qin Period：From the Perspective of Westbound Route and Archaeology Recorded in Biography of Mu Tianzi**
**LI Yu -jie，LI Li-na**
**_( Research Institute of Yellow River Civilization and Sustainable Development /Collaborative_ _Innovation Center on Yellow River Civilization ，Henan University，Kaifeng 475001，China)_**
**Abstract：Shanxi is one of the earliest and most important birthplaces of the ancient civilization of the Yellow River in our country. It is the key link between the Central Plains and the northern grasslands，and it is also the only place for transportation between the ancient Yellow River Basin and Central Asia. In our ancient times， the Yanmen Pass in the northwest of Shanxi was called “the first pass in the world". The Pre -Qin Historical Book Biography of Mu Tianzi recorded King ZHOU Mu’s westward journey to the Western Regions and possibly even to Central Asia. It can be seen from ZHOU Mu’s westward going and eastward return route，Shanxi is the only way for King ZHOU Mu to go out and enter the Central Plains. In today’s Shanxi， a lot of archaeological evidence has also been found， showing that many cultural relics of Sino - Western exchanges are indeed left on this Central Asian transportation route. We can also see the remains of Caucasian ethnic group of Central Asian entering our country. Shanxi has an important position in the transportation of Central Asia in pre - Qin period.**
**Key words：Biography of Mu Tianzi； Central Asia transportation route； literatures； archeology； Shanxi status**
**(责任编辑** **贾发义** **责任校对贾发义)** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **性内容的规定(草案)》在苏州市规划局网站上公布，公开征求社会各界意见。草案对在苏州市行政区域内的苏州历史文化名城、苏州历史文化街区、文保单位、风景名胜区以及其他生态敏感区，轨道交通沿线等区域实施城乡规划和进行建设活动，都提出了明确的规定。**
**据悉，苏州历史文化名城保护范围是：一城(古城——护城河以内)、二线(山塘线、上塘线)、三片(虎丘片，留园片、寒山寺片)，根据草案，此区域规划强制性内容包括不得新增工业、仓储用地，现有工厂、仓储不得扩建，并应当依据规划逐步搬迁；不得新建水塔、烟囱，电视塔.微波塔等构筑物：水巷两岸新建临水建筑檐口高度控制在3~6米。**
**古城内除观前、南门地区外，不得新建大型商贸设施，古城内不再新建医院.学校及行政办公楼。干将路，人民路两侧50米范围内新建建筑檐口高度不超过20米，建筑最高高度不超过24米。建筑色彩应当以黑，白，灰为主，体现淡.素、雅的城市特色，**
**草案同时提出，影响历史文化街区风貌特征的建筑物，构筑物和环境设施必须依法逐步拆除，新建建筑必须采用苏州传统的建筑设计手法，**
**会议简讯\_EVENTS**
**“文化城市+设计遗产”新春论坛举行**
**为促进中国建筑文化遗产保护事业的可持续发展，并创造“多界共生”的局面，由中国建筑文化中心.《中国建筑文化遗产》杂志社，天津大学出版社、宝佳集团中国建筑传媒中心主办的“跨界对话：文化城市+设计遗产”新春论坛3月23日在北京故宫博物院举行。**
**会议包括新春发布会与跨界论坛两部分。新春发布会推出了《中国建筑文化遗产年度报告(2002-2012)》与中国建筑文化遗产国家数字平台的建设动态：跨界论坛围绕文化城市与设计遗产跨界研究与传播的主题，邀请单霁翔、徐宗威，崔恺、杭间、胡越贾伟.马国馨等文博、建筑与创意设计方面的顶级专家发表演讲，内容涉及“世界遗产与城市文化“、“文化城市与新型城镇化”.“从文化视角看本土设计"，“中国设计的遗产"、城市设计的**
**图像"和“中国传统文化的活态传承”等。近50位相关专家与30多家媒体参加了论坛。**
**论坛旨在用交叉学科之思，靠跨文化的融合，共同打造服务 _“_ 文化城市·设计遗产”的中国新发展模式：用建筑遗产的文化新坐标，研讨遗产保护与创意设计联姻发展的规划设计思路及前瞻性观点：用沟通，借鉴、转型、升华的方式，进一步创新"文化城市·设计遗产”理念，让创意文化在业界及全民意识中奔流，更从根本上提升中国建筑文化国内外传播的影响力。**
**其他信息\_OTHERS**
**水污染治理和管理技术体系初步构建**
**环境保护部副部长吴晓青近日表示，目前国家水体污染控制与治理重大科技专项总体进展顺利，初步实现了从主题为主逐渐向流域统筹为主的战略思路转变，初步构建了水污染治理和管理技术体系。**
**吴晓青说，自2007年启动以来，水污染治理专项按照“一河一策”，“一湖一策”的战略部署，在重点流域开展大攻关，大示范.突破1000余项关键技术，完成229项技术标准规范，申请1733项专利.初步构建了水污染治理和管理技术体系。他表示，水环境问题成因复杂、涉及部门多、治理周期长，解决起来难度大，要实现流域水质目标，必须紧紧依靠协同创新，统筹协调和综合治理，重点采取4个方面的措施：一是注重与流域规划紧密衔接，二是注重流域层面统筹协调，三是注重发挥流域地方政府的作用，四是注重主题与流域矩阵式管理。**
**媒体呼吁城镇化也当避免“收缩的城市”**
**两会期间，新型城镇化引起热议，很多议案提案针对农村怎样城镇化，农民怎样成市民。值得注意的是，城镇化产生的问题不仅在农村，也在城市。“收缩的城市"现象正在全球，特别是在发达国家蔓延，对我国城镇化具有借鉴和警示意义，**
**今天所指“收缩的城市"，主要是工业化后期，由于去工业化、老龄化、高失业率、资源枯竭等原因，使某些地区城市人口减少，经济活动衰退。德国联**
**邦文化基金会最近以美国底特律、英国曼彻斯特和利物浦、俄罗斯伊万诺沃，德国哈勒和莱比锡4个都市区域为例，在全球范围内对"收缩的城市"课题进行了深入研讨，指出了其中的三个成因。**
**第一是去工业化。20世纪中叶，英国工业就业开始萎缩，到20世纪末，去工业化在英国蔓延，其中在伯明翰，曼彻斯特.格拉斯哥的城市群，制造业的萧条给城市经济带来了严重的影响，而失业加速了城市人口外流和内部“空心化"。**
**第二是郊区化，即人口、产业，基础设施从中心城区向偏僻地带转移。在美国，“收缩的城市"地处大区域的核心地带，尽管大区域的人口和就业并未下降，但这些城市却从中心地区向边远地区迁移，从而造成中心地区大面积荒芜，区域重组又加剧了中心地区的废弃和边缘地带的发展。城市边缘区域凭借廉价的土地和开放的空间而备受制造业的青睐，导致郊区逐渐代替中心城市。**
**第三是政治、经济体制转型。受苏东剧变影响，前苏联和东欧国家多数城市人口数量锐减、经济下滑、工业停滞甚至结构转型，反工业化、私有化大行其道，城市均不同程度地出现收缩，只有那些有高利润的原材料工业地区才幸免于新经济浪潮。**
**同济大学副校长吴志强认为，为了避免中国未来有可能出现区域性城市群的萎缩，中国的城市规划要未雨绸缪，做好充分准备，用新的方法和技术来应对城市发展、扩张，以避免城市衰退或人口迁出。**
**人的城镇化，针对的是所有人，应该充分发挥政府主导战略资源的传统与优势，趋利避害，发展文化事业，完善社会服务体系，这种城镇化才能不仅避免“粗放的农村"，也避免“收缩的城市"。**
**学会召开四届九次常务理事会**
**中国城市规划学会四届九次常务理事会2013年3月22日以通讯方式召开，审议通过了2013年中国城市规划学会工作计划要点；批准了居住区规划学术委员会的换届申请，并同意委员会挂靠单位由中国城市规划设计研究院变更为清华同衡规划设计研究院有限公司：批**
**准了城市交通规划学术委员会四届委员会主任委员、副主任委员和秘书长人员名单：批准了山西省晋城市规划设计研究院为中国城市规划学会单位会员：增普补学会四届理事，哈尔滨市城乡规划局局长王宏新为学会四届常务理事，**
**学会交通规划学术委员会换届**
**中国城市规划学会四届九次常务理事会审议批准了城市交通规划学术委员会新一届组成名单，王静霞任主任委员，北京交通发展研究中心全永燊，中国城市规划设计研究院李晓江、北京市交通委员会刘小明、北京市规划委员会周楠森、上海市城乡建设和交通委员会秦云，住房和城乡建设部城建司刘贺明，公安部交通管理局杨钧.上海市城市综合交通规划研究所陆锡明、中国城市规划设计研究院城市交通研究所赵杰、南京市城市与交通规划设计研究有限责任公司杨涛.同济大学杨东援、东南大学交通学院王炜，天津市规划局邹哲、广州市规划局周鹤龙和公安部道路交通安全研究中心尚炜任副主任委员，秘书长由赵杰兼任。**
**全国城市规划学会工作会议召开**
**2013年全国城市规划学会工作会议3月13日至14日在浙江省宁波市召开，来自全国各地规划学术组织和中国城市规划学会各二级组织的负责人近60人参加了会议。**
**住房城乡建设部人事司副司长郭鹏伟到会讲话，郭司长充分肯定了中国城市规划学会凝聚力强的特点，他指出，规划界把一年一度的中国城市规划年会当成行业同仁交流经验、增进友谊的最佳场所，把学会当成规划之家。学会举办的论坛水平很高，研讨的多是本行业的热点难点和学术前沿问题，既有很强的针对性和实用性，也有很高的学术价值。同时，他希望学会要进一步提高为会员服务的质量和水平，加强与行业主管部门的联系，作为政府与企事业单位之间的桥梁纽带，切实规范自身的行为，提升学会自身的能力和水平。**
**结合学习中央书记处关于进一步做好学会工作的指示精神，中国城市规划学会副理事长兼秘书长石楠对学会工作提出四条工作要求：一是重新认识学会**
**的定位，把学会的作用和角色放在社会转型，改革社会管理、加快政府职能转移、建设服务型政府的大背景下来看，不仅发挥科学家俱乐部或专业人员建家交友的作用，还要考虑给社会给决策者提供服务.加强与决策者和社会之间的沟通。二是抓住机遇、加快发展，各项工作要有计划，有思路，有准备，积极开拓进取.提升学会在规划科技工作者中的凝聚力。三是做好服务，搞五湖四海，以客观、公正，服务赢得信任，反对各种官本位和违反科学的做法，真正成为规划科技工作者的家园，四是进一步提升各类学术活动的质量，提高学会的学术权威性。他还介绍了2013年学会工作的重点思路。**
**中国城市规划学会副理事长尹稚、樊杰分别主持了会议，并作重要讲话，学会城市经济与区域规划学术委员会秘书长王凯.天津市规划学会副会长侯学钢分别主持了分组讨论，宁波市规划局副局长，宁波市城市规划学会理事长郑声轩在开幕式上致辞。**
**《遗珠拾粹——中国古城古镇古村踏察》出版**
**作为中国城市规划学会学术成果之一，本书由著名历史文化遗产保护专家阮仪三教授担任主编，汇编了《城市规划》杂志遗珠拾粹"栏目近10年来刊登的100个古镇古村的学术资料，从概况，布局、建筑特色和保护建议等方面进行了系统的介绍.该书分两册出版，图文并茂.具有很强的学术性和资料性，是国内首部系统介绍古镇.古村的学术专著，同时，也是非规划、建筑专业人士了解相关知识的极好读物。学会副理事长兼秘书长石楠为本书撰写了序。**
**新版继续教育教材编写工作启动**
**2013年3月8日，住房和城乡建设部执业资格注册中心注册城市规划师管理办公室组织召开了注册规划师第三注册周期继续教育必修课教材编写工作会议，注册办任虹处长介绍了前两版教材编写的基本情况以及新版教材编写的要求，明确第三版教材仍由中国城市规划学会作为主编单位负责编写。与会专家围绕新版教材的内容进行了初步讨论。新一版教材将继续延续上一版的读本形**
**式，根据商定的篇章框架，在已有文献的基础上，进行筛选，汇编。**
**教材编写工作计划于年内结束，从明年起，在全国各地进行继续教育培训。**
**2013中国城市规划年会会期确定**
**经中国城市规划学会与2013中国城市规划年会承办单位青岛市规划局反复磋商，确定年会的举办时间为2013年10月19日至21日(18日报到)。年会的征文工作目前正在进行，论文截稿时间为2013年5月31日(详情见学会官网学会公告”栏)。**
**第一届城乡规划研究生论文竞赛揭晓**
**由金经昌城市规划教育基金、《城市规划学刊》编辑部、中国城市规划学会学术工作委员会、全国高等学校城市规划专业指导委员会联合主办的“第一届金经昌中国城乡规划研究生论文竞赛评选活动圆满落幕。**
**本次竞赛自2012年3月13日起截止至2012年9月30日，共收到了来自海内外23所高校的68篇论文。2012年12月至2013年2月，由组委会聘请的17位初评评委按照竞赛要求，对论文进行认真审阅后，通过投票的方式，从中推选出得票前24位的论文作为获奖候选论文参加复评：2013年3月9日，复评委员会在同济大学召开会议，8位评委对候选论文进行充分讨论和评议，通过投票和打分的方式，最终评选出优秀奖6名，佳作奖10名。**
**2013年5月，组委会将在“第二届金经昌中国青年规划师创新论坛”上为获奖论文作者颁奖，其中：优秀奖作者将获得奖状和奖金5000元：佳作奖作者将获得奖状。《城市规划学刊》将择优发表获奖论文。**
**《西部人居环境学刊》正式创刊**
**经新闻出版署批准，由重庆大学主办.重庆大学建筑城规学院承办的<西部人居环境学刊》正式创刊，该刊由《室内设计》更名而来，立足西部，以建筑学，城乡规划学、风景园林学三个学科为基础，深入探讨人居环境科学，促进西部及全国人居环境科学的进步和发展。** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **独白中的挽歌《放生羊》中的独白式单声话语**
卓 玛
**对话理论是苏联著名文艺理论家米哈伊尔·巴赫金的重要贡献。他在其《小说的美学和理论》、《陀思妥耶夫斯基的诗学问题》等著作中提出了他最为重要的对话理论这一学术创见。如果提到理论来源，巴赫金的对话理论受到了索绪尔主义的重要影响。索绪尔认为：“语言中的一切，包括它的物质和机械的表现，比如声音的变化，归根到底都是心理的。”@这一理论观点对巴赫金产生了很大影响，他在对话理论中提出的“话语”“言语”等观点都受到这一结构语言学观念的重大影响。巴赫金虽然受到索绪尔结构语言学的影响，但他并未被束缚，他发展了结构语言学的理论，认为陈述文是发展的，可以成为一种转换语言学，突破内容形式二分法，以意识形态分析法展开研究。因而，巴赫金提出对话理论，认为每一段话语都与之前的话语产生着对话性，个体声音只有加人这个已有的话语和声中才能为人所知。文学，尤其是小说，成为众多声音的场所，最能促进这种对话性。生活的本质是对话，思想、艺术和语言的本质也是对话，复调是对话的最高形式，复调更具多元性和彻底性。总之，巴赫金对话理论解释了一个观点多元、价值多元、体验多元的真实而又丰富的世界，指出对话是人类生**
**存的本质。巴赫金用对话理论表达了他对现实的观照：对话才能带来生机和活力，而宫方话语往往是独白式的，体现着等级、压制和隔离。巴赫金对话理论产生有其时代背景，他的学术研究贯穿了他对现实的关注，认为对话、狂欢能表现人与人之间的亲昵、平等。巴赫金用独白与对话，对话的各种形式来阐释了文本内部的状态，这对剖析作家与所处社会群体之间的话语关系，作家创作的内在机理是十分有帮助的。**
**“单声话语”的概念取自巴赫金在《陀思妥耶夫斯基的诗学问题》中关于散文话语的各种类型的论述。巴赫金认为，话语有大致三种类型：“直接即时指向对象的话语-称呼的、报道的、表述的、描写的，其目的在于对对象的直接即时的理解”，这是第·类型话语；“被描写的或者客体性的话语”，这是第二类型话语；第三类型“指向他人话语的话语”②巴赫金认为第一类型话语忽视了话语在不同表述之中的变化；第二类型的话语存在一-个最普遍的形式，就是主人公的直**
**①** **\[瑞士\]费尔迪南·德·索绪尔：《普通语言学教程》，第27页，高名凯译，北京，商务印书馆，1980。**
**②** **〔俄\]巴赫金：《陀思妥耶大斯基的诗学问题》，第205、217页，刘虎译，北京，中央编译出版社，2010。**
**接言语。在这一类型话语中，一种情况是主人公的表述统一体服从于作者表述的统一体，成为作者表述统一体的一个成分。还有一种情况是作者话语不出现，“而是在结构上用叙述者话语来代替”。这种客体性话语类型是一种单声话语，存在于一种独白文本中。**
**在此，笔者试图运用巴赫金的单声话语概念来探讨次仁罗布的汉语小说中所具有的独特声音。**
**次仁罗布近年来的短篇小说创作产生了较大影响，尤其是他的短篇小说《放生羊》于二○一○年获得第五届鲁迅文学奖，另外几篇短篇小说《杀手》、《界》、《阿米日嘎》等也获得了学界较高的评价。次仁罗布的小说被学者称为“灵魂叙事”。面对自己的创作，他说：“我愿意写真实的情感。只要是人，感情都是相通的，真实的感情是可以感染任何民族的读者的。”面对今天热门的涉藏题材，他认为：“很多作者对西藏的历史、文化、现状了解非常浅表，所以把西藏写得特别神乎和神秘，我现在要做的就是还原，还原藏族人的内心世界，还原一个真实的西藏。这是一个藏族作家应该承担的责任，是我今后创作的方向。”@从这些信息来看，次仁罗布是带着鲜明的创作自觉来进行小说创作的，他并不满足于仅仅讲述一个带有奇幻色彩的西藏故事。如果仔细分析次仁罗布的代表作《放生羊》，我们会发现小说在结构上运用了叙述者话语，这是一种客体性话语类型，因此，这部小说带有独白文本的特点，是一种单声话语。从这一点出发，笔者试图从次仁罗布小说的独白式单声话语中探究出他以这种话语类型传达出的西藏形象。**
**《放生羊》以主人公年扎的视角展开叙述，因此，年扎的话语就构成了叙述者话语。与其他话语类型不同，在这篇小说里，作家彻底退出，作品的叙述者与主人公是同构关系，**
**整个小说在叙事上呈现出很鲜明的独白特征。这种独白具有巴赫金所说的“口述”的特征。巴赫金提出的“口述”指的是“小说里个性化叙述者的口头叙述，以与一般文学性‘叙述'相区别”②小说中这种“个性化叙述”主要体现在主人公年扎身上，口述的表达方式又体现为以下几个层面。**
**一、民族化的语言风格与作家态度**
**《放生羊》这篇小说的语言非常有魅力。从作家所运用的语言来看，他没有运用时下流行的“××体”，语言中看不到一个外语语汇，是纯正、规范的现代汉语。然而，细细品味，《放生羊》中叙述者的语言仍有其特点，那是一种具有民族韵味的语言特点。**
**首先，典雅的语言风格是这种民族化的重要体现。作家运用典雅的汉语并力争从这份典雅中传达出他的某种态度。下面列举的文字代表了整篇小说的语言基调：**
**山脚的孜廓路上，转经的人流如织，祈祷声和桑烟徐徐飘升到空际。墙脚边竖立的一溜嘛呢筒，被人们转动得呼呼响。走累的我，坐在龙王潭里的一个石板凳上，望着人们匆忙的身影，虔诚的表情。坐在这里，我想到了你，想到活着该是何等的幸事，使我有机会为自己为你救赎罪孽。即使死亡突然降临，我也不会惧怕，在有限的生命里，我已经锻炼好了面对死亡时的心智。死亡并不能令我悲伤、恐惧，那只是一个生命流程的结束，它不是终点，魂灵还要不断地轮回投生，直至二障清净、智慧圆满。我的思绪**
**①藏族作家次仁罗布小说《放生羊》获鲁迅文学奖〔EB/OL\]. http：//blog. sina. com. cn/mistcrluxun，2010-11-14。**
**②** **\[俄\]巴赫金：《陀思妥耶大斯基的诗学问题》，第205、203页。**
**又活跃了起来。。一只水鸥的啼声，打断了我的思绪。**
**布达拉宫已经被初升的朝霞涂满，时候已经不早了，我得赶到大昭寺去拜佛、烧斯乙。①**
**叙述者的叙述非常细致、善于观察每一处细节。视角由近及远：人流如织、桑烟升腾。由于眼前氛围的影响，年扎老人想到生与死的重大命题。这种意识流动以平凡、规范的汉语语汇娓娓道出，平淡悠然，却意蕴独特。整篇小说的语汇并无出奇创新之处，但仍具有打动人的力量，是因为这种现代汉语言经过作家的有意为之，成为民族化了的文学语汇，因而读来更具独特感。典雅的语言风格与西藏人的话语方式、表达习惯息息相关。西藏长期处于藏区的中心，由于圣地拉萨、藏族祖先一路走来的雅奢河谷等一系列藏文化生息地的特点，西藏及拉萨在藏族人眼中地位十分独特而重要。西藏人自称“博巴”，因为贵族文化与宗教文化的熏染，西藏人，尤其是拉萨人一直以优雅的举止、典雅的话语、温和的处世方式作为一种行为规范，这是一种与擅长经商的康区藏族、游牧农耕的安多藏族有很大区别的行为规范。这种行为规范培养的是藏族人尤其是拉萨人的话语方.式及行为方式。作家有意使其叙述语言典雅化，是为了努力贴近这种话语方式。因此，这种典雅成为小说文本主人公语言的典型标签。**
**其次，作家有意选用许多声响模拟的象声词汇，这非常符合藏族人口头语言的表达习惯。文本中，伴随叙述者年扎老人的目光，许多象声词汇构成小说独白式单声话语之外的补充，使得受众在阅读过程中仍能于独白之外感受生活：“丁零零的铃声”、嘛呢经筒“呼呼响”、羊“咩咩地叫唤”“叮叮恍哦”地刻嘛呢石、嗡嗡”的念经声、羊“嚓嚓”地咀**
**嚼、通通”的敲门声、放生羊“嗒嗒”的足音、雨声“噼噼啪啪”、照相机“噼噼啪啪”地照个没完、嚓啦嚓啦”的匍匐声…….这种象声词汇的选择是很符合藏语表达习惯的。藏语，尤其是口头语有大量的象声词，这些象声词能加强表达的效果，强调意义，同时使语言具有某种音响感，从而更加形象。这种象声词汇的大量运用已经成为藏语口头表达的一个重要特征。小说中这些象声词汇的运用除了象声词固有的效果之外，出现在叙事中与叙述者心理活动的表达相得益彰。因为叙述者的独白话语，很容易使受众忽略周围世界，这些词汇的选用是对生活氛围的有力调动，在心理独白的同时增强了表达效果。**
**最后，文本中作家对许多名词有意地保持藏语语音，进行汉语音译，将其藏语化，形成一种民族语与汉语在读音上的“混合语”，使受众感受到浓郁的藏文化熏染，更能领略叙述者的语言风格。例如：烧“斯乙”、转“林廓”，还有那段向莲花生大师祷告的祈祷词。这种音译，能够使受众产生不同的感受，但有一点是一致的，那就是能够浸淫在这种文化氛围中。巴赫金曾在探讨长篇小说话语的发端问题时以普希金的《叶甫盖尼·奥涅金》为例，认为其“文学语言在小说中不是表现为一个统一的、完全现成的和毫无争议的语言；它恰恰表现为生动的杂语，表现为形成和更新的过程”，并认为“在欧洲小说创立的年代里，不同语言就这样实现了相互的映照。笑谑和多语现实，造就了现代小说语言”。②这样看来，次仁罗布这种有意为之的“混合语”也在一定程度上丰富了汉语，凸显了浓重的民族情感与意绪。**
**通过典雅的语言、象声词汇的选择、音译词汇的选用，我们能够比较明确地归结出**
**次仁罗布：《放生羊》，《西藏文学》2011年第1期，第5页。** 8
**\[俄\]巴赫金：《小说理论》，第470、503页，白春仁、哓河泽，石家庄，河北教育出版社，1998**
**《放生羊》整体的语言风格，同时也能够较为清晰地感受到作家的叙事态度，那就是有意识地制造典雅的语言风格，来贴近藏族人，尤其是拉萨人的话语风格。因为叙述者是以一种独白式单声话语来进行倾诉，因此以这种典雅的语言来配合，整个文本就形成一种娓娓道来，平淡悠然、典雅而充满韵味的语言风格，这一点又贴合了小说主人公的性格特征：淡然而真诚，善良而自省。在语言风格中传达出主人公性格，这是作家着意为之的。同时，这种优雅又与主人公及其背后的群体文化相贴合。藏传佛教经过在藏土千余年来的传播，早已对藏民族的性格形成了巨大影响，尤其是藏传佛教“利他成佛”的核心理念对藏族人的行为方式有巨大影响，因而，内省、利他的行为规范也逐渐形成了相应的行为习惯。典雅在另一个意义上说是不粗鄙，有底线。作家试图传达出这种态度。同时，作家选择较为丰富的象声词汇和藏语音译词汇在汉语语境中营造藏语的语义场，带给受众较为鲜明的藏文化语境，同时，具有音响感的象声词汇与喃喃自语的舒缓独白形成互补，带来文本语言上不同的表现力，作家态度通过语言风格的建构渗人到了叙述者话语内部。**
**二、沉静、圆融的叙述策略与作家心理**
**这篇小说从整体上看，叙述者的叙述是沉静的。主人公年扎是一个独居的老人，丧偶已经十二年，无儿无女。他的生活是西藏这块土地上众多老人生活的缩影，每天的生活以转经为核心来安排：早起转经、在转经路上吃早餐或午餐，这个喝甜茶、吃藏面的时间也是老人们交际的时间，因此西藏众多的茶馆就是一个重要的交际场所。他们在这里交换生活点滴，聊天，获取信息，最重要的是，借这种交际来抚慰心灵。年扎老人的生活也是如此，唯一不同的是，他每天下午转经结束后**
**会去酒馆“喝得酩酊大醉”，尤其在获得放生羊之前，他的生活就是这样打发的。喝青裸酒也是西藏人，尤其是许多老人的生活习惯。将这样一种非常典型的拉萨老人的生活描述出来，作家必须选择与这种生活氛围相适应的叙述话语，这种叙述话语就是沉静的、从容不迫的。因为这种生活在某种程度上消弭了时间的概念，时间概念变得相对模糊，生活只需要分成转经时间和非转经时间即可，无需精确到分秒。这一点在小说里经由叙述者年扎表达出来：**
**你看，天空已经开始泛白，布达拉宫已经矗立在我的眼前了。**
**布达拉宫已经被初升的朝霞涂满，时候已经不早了，**
**时针在奔跑，它把太阳送到了西边**
**的山后。太阳光照到了窗台上，我躺在被窝里开始担心起你来。**
**不知不觉中黑色的幕布把整个院子给罩住了。**
**太阳落山之前，我和你慢腾腾地回家去。**
**天，还没有发亮，黑色却一点一点地褪去，渐渐变成浅灰色。①**
**如果将这些有关时间的描述集中到一起，那么就显而易见了，通过叙述者表达出的有关时间的话语传达出的正是西藏人的“前现代时间”的生活状态。在这种状态下，时间无需精确，只要大概就好。人们依然保持着与太阳的亲密关系，阳光明亮与否关乎心情、感觉，人与自然还保持着一种感性的联系，一如史前时代。这种叙述调子同时是沉**
**①** **次仁罗布：《放生羊》，《西藏文学》2011年第1期，第5-14页。**
**静的，没有速度感，没有焦虑感。叙述者缓慢地、安静地娓娓叙述他的梦境，叙述他与那只绵羊的遭逢，叙述他与放生羊之间的情感、二者共同的自我救赎。**
**除却时间叙述中传递出来的沉静，圆融的叙述也是叙述者的叙述特征之一。所谓“圆融”，在这里指叙述者整体的叙述完整、圆满，不见旁逸斜出的情节枝节，所有叙事绵密地编织在叙述者的视野所及和时间掌控里。小说以“你形销骨立，眼眶深陷，衣裳褴褛，苍老得让我咋舌”这样一个梦境开始，因为梦到逝去十二年的妻子仍未转世，受尽苦楚，年扎老人打算更多地供奉布施，来替妻子桑姆赎罪，以帮助她尽快转世。这种心理驱动促使他后来买羊放生。可见，这一人物的行动驱动力是来自一个梦境的，探究到这一点可能会令智慧、理性的现代人发笑，但这就是西藏的现实。在藏族人的信仰里，梦境的真实程度与现实无异，这来自藏人今天仍保持的灵魂观念。叙事开端于梦境，这本身就足以消弭叙事的时间链条的开端。小说结尾同样以年扎老人的幻觉终结：“朝阳出来，金光哗啦啦地洒落下来，前面的道路霎时一片金灿灿。你白色的身子移动在这片金光中，显得愈加地纯净和光洁，似一朵盛开的白莲，一尘不染。”时间链条的结束也不清晰。这种开端和结尾制造了时间延绵、无止无休之感，这成为叙述圆融的一个表现。此外，叙述者通过年扎老人的视角来编织情节，时间衔接几乎没有空隙：做梦、转经、烧“斯乙”、布施、路遇绵羊、与羊一起转经、去三枯主殿帮忙、生病、磕长头。就是这样流水式的叙事却依然不让人产生厌倦感，而是能够被深深被吸引，这种沉静、圆融的叙述映现出了作家的心理状态。叙述的圆融还来自内容。小说很少冲突性的叙事，小说情节设置的行动几乎都是肯定向度的：初次转经时人们纷纷伸出援手帮助老人赶羊；无需请求，茶馆的服务员**
**就将菜叶装给老人；素不相识的老头给放生羊穿耳；人们纷纷称赞年扎老人的行为；小院的邻居照顾生病的年扎老人…….这些肯定向度的行动传达出融洽、和谐的人物关系，也构成了圆融叙述策略的一个重要方面。**
**沉静、圆融的叙述策略传达出的是以年扎为代表的西藏人笃定淡然的生活态度和坚定无疑的信仰。这种信息的传递反映出的就是作家很微妙的一种心理，他希望以这种圆融构建属于藏族人自己的时空秩序，希望其不被打乱，不被破坏。而沉静来自藏人最笃定的种信仰的力量，这种力量帮助藏人强化了这样一种时空秩序，这是作家通过叙述者展开的一种叙述策略并进而体现出的深层心理状态。**
**然而，这种心理状态终究是一种乌托邦，圆融的时空秩序依然有“外力”的介入，并以这种介人形成隐喻，暗示了今天西藏人的精神现实。**
**三、独白式单声话语中的隐喻与精神现实**
**小说叙述者与主人公年扎以同构的关系展示出小说话语的特点，即独白式的单声话语。在这种单声话语中，没有对话的辩论、讽刺等模仿，所有言语都是一方的声音，就如詹姆斯·费伦的观点一样：“声音是文体、语气和价值观的融合”，“作者声音的存液不必由他或她的直接陈述来标识，而可以在叙述者的语言中通过某种手法——或通过行为结构等非语言线索——-表示出来，以传达作者与叙述者之间价值观或判断上的差异”②情**
**①次仁罗布：《放生羊》，《西藏文学》2011年第1期.第14页。**
**②** 2 **\[美\]詹姆斯·费伦：《作为修辞的叙事：技巧、读者、伦理、意识形态》，第20、21页，陈永国译，北京，北京大学出版社，2002，**
**况正是如此，也许叙述者，也就是主人公年扎希冀的就是这样一种时空秩序。而作家次仁罗布却意识到现实已远非如此，因此，他寄予到叙述者身上的隐喻是叙述者不会重视而被受众敏锐感受到的一种话语，这种隐喻话语存在于独白式的单声话语中，但又与这种独白话语构成了某种张力，正是这种张力构成了一个更大的结构隐喻，暗示了今天西藏人的精神现实。**
**文本中第一类隐喻是这样的：**
**这是城里，现在不养鸡了，你听不到鸡叫声。**
**我起床，把手洗净，从自来水管里接了第一道水，在佛龛前添供水，点香，合掌祈求三宝发慈悲之心，引领你早点转世。**
**在路灯的照耀下我去转林廓，一路上有许多上了年纪的信徒拨动念珠，口诵经文，步履轻捷地从我身边走过。，白日的喧嚣此刻消停了，除了偶尔有几辆车飞速奔驶外，只有喃喃的祈祷声在飘荡。唉，这时候人与神是最接近的，人心也会变得纯净澄澈，一切祷词涌自内心底。你看，前面一位白发苍苍的老妇人，一步一叩首地磕等身长头；再看那位摇动巨大嘛呢的老头，身后有只小哈巴狗欢快地追随，一路洒下丁零零的铃声。这些景象让我的心情平静下来，看到了希望的亮光。**
**逢到吉日到菜市场去买几十斤活鱼，由你驮着，到很远的河边去放生。那些被放生的鱼，从塑料口袋里欢快地游出，摆动尾巴钻进河边的水草里，寻不见踪影。几百条生命被我俩从死亡的边缘拯救，让它们摆脱了恐惧和绝望，在蓝盈盈的河水里重新开始生活。我和你望着清澈的河水，那里有蓝天、白云的倒影。**
**清风拂过来，水面荡起波纹，蓝天白云开始飘摇；柳树树枝舞动起来，发出沙沙的声响；河堤旁绿草姜姜，几只蝴蝶蹁跹起舞。我和你神清气爽，心里充满慈悲、爱怜。①**
**这些话语充满隐喻意味。桑姆的魂灵因为畏惧破晓鸡鸣，而被年扎老人劝说，可“城里现在不养鸡了”所蕴含的可能是西藏日益的现代化，人们已经离传统乡村牧歌式的生活愈发遥远了，叙述者并不在意，而作家却有意做出强调。“从自来水管里接了第一道水”更是一道异样的风景。藏族人的信仰仪轨中每天要为神灵供上净水，这净水是每天去挑来的清水的第一舀，于是就出现了在都市水管里接第一道水的转变，信仰、严格的仪轨与现代化的器物之间形成让人难以言说的情景。笔者曾将这一类变化称为文化基因的留存，这是一-个略带尴尬的说法，因为相对还根深蒂固的信仰内容，“形式”已遭逢了迅猛的侵袭，不得不改变。相信作家借叙述者来做出这样的隐喻，想要表达的恐怕也就是这样一种尴尬。在拉萨，每天天未亮时就有众多信徒去转林廓，也就是转经。转经路比较长，往往需要早起，因此，年扎老人在天色朦胧时感受到喧嚣散尽也是一个隐喻：白天的车水马龙、现代化的迅猛脚步让人不知所措，只有乘着夜色走上转经路，才是“人与神是最接近的”时候，才是一种精神的回归。可见，虽然作家通过叙述者有意屏蔽了许多现象，但通过隐喻，圆融的时空秩序的破坏还是显出了某些端倪。放生本是一种出于善念的宗教行为，然而在今天的拉萨，人们会专门去买适合放生的小鱼苗，而小鱼苗的销售也非常有市场，所以，当年扎老人为放生了几百条**
**①** **次仁罗布：《放生羊》《西藏文学》2011年第1期，第4-13页。**
**小鱼苗而心生欣慰时，更多的鱼苗进入市场，当心怀善念的信仰被赢利为目的的商业行为**
**绑架时，相信带给人的是更多的无奈和隐忧。文本中第二类隐喻与人相关。小说中年扎老人买放生羊的情节中“甘肃人”是一个隐喻符号：“他留着山羊胡，戴顶白色圆帽，手里牵四头绵羊。我想到他是个肉贩子。”当年扎老人提出要买一只羊放生时，“甘肃人先是惊讶地望着我，之后陷入沉思中。灿烂的阳光盛开在他的脸上，脸蛋红扑扑的”。如果要深究这一人物身上具有的隐喻内涵，我们能感受到叙述者与“甘肃人”这一人物所代表的文化背后的价值观差异。在今天商品交换逻辑渗透至人的意识深处时，年扎老人的放生行为对于“甘肃人”来说，显然是对他固有行为方式的一种颠覆。第二个隐喻符号是一个藏族小伙。放生羊与年扎老人避雨时，放生羊被小伙子踢了一脚，结果一同避雨的转经人训斥了他，小伙子落荒而逃。前文已经列举了肯定向度的情节，这个小事件是整篇小说里出现的第一个“否定向度”的情节。可见，作家在以一种沉静、圆融的叙述策略表现一种理想化的时空秩序时，又努力地自我颠覆，打破了这个乌托邦的梦想。今天的西藏社会与文化也不可避免地受到现代化进程的影响，信仰与幻灭、传统与现代之间，藏人也在彷徨、扶择之中，这也是今天藏人的精神现实。**
**四、小结**
**作家次仁罗布在《放生羊》中选择了一种客体性话语，将叙述者话语与故事主人公**
**同构在一起，借由主人公年扎老人来展开叙述。为了贴近藏族人的行为方式、话语方式，作家有意将语言处理为民族化的语言风格，在典雅的风格、民族语的语义场中传达出藏人的精神气质，并以这种风格与独白式的单声话语形成文本的独有风格，传达出作家民族化语言风格及其内涵的建构意图。同时，作家采用一种沉静、圆融的叙述策略，通过时间叙述、情节叙述的沉静与圆融，传达出藏人信仰的笃定。作家的态度以文本中叙述者独有的声音传达出来，构成文本独特的另一面，一种时空秩序的乌托邦。然而，为了传达今天藏地的精神现实，作家有意制造了这种现实与文本构成的张力，那就是文本中的隐喻。通过几个隐喻例证的分析，我们发现，虽然小说是一种单声话语，但是这些隐喻的存在与这种独白构成了冲突，独白话语与隐喻话语的张力，构成了小说结构上的最大张力。这种张力可能是作家想要发出的最隐秘的声音，在今天这个人与自然疏离、人与万物疏离的时代，年扎老人的一生是一种诗意的存在，但这独白中隐含的吟唱显然是一曲低沉的挽歌。**
**〔本文为国家社科基金项目“母语文化思维与当代藏族作家汉语创作研究”(批准号：12BZW137)阶段性成果〕**
**【作者简介】卓玛，文学博士，青海民族大学文学与新闻传播学院副院长、教授。**
**(责任编辑** **李桂玲)** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 初中语文教学中思维能力培养研究
**张宏梅**
**河北省昌黎县第四中学**
**摘要随着社会的发展与进步传统的教育方式与教育目标也在发生着改变。为了培养初中学生的独立思维能力增加学生的学习兴趣，从根本上提升学生的学习成绩。在初中语文教学的过程中可以以思维教学方式作为基本的指导思想对语文教学的思维能力培养方式进行进一步的研究。同时根据初中语文自身的一些性质特点以及初中阶段学生应有的思维特点主要研究了三种思维能力培养方式并且根据在实际教学过程中出现的问题提出了相应的解决方法。**
**关键词初中；语文教学提升思维能力；研究**
**前言**
**通过众多科学的研究可以得出以下结论，人的思维是可以培养出来的这就表明了思维在对学生的教育方面有着至关重要的作用。从上世纪中期开始，许多相关领域的专家就提出了诸多思维培养的方法并且已经研发出培养思维能力的一些课程：例如美国著名的学者奥斯本在上世纪四十年代首次提出了头脑风暴法这种方法的提出提出其主要的目的是希望通过这种集体思维的方式进行创造性思维的培养。**
**1、人才培养的需求**
**对思维能力的培养已经风靡全世界。在上世纪九十年代后期新加坡总理在新加坡开展了构建思维型学校，创建学习型国家的教育改革并且提出了教的更少学的更多的改革理念。在香港回归两年以后在香港首先开举办了思维工程的项目并且设立了诸多各种类型的思维活动以及工作室，可以通过对中小学教师进行培训，使教师具有一定的思维能力。我国的著名学者朱智贤教授曾经明确的说过教育对思维有着非常重要的作用教育对思维的发展来讲起着决定性的作用通过采用适合的教育方式准确的把握好各因素之间的关系这样可以有效的开发学生运算中的思维潜力，同时可以有效提升教学质量。我国著名的学者林崇德教授依据思维结构的智力理论同时经过多年的实践归纳出思维型课堂的教学理论并且提出需要重视学科能力的发展。**
**2、教学改革的需求**
**随着我国社会的发展与科学技术的进步，同时也出现了教学改革的新阶段搭建主义的学习理论已经逐渐的深入人心。从二十一世纪初期开始，我国也开始进行了基础教育课程改革并且在改革中曾经明确的指出在课程改革的过程中需要切实的改变被动学习、死记硬背以及机械训练的状况要充分调动学生的学习热情，让学生积极参与到知识学习的过程中。在课程改革十余年的过程中教师的教学方式以及教学行为出现了非常显著的改善教师变得更加重视在课堂上与学生之间的互动，并且从教学思维中喜欢培养学生主动学习的过程。**
**3、语文的思维方式**
**在多年的发展过程中语文这一基础学科已经形成了完整的思维体系这些方式方法是语文思维养成的基础。通常情况下来讲，语文的思维方法主要有以下几种：**
**3.1分析与综合**
**所谓分析就是将一个整体的思维分解成各不相同的组成这样可以对不同组成部分之间的关系进行研究这样可以有效的揭示这个事物的本质。从思维的角度来看.可以从整体到局部进行分析。这种思维方法能通过以下步骤来实现：首先.将整体分解成**
**各部分：其次.分析各部分间的相互作用和联系.研究它们各自的地位和作用以及与其他部分发生相互作用的规律性。**
**3.2比较与分类**
**比较是明确事物之间异同点的思维方法。其过程是先对观察对象进行分析.分析观察对象各方面的特征.再将观察对象按其特征进行对比.得出哪些方面具有相同点.哪些方面具有不同点.从而鉴别观察对象的异同。在语文教学中.可**
**以通过比较.找出表面上差异很大的事物之间的相同点.或表面上极为相似的事物之间的不同点。中学生在语文学习中的比较可分为三类：一是类似比较，即比较两个或两个以上对象的相同点：二是差异比较.即比较两个或两个以上对象的不同点：三是系统比较.即全面比较两个或两个以上对象的相同点和不同点。**
**3.3抽象与概括**
**抽象是指通过思维把某一事物的本质属性或特征从众多属性或特征中抽取出来的思维活动。通过抽象.可以使人的认识从感性阶段上升到理性阶段。抽象的思维特点体现在：要根据研究对象和问题的特点.在对事物进行分析比较的基础上.搬开问题中个别的、非本质的因素.抽取出主要的、本质的因素。**
**3.4联想与想象**
**所谓联想.就是因某人或者某物而想起与之相关的相似联想是由与某事物或现象相似的其他事物或现象中产生新设想的思维活动：接近联想是因事物之间彼此接近进而产生新设想的思维活动：对比联想是指对于性质或特点相反的事物产生新设想的思维活动：因果联想指对有因果关系的事物产生的新设想的思维活动。**
**3.5语文思维的品质**
**思维能力是智力和能力的核心。思维品质反映了个体思维能力的强弱.是判断一个人的智力层次(即正常、超常或低下)的主要标志。语文思维品质是指人们在语文学习和实践过程中逐渐形成、发展并表现出来的.能直接影响工作效率的个体智力特征.包括思维的深刻性、灵活性、敏捷性、批判性和独创性五个方面。**
**4、结语**
**语文是工具性和人文性的统一.也是语言和思维的统一。思维能力是人们日常生活中不可或缺的能力.是人们智力的核心。长期以来.我国语文教学只重视对于学生的语言训练和思想教育.忽视对于学生思维能力的培养和训练。在语文教学中.一方面是对学生思维能力培养的呼声越来越高：另一方面是教师缺乏系统、科学的语文思维培养理论和方法。由于应试教育的束缚，语文教育变得越来越功利化、模式化：满堂灌"、填鸭式"的语文教学随处可见。针对这一现象.教师可以通过语文教学来培养学生的分析思维能力、抽象思维能力、形象思维能力、聚合思维能力、发散思维能力、创造思维能力等语文思维能力。**
**参考文献：**
**\[1\]林崇德.胡卫平.思维型课堂教学的理论与实践.北京师范大学学报：社会科学版.2010年.(1).**
**\[2\]王雅.初中语文课堂中实施探究式教学的实践研究J.新课程(下旬).2012(1)：149—151.**
**\[3\]徐飞.国内外课堂互动研究状况评述.国外外语教学.2005(2)：58.**
**\[4\]胡卫平.提高整体素质培养创新人才一谈谈学思维"活动课程的设计与教学提高整\[J\]中小学校长.2008.125(9)：36-38.** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **中职数字影音后期制作技术技能竞赛训练策略探析**
_赵_ _冠_
**(广西崇左市职业技术学校崇左市532200)**
**【摘要】中职教育的发展对于我国经济的发展具有十分重要的意义和作用，原因在于中职学校为我国的现代化建设培养专业的技术性人才.中职学校在人才的培养过程中，应该坚持以能力为本位，积极鼓励学生参加技能竞技比赛，在比赛实训中提高中职学生的操作能力和应变能力，以便为毕业后的工作打下坚实的基础。本文以中职数字影音后期制作技术技能竞赛为例，探讨中职学生竞赛技能的训练，总结现有训练模式中存在的偏差，提出了一些个人的观点和意见.希望给有关人员带来启发.**
**【关键词】中职教育；数字影音后期制作技术；技能竞赛；训练策略**
**【中图分类号】G642 【文献标识码】A 【文章编号】2095-6517(2015)07-0132-02**
**积极鼓励学生参加专业性的技能竞技，可以增长学生的见识充分检验学生在课堂和实训中所掌握的知识和技术；让学生走出课堂充分了解到最近的技术发展前沿；同时也可以借助技能竞技的这一平台提高学校的知名度促进学校的整体建设，**
**一、中职学校学生参加技能竞技比赛的必要性**
**我国的中职学校起步较晚，以培养技术人才为主要目标受到上世纪“学历就是一切"等不利思想的影响，使得很多人对我国的中职教育存在一定的偏见 认为中职学校的办学只是为了吸收一些社会闲散人员办学水平也没有较大的发展再加上近年来大学生就业压力的增大，导致中职学校在夹缝中艰难求生。**
**从本质上讲中职教学是社会主义教育中十分重要的一个环节与其他办学形式相比，中职学校带有其鲜明的办学特点作为以培养专业技术人才为己任的新型办学形式中职学校在日常教学中实行理论技术两手抓两手都要硬各级技能竞赛的设立既可以为中职学校学生提供一个展现自身能力的平台，也可以有效提升中职学校的知名度让社会各界以一个合理公正的眼光来看到我国的中职教育.**
**为了让本校学生在数字影音后期制作技术技能竞赛脱颖而出需要制定科学有效的训练策略争取在短时间之内提高学生的实际操作能力，**
**二、总结原有训练策略中存在的问题**
**1.忽视中职学生的能力基础**
**从根本上讲中职学生在学习基础学习能力方面比较薄弱在参加能力竞赛时老师多会选择一些基础相对较好，能力较强的学生，选举出来参赛的学生的综合能力也是参差不齐的，在中职学校的常规培养中竞赛培训没有作为一门课程，而是属于一种类似于战时训练模式的加强培养：竞赛培训把不同班级、互不熟悉的学生聚积到一起采取大班授课的方式忽视了学生之间的差距和默契程度，大班授课势必会导致一些学生处于劣势状**
**态造成集中培训的整体水平有待提高**
**2.缺乏有效的训练计划**
**部分中职学校的竞赛培训缺少一个明确的计划和目标教师只是依照赛前指导进行流水式的讲解既没有考虑到学生的学习兴趣，也没有突出重点章节由于赛前培训的时间相对紧张培训的强度和难度都很大..在此影响下部分老师采取了盲目赶进度，忽视了学生对知识的接收能力部分老师选择重点章节给学生进行讲解忽视了知识的连贯性和整体性便有甚者直接表明讲到哪儿算哪儿..**
**3.训练内容和训练方法过于陈旧**
**很多中职学校的赛前培训几年甚至十几年也没有发生变化，依然采取老旧落后的指导材料.现阶段我国中职学校的竞赛培训普遍采用的方法就是“填鸭式”、灌输式教学法老师站在讲台上讲，同学们被动的听取老师所讲的内容忽视了学生在技能竞赛中的主体地位..教学内容和方法与社会发展严重脱节造成了在实际比赛过程中学生事先训练的内容与比赛内容差距较大**
4.培训教师素质参差不齐
**部分中职学校为了节约用人成本启用缺乏竞赛辅导经验的非专业的教师开展赛前培训.非专业教师在教学中无法抓住培训重点在讲课方法和讲课技巧方面稍显不足：非专业教师授课会给学生造成一种不好的印象即"学校不重视赛前培训学好学坏无所谓”同学们参加赛前培训的积极性严重下降长此以往势必会对学生的参赛水平造成影响**
**三、数字影音后期制作技术技能竞赛训练的有效策略**
**1.全面认识技能竞赛的重要性**
**中职学校的有关领导应该充分重视技能竞赛，制定相应的奖励制度鼓励中职学校的学生参加技能竞赛重视赛前培训，聘请专业的赛前辅导教师对学生进行辅导在日常教学中恰当融入一些比赛思想让学生正确认识技能竞赛的重要性在日常学习和生活中加强训练重视实训能力和操作能力提高学生参赛的积**
**2.赛前准备工作**
**在数字影音后期制作技术技能竞赛的一年前学校有关部门应该召开专门的赛前动员会议，有中职学校领导布置参赛内容，并成立相应的指导小组和监督小组.学校领导应该组织竞赛辅导经验丰富的教师组成指导小组负责参赛学生的选拔和集中培训工作，选拔细则和培训方案应该集中审理，对不合理的地方及时进行调整**
**参赛学生的选拔应用技能竞赛的一年前开始进行对相关专业的学生进行科学细致的调查不能把考试成绩作为选拔参赛学生的唯一标准：进行参赛选手选举的相关老师应该与班主任和数字影音后期制作技术的授课教师进行深入的了解和研究综合评估每一位学生的学习能力、动手能力、应变能力以及心理素质，从总体上讲参加数字影音后期制作技术技能竞赛的学生应该具备以下素质(1)端正的学习态度和持之以恒的精神(2)敏捷的思维能力和优秀的动手能力(3)一定的艺术修养和良好的心理素质.指导教师结合上述内容，初步确定参赛人员，入选人数应该大于实际参赛人数.**
**3.科学的训练方案**
**第一基础夯实训练，第一阶段的训练主要是针对数字影音处理大赛中所应用的一些软件进行巩固培训要求学生要熟练掌握 Adobe Master Collection 软件的操作技巧，以及提高学生的艺术审美能力和文学修养能力，以便提高参赛视频的整体质量和文化内涵**
**第二，综合训练.在综合训练的过程中，主要针对Adobe**
**(上接第131页)**
**力量实现用好人的目标，科学的用人机制的核心就是建立公平，公正的能上能下的优胜劣汰机制 幼儿园中敢于重用德才兼备的教师不管是新教师还是老教师对强者不应排斥对弱者也不可同情，尤其是对于那些缺乏职业道德对幼教事业不忠诚的教师要及时采取措施形成一种能者上庸者下的用人机制：同时，幼儿园管理者也要重视教师后备队伍的建设，要通过多种方式，加快年轻教师的成长速度..**
**四、营造积极向上的园所氛围打造健康群体人格**
**幼儿园是一个团队一个群体，也是有人格的，群体的人格一 _—_ 旦形成会由内而外的影响群体中每一个成员的言行举止，每一个幼儿园都呈现出不同的精神风貌，这就是幼儿园的群体人格.群体的人格需要有意识地去塑造由幼儿园的工作内容、特点、制度所决定幼儿园要努力打造以热爱孩子，工作负责，积极主动，乐观向上为特征的群体人格.**
**第一梳理办园理念提高角色定位.园长的办园理念和对幼儿园的角色定位非常重要，它直接影响一个幼儿园的发展方向和办园特色将自己定位于“办一所优质幼儿园"或“办一所勉强过得去的幼儿园”，整个管理团队和教师的精神状态及工作状态会有很大差别.，为此园长要认真梳理办园理念提高角色定位并**
**Master Collection 软件的综合使用指导教师应该是收集一些优秀的使用实例来对同学们进行模拟和创作使选手熟练掌握素材管理、影视合成、影视编辑和音画合成等影音后期处理技术**
**第三终极训练终极训练的内容主要是模拟比赛本文建议在此期间参赛学生应该进行封闭式训练严格模拟比赛操作在操作结束后指导教师应对学生的表现进行总结在此基础上给予针对性辅导..在条件允许的范围下学校可以请一些参加过技能竞赛的高年级学生或者比赛经验丰富的人员传授参赛学生一些比赛方法和技巧，尽可能做到万无一失**
**四、结语**
**近年来伴随着社会主义市场经济的发展中职教育的发展也进入了一个新的历史阶段无论是学校数量还是在校生数量都呈逐年增长的趋势中职学校所培养的专业性技术人才为我国现代化建设作出了突出贡献参加职业技能竞赛，可以提高中职学校学生的操作水平提高学校的知名度对此中职学校在竞赛培训中应该制定科学的技术的方案，促进比赛成绩的提高.**
**【参考文献】**
\[1\]杜卫军.中职数字影音处理技术技能竞赛训练策略探析JJ.新课程学习(中)，2011，11：18.
\[2\]单淮峰.基于核心技能的中职"数字媒体技术应用专业“课程体系构建研究\[D\].杭州师范大学，2012.
图陈泓吉.中职数字媒体技术应用专业人才培养模式研究\[D小重 **庆师范大学.2012.**
卜李媛媛.我国职业技能竞赛的问题与建议\[DJ.华东师范大学， **2011.**
**把这种理念传递给每一位教师激发教师的工作热情，营造积极向上的工作氛围提高保教质量，让教师感到跟着这样的园长踏实有前途.相反，如果园所教育理念跟不上，保教质量差，自然会让教师产生前途渺茫，工作不稳定的感觉.**
**第二采取奖励机制加强行为导向。可以根据幼儿园现状开展一些评优活动并对优胜者给与奖励如开展家长满意班级家长最满意教师，卫生保健先进班级教学先进班级最佳贡献奖教师等评选活动，对教师的正能量的行为给予奖励，促进教师的能力提升，有效地挖掘人才，留在人才。**
**五、结语**
**总之提升幼儿园教师的专业素养是提高幼儿园教育教学效果的重要措施.基于幼儿园教育教学的特点，幼儿园可以依托本土文化，通过挖掘资源、培养兴趣，提升教师的文化素养；幼儿园高质量教师资源的挖掘和培养就是选对人、培育人、用好人.**
**【参考文献】**
|1|虞永平.多元智能理论与幼儿园课程研究.学前教育研究，2004， **(5)**
|2|杨静.回归自然，回归生活.幼儿教育，2003.(7)
\[3\]吴荔红.论提高幼儿园区域活动有效性的策略.学前教育，2007、 **10)** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 我国农业观光园发展现状、问题及对策建议
张文茜
“农业观光”起源于欧洲的19世纪30年代，到了20世纪末期，各地根据自身农业特点与文化建成了一定规模和面积的高新科技示范园，形成早期的农业观光园雏形。农业观光园是以农业资源与旅游相结合的具有观光、示范、科普于一体的综合园
区
一、我国农业观光园的发展现状及特点
中国有农业大国之称，农业资源雄厚且区域景观差异显著，丰富的旅游资源为我国的旅游业提供优越的资源条件；随着时代的进步，科技的发展，国民生活质量不断上升，远离城市喧嚣、向往田园风光的需求愈加强烈，潜移默化推动了我国农业观光的发展。农业观光园在我国的发展速度飞快，如今全国各地皆有农业观光园的身影。
1、引领农业观光园的台湾休闲农业
谈及农业观光，必须想到我国的宝岛台湾，20世纪70年代，台湾省率先开始农业观光，尤以休闲农场最为突出。目前观光休闲农场在台湾非常普及，台湾省观光与休闲农业的发展居于世界领先地位。不完全统计，台湾省共计 8000 多个观光农园(场)，年接待游客高达580多万人次。
比较出名的有：台湾清境农场，地处台湾南投县仁爱乡境内，总面积760公顷，视野广阔，风景优美、气候适宜，被赞誉为“雾上桃源”(见图1-1)；香格里拉休闲农场，位于宜兰县冬山乡，四面环山，景致清丽。农场设计独具风格，深厚的文化底蕴，稻草文化、风筝文化、木屐文化三种文化别有风味，堪称台湾农业园的鼻祖(见图1-2)。
2、内地农业观光园发展现状
与台湾相比，内地农业观光始于80年代后期。城市周边、大型景区附近的农村地区以当地特色为旅游资源，自发开展乡村旅游活动。截止至2017年，我国各类型农业园区3000多个，呈现出覆盖性与集中性的分布格局。内地比较突出的园区有北京锦绣大地农业科技观光园、上海孙桥现代农业科技观光园光茶园等等。
3、农业观光园分类及特点
农业观光园按照其主题大致可以分为观光农园、市民农园、农业植物园、教育农园、民俗旅游地、综合农业休闲度假院园等十类农业观光园模式，其特点如下：
(1)区位地域性
农业观光园区位首选交通便利、客源充足、乡村特色旅游资源突出的大城市边缘区或近郊，城乡过渡地带。
(2)功能复合性
图1-11台湾清境农场
农业观光园因其自身农业性、可赏性、参与性、科普性、示范性的特点，因此农业观光园的功能就相对复杂多样。基本具有生产功能、观光功能、体验功能以及科技示范和科普教育的功能等五大主要功能。
(3)产品独特性
农业观光园提供的产品具有“独特性”，即“新、奇、异、趣”先进的培育技术与多样的园艺手法，赋予植物生长状态的奇特感。
二、国内农业观光园建设和经营的主要问题
1、定位问题
多数人认为农业即作物生产，并未考虑其他用途，再者，农田、农业开发区、农业观光园易混淆等问题在国内农业观光园的发展道路上，问题也逐步显现，因此农业观光园的发展定位是制约其建设发展的重要问题之一。
2、景观规划问题
农业观光本身具有资源优势，但是若没有合理利用，反而在一定程度上对自然资源造成了破坏；“照葫芦画瓢”式建造农园导致绝大部分观光农业园旅游资源雷同，无自身特色。
3、发展问题
目前我国农业观光旅游主要以田园景色与民俗民风体验两种，娱乐形式多为采摘、农家乐餐饮等。娱乐形式单一、资源开发利用不足、经营不善等问题，使农业观光在我国至今没有保持良好的盈利链发展，很难吸引高端人才和资本的加入。
三、国内农业观光园建设解决对策
1、提高政府主导地位，完善管理条例
政府在农业观光园发展过程起着举足轻重的地位。通过政府的机能调控、政策管理可以促使农业观光园健康的发展。
2、生态理论规划作指导
农业观光园的良性发展，离不开生态理论作为指导，确保农业观光园建设和生态理论规划相统一。
3、保障农业地位，彰显自然本色
在设计中应保留农村民俗风貌之后有机与现代化服务结合起来，以此给予游客更全新的体验与感受。
4、开发特色产业，注重地域文化
借助山林资源，开展养殖业、种植林木，形成产业链，使之成为特有的品牌。注重地域特色表现与内涵，完善园区基础设施，让观光园的类型更加多元化。
(作者单位：132000北华大学) | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 从电影《尔玛的婚礼》谈非物质文化遗产的保护
张善云
(四川省羌学会，四川成都610200)
【摘 要】社会环境、经济环境，生态环境的急剧变化，使非物质文化遗产面临资源严重流失，后继泛人的境地。只有人民群众的广泛参与，把保护非遗活灵活现运用在生活中，从而使非遗有效地得以承传和发展，以达到可持续发展的目的。
【关键词】《尔玛的婚礼》；羌族；非物质文化；
【中图分类号】I35·C953 {文献标识码】A {文章编号】1008-4142(2007)04-0034-03
一、《尔》剧的主题内容与艺术特质
由潇湘电影集团、理县人民政府和四川省羌学会联合拍摄，年青导演韩万峰编剧并执导的电影《尔玛的婚礼》就要和大家见面了。目前已接到通知9月底参加多国看片会。
《尔》剧是我国第一部以羌语拍摄的故事片。它讲述了一个发生在中国西部羌寨的故事：
尔玛又叫尔玛依娜，是一个美丽善良的羌族少女，与奶奶、父母及弟弟一家五口人居住在羌族山寨。尔玛从小喜欢跳舞，初中毕业后一直在镇上民俗村跳舞。
尔玛18岁那年和羌族裁缝多巴定了婚，多巴父母希望尔玛早点嫁过来，常来尔玛家催婚。尔玛父母每次征求尔玛意见时，尔玛总是不松口。
原来尔玛爱上了镇小学教英语的汉族老师刘大川。大川虽出生在农村，但姑姑是县教育局副局长，自然少不了追求者。可是大川偏偏喜欢尔玛。
大川的姑姑也喜欢尔玛，私下给大川讲，等他和尔玛结了婚，姑姑就把尔玛安排到县城一所小学当音乐老师。大川赶紧叫尔玛过来谢谢姑姑。中午，姑姑一家请他和尔玛下馆子吃饭。饭桌上，姑姑宣布，为了表达对他们的爱，决定在县城给他们举办隆重的婚礼。
回家路上，尔玛心事重重，她告诉大川，她想按羌族人的仪式在家里举办婚礼。大川说：都什么年代了，你的思想还这么保守!姑姑给我们在城里办婚礼，那是给我们面子，我们可不能扫了姑姑的兴啊!
尔玛回到家，看到父母正在给她准备嫁妆，忍不住哭了。晚上，全家人围在一起吃饭。尔玛说：大川姑姑要给我们在城里办婚礼。尔玛的父亲沉默了半天没说话。
深夜，尔玛昕到奶奶在屋里唱起羌族女儿的出嫁歌，那歌声忧伤婉转，久久地飘荡在山寨的上空。
第二天一大早，尔玛就到学校找到了大川，说了父亲的意思。大川说：没事，过两天我去说服你父亲。
结婚前两天，大川来到尔玛家，准备接尔玛一家去县城参加婚礼。尔玛躲着不见大川。大川跟尔玛父亲好说了半天，尔玛父亲始终不同意，就回去把自己的家人接了过来。
两家人坐在一起，说了好几个时辰，终没结果。后来，大川把尔玛最好的同学依娜从镇上找来劝说尔玛，尔玛低着头就是不表态。
姑母那边打电话催促，大川急得像热锅上的蚂蚁。
接着，村主任来了，乡文化站长来了，在镇派出所工作的尔玛舅舅也来了，大家一轮又一轮的劝说，使尔玛父母的态度有些松动，可是尔玛始终不肯点头。
傍晚的时候，姑姑开着车从县城赶来了。姑姑给尔玛家送来了一个大彩电，姑姑不仅答应给尔玛安排工作，还决定带尔玛的弟弟到县城上初中。
姑姑的到来，终于让尔玛的父母同意尔玛在县城举行婚礼。但这时，尔玛和奶奶却不见了。
姑母开车走了，走时丢了一句话给大川，“今后你们的事再也别找我了!”
【收稿日期】2007--09-09
【作者简介】张善云(1941一)，男，羌族，四川理县人，世界自然联盟自然保护区委员会委员、四川省羌学会会长。
有商明輩园学4力，无上：合：牛日
姑姑走后，大川愤怒了，他大声地喊：尔玛，我要和你分手!
十月一日，阳光明媚，尔玛的婚礼按期举行。只不过婚礼不是在县城，终如尔玛所愿在自己家里举行。
那天，很热闹，整个寨子都沸腾了。
《尔》剧是第一部以羌族演员为主角的故事片；
《尔》剧是第一部以80%以上羌族演员出演的故事片；
《尔》剧是第一部以羌族原生态歌舞为剧中歌舞的故事片；
《尔》剧是第一部以羌族民居为背景没有丝毫人为景观的原生态场景的故事片。
《尔》剧是第一部较为集中地反映羌民族文化遗产项目的故事片。
因而影片更显自然、原始、真实、质朴，给观众以原汁原味的感觉，更具穿透力、征服力。艳丽的民族服饰、优美的民族歌舞，神秘的释比文化构成了一部动人心魄的羌魂交响乐。其古悠度、奇特度、美誉度产生的心灵震撼，显示出羌民族承传优秀文化遗产的决心和信心。
二、《尔》剧在非物质文化遗产保护中的作用和意义
《尔》剧中羌族的非物质文化遗产得以淋漓尽致的展现。
我国是一个幅员辽阔、历史悠久、民族众多的国家，拥有十分丰富厚重、种类繁多的非物质文化遗产。
联合国教育组织在《保护非物质文化遗产公约》中明确指出非物质文化遗产包括了以下五个方面的内容：(1)口头传说和表现形式，包括作为非物质文化遗产媒介的语言；(2)表演艺术；(3)社会实践、礼仪、节庆活动；(4)有关自然界和宇宙的知识和实践；(5)传统手工艺。在2005年3月国务院办公厅公布的《关于加强我国非物文化遗产保护工作的意见》的附件中列举了第6项内容，表述了与上述五项表现形式相关的文化空间。
《尔》剧概括地表现了羌民族非物质文化遗产的形态，以鲜明的故事情节唤起了古老民族对传统文化珍贵的回忆，把人们带进了羌民族倍加珍惜的精神家园。
《尔》剧是我国第一部羌语故事片，羌族在文字失传后羌语显得尤其珍贵，由于历史的、地理的、文化的、民族的多种原因，羌语呈现十里不同调，两山不同音的特点。虽30万人却分布在354个村寨，354个村中只有89个村有人讲羌语占 22%，在22%的村中，能完全用羌语沟通的只占8%，即30万人中能用羌语沟通的只有约两万余人，而两万余人中60岁以下的不到5000
卢子L叨计子一子小月丁小
人，优美的羌语已处于濒危状态。抢救羌语刻不容缓。
《尔》剧为抢救羌语，作出了特殊的贡献。他不但将这个祖国文化宝库中的珍宝呈现给大家，也为今后在羌语消亡之后“立此存照”为后世留一份可供欣赏和研究的遗产。
在人们开始重视非遗的保护并取得一定成果的时候，我们从《尔》剧中已经看到由于现代工业的迅速发展，现代交通的扩展和延伸，计算机网络的密集化，全球经济一体化，农村人口的城市化以及旅游业的持续发展。非遗的保护已十分严峻。同时，非遗作为活态文化，由于受人类社会结构和环境改变的影响以及本身存在形态的限制，必然带来它的社会存在基础日趋狭窄的社会发展形势，因而抢救非遗，成为后工业时代赋予我们的非常紧迫的历史史命。
尔玛与多巴婚约的解除以及尔玛与大川的结合，已经十分明显地看出了民族融合的趋势和羌人对现代文化的企求儿理。
《尔》剧展示的以汉族和羌族两种民族习俗举办婚礼的矛盾，实际上是一场非遗保卫战。老奶奶的固守以及尔玛的坚持，唤起了羌民对祖先留下的宝贵遗产的保护意识以及民族文化的认同感和自豪感。一个民族对自己传统文化认同的叩问，无疑是一种意识上的文化自觉，一种深刻的文化自信。须知没有文化的自信就不可能有文化自主。
一声声羌笛，一曲曲羌歌不但使婚礼十分辉煌，展示了古老的羌民族的创造力、想象力、智慧和劳动的结晶，是人类文化多样性的展示，同时也是对民族精神的凝聚和延续。
华丽的服饰，强调的并不是物质层面上的载体和呈现形式，而是蕴藏在这些物化形式背后精湛的技艺，独到的思维方式、丰富的精神蕴涵等非物质形态的内容。婚礼上新娘给新郎送的云云鞋，不只是鞋的概念，还诉说了羌族“无绣不成婚”的理念。
喜鹊叫唤带信来，小哥叫妹做双鞋。云云鞋子绣一双，小哥今晚来取鞋。清早起来白头霜，阿哥草鞋穿一双。阿妹见了心难过，松油灯下绣鞋邦。鸡叫三更就做好，云云鞋子送一双，
这鞋中的情感内涵加上“云云鞋”的优美传说，使人感到羌文化的丰厚、博大、优美、精深。从一个侧面
使我们深刻地认识到非遗不仅构成中华民族深厚的文化底蕴，也承载着中华民族文化渊源的基因。
《尔》剧中释比是现实的释比，除了一招一式的真功夫，还有真人真名真姓的真实性、权威性。剧中的警官是真实的当地派出所长，剧中的羌笛演奏者是文化部授予“羌笛三代传人”的羌笛演奏家，使演奏达到了国际水平。女主角更是早为群众熟悉的羌族靓女，网络美人，尔玛依娜。剧中演员流利的羌语已使人看到了保存羌语的新的希望。剧中的萨朗更是民风纯朴的蒲溪乡村民的原生态舞蹈，真实感人，激动人心，使导演也眼含热泪。主演周明兰是一位80多岁土生土长的羌族老奶奶。早已儿孙绕膝的老人为演好尔玛的奶奶70年后又重新爬.上儿时攀爬的悬岩，去完成角色的塑造，深深地感动了在场的演职人员，艺术的生活化使故事片成了民族历史的原始真实记录，为非遗保存找到了坚实的群众基础。
当人们在已列人世界文化遗产后备名单的桃坪古堡以及蒲溪羌寨，参加原汁原味的羌族婚礼时，除了可以看到那静止的古碉和石头民居的昔日辉煌以外，还看到了历史“活态”的遗存。《尔》剧在这里告诉我们一个民族的历史文明、传统文化的延续是由物质形态的文化遗产以及非遗共同承传的。
物质文化遗产和非遗都是民族文明的结晶。而非遗因活态的流变性包含的“文化记忆”，即比可见的物遗更易随时代的变革与迁延而更容易被人们忘却。因而寄寓在非遗中的民族智慧及精神血脉的丧失将使我们失去民族文化整体的内涵和意义。须知对种文化形态的“失忆”是难以换回的。有专家指出：“在中国每一分钟都可能有一位老艺人、一门手艺、或一首民歌消失，每秒钟都可能有一幢老房子被拆掉，都标志着一份文化的流失”。
《尔》剧的意义还在于为我们揭示了一个国际间普遍关注的重要问题—-不同民族、不同群体、不同地域的非遗保护问题。
非遗的不可再生和脆弱性决定了其保护第一性；非遗的民族性、独特性和多样性，决定了保护方式的多样性；非遗的活态流变性，决定了保护的非遗的静止性和非凝固性。
《尔》剧为羌民族的非遗找到了一个全面、真实、系统的保护方式。它把羌语的保护贯穿在影片的剧情里；它把释比文化的保护、羌装的保护、羌歌羌舞的保护、羌笛、羌绣的保护，真实地再现在“婚礼”中。
《尔》剧通过把非遗形象地、艺术地、真实地记录在影片中，生动地用群众喜闻乐见的艺术形式，保存下来，传承下去，通过影片制作，把非遗转化为经济效益和经济资源，以生产性方式，加以保护。使大家进一步明确保护非遗不是为留下历史，更不是为了回到过去、而是为新时代的文化创新提供不竭的资源，使文化力成为社会发展的推动力。从而增强国家软实力的精神资源和文化根基。
《尔》剧还告诉我们，非遗既是昨天的实录，今天的现实，更是明天的预示。我们虽然找到了一些展示非遗的舞台，但是随着民族经济的发展，交流渠道的扩大，文化生活的多元，特别是新农村的建设、文化生态发生了巨大变化，非遗离我们越来越远。我们应以一种十分强烈的认同感和历史感，充分认识非遗所蕴含的中华民族特有的精神价值、思维方式，想象力和文化意识体现着中华民族的生命力和创造力。保护非遗对促进文化多样性，继承和发扬民族优秀文化传统，增进民族团结，维护国家统一，增强民族自信心和凝聚力，建设和谐社会有着重要而深远的意义。众所周知，只有民族文化能够自主、独立面对现代文化、西方文化、外来文化
A Discourse of the Protection of Intangible Cultural Legacy by Taking the Film Entitled Erma's Wedding as a Starting Point
ZHANG Shan-yun
(Sichuan Institute of the Qiang Nationality， Chengdu， Sichuian 610200， China)
Abstract： Drastic changes of social， economical and ecological environments have brought aboul severe losses to intangible cul-tural heritage. It is argued in this paper that a wide participation of the masses can bring the protection of intangible cultural legacy to real life and have it elfectively passed down to accomplish sustainable growth.
Key words： Erma’s wedding； intangible culture； Qiang nationality | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 论唐代诗文中的吐蕃异称兼论唐朝的民族政策与“吐蕃”读音
**南晓民 刘妍君**
**(西藏大学文学院 西藏拉萨 850000)**
**摘要：唐代很多诗文都提到“吐蕃”，不过有些是以别称出现的，如“土番、西蕃、西戎”等。这些词都可表示“吐蕃”含义，写法又都与“吐蕃”有或多或少的差异，文章统称之为“吐蕃异称”，并把它们划分为与吐蕃“音同形近”和“义同形异”两大类；进而阐述了与“吐蕃”异称相联系的唐朝民族政策及“吐蕃”读音问题，明确“吐蕃”不可能读b5音。文章旨在回顾那段唐蕃密切交流交往的历史，重新认识古代中华民族内部的族群关系及相关的语言、文化现象。**
**关键词：唐代诗文；吐蕃；异称；音同形近；义同形异**
**DOl：10.16249/j.cnki.1005-5738.2015.03.022**
**中图分类号：K207文献标识码：A文章编号：1005-5738(2015)03-153-007**
**公元7世纪在西藏发展起来的吐蕃政权，是中国历史上的一个地方政权，为开发中国西南边疆和促进中华民族命运共同体的形成与发展作出了重要贡献。唐太宗贞观八年(公元634年)，吐蕃逐渐与中原汉地建立起紧密的政经、文化联系，也开始使藏族人民融入中华民族共铸盛唐灿烂文化的历史潮流中。有唐一代，除了文成、金城两位公主先后远嫁吐蕃赞普外，唐、蕃古道上，使者、商旅、军队往来不绝；汉地医药、历算、农业科技等纷纷传入**
**吐蕃，而源于吐蕃的“颇罗”马球、“拂庐”大帐篷、妇女脸涂日月型膏痣、耳戴耳坠等在唐朝上层社会也风行一时回。**
**唐朝289年的历史，吐蕃地方政权几乎与之伴随始终；吐蕃的政治、经济、文化及军事表现无不给唐人留下鲜明深刻的印象。唐代中原汉地的许多政客将领、文人使者、学士僧侣等，他们所写的诗歌、散文、笔记等都提到了神秘而著名的“吐蕃”(此为正式写法)，不过有的写成单字“蕃、番”，有的写成双字“吐番、土蕃”或“西蕃、西番”等，写法都与“吐蕃”一词有或多或少的差异。这种对“吐蕃”的**
收稿日期：2015-07-15
**基金项目：西藏大学“汉语言文学与跨文化研究”科研创新团队建设项目，西藏大学文学院教科研基金项目"汉语词‘吐蕃’**
**‘土伯特'及西文‘Tibet'关系研究"(项目号：2015001)阶段性成果。**
**第一作者简介：南晓民，男，汉族，陕西礼泉人，西藏大学文学院副教授，主要研究方向为汉语言文字学、藏汉文化比较。**
**别称我们统称为“吐蕃异称”，并把这些异称分为与“吐蕃”音同形近”和“义同形异”两类。**
**本文所引唐代诗文，以《全唐诗》、《全唐文》为主，辅以《贞观政要》、《朝野金载》《新唐书》《旧唐书》等有关文献。我们探讨唐代诗文中的吐蕃异称，旨在回顾唐蕃密切交流交往的历史，了解唐蕃友好关系的发展历程，重新认识那段特定历史下中华民族内部的族群关系以及与吐蕃名称相关的语言、文化现象。**
**二、唐代诗文中吐蕃异称**
**“蕃、大蕃、西蕃”等作为吐蕃异称，在唐代诗文中都曾广泛出现。然而在吐蕃首次通使唐朝的贞观八年前后，“蕃、大蕃、西蕃”等称呼在中原王朝政治生活中已广泛使用并见诸史籍，并不指吐蕃。如：**
**①《(唐太宗)备北寇诏》：“其北道诸州，所置城寨，粗已周遍。未能备悉。今约以和通，虽云疲寇，然蕃情难测”3\]。**
**②《北史·任城王浩传》：“潜频牧大蕃，虽不洁己，然宽恕，为吏人所怀”。(按：《北史》作者为初唐李延寿)**
**③《(唐太宗)讨高昌诏》：“明罚敕法，圣人垂惩恶之道……又西蕃突厥，战争已久，朕愍其乱离，志务安辑”。**
**上述诸例中下加横线(以下类同)的“蕃、大蕃、西蕃”，结合题目语境可见无一例指吐蕃。后来，随着唐朝与吐蕃关系的发展，双方来往越来越多，“蕃、大蕃、西蕃”等才逐渐指向吐蕃，成为吐蕃异称。**
**(一)与“吐蕃”音同形近的异称**
**1.单字“蕃、番”。离开特定语境，“蕃、番”很难说一定表示吐蕃，但在唐代诗文一些特殊语境下确有很多以“蕃、番”单字表示吐蕃的情况。这种单字“蕃”或“番”严格来说不算与吐蕃“音同形近”，鉴于它们可谓吐蕃一词在特定语境中的略称，写为“(吐)蕃”或“(吐)番”，故勉强列之为“吐蕃”的音同形近异称。如：**
**①《全唐诗·凉州词》：“国使翩翩随旆旌，陇西岐路足荒城。毡裘牧马胡雏小，日暮蕃歌三两声。”\[6\]**
**②《全唐文·收复河徨制》：“自昔皇王之有国也，….剑南山川边界有没蕃州县，量力收复。”叨**
**唐朝中叶以后，唐朝与吐蕃的边境基本固定在陇西、川西一带。例①是唐大历年间诗人耿津所写，结合时代背景和诗中所提陇西地域即可明确其中“蕃”指吐蕃。例②是唐宣宗诏书里的话，由剑南山川地域也可明确其中“蕃”指吐灌。**
**我们翻检唐代诗文资料发现，“番”作为吐蕃异称一般多用于非正式场合，偶用于正式场合。如：**
**③《全唐文·乞许赞普请和亲》：“金城公主奴奴言：…往者皇帝兄不许亲署誓文。奴奴降番，事缘和好。”**
**④《全唐文·授李德陇州刺史兼防御使制》：“敕：陇陕之西，地连番境。虽舅甥和好，绝塞无虞。”围**
**上述例③从赞普及金城公主名称可知“番”指吐蕃；那么“奴奴”是谁?原来就是金城公主自己，公主本名李奴奴。例④是唐人崔(大约在唐敬宗、文宗时期)为皇帝起草的诏书，当时陇州已是唐蕃交界地方，其中的“番”字可确定表示吐蕃。这种指称在其他唐代文献中也有出现，兹不赘述。**
**2.双字“土蕃、吐番、土番”。单字“蕃”只在特定语境中才指吐蕃，而“土蕃、吐番、土番”等无此限制。它们只要在唐代诗文中出现，便肯定指吐蕃，因为唐代其他少数民族政权无此特殊称谓。**
**①(唐)道宣《释迦方志》载：“东女国…··东接土蕃，西接三波诃”1。**
**②《全唐文》：“鸿胆寺中土蕃使人素知物情，慕此处绫锦及弓箭…(按：此段即文题，较长，故置于书名号外)**
**③《全唐文·报吐番宰相全达延书》：“....况立盟誓，又结婚姻，悠悠之谈，复何足信?”2**
**④《全唐文·请盟吐番不告庙奏》“谨按肃宗、代宗故事，与吐番会盟”18。**
**⑤(唐)张蔫《朝野载·卷一》：“(开元二年)十月，土番入陇右……”。**
**⑥《全唐文·讨巢贼檄》：“而土番、党项，已久濡皇化，深愤国仇”15\]。**
**以上①②两例里的“土蕃”，③④两例里的“吐**
**番”，⑤⑥两例里的“土番”结合上下文都可明确是指吐蕃。这些吐蕃异称，应不是唐人一时疏忽而错写，而是当时约定俗成的写法，尤其在唐朝中后期。此外，敦煌出土的吐蕃时期汉藏文对照文书里，“吐蕃”也有异称为“特蕃”的6，极为罕见，当属吐蕃音同形近写法的特殊变体。**
**(二)与吐蕃义同形异的异称**
**1.西蕃、西番、蕃国。在唐代诗文里出现的“西蕃、西番、蕃国”，结合语境很多是指吐蕃。如：**
**①《全唐文·慰问四镇北庭将史敕书》：“近以贼臣朱批背恩……已共西蕃定议，兼立誓约。9”9「171**
**②《全唐诗·送和西蕃使》：“使出凤凰池，京师阳春晚……种落逾青羌，关山度赤坂。”18**
**③《全唐诗·送张曹长工部大夫奉使西番》：“殊邻覆露同，奉使小司空。。......吊祠将渥命，导驿畅皇风。”19**
**④(唐)李肇《国史补》：“常鲁公使西番，烹茶帐中……赞普曰：\*我此亦有。遂命出之，以指曰：此寿州者，此舒州者，此顾渚者'。”23\[20\]**
**⑤《全唐文·与吐蕃盟文》：“蕃国守镇在兰渭原会，西至临洮……”21\]**
**这里例①里的“西蕃”，结合上下文可知应指吐蕃，历史背景是：唐大将朱叛乱，占领都城：德宗皇帝逃向奉天，遣使向吐蕃请援兵，并与吐蕃签誓约。查《旧唐书·吐蕃传》载：“(兴元元年二月)吐蕃款塞请以兵助平国难……沈房为入蕃计会及安西、北庭宣慰使。是月，浑碱与吐蕃论莽罗率众大破朱泚将韩旻、张廷芝……”\[22\]可证例①里的“西蕃”确指吐蕃。例②诗是唐高宗时杜审言所写，其诗题没有指明“西蕃”所指，但诗中有这样两句“种落逾青羌，关山度赤坂”。其中“赤坂”，即赤岭，今青海涅源县以西，为当时的唐灌分界线，据此考证，此诗是杜审言送娄师德出使吐蕃而作；《资治通鉴》有相关记载：“师德收集散亡，军乃复振，因命使于吐蕃。吐蕃将论赞婆迎之赤岭”28\]。故诗题中“西蕃”应确指吐蕃。例③诗是唐宪宗朝权德舆所写，诗题中“曹长”是工部侍郎的别称\[24\]，“西番”当指吐蕃；诗中“吊祠”是指张荐出使吐蕃吊祭赞普去世，新旧《唐书》里有相关记载可资印证诗题中的“西番”确指吐蕃。至于例④，据上下文“赞普”之语即可断定其中“西番”指吐蕃，也反映了唐蕃交流之密切，于赞普对中原茶品产地之熟悉可见一斑。例⑤中“蕃**
**国”指吐蕃不言而喻。**
**此外，《全唐诗》还收录了金城公主和亲吐蕃时唐中宗命大臣们所写送别诗，有崔泥《奉和送金城公主适西蕃应制》李娇《奉和送金城公主适西蕃应制》等18首，诗题类同。这些诗题里的“西蕃”无疑专指吐蕃。还有许多其他唐诗所提“西蕃”也指吐蕃，兹不赘述。总之，从大量唐代诗歌中我们可看出，至少从唐高宗时“西蕃”就指吐蕃，到唐中宗时“西蕃”作为吐蕃异称被人们普遍接受。与之相应的“西番”亦然，只是到晚唐时，《定西番》已成教坊曲名和词调名，其中的“西番”就不能算是吐蕃异称。如下例⑥韦庄写的《定西番》，全诗内容极尽花间词派描写闺怨艳情之能事，与吐蕃无丝毫关联：**
**⑥《全唐诗·定西番》：“芳草丛生缕结，花艳艳，雨濛濛……紫燕黄鹂犹至，恨何穷。”25\]**
**2.大蕃、小蕃。拉萨大昭寺门前“唐蕃会盟碑”碑文汉文有云：“蕃汉并於将军谷交马，其绥戎栅已东大唐祇应清水县，已西大蕃供应，须合舅甥亲近之礼。”26\]可见“大蕃”作为吐蕃异称是对应“大唐”而出现。这种指称在《新唐书》《旧唐书》等文献中也有。如：**
**①《旧唐书·吐蕃传》：“我大蕃与唐舅甥国耳，何得以臣礼见处?”27\]**
**②《全唐文·赐吐蕃将书》：“国家与大蕃亲则舅甥，义则邻援”281。**
**上述例①是吐蕃使臣的一段话，例②是唐德宗诏书的一段话，两例中“大蕃”均指吐蕃且语含尊称“大蕃”作为吐蕃异称，吐蕃政权是愿意听的；而与之相反的“小蕃”却不会受欢迎，大多出现在唐皇决定要讨伐吐蕃的诏书里，如：**
**③《全唐文·亲征吐蕃制》“朕闻夷不乱华……小蕃远寇，假息游魂。”\[29\]**
**上面例③中的“小蕃”作为吐蕃异称语气上含有轻视意味，是唐蕃关系不好时的产物，较为少见。**
**3.西戎、西夷。吐蕃的异称除了以上所述，还有“西戎”、“西夷”(包括“西番、西灌”，这些西字头异称强调吐蕃在唐都长安之西的地理方位)。如：**
**①《全唐诗▪送田中丞使西戎》：“朝元下赤坪，玉节使西夷。关陇风回首，河莲雪洒旗。”7\[30**
**②《全唐文·太子詹事刘元鼎可大理卿兼御史大夫充西番盟会使……制》：“敕：太子詹事刘元鼎等……属西夷乞盟，求可以莅之者，历选多士。79\[31\]**
**上述例①是唐代诗僧“无可”，为朋友“田早”出使吐蕃而写的一首送行诗\[321，诗题、诗文中“西戎”、“西夷”自然都指吐蕃。例②中，由文题“西番”可知文中“西夷”当指吐蕃；又查《旧唐书·吐蕃传》载：“长庆元年九月，吐蕃遣使请盟，上许之……乃命大理卿兼御史大夫刘元鼎充西蕃盟会使”33\]，可证前文“西夷”确指吐蕃。**
**三、余论**
**(一)从吐蕃异称看唐朝民族政策**
**1.“蕃”是古人对中原周边部落、邦国或非汉语族群的泛称，如《周礼·大行人》：“九州之外谓蕃国”，后世所谓的蕃国与中原王朝的关系基本从周朝沿袭下来134。到南北朝时，北方当政的少数民族与中原汉族共享“中国”称号，逐渐从原来华夏中国与夷狄诸蕃的对举关系中，派生出“蕃汉对举”的新关系：汉代表中原中央王朝，蕃代表边地少数民族政权。蕃汉对举到唐初已广泛通行，故唐廷内外有“蕃汉官”，军队有“蕃汉兵”351，唐蕃会盟碑上，唐朝异称为“汉”，吐蕃异称为“蕃”；适“蕃”的大唐公主称“汉家公主”。在唐朝看来，周边的少数民族政权或部族但凡有一定实力，如突厥、吐谷浑等，均可称之为“蕃”：后突厥地处塞北而被唐朝异称“北蕃”，地处长安之西的吐蕃自然可异称“西蕃”。唐太宗对国内州县自称皇帝，对诸蕃则以“天可汗”\[36\]自居，反映出统一的多民族中国已有进一步发展。在唐诗中，我们可读到许多以“入蕃”“和蕃”为题描**
**述唐王朝与周边民族关系的诗篇137。在此背景下，吐蕃的异称“蕃”和泛指少数民族的“蕃”往往音义混同，难怪张济川(2000)和李琪美(2001)分别将雍陶《阴地关见入蕃公主石上手迹》和朱庆余的《送于中丞入蕃册立》诗题中的“蕃”误以为指吐蕃(两诗所谓“蕃”实际分指回约及后来的回鹘\[381)。**
**2.唐太宗很重视民族问题，他说：“自古皆贵中华，贱夷狄，朕独爱之如一”291，体现其通达的民族政策。唐朝还以和亲政策，建立姻亲关系使少数民族政权宗亲化、藩王化，促进多元一体的多民族国家发展，努力形成“德泽洽，四夷可使为一家”40.的局面。对吐谷浑、突厥、回纥等莫不如是。关于和亲，唐太宗曾说：“遂其来请，与之为婚。朕为苍生父母，苟可利之，岂惜一女!”\[411正基于“蕃汉一家”的理念，唐太宗才同意吐蕃赞普的和亲之请而许以文成公主。与吐蕃和亲后，唐太宗、高宗父子并不掩饰其视吐蕃为宗亲灌国的想法，以种种封授措施强化此意图。《旧唐书·吐蕃传》载：“高宗嗣位，授弄赞(即松赞干布)为驸马都尉，封西海郡王，赐物二千段”，后还“进封(弄赞)为寅王，赐杂彩三千段”。【42!陕西礼泉县境内有唐太宗昭陵，陵前曾刻有14个蕃王石像，反映唐初蕃汉民族团结融合的景象，其中就有松赞干布像。吐蕃赞普当初得尚文成公主，也一定愿意成为唐朝在西南的蕃屏，表1所列史实颇能说明问题。**
**综上可见，彼时吐蕃处处表现出愿为大唐蕃屏之意，其为唐朝“蕃国”，理所当然，此属史实而非妄**
| **时间** | **唐、蕃互动史实** |
| --- | --- |
| **贞观十五年** | **文成公主和亲吐蕃，唐蕃由是而结秦晋之好，且后世两百年间素有“勇甥之礼”，赞普自比为甥，尊唐为舅；新赞普即位，必请唐天子“册命”。1431** |
| **贞观十六年** | **“修子婿礼”后第二年，松赞干布把对唐朝贡改为“岁贡”；唐朝也会把一些重要的国策知会吐蕃。唐朝拟讨伐辽东，内部反对者不少，而松赞千布却表态坚决支持(\*。** |
| **贞观十九年** | **太宗伐辽东还，(松赞千布)遣禄东赞来贺。奉表曰'圣天子平定四方……·雁飞迅越，不及陛下速疾。奴黍预子婿，喜百常夷。夫鹅，犹雁也，故作金鹅奉献\*”。\[5\]** |
| **贞观廿一年** | **唐伐西突厥乙毗射继可汗，主攻龟兹。此役唐朝还动员了吐蕃军队参战，“遣吐蕃君长，逾玄菟而北临步摇酋渠(即吐谷浑)”。\[46)** |
| **贞观廿二年** | **唐右卫率长史王玄策奉命出使印度等国。印度戒日王尸逻逸多去世，大臣阿那顺自立为王，出兵袭击唐朝使团。王玄策只身逃到吐蕃西境，召集吐蕃精锐军队大举南下，活捉阿那顺并押解到长安。7\]在完成保卫中央使节任务后，“吐蕃寻遣使来献捷”。148** |
| **贞观世三年** | **唐太宗病逝，松赘干布以子婿身份献金银珠宝十五种，请置太宗灵座之前"以表哀思；高宗初即位，西突厥的阿史那贺鲁欲乘机谋叛，松赞干布“因致书于司徒长孙无忌等云‘天子初即位，若臣下有不忠之心者，当勒兵以赴国除讨””。|49\]** |
**论。由此不难理解唐朝将吐蕃异称为“蕃、西蕃、蕃国”之缘由。**
**(二)从“吐蕃”异称看“吐蕃”读音**
**1.南晓民(2014)提到“吐蕃”一词并非吐蕃政权自称，而是源于突厥语Tupit， 是突厥语 tupi/tupa(顶峰、高地)的复数形式tlipan的音译50。作为纯粹的音译词“吐蕃”本不容拆分理解，其译音字“蕃”也无意义可言，然而随着唐、蕃密切来往，“吐蕃”渐为唐人所熟知，进而在唐人言语中似乎被重新解构了：且不论“吐”，其中译音字“蕃”明显和表示少数民族的“蕃、番”音义混同了，其表现正是吐蕃的异称“西蕃、西番、蕃”等。“吐蕃”之称“蕃”，既蒙“吐蕃”而省，又含“蕃国”之义，兼则义足，离则两伤51。**
**2.古代汉语“番”本可指边地少数民族，后起的“蕃”字继承了这一意义和用法，且在“藩屏”意义上与“藩”相通。正由于此，唐代“吐蕃”一词才会有“吐番、土番”等同音异称与“西蕃、蕃国”等同义异称，语用中颇能契合唐朝使边地民族政权“宗亲化、藩王化”的政策和视吐蕃为藩(蕃)国的实际。既如此，按今天的音义对应关系，吐蕃自然应读tǔfān。《现代汉语词典》第四版本注音吐蕃为tifān，到第五版就改注 tubo了，笔者对此持异议。试想“大蕃、蕃国、西蕃”等词唐初就存在，泛指少数民族政权，其中“蕃”自然都读 fan；若将吐蕃读为 tubo，那么作为吐蕃异称的“大蕃、蕃国、西蕃”等难道也要随着改读“大bo、bo国、西bo”吗?那么在唐代同一组词“大灌、蕃国、西蕃”等难道要读成两组音?显然不是。**
**2.谢仁友(2003)提出吐蕃的“蕃”在唐代当有两个读音：常见音、优势音“音翻”，而地名音、方音“音皮/婆/番”62，即吐蕃仍可读 tubo。对此，我们有异议。首先，所谓吐蕃的“蕃”字“音皮/婆/番”，我们翻遍唐代诗文找不到任何确撑根据，也无任何语境支持；其次，据《汉语史稿》，唐代汉语里并没有o韵母(元代以后才产生)，唐人语音里自然没有bo音节，即使想读“蕾”为bo也发不出这个音\[53，这点可从唐诗押韵得到验证。如：白居易《缚戎人》“同伴行人因借问，欲说喉中气愤愤。自云乡管本凉原，大历年中没落蕃。，….自古此冤应未有，汉心**
**汉语吐蕃身”。王建《宫词…百首》：“未明开著九重关，金画黄龙五色幡。直到银台排仗合，圣人三殿对西番。”541上述唐诗中“蕃、番”据语境均指吐蕃，从押韵角度均不能读bo音。**
**3.有人担忧：指称吐蕃政权用“蕃”字，读 fan音，有贬低吐蕃政权轻视少数民族的“大汉族主义”意味。笔者认为，这实在是对历史的误解。如前所述，在唐代“蕃汉对举”的族际关系及唐太宗“蕃汉一家”的心结作用下，唐朝努力以和亲政策、建立姻亲关系使各少数民族政权宗亲化、藩王化，促进我国多元一体的族群关系和谐发展和各民族团结，有积极历史作用。在此背景下，吐蕃读为 tufan 非常自然，并无歧视少数民族含义。况且唐朝开国皇帝李渊本身有少数民族血统：唐太宗又娶妻鲜卑族1551，其手下诸多得力将领如长孙无忌(鲜卑族)、史大柰(突厥族)、契苾何力(铁勒族)等均为少数民族；贞观四年后几乎每次征战唐军里都有蕃兵参战，“擢(蕃)酋豪为将军、郎将者五百余人，奉朝请者且百员。”数日之巨，颇为惊人1561，甚至一度出现了“重夷轻汉”的倾向I8?1。太宗朝之后，论弓仁、哥舒翰、李光弼、黑齿常之、裴份等均以少数民族身份为唐中央王朝建功立业，位至将相(其中论弓仁还是吐蕃大相禄东赞的嫡孙，投唐后历仕武后到玄宗四朝，被封为大将军“安国公”)，《新唐书》为之辟专章立传，总名“诸夷蕃将”581大昭寺前唐蕃会盟碑上吐蕃的异称也用“蕃、大蕃”。既如此，怎能说吐蕃用“蕃”字，读 fan 音就贬低吐蕃政权，轻视少数民族呢?在唐代用“小蕃”异称吐蕃倒确有贬义，但也并非专指吐蕃；当周边少数民族政权侵扰唐朝，尤其在对方背弃盟约而侵扰唐朝时，唐皇才会气愤地称其为“藏尔小蕃”，对吐蕃有时直称\*蕞尔吐蕃”。如：**
**①《(唐太宗)讨吐谷浑诏》：“朕嗣纂鸿业……而吐谷浑叢尔小蕃，负固河右。”\[591**
**②《(唐高宗)令举猛上枣》：“朕君临宇宙……叢尔吐蕃，僻居遐裔。97.60**
**可见，“蕃”字本身是中性的，读 fān 音并无褒贬；若说有贬义的话，那也是由前饰词“小”或“蕞尔”带来的，是唐蕃关系不好时的产物，并非吐蕃异**
**称的主流。因忌讳读 fan音而读吐灌为 tubo，正是忽略了上述史实。**
**总之，唐代诗文语境里，吐蕃的“蕃”及其异称里的“蕃、番”与表示少数民族的“番、蕃”以及“藩屏、藩国”的“藩(蕃)”音义混同，它们的读音具有内在的同一性和统一性，应都带鼻音韵尾-n；藏学家王尧(2011)提到唐代吐蕃的“蕃”音pian，南晓民(2014)考证吐蕃的“蕃”唐代读bian，现在一般统读fan。**
**结语**
**正如两个人的交往，越是密切、频繁，对对方越熟悉，称呼对方的别号自然会越多；唐朝和吐蕃的交流交往几乎贯穿唐、蕃兴亡的始终，在唐代诗文中出现诸多吐蕃的异称也就是自然而然的。以上笔者所探讨的诸多吐蕃异称，可谓历史上唐蕃密切交流交往的一个缩影。古人云：“民齐者强”，民谚曰：“事成于和睦，力生于团结”。回望历史上的唐蕃甥舅亲情，再看现在的汉藏民族团结和共同繁荣，我们相信包括藏族人民在内的中华民族，其伟大复兴的中国梦必能早日实现!**
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**\[39\]{40\](宋)司马光.资治通鉴\[M}.北京：中华书局，1956：6247，6216.**
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**\[42\]\[45\]旧唐书·卷二百七·列传第一百四十六上·吐蕃上\[EB/OLJ.二十四史在线阅读，http：//www.zxls.com/book/24history/jiutangshu/b207.htm.**
**\[43\]即使在积弱不振的晚唐时期，吐蕃赞普即位还要唐朝册封。如唐会昌二年(842)赞普死，无子，立妃琳氏兄尚延力子为赞普，未报请唐朝册命，大臣论恐热说：“贼舍国族立琳氏，专害忠良以胁众臣，且无大唐册命，何名赞普!”会昌三年**
**(843)尚婢婢则反对论恐热自封宰相，他说：“我国无主，则归大唐，岂能事此犬鼠(指尚恐热)乎?”见张云.西藏参与、认同中国“大一统”的历史及其启示门中国边疆史地研究，2006(1)：25-26.**
**\[44\]李秉铨.论唐初吐蕃与祖国关系的确立门.青海社会科学，1982(3)：94.**
**\[46\] 薛宗正.吐谷浑与西域\[\].西域研究，1998(3)：17.**
**\[47\]刘向阳.昭陵十四尊蕃君长石像与唐太宗时期的民族政策\[\].乾陵文化研究，2008(4)：174.**
**\[48\]\[49\] 李秉铨.论唐初吐蕃与祖国关系的确立\[.青海社会科学，1982(3)：95.**
**\[50\]\[53\]\]62\] 南晓民.汉语词“吐蕃”的起源和本真音读考团西藏大学学报(社会科学版)，2014(3)：122，124，122-125.**
**\[51\] 东方语言学网，http：//www.eastling.org/discuz/showtop-**
**ic-2194.aspxEB/OLJ.**
**\[55\]\[57\] 崔明德.对中国民族关系的十点认识\[\]烟台大学学报，2013(3)：68，67.**
**\[56\]}刘向阳.昭陵十四尊蕃君长石像与唐太宗时期的民族政策\[J.乾陵文化研究，2008(4)：175.**
**\[58\]王尧.藏汉文化考述|M\].北京：中国藏学出版社，2011：48-51，**
**\[61\]王尧.藏汉文化考述\[M\].北京：中国藏学出版社，2011：60.唐朝张说奉玄宗皇帝之命，为论弓仁墓碑撰文说“赠(论弓仁)为拨川郡王，称故国，志其本也”，王尧先生认为，“拨，古音作 puat，与 bod(-s()的发音最为切近……说明这里的‘拔’即论弓仁的故国 bodf(ss)也。张说在碑文中用‘拔'而不用‘蕃'，可能是‘蕃'(pian)在对音上距 bod(as)较远”。**
**Different Pronunciations of 吐蕃( Tubo) in the Poetry of the Tang Dynasty _\-and the Ethnic Policy of the Tang Dynasty_**
**Nan Xiao-min Liu Yan-Jun**
**(School of Humanities， Tibet Universily， Lhasa， Tibet 850000)**
**Abstract： The word“吐蕃”(Tubo： Tibet) appears in many Chinese poems of the Tang dynasty， but it has differ-ent ways of writing， like“土番、西蕃、西戎”. These words can be put into two categories， the words with similar pronunciation and form of writing， and the ones with different forms of writing. Additionally， this article discuss-es the ethnic policy of the Tang dynasty and the pronunciation of the word“吐蕃”. It intends to review the histo-ry of Tubo and the Tang， as well as their close relationship， and to reacquaint the relationship between the na-tions of ancient China， and the languages and culture of the nations**
**keywords： the poetry of the Tang dynasty； Tubo； pronunciation； form of writing**
**\[责任编辑：周晓艳** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **从《汉书》七纪一传诏令奏议中看西汉经学之变迁**
唐明亮
**(南通大学范氏诗文研究所，江苏南通226019)**
**摘 要：经学作为研究各种儒家经典的学问，在西汉武帝以后与政治联系日益紧密，在西汉武帝至王莽统治时期的诏令中可以看出汉代经学与政治之间的相互影响。《汉书》中自武帝至平帝七个本纪及《王莽传》中记录了大量诏令奏议。这些诏令奏议在语言风格上，由最初引用、转述儒家经典语句渐变为直接摘抄和模仿儒家经典；在内容上，由最初利用儒家经典解决现实政治问题逐渐转变为解释灾异、祥瑞和谶纬，并逐渐提高古文经学的地位。从西汉诏令奏议的文风和内容上可以看出，西汉经学从务实到神秘化、从政治指导思想到宗教化的变化过程。这既是经学发展到极盛的表现，也是经学蜕化的表现。**
**关键词：《汉书》；诏令；奏议；儒家经典；经学**
**中图分类号：K234 文献标识码：A 文章编号：2095-0683(2014)01-0011-05**
**诏令奏议是最直接反应封建王朝最高统治者意志的材料。《汉书》自《武帝纪》至《平帝纪》的七个本纪，以及《王莽传》的内容，主要以诏令奏议为主。这七纪一传中的诏令奏议中，引用、转述、摘抄了大量儒家经典中的内容，并以西汉学者对儒家经典的解释——经学—-来处理各种政治事务，反应了经学在西汉不同时期的地位。比较西汉时期诏令奏议的前后变化，可以看出经学与西汉政治之间的关系，为梳理汉代经学的产生、发展、蜕化的过程提供一个新的视角。**
**一、汉武帝时期诏令的前后变化**
**如果以经学地位的变化为依据来给西汉时期分段，那汉武帝时期无疑是一个承前启后的过渡阶段，其前期诏令与后期诏令，在内容和文风上都有了较为明显的变化。为了揭示这一变化过程，首先需要对文景时期的诏令的特点稍作总结。**
**文景时期的诏令，有几个鲜明的特点：首先，文风朴素，用语平实易懂；其次，所宣诏令既不引用懦家经典，也不以儒家经典中的故事为制定国策的依据，而是以古之成法为制定国策的依据。其起句往往是“古者”古之治天下也”寻找古制之类的语句，所引用的语句多为民间谚语；再次，诏**
**令的具体内容，都是处理国家事务，如重农、轻徭薄赋、减省刑法、安抚藩王等等，并不涉及到灾异、祥瑞等内容，总体来说是非常务实的。试举一例为证：**
**朕闻古者诸侯建国千余，各守其地，以时入贡，民不劳苦，上下欢欣，靡有违德。今列侯多居长安，邑远，吏卒给输费苦，而列侯亦无由教训其民。其令列侯之国，为吏及诏所止者，遣太子。\[5**
**《汉书》文帝纪中共记十五条诏令，景帝纪中共记十条诏令，都显著地凸现了这三个特点，无一例外。武帝即位以后，这种诏令风格渐生变化。**
**汉武帝即位之初，太皇太后窦氏掌权。窦太后好黄老之术，故儒学不昌。御史大夫赵绾、王臧欲兴儒术而下狱至死。在窦太后生前，仅见武帝一条诏令：**
**古之立教，乡里以齿，朝廷以爵，扶世导民，莫善于德。然则于乡里先耆艾，奉高年，古之道也。今天下孝子顺孙愿自竭尽以承其亲，外迫公事，内乏资财，是以孝心阙焉。朕甚哀之。民年九十以上，已有受鹅法，为复子若孙，令得身帅妻妾遂其供养之事。I\]156**
**收稿日期：2013-11-02**
**基金项目：南通大学博士科研启动基金项目(03080564)**
**作者简介：唐明亮(1984-)，男，安徽和县人，南通大学范氏诗文研究所讲师，博士。**
**这条诏令的内容和风格，与文、景二帝时期的诏令几乎完全一致。太皇太后窦氏死后，汉武帝提倡儒术，董仲舒的经学思想得以大行其道，这是西汉经学史，甚至可以说是整个中国经学史的开端。董仲舒对于儒学的阐释，不仅关注治国治民，而且还关注天人之间的沟通，这种沟通在人间的反应就是各种祥瑞和灾异现象。其所著《春秋繁露》一书不断申述国家政治与阴阳异象之间的联系，如：“王者，人之始也。王正，则元气和顺，风雨时，景星见，黄龙下；王不正，则上变天，贼气并见。”\*121101董仲舒所提出的这种观点，是将阴阳家的理论融入到了儒学中来，其理论依据是“同类相动”，“美事召美类，恶事召恶类，类之相应而起也，如马鸣则马应之，牛鸣则牛应之。帝王之将兴也，其美祥亦先见，其将亡也，妖孽亦先见，物故以类相召也。”?1358如此对统治术的解释，大受汉代统治者的欢迎，但也为儒学走向神秘化埋下了伏笔。在这一思想的影响下，汉武帝时期诏令之文风大异于前。元光元年(窦太后崩第二年)，汉武帝所下诏令行文已见明显变化，其文曰：**
**朕闻昔在唐虞，画象而民不犯，日月所烛，莫不率俾。周之成康，刑错不用，德及鸟兽，教通四海。海外肃慎，北发渠搜，氐羌来服。星辰不孛，日月不蚀，山陵不崩，川谷不塞；麟凤在郊薮，河洛出图书。呜呼，何施而臻于此!今朕获奉宗庙，夙兴以求，夜寐以思，若涉渊水，未知所济……何行而可以章先帝之洪业休德，上参尧舜，下配三王!「1B6**
**可以看出，这条诏令富有极其浓重的儒学色彩，重在讲修德治国，并引儒家经典中唐虞故事。尤其是它体现了董仲舒公羊家所宣扬的“天人感应”思想，所谓德及鸟兽、麟凤、河图洛书等等，明显是受到这一思想的影响。与文景时期的诏令相比，其变化有三：一、常引三王、五帝、殷周故事作为定国是之依据，诏令中的首句往往以“昔在唐虞”五帝”“三代”等词为引；二、除宣扬“仁”“义”“爱人”等儒家教化外，诏令中常直接引用儒家经典中的语句以为制定国策之依据；三、开始关注灾异、祥瑞，借以宣扬儒家的治国理念。可见，这些诏令特别注重宣扬儒家思想。但此时的诏令绝不是仅仅注重宣扬儒家的教化，也继承了文景时期务实的特点，对民生问题也表现出很大关注，试举一例：**
**朕闻咎繇封禹，曰在知人，知人则**
**哲，惟帝难之。盖君者心也，民犹支体，支体伤则心懵恒。日者淮南、衡山修文学，流货赂，两国接壤，怵于邪说，而造篡弑，此朕之不德。《诗》云：“忧心惨惨，念国之为虐。”已赦天下，涤除与之更始。朕嘉孝弟力田，哀夫老眨孤寡鲽独或匮于衣食，甚怜悯焉。其遣谒者巡行天下，存问致赐。 _\[J174_**
**《汉书·武帝纪》共收录元光元年后诏令二十六条，称引三王五帝故事的有五条，宣扬儒家伦理道德的五条，记祥瑞的两条，关于外交和军事的各两条，轻徭薄赋和减省刑法的九条，共引儒家经典三部六句。可见，虽然董仲舒的“天人感应”思想从一出现便开始影响汉代统治者的决策，但这一时期的诏令内容虽然大力宣扬儒家思想，但主要关注的仍然是现实中的政治问题。**
**二、昭帝纪至平帝纪中所见之诏令**
**昭帝以后，随着儒学地位的不断加强，不仅在中央设五经博士教授儒家经典，连皇帝本人也亲自研读，并不断注意在各郡国选举研习儒家经典的学者，授以官职。汉昭帝时的诏令曰：**
**朕以吵身获保宗庙，战战栗栗，夙兴夜寐，修古帝王之事，通《保傅传》、《孝经》《论语》《尚书》，未云有明。其令三辅、太常举贤良各二人，郡国文学高第各一人。\[1\]223**
**而汉宣帝也是“师受《诗》《论语》《孝经》”，其德行“操行节俭，慈仁爱人”，颇合儒家所宣扬的人君之风，故霍光奏请太皇太后迎其继承昭帝之帝位。此后元、成、哀三帝，习儒之风愈来愈浓。史称元帝“柔仁好儒”127，成帝“壮好经书，宽博谨慎”101，哀帝通习《诗经》。故儒学对统治策略越来越起到决定性作用。从昭帝至平帝时期的诏令中，可以看出两个变化，其一是诏令中完全体现儒家的治国修身思想。在形式上表现为引用儒家经典语句增多，不仅引用《诗经》《尚书》《左传》中的内容，雨且将其中语句转述为诏令内容，故其文风颇似儒家经典中之古文。如：**
**夫《洪范》八政，以食为首，斯诚家给刑错之本也。先帝劭农，薄其租税，宠其强力，令与孝弟同科。间者，民弥情怠，乡本者少，趋末者众，将何以矫之?方东作时，其令二千石勉劝农桑，出入阡陌，致劳来之。《书》不云乎?“服田力啬，乃亦**
**有秋。”其勖之哉!\[1314**
**这是一则劝农桑之诏令，短短一百余字，竟引用《尚书》两处。文末“其勖之哉”，与《尚书·泰誓》中之“勖哉夫子”，《牧誓》中的“夫子勖哉”文法类似。可见，无论从文体上还是从内容上，这一时期的诏令都完全“儒化”了。除此以外，在减省刑罚、轻徭薄赋、选举人才的诏令中，动辄引用儒家经典作为依据。自《宣帝纪》至《平帝纪》，共记录诏令88条，直接转述或引用儒家经典语句30条。另外，如“温故知新”战战栗栗”“辜在朕躬“悼任仁人”等词也均出自儒家经典中，所见不甚枚举。故这一时期诏令的文风大异于汉初诏令，也可见经学在汉代统治思想中得到不断地加强。**
**其二是更加关注灾异、祥瑞、阴阳等问题。《汉书》宣帝至平帝时期的各个本纪中，记载灾异的内容比其他各种历史事件的总和还要多。这表明最高统治者所关注的中心问题逐渐发生了转变，而关于这类问题的诏令也大量出现。自汉初至武帝时期，有关灾异祥瑞的诏令仅有两条，而宣帝至平帝时期这方面的诏令共有32条，并且篇幅较长。宣帝即位后的第一条关于灾异的诏令，是在四十九郡国大地震之后发布，其文曰：**
**盖灾异者，天地之戒也。朕承洪业，奉宗庙，托于士民之上，未能和群生。乃者地震北海、琅琊，坏祖宗庙，朕甚惧焉。丞相、御史其与列侯、中二千石博问经学之士，有以应变，辅朕之不逮，毋有所讳……2)245**
**该诏令之目的在于罪己、求贤治国，所求之士为通儒家经典的贤士，但诏令中尚未将灾异与儒家思想联系起来，并未从儒家经典中找出解释。在此后几年所出现的地震和祥瑞等事件中，汉宣帝的诏令大抵与此相同。五年以后，即元康元年，汉宣帝再下诏令追忆地节二年凤凰集于鲁郡之事，在内容上便起了很大变化。其文曰：**
**乃者凤凰集泰山、陈留，甘露降未央宫。朕未能章先帝休烈，协宁百姓，承天顺地，调序四时，获蒙嘉瑞，赐兹祉福，夙夜兢兢，靡有骄色，内省匪解，永惟罔极。《书》不云乎?“凤凰来仪，庶尹允谐。”其赦天下徒，赐勤事吏中二千石以下至六百石爵，自中郎吏至五大夫，佐史以上二级，民一级，女子百户牛酒。加赐纲寡孤独、三老、孝弟力田帛。1\]254**
**该诏令除了“朕未能章先帝休烈”一句与之前“未能和群生”等句式相同外，其他内容完全迥异。不仅将凤凰、甘露的嘉瑞与儒家经典联系起来，而且在文风上也完全采用儒家经典中的语言，如“调序四时”“夙夜兢兢”等等。在此后的诏令中，都表现出对四时阴阳、灾异祥瑞极大的关注，进一步宣扬天人感应说，并力图从儒家经典中找出答案，以解释这类现象与现实政治问题之间的联系。如“朕不明六艺，郁于大道，是以阴阳风雨未时。”(11255“三月辛丑，鸾凤又集长乐宫东阙中树上，飞下止地，文章五色，留十余刻，吏民并观。朕之不敏，惧不能任，娄蒙嘉瑞，获兹祉福。《书》不云乎?‘虽休勿休，祗事不怠。”1266这些都是以儒家经典来解释祥瑞灾异，并据此来规劝百官，大赦天下。**
**由此可以看出，儒学在指导汉代国家决策中的方式发生了变化。统治者由原来直接引用儒家经典发布诏令，转而依靠儒家经典来解释灾异祥瑞，借以宣扬天人感应以治国，给儒学蒙上一层神秘的面纱。宣帝时对灾异祥瑞的解释，虽然依据儒家经典，但并未完全脱离实际，统治者们依然以对现实问题处理的好与坏来推测灾异祥瑞产生的原因。随着灾异祥瑞被越来越多地关注，使得儒学渐趋神秘化，脱离了实际政治。在西汉成帝以后的诏令奏议中，儒学这种神秘化倾向愈来愈明显，至王莽统治时期则发展到极致，如同宗教。这一变化，在《王莽传》中可以明确地看出。**
**三、《王莽传》中所见之诏令、奏议**
**《王莽传》分上中下三卷，分别记其即位前后之事迹，故笔者将其传记中的诏令、奏议也分为两个阶段来考察。王莽即位之前的史事中可见，自汉成帝统治后期，儒家思想已成为当时社会褒贬人物的唯一标准。王氏家族虽位居显赫，但王莽初期仍是孤贫。最终得以征召，正是因为他“折节为恭俭”，侍奉世父大将军王凤“亲尝药，乱首垢面，不解衣带连月”，颇有儒家经典中所见古贤者之风，因此赢得朝野一片赞誉之声而登用。**
**从这一时期的诏令奏议中，可以发现西汉经学在国家政治中的指导地位发生了根本性变化：**
**首先是古文经学地位的提高。从王莽辅政之初开始，其行事动辄以儒家经典中所记之古事古言为依据，在制度方面也更加注重发掘儒家经义，尤重古文经。“起明堂、辟雍、灵台，为学者筑舍万区，作市、常满仓，制度甚盛。立《乐经》，益博士**
**员，经各五人。征天下通一艺教授十一人以上，及有逸《礼》、古《书》、《毛诗》、《周宫》《尔雅》、天文、图谶、钟律、月令、兵法、《史篇》文字，通知其意者，皆诣公车。”114069**
**因王莽言行颇合儒家经义，故其同党常在他的授意下据此为其请赏，哀、平二帝在位期间，册封赏赐王莽的诏令接连颁布。在册封赏赐王莽的诏令中，对古文经的引用开始增多，不仅引用《诗经X《尚书》，而且引用《论语》左传》。而为王莽请赏的官员奏议中，也大量引用古文经，在张辣和陈崇称颂王莽功德的奏议中，共引《论语》《尚书》各四次，《诗经》五次，《易》一次。在这些奏议中，最明显的特征是大量引用《左传》中的故事以解释《春秋》之义，这表明古文经学的地位愈来愈显得重要。而奏议中所引《春秋》，都是指《左传》，如“春秋晋悼公用魏绛之策，诸夏服从……魏绛于是有金石之乐，《春秋》善之。”14063\*《春秋》列功德之义，太上有立德，其次有立功，其次有立言，唯至德大贤然后能之。”L14066此外，如“九族亲睦，百姓既章，万国和协，黎民时雍”取自《尧典》，“天生众民，不能相治，为之立君以统理之”出自《左传》，封赏敕文中的“左建朱钺，右建金戚，甲胄一具，秬瑙二卤……虎贲三百人”出自《周官》，又见于《左传》，以上典籍皆属古文经，而此时大量引用古文经的诏令不胜枚举。在后来的奏议中，又见引《谷梁传》“天子之宰，通于四海”，可见，此时《公羊传》在经学上的地位，已经受到了极大的挑战。**
**其次是经学宗教化的倾向愈来愈明显。在各类事件的处理上完全取法儒家经典，甚至仿照儒家经典中之先贤圣王作策作诰。平帝生病，“莽作策，请命于泰畤，戴璧秉圭，愿以身代。藏策金滕，置于前殿，敕诸公勿敢言。”114078这是仿照《尚书·金滕》中周公代武王赎身之事。各地起兵反对王莽擅权时，王莽亦仿《尚书·大诰》所记周公故事，作《大诰》，“谕以摄位当反政孺子之意。”14078对其他各类政治事件的处理，也完全依照经典而行，经学的宗教化倾向愈来愈明显。**
**经学宗教化倾向的另一个表现即是更加注重以儒家学说来解释天人感应。在诏令奏议中，沿袭了前代以“仁”“礼”等伦理观念解释“禾长丈余，一粟三米，不种白生，醴泉自地出，凤凰来仪”14079等祥瑞以外，义开始将它们作为解释谶纬的依据。谶纬“是有文献体系的政治神话。其中有完整的三皇五帝系统，感生受命的传说，精心阐释的符瑞，有哲学、神学、历史学、文学和自然科学等各**
**种文化因素，这些都被纳人阴阳五行的天命周转之中，作为解释政治、推测天意的工具”。它开始出现在西汉哀、平时期，其所宣扬的三皇五帝天命周转的规律常常依托儒家经典中的记载，但早期并不与儒家的伦理观念相联系。元始五年，为助王莽篡汉，有人作谶语于白石上，书曰：“告安汉公莽为新皇帝”。太后斥之为诬罔，而王舜则以《尚书》中“天工，人其代之”为解，为王莽索取更大的权力。这是以儒家经典解释谶纬，助王莽接受符命的开始。其后刻有谶语的石块、石牛，乃至梦中谶语不断出现。其中有“摄皇帝当为真”一句谶言，王莽上奏议解释这句谶语大量引用古文经中的文字：**
**《尚书·康诰》“王若曰：孟侯，朕其弟，小子封。”此周公居摄称王之文也。《春秋》隐公不言即位，摄也。此二经周公、孔子所定，盖为后法。孔子曰：“畏天命，畏大人，畏圣人之言，”臣莽敢不承用!!臣请共事神祇宗庙，奏言太皇太后、孝平皇后，皆称假皇帝。其号令天下，天下奏言事，勿言“摄”。I|4094**
**这是王莽利用儒家经典解释谶言，为进一步篡权寻找依据。因王莽以谶纬篡位，故其即位后完全确立了经学和谶纬的准宗教地位，在其即位后的诏令中这一特点表现得更加显著。**
**王莽即位后所发布的诏令中，儒学的宗教化被发挥到极致，体现在三个方面：**
**1.文体上几乎全仿古文经。其册封孺子婴的诰命最为典型，其文曰：**
**咨尔婴，昔黄天右乃太祖，历世十**
**二，享国二百一十载，历数在于予躬。《诗》不云乎?“侯服于周，天命靡常。”封尔为安定公，永为新室宾。於戏!敬天**
**之休，往践乃位，毋废子命。1114100**
**此诏令前半部分仿《论语》，《论语·尧曰》记尧策命舜：“咨!尔舜!天之历数在尔躬，允执其中。四海困穷，天禄永终。”41736而后半段则仿《尚书》，“永为……宾”仿《微子之命》，“敬天之休”出自《洛诰》，“毋废朕命”仿《盘庚》等篇。在诏令的撰写上，由原先的转述、引用转而变成完全摘抄。**
**2.关于改制的诏令，力求恢复儒家经典中的古制，而不从实际情况出发。王莽依照儒家经典所作的改制颇多，所作新制度都仿照《周官》《尚书》等古文经中所记故事，毫无实际意义。其中最与现实相背离的就是恢复井田制度，限制奴婢买**
**卖。其诏令曰：“古者，设庐井八家，一夫一妇田百亩，什一而税，则国给民富而颂声作。此唐虞之道，三代所遵行也。”又曰：“奴婢之市，与牛马同栏，制於臣民，颛断其命。奸虐之人因缘为利，至略卖人妻子，逆天心，悖人伦，缪于‘天地之性人为贵'之义。《书》曰：予则奴戮女’，惟不用命者，然后被此辜矣。”儿4110其改制本意，是为了解决西汉末年土地高度集中以及人口买卖问题。其中“天地之性人为贵”一句出自《孝经》。IS136然其脱离实际，一味信古泥古，迷信儒经，将儒家经典教条化，甚至在惩罚措施也取法于《尚书》，对违法者“投诸四裔，以御螭魅”。如此改制严重脱离实际，故犯法者甚重，“自诸侯卿大夫至于庶民，抵罪者不可胜数。”\[I41L2于是，反对新莽政权的人越来越多。**
**3.在处理与周边少数民族关系问题时，也是教条地依照儒家经典行事。其诏令曰：“天无二日，土无二王，百王不易之道也。汉氏诸侯或称王，至于四夷亦如之，违于古典，谬于一统。其定诸侯王之号皆称公，及四夷号称王者皆更为侯。”14105所谓“天无二日，土无二王”，出自《礼记》的《曾子问》《坊记》等篇，王莽据此将诸侯王以及西汉时期所封的周边少数民族首领的王号一律废除，收回汉王朝颁发的印玺，而改称他们为“侯”，于是招致四方少数民族的反对。自始建国二年至四年，匈奴、句町、夫余、秽貉、高句丽、西域以及南蛮纷纷起兵反抗，三边战事纷扰。然王莽一意孤行，四处出兵，州郡苦于军粮供应，使百姓疲敝，遍地流民。各种矛盾迅速激化。**
**此外，因王莽篡权利用了谶纬符命，所以笃信符命，于是当时人为求富贵，“争为符命封侯”14122，而其大臣也借符命恢复古制，破坏了原本征召、察举、辟除的选拔程序，也威胁到王莽的统治。其所制定的六笑制度、宫吏棒禄制度、礼乐制度等等，也皆依《周礼》所记之古制，施行不便，又禁令繁多，所以信吏得不到俸禄，百姓为生计所迫，相聚为盗贼。对于如何安抚民众，王莽不着眼于现实，却又从儒家经典寻找依据，通过不断改官名、国名、赐姓来顺应符命，为其统治的困境解围。下诏曰：**
**《紫阁图》曰：“太一、黄帝皆仙上帝，**
**张乐昆仑、虔山之上。后世圣主得瑞者，当张乐秦终南山之上。”予之不敏，奉行未明，乃今谕矣。复以宁始将军为更始将军，以顺符命。《易》不云乎?“日新之谓盛德，生生之谓易。”予其哉!\[E|4154王莽作此诏令，“欲以班耀百姓，销解盗贼。众皆笑之。”仆154在王莽统治后期，直视儒家经典为沟通天人的圣经，虔诚地信奉儒学如同宗教。因此，这类遭世人嘲笑的荒诞诏令频繁颁布，不仅不能解决任何实际问题，反而使社会矛盾更加激化，最终导致其政权的崩溃。**
**四、结语**
**从《汉书》七纪一传的诏令中可以看出，自儒学在西汉统治阶层中确立了指导地位以后，汉代经学在政治上的作用愈来愈重要。经学作用于政治，使政治更加依赖经学，于是统治者便不断拔高经学地位，二者之间的依赖性愈来愈强，这是一个互动的过程。其结果就是儒家学说由指导国家的纲领逐渐上升为一种宗教经典的地位。这种变化在诏令奏议中表现出以下几个方面：1.儒家经典中的内容，由国家政策的指导思想逐渐转变为具体政策条文；2.古文经学在国家政治中地位隆升，复古的倾向明显；3.董仲舒的“天人感应”说在政治上的作用被不断夸大，诏令内容由原来着重利用儒家经典解决现实政治问题，逐渐演变成完全利用儒家经典解释灾异、祥瑞、谶纬等神秘现象，以证明统治是否合法。总的来说，西汉的经学在政治与学术的互动之中愈来愈走向神秘化、宗教化，这既是经学发展到极致的一种表现，也是其蜕化的一个征兆。**
**参考文献：**
**\[1\]班固，汉书\[M\].北京：中华书局，1962.**
**\[2\]苏舆.春秋繁露义证\[M\].北京：中华书局，1992.**
**\[3\]徐兴无.谶纬与经学\[\].中国社会科学，1992(2).**
**\[4\]刘宝楠.论语正义\[M\].北京：中华书局，1990.**
**\[5\]邢6.孝经注疏\[M\].台北：艺文印书馆，2007.**
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zh | N/A | N/A | **安全评估在消防监督检查中的作用探讨十①**
**赵鹏鹏**
**(济南市公安消防支队历下区大队 山东济南 250011)**
**摘要：现阶段，随着我国经济的不断发展繁荣，对于消防安全的监督工作，逐渐引起了社会各界的广泛关注，消防安全评估作为让消防走向社会，让社会参与消防的新型行业，已经逐渐的在市场经济社会中浮现。安全评估作为消防领域一项新兴的行业，能够消防监督检查中有较好的效果，消防安全是不容小视的，是全社会都应该去重视的一个问题。准确合理的安全评估，能够科学有效的进行消防规划和部看，也是桐关消防法规的制定的重要依据，合理有效的消防法规和科学准确的消防评估，可以大大的减少消防隐志，对维护社会消防安全有不容小觑的作用。该文将对安全评估在消防监督检查中的作用，做出简要的分析，旨在于更好的消除消防隐患，维护社会的安宁与稳定。**
**关键词：安全评估 消防监督检查 作用探讨 重要性**
**在社会发展进步的今天，人们的消防意识已经逐渐形成，消防隐患也就成为了社会和消防部门共同的关注。将消防安全评估融入到消防监督检查中，能够有效的降低消防事故的发生几率，一旦发生消防事故，如果运用了安全评估的消防监督检查，就可以将损失降到最低。因此，消防部门应注重将安全评估融人在消防监督检查中，才能有效的控制火灾的发生几率，以及一旦发生火灾的损失也会比较低。安全评估作为一项新型的消防事业，消防监督检查部门应有针对性的，进行科学合理的安全评估，才能够有效的抑制消防火灾的发生几率，才能更好的维护社会的安全。**
**消防安全评估的重要性**
**1.1消防安全评估的范围和内容**
**消防安全评估作为一项全新的新型产业，是针对火灾风险做出科学的评估，是在危险评估风险的基础上发展起来的，它是以实现系统安全为目的评估机构。消防安全评估是针对某一区域、场所等一系列地方的消防安全状况进行科学的评议估计，消防安全评估具有科学性、系统性、实效性的特点。消防安全评估是针对某区域，运用火灾安全工程学原理进行评价分析，可以科学有效的评估出一旦发生火灾后果的预测及损失的预测。那么消防安全评估是针对哪些对象，进绗安全评估的就需要消防评估机构，对评估对象严格把关，对评估对象区域、单位、场所等处的消防安全因素进行分析。消防安全评估的内容，也是消防评估机构需要认真分析的部分，只有消防评估的内容过关，才可以真正的体现消防安全评估的价值。首先，消防安全评估应该针对的是区域公共消防设施、消防装备的设置，消防设施的设置安装时决定区域火灾危险等级的基本参数，只有区域内的消防装备过关，才能有效的降低火灾造成的严重后果以及减少经济损失。消防安全评估还应该注意的内容就是，区域内的消防供水覆盖范围，以及消防通**
**道、消防通讯等设备，消防装备的技术设施将直接关系到火灾危害的程度。对于区域内人员消防素质的评估，也是消防安全评估中不可或缺的部分，在接受评估的区域范围内，人员消防素质的高低，人员的文化层次以及年龄的构成比例等因素，都直接关系到消防安全评估的结果。消防安全评估人员需要对消防评估内容，做准确科学的分析，才能够将火灾危害的结果评价到最接近的目标，因此，就需要消防安全评估人员，认真谨慎的分析消防评估内容。**
**1.2建立消防安全评估标准**
**关于消防安全评估的标准，是决定着火灾的风险存在度，对于需要安全评估的区域、单位，应该有什么样的标准，才能够达到消防安全评估的目标，就成为了消防评估工作者的一项重要任务。在实际的评估应用中，多增加消防设施和增强消防装备的设置，对减少火灾事故和降低火灾事故造成的损失起着至关重要的作用，但是，消防设施的增多也就加大了，区域，单位的资金投人，为区域单位造成不必要的支出。为了防止增加火灾防止的总投入，消防安全评估行业，对消防安全评估的概念做出了相应的描述，最理想的评估状况是区域、单位投入的消防费用在合理的范围之内，而火灾的危险性有能够控制在相对比较低的状态。消防安全评估机构通过科学合理的分析，可以将区域、单位的消防投入降到最低，而能够将火灾的发生几率有效控制在较低的范围内，从而有效的实现火夾代价的最低值，真正做到为区域、单位造福。**
**2 消防安全评估在消防监督中的作用**
**2.1通过消防安全评估，为实施性能防火化设计提供依据**
**在传统的消防监督工作中，都是以现有的规范、法规条文为标准，实施条框式的监督模式，对于需要监督的区域、单位的消防现**
**(下转214页)**
**①作者简介：赵鹏鹏(1981一)，女，汉，山东莱西人，本科，工程师，研究方向：消防监督。**
哲学社会科学学术期刊数据库
**和普通员工的观念阻碍，紧紧的树立起企业文化建设的责任。企业的负责人应该大力的转变传统理念，真正的将文化建设当作企业的发展稳定的事情来进行重视。另外电力企业的一些员工应该要改变错误的观点，积极的参与到企业文化的建设上来。**
**(2)确定电力企业文化建设的目标。广大的电力企业需要在企业发展的高度上来确定企业文化建设的方向和目标，同时与企业的改革进步的总体规划保持步调的一致。企业的负责人应该根据电力企业的特点，制定出符合企业文化建设的相关要求。除「要有长期的目标也应该有短期的目标。**
**(3)把握企业文化建设的重点。企业应该重视和发展员工的综合素质。电力企业的文化建设是全体的员工共同努力才会实现的，员工的思想，素质是起到非常重要的作用。企业还应该大力的加强党的建设，强化电力企业的领导班子完善和建设，发挥党支部的战斗作用，重点重视防腐倡廉的建设，保证电力企业一直走在正确的道路上。**
**(4)完善企业文化建设的相关机制。第一是完善领导与工作的机制。做到企业需要在党委的统一领导下，由党政工团一起管理，全体的员工一起参与的领导与工作的机制。第二是完善相关的保障机制。将企业文化的建设经费投入到企业的预算中，保证逐年的进行适度的增长。第三是完善监督管理的机制，多渠道的完善意见的征集和反馈，利用互联网信息，强化企业文化建设的透明度。**
**参考文献**
**\[1\]夏利芳，向常明，杨建华.试论供电企业文化建设方略\[C\]//**
**(上接212页)**
**状全部一视同仁，只单纯的以规范的法规条文进行传统的监督操作，无法真正做到保护被监督的区域、单位的消防安全。虽然我国的消防法规及规范标准都是相对完善的，对确保社会消防安全发挥了极大的保护作用。但是随着我国经济建设的不断发展创新，新型的建筑材料以及复杂的现代化建筑，都给消防安全带来的诸多的问题，因此就导致了现有的消防法规、技术标准都无法满足现代化建筑的监督要求。为此就需要消防监督机构通过消防安全评估，对可能发生火灾的区域、单位进行评估，采用以火灾性能为基础的人性化防火措施，充分体现了火灾防治的科学性与有效性。**
**2.2通过消防安全评估，为制定阶段性消防工作方案提供重要依据**
**传统的消防监督评估机制是以规范、法规条文，对区域、单位进行监督的，让人们对消防监督的理解为，只要满足规范要求就达到了消防监督的目标，错误的认为只要消防监督检查合格了，就不会有火灾发生的危险。从而检查合格的区域、单位的员工在消防安全意识上就造成了懈怠和麻痹的心理，然而在实际的应用中，只是单一的通过消防监督检查，还远远达不到真正的消防安全。消防安全监督规范标准只是通过以往的经验总结出来的，对预防火灾的作用收益不够明显，只有将消防安全评估机制引人到**
**2008湖北企业文化高峰论坛论文集.2008.**
**\[2\]杨春雨.对电力企业一线生产班组安全文化建设的思考\[C\]//2009年云南电力技术论坛论文集(优秀论文部分).2009.**
**\[3\]俞媛.贵州省电力企业的可持续发展与环保问题初探\[C\]//贵州新型工业化道路研讨会论文集.2003.**
**\[4\]王欣，王钢，薛雯.电力企业ERP的应用研究\[C\]//高效清洁安全电力发展与和谐社会建设—-—吉林省电机工程学会2008年学术年会论文集.2008.**
**\[5\]于柠源.浅谈电力企业基层单位员工培训的开展\[C\]//山东电机工程学会第五届供电专业学术交流会论文集.2008.**
**\[6\]刘俊勇，何迈.加强配电网改造和自动化技术投入增加电力企业电力入世后的竞争力\[C\]//加入WTO和中国科技与可持续发展** **挑战与机遇、责任和对策(上册).2002.**
**\[7\]况丹青；黄澄清；供电企业文化创建思路探索\[C\]//2008湖北企业文化高峰论坛论文集：2008.**
**\[8\]张庚，汪洋，雷煜卿，丁慧霞.基于RFID的电力设备资产管理系统\[C\]//2011电力通信管理暨智能电网通信技术论坛论文集.2011.**
**\[9\]段树乔.云南电力企业投入产出与可持续发展\[C\]//西部开发与系统工程** **一中国系统工程学会第12届年会论文集.2002.**
**消防监督机制中，制定合理的消防工作方案，才能科学有效的对区域、单位的火灾安全隐患做出检测，科学、准确的消防安全评估，才能够安全有效的将火灾危害降至最低值。**
**3 结语**
**综上所述，社会经济的不断发展与进步，人们的消防意识也在逐步的加深，关于消防安全监督的效果，逐渐引起了社会以及消防部门的广泛关注。将消防安全评估机制引人到消防监督工作中，能够有效的提高消防监督工作的效果，通过消防安全评估科学、专业的对需要监督的区域、单位进行有效的分析，能够将被监督单位的火灾隐患降至最低。消防安全评估的引入到消防安全监督中，可以进一步的提高消防监督事业的效率，通过专业性、技术性能力强的评估机构，能够将区域、单位的消防设施做到投入少收益大，而对火灾的安全保障就达到最佳状态。总之，将安全评估引人到消防监督中，能够更好地做好消防工作。**
**参考文献**
**\[1\]冷启贞，惠学俭，消防安全评估在消防监督中的作用\[J\].中国公共安全：综合版，2003(4).**
**\[2\]唐烨.成都市青白江城区消防安全评估\[D\].重庆大学，2005.** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **复习备考。**
**心理学知识告诉我们，操作压力和操作效能之间的曲线呈倒U型，没有压力或压力很大，操作效能都是很低的，惟有在中等压力的情况下，才能达到最佳效能。具体到“励志口号”而言，全校或全班都喊一样的口号，虽然能够营造气氛，但不适合每个学生的具体实际，会使一部分学生倍感压力，产生焦虑，也可能对另一部分学生没有产生任何压力，达不到预定的效果。为了解决这个问题，我们可以采取引导学生写“励志口号”的做法，让每个学生都有适合自己的个性化“励志口号”。**
**具体做法是，先让学生自己制定奋斗目标，撰写“励志门号”；然后，教师与学生一起分析、探讨、定稿。进入高三，我安排学生撰写“励志口号”，就征集到“入班即静，八座即学，珍惜时光，无怨无悔”、“努力，一切皆有可能”“不要轻言放弃，否则对不起自己”、“静静心，易发挥；动动脑，考得好”等较好的口号。**
**由学生自己撰写“励志口号”，是对学生主体地位的尊重，是一次潜移默化的励志教育过程，能够让“励志口号”人脑入心，最大限度地激发学生的学习积极性和自觉性。**
**(作者单位：山东省临朐县第一中学)**
**邓传选**
**经济效益的学习理解是经济学的一个重点和难点，特别是对经济效益的衡量，即“在哪些情况下企业的经济效益提高了”这一知识点，许多学生在学习的过程中总是弄不明白。为了帮助学生化解这一难点，在教学中，我借用了一点**
**小学的数学知识，很巧妙轻松地达到了目的。**
**经济效益就是企业的生产总值同生产成**
**本之间的比例关系，是企业一切经济活动的根**
**本出发点，是衡量一切经济活动的最终的综合**
**指标，用公式表示：经济效益=生产总值/生**
**成成本。既然经济效益=生产总值/生产成**
**本，那么，我们就可以根据这个公式把经济效**
**益看作是“商”，把生产总值看作是“被除数”，**
**把生产成本看作是“除数”。如果提问，经济效**
**益在什么情况下提高了，实际上就转化成为在**
**什么情况下，这个除式的“商”是最大的这一问**
**题。经过这样简单转化，学生立刻便心领神会，并对这个比较深奥、难懂的经济学问题感到很清楚、很直观了。于是，学生很快判断出了企业经济效益提高的下列五种情况。生产总值不变，生产成本减少，经济效益提高。生产成本不变，生产总值增加，经济效益提高。生产总值增加，生产成本减少，经济效益提高。生产总值的上升幅度大于生产成本的上升幅度，或生产成本的上升幅度小于生产总值的上升幅度，经济效益提高。生产总值的下降幅度小于生产成本的下降幅度，或生产成本的下降幅度大于生产总值的下降幅度，经济效益提高。如果不借用小学数学知识，学生也能够分**
**析判断出哪些情况下企业的经济效益提高，但难度肯定要大一些。对于基础知识过硬，分析理解能力强，反映敏捷的同学来讲，可能会感到不算太难，但对于基础知识差、基本能力弱的同学来讲就不那么简单轻松。通过上述巧妙转化，就是基础差、能力弱一些的同学也会觉得简单容易，直接快捷，并且不要死记硬背，实在是一个简便易行、效果极佳的好办法。**
**(作者单位：湖北省巴东县二中)** | null | null | null | null | null |
en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | Liber Estriae; or, Memorials of the royal ville and parish of Eastry, in the county of Kent
author: Shaw, W. F. (William Francis), 1839-1904
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iiber €0trtae;
OR
Memorials of the Royal Ville
AND Parish of Eastry,
IN THE COUNTY OF KENT.
BY
William Francis Shaw, M.A.,
Gonville and Cains College, Cambridge,
Vicar of Eajlry.
" Walk about Sion and go round about her : tell the Towers thereof.
Mark ye well her Bulwarks., confider her Palaces : that ye may tell it to
the generatio7t following " — Psa. xlviii. 12, 13.
LONDON:
JOHN RUSSELL SMITH, 2>^, SOHO SQUARE.
MDCCCLXX.
D
£
TO
HIS GRACE
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE AND MOST REVEREND
ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL,
LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY,
PATRON OF THE VICARAGE OF EASTRY,
Cfti's; Wolnmt
IS
(BY HIS GRACE'S KIND PERMISSION)
MOST RESPECTFULLY
DEDICATED.
189
preface.
THE following pages, commenced for my own information, fliortly
after coming to Eaftry, and continued as the occupation of
leifure hours, were not originally intended for publication. But the
indulgent approval of my friends, and the flrongly exprelTed wifh of fome
of them, that the information thus coUedted fhould be made more readily
acceffible, and rendered more permanent than it was poffible for it to be
in MS., have induced me to place it in the hands of the printer.
I may briefly fay then that, in the enfuing chapters, I have endeavoured
to gather together fuch particulars relating to the Parifh of Eaftry, as are
of general intereft, or as may be ufeful for reference in time to come.
And, in fo doing, I have largely availed myfelf of the MS. collections of
William Boteler, Efqre., the contemporary of Hafted, the Kentifh hif-
torian, who derived a large portion of his information about Eaftry, from
the fame fource. Thefe collections, contained in three volumes diftin-
guiftied by the letters A, B, C, have been moft kindly placed at my difpofal
by the Miftes Boteler, of Brook Street ; to whom my beft thanks are due
both for this ad: of kindnefs and alfo for much other valuable affiftance,
rendered to me in the progrefs of the work. Mr. Boteler's information
has been brought down to our own times, and has been fupplemented in
not a few particulars, as for example, in the defcriptions of the Frelcoes,
and of the Dominical Circle, which are taken from two papers on thefe
fubjeCls by Wefton Styleman Walford, Efqre., F.S.A. ; to whom I am
ii PRE FA CE,
much indebted for his kind and ready permiflion to infert them. To Wil-
liam White, Efqre., F.S.A., I offer my warm thanks for having read
through the chapter on " The Churchy' and given me feveral valuable
fuggeftions ; as alfo to Lieut.-Col. Rae, of Walton Houfe, for information
concerning the Bells and Bellfounders.
Chapter VI. on " The ReBors^ Vicars, ChaplainSy and Ctirates" gives the
refult of a diligent fearch amongft the Regifters in the Archiepifcopal
Library at Lambeth Palace ; where I have experienced great kindnefs and
courtefy from all the officials, efpecially from S. W. Kerfhaw, Efqre., M.A.,
the Librarian, to whom I return my moft lincere acknowledgments. To
the ildlful pencil of Mifs Grimaldi, of Hernden Houfe, I am indebted for
the very accurate delineation of the Roman and Saxon remains ; to
Arthur Baker, Efqre., for his drawing of the interior of the Church ; to
my friend and namefake, the Rev. William Stokes Shaw, M.A., for the
Chronological Table of Events, &c. ; and to other friends, for information
and affiftance, hints and fuggeftions, without which these " Memorials "
would have been more incomplete than they are. In an undertaking of
this kind, carried on from time to time, amidft many interruptions and the
neceffary preffure of parochial engagements, it would be hardly poffible
that fome miftakes fhould not have crept in, or fome omiffions have been
overlooked. For thefe I crave a kindly indulgence.
Such, however, as it is, I now fend forth this volume in the words of
Geoffry Whitney : —
" Per life with heede, then frendlie itidge and blaming raJJie refraine
So maijl thou reade vnto thy good and JJialt requite my paine."
W. F. S.
Eajliy Vicarage, i^ Aug., 1870.
Wi)t Contents.
i. Preface . . . .
ii. The Contents .
iii. Lift of Illuftrations
iv. Lift of Subfcribers
I. The Early History of Eastry
II. The Bounds; or, a Perambulation of the Parish
III. The Church ; Dominical Circle, Frescoes, &c.
IV. The Monuments in the Church and Churchyard
V. The Tower and Bells ....
VI. The Rectors, Vicars, Chaplains, and Curates
VII. The Clerks and Sextons
VIII. The Registers .
IX. The Schools .
X. The Parochial Charities
Appendix
Chronological table of Events
Index
PACK
i
iii
iv
V
I
27
70
90
145
157
174
179
186
190
204
241
242
Hist of Eliistrattons.
1. The Church from the South-eaft .... Frontifpiece.
2. The centre medallion Frefco — a lily — the emblem of the B. V.
Mary, Patron Saint of the Church
3 & 4. Antiquities found at Eaftry
5. The Interior of the Church
6. The Dominical Circle
7. The Frefcoes over the Chancel Arch
8. The Ground Plan of the Church
9. The Tower from the Weft
10. The Vicarage
11. The Clerk's Houfe .
I 2. The Schools
1 3. The Houfes of Goddard's Charity .
14. Mr. Greville's Almftioufes ■ .
•
Title
Page.
to fact
I page
4
)j
■>■>
70
j>
j>
76
j>
>}
80
JX
>>
88
•
page
146
•
}i
170
•
>>
176
■
fi
188
•
>}
191
•
)>
195
Hist of ^ubsanlirrs.
Alford, The Very Reverend Henry, D.D. ; The Deanery, Canterbury.
Bateman, The Reverend Canon, M.A.,R.D. ; The Vicarage, Margate,
Bellamy, The Reverend J. W., B.D. ; Sellindge Vicarage, Hythe.
Blifs, The Reverend J. W., B.A. ; BetteJIianger Reftory^ Sandwich.
Boteler, Captain J. H., R.N. ; Cra?iford, Houn/low.
Boteler, Mifs C. G. ; Eajlry.
Boteler, Mifs Catherine ; Eajlry.
Boteler, The MifTes ; Dover.
Bradnack, S. W. , Efq. ; Sutherland Hoti/e, Stirbito7i.
Brooke, Mifs ; W aimer.
Brooke, F. C, Efq. ; Ufford, Suffolk.
Campbell-Colquhoun, A. C, Efq., J.P. ; Chartwell, Weft er ham.
Camden, William, Efq. ; Anderida^ Midhurjl. i Copies.
Calberd-Boteler, W. J., Efq.; TaploWy Co. Bticks.
Caftle, Robert, Efq. ; Eajlry.
Chichefter, The Rev. A. Manners, B.A. ; St. Marys Vicarage, Sand-
wich.
Coleman, George, Efq. ; Eaftry.
Croafdill, Mrs. ; Weft gate Houje, Canterbury.
Deane, J. Parker, Efq., D.C.L. ; Weflbourne Terrace, Lo7idon.
Devifon, Mr. R. ; Eaftry.
Drew, The Rev. ProfefTor, M.A. ; King's College, London.
Fitzwalter, Lord ; Goodnejlone Park.
Furley, Robert, Efq., AJhford.
Gardner, George, Efq. ; Eajlry Court. i Copies.
Gloffop, Mifs; IJleworth.
Grimaldi, Mrs. ; Hernden HouJe, Eaftry.
Harnett, John, Gent. ; Ea/lry.
Harvey, John James, Efq., J.P. ; Eaftry.
Harvey, R. Springett, Efq. ; 25, Nottingham Place^ London,
Hatfeild, Charles, Efq. ; Hartjdown, near Margate.
vl LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS.
Hilton, S. Mufgrave, Efq., late High Sheriff; Bramling Wmgham.
Hoile, Mr. Valentine ; St. Bartholomew' Sy Sandwich.
Holmes, The Rev. J. R., M.A. ; Bio Norton Rellory, Co. Norfolk.
Hughes, William, Efq. ; Margate.
Iggulden, J., Efq. ; Deal.
James, Sir Walter C, Bart ; Bettejlia^iger.
Jenkyns, The Rev. Charles, B.A. ; TMckingmill, Cornwall.
Jenkyns, Francis, Efq. ; Sidmouthy Devon.
Kemplay, Mifs ; Leeds, Co. York.
King, Mifs; Gower Street, London.
Knocker, Edward, Efq. ; Dover.
Lake, Benj. G., Efq. ; Tay welly Goudhur/l.
Latham, Mrs, A. P. ; Richmo7id, Co. Surrey.
Leggatt, R. S., Efq., M.R.C.S. ; Eajlry.
Mann, Mifs ; Eajlry,
Maugham, The Rev, H. M., M.A. ; Wefi Farleigh.
Morley, James H., Efq, ; Blackheath.
Mufgrave, The Venerable Archdeacon, D.D. ; Halifax y Co, York.
Parkes, Mrs. ; Sydney Cottage, near Southampton.
Pearce, Mifs ; Eaftry.
Rae, Lieut. -Col. James A, ; Eafiry. 3 Copies,
Reid, James, Efq. ; Bridge Street, Canterbury.
Rice, Edward, Efq., J.P, ; Da7ie Court, Sandwich.
Sayer, Commander G., R.N., J.P. ; Eafiry.
Shaw, William Flamank, Efq. ; Bod7ni7iy Cor7iwall. 2 Copies.
Shaw, The Rev. William S., M.A. ; Beechen Cliff Villa, Bath.
Shaw, The Rev. John, M.A, ; St. Margaret's, Westminjier.
Smallfield, Mr. J. S. ; Little Quee7i Street, Holbo7'7i.
Smith, The Rev Sydney, M.A. ; Worth Vicarage.
Solly, Edward, Efq. ; Sa7idecotes, Co. Do7fet.
Spong, Mifs ; Rochefler.
Taylor, Mrs. Jackfon ; The Grovey Garli7ige, 7iear Margate.
Toker, Mifs ; Eafiry. 1 Copies,
Turner, Mrs. Charles, Eafl7y. 1 Copies.
Vickers, The Rev. V, S. ; Debtli7ig.
Weft, V. G., Efq. ; Horham Hall, Thaxtcd, Effex.
Winn, Charles, Efq. ; No/lel Priory, Wakefield.
Cljc Carlg i&istorg of €astrg.
CHAP. I.
" If man be cut off from the knowledge of the pafl, he becomes indifferent to the
future, and thenceforward finks into the rudencfs and ferocity of the fcnfual life. —
Isaac Taylor.
EASTRY is the name of a parifh in the hundred of Eaftry, and Lathe
of S. Augufline, in the county of Kent.
Speaking eccleliaftically it is in the rural deanery of Sandwich, and in
the archdeaconry and diocefe of Canterbury.
The name Eajlry — which has been varioufly fpelled Eftre, Eftree,
Eftrei, Eftrey, Eilry, Eftrye, Eaftrie, Eaftire, Eafterigej Eaftereye,
Eafterye, Eaftrye — was originally given, fo Lambarde tells us, to our
town and parifh, in order to diftinguifh them from Wejlrye, commonly
called RyCj near Winchelfea, in SufTex. But others derive the word from
the Saxon, and interpret it as meaning below the side water.
The village, which is iituated on rifing ground, two and a half miles
from the ancient town and port of Sandwich, five from Deal, nine
from Dover, and twelve from Canterbury — was, in olden time, a place
of confiderable importance and repute.
Long before the coming of the Saxons, the Danes, or the Normans,
B
2 MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY.
into Britain; when Thanet was ftill an illand, and fliips and galleys
coming from France failed paft Sandwich and Reculver into the Thames
and thence to London ; when the country was moftly covered with denfe
forefts, which afforded fhelter to bears, wolves, wild cats, and foxes, and amid
whofe leafy glades the red deer and the wild ox roamed at will ; when
the beacon light ftill burnt in the Roman pharos at Dover (Dubris) ;
already was there at Eaftry a "clearing" amidft the foreft, where had
fprung up a little fettlement of huts, through which ran, ftraight as an
arrow, that Roman road, which rnay even now be traced, almoft unin-
terruptedly from Woodnefborough well nigh to the caffle at Dover.
Whether the early inhabitants of this place were attradied hither by
the medicinal properties and healing virtues of that mineral fpring, in
after days dedicated to S. Ivo, which cannot now be traced, and of which
the tradition has alone come down to us in books, it is impoffible to fay.
At all events, whatever value the Britons and the Romano-Britifh inha-
bitants may have fet upon this S. Ivo's well, the Romans muft have been
well acquainted with the woody eminences and pure invigorating air of
Eaftry. And we may well fuppofe that the officers of the legions ftationed at
the camp at Richborough (Rutupi^) often came hither to fpend a day
away from the noife and buflle of the camp, or flopped here to refrefh
themfelves as they travelled down along the paved military road to
Dover.
But, be this as it may, the fad: of there having been a Roman fettle-
ment here is proved by the Roman graves, containing human bones,
weapons, and ornaments, which have been difcovered, from time to time,
in that triangle of ground, in the parilli, which is formed by the Lynch,
" the Five Bells," and Buttfole Pond. The firft recorded difcovery of
thcfc remains took pkice a.d. 1792, and the account of it will be beft
MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY. 3
given in Mr. Boteler's own words: "In March laft (1792), in digging
a cellar in the garden of a cottage belonging to me, eaftward of the
highway leading from Eaftry Crofs to Butfole, I difcovered the ancient
burying ground of this neighbourhood. I caufed feveral graves to be
opened, and found, with the fkeletons, fibula, beads, knives, umbones of
fhields, &c., in one an elegant glafs velTel. From other fkeletons that
have been dug up in the gardens nearer the Crofs, I am of opinion that
they extended on this fide the road up to the Crofs, now covered
pretty much with houfes. I mean at a future time to purfue the difcovery.
The tumuli that formerly covered them have long fince been levelled by
the plough. The graves were very thick, in rows parallel to each other,
in a dired:ion from eaft to weft " [Botel. MSS., vol. C.p, 164).
Since Mr. Boteler's day other fimilar remains have been brought to
light at different times ; and, about the year i860 or 1861, in the making
of some alterations in and around Soutkdank, fkeletons were difcovered
lying in clay in the bed of chalk.
Several of the objects difcovered by Mr. Boteler, in a.d. 1792, as well as
other fimilar remains — Roman and Saxon — found on the fame property,
and near the fame fpot, are reprefented in the accompanying plates. They
may be defcribed as follows :
Nos. I and 2. Coarfe brown earthen pots with more or lefs of narrow
moulding about them.
Nos. 3, 4 and 5. Portions o£ feveral Saxon vefTels made of thin glafs
of greenifh colour : each vefTel or vafe having apparently had feveral
handles, which are twifted. Vafes fimilar to the above are figured in the
Archcsologia Cantiana, vol. vi.
No. 6. A bronze fibula or brooch — full fize.
No. 7. A fmaller bronze fibula — full fize.
4 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
No. 8. A fibula of filver gilt, with inlays of red and blue enamel — full
lize.
No. 9. A firing of beads of various kinds.
No. 10. A firing of amber beads — much worn.
No. 1 1. A firing of pearls and bugles.
No. 12. A large glafs bead of conical fhape, with internal pattern of
twifled glafs.
" Almofl all the beads, particularly the larger ones of amber, &c., and
the fmall ones, bugles, &c., round the neck, found in a grave, the bones
full large for a woman, though probably one."'''
There were alfo knives, umbones of fhields, circular pieces of brafs,
and fome other fragments difcovered — fome of which I have been unable
to identify, whilfl others, though capable of being identified, are never-
thelefs in fuch a decayed and crumbling condition as to be beyond the
reach of the limner's art.
In Anglo-Saxon times Eaflry would appear to have been a place
of fome fize and much importance. Indeed, the fadl that the kings
of Kent had a palace, and held their court here, would naturally caufe
a confiderable population to affemble in the neighbourhood of the
court, and increafe the profperity of the town.
During the reign of Ethelbert the 5th King of Kent, Chriflianity,
which had been driven into the remote wilds and faflneffes of Wales and
Cornwall, was revived by the mifTion of S. Augufline, the monk.
In A.D. 664 Egbert, the fon of Erconbyrht, feventh king of Kent, fuc-
ceeded to his father's kingdom, and took up his refidence at the royal palace
at Eaftry. This palace was probably fituated on much the fame fpot as that
now occupied by Eajlry Court.
* A memorandum in Mr. Boteler's handwriting.
si r
./'
"^ m^^':,^
^^S
ANTIQUITIES FOUND AT EASTRY.
iiilL SJ;!e.
/jafc.Wliit'it^iii<i>ri^ ^_;i
-i
■ ■:., • -,;'r;^;.'*-.
■ i&f).
^^SSli-*.^ l^iia— *«.
^^.,5^
/"uiiy size.
5 irwJxes.
5i "^ b J 3
VTL
■i-^A.
i -^^^^
''1
Si"^
hy 3
zr
5^^fcj 5i^"
5f^"-bj
ANTIQUITIES FOUND AT EA5TRY.
hxilf iJte size of the Oriquixxls.
■£zthoyiiB.Xeai.T^'?i9SS London.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 5
At this place, and at this time, there Uved two young noblemen, named
Ethelbert and Etheldred, couiins of the king, who lived in the palace, ate
at his table, and were brought up with him. Thefe noble youths were
adorned with many virtues, and became noted for their learning, their
feats of adlivity and ftrength, and their court-like manners, " fo that they
gave to all well-difpofed perfons and louers of vertue, great expediation
that they would become at the length worthie of much eftimation and
honour : and, on the other fide, they drew vpon them the feare, mifliking
and bitter hatred of the naughtie, wicked and malicious fort."* Now,
there was among the royal houfehold " a certain man of lin and fon of
perdition, a limb of Satan and of the houfe of the devil,""!* who moved
by that envy which the wicked ever feel towards the good, fought
occafion againft them, and ceafed not to accufe them untruly to the
king, as alfo of other matters, fo efpecially of ambitious deligns upon
his throne and kingdom. One day Thunner, for fuch was his name,
fuggefted to the king that he fhould either banifh the young princes from
his dominions, or be content to wink at the matter, fhould any of his
friends make away with them. The king, though in words he repudiated
the idea, feems, neverthelefs, by his manner, to have been not wholly
averfe to the fuggeftion. At all events, Thunner [or Thunur, as Simeon
of Durham has it, and which he explains to mean " Thunder ] watched
his opportunity, flew the young men, " and buried their bodies in the
king's hal vnder the cloth of his eftate." J But " murder will out," and
this was not long concealed, " for in the dead of night there appeared
* 'LdLVcibzrde's Perambulation of Kejit, ed. 1596: Eajlrie.
•f- Simeon of Durham : in Stevenfon's CJmrcJi Hijlorians of England, vol. iii.
part 2.
% Lambarde.
6 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
a glittering pillar of light fhining over the hall of the
king's palace."'"' The ftrange illumination firft aroufed the houfehold, and
then affrighted them. The flirieks of the fervants awakened the king, who,
as foon as he faw the myfterious light, " was touched with the confcience of
the murther, whereunto hee had a little before in hart confented."-f' Calling
in hafte for Thunner, he ftraightly examined him as to what had become of
the royal youths Ethelbert and Etheldred, and on learning the fad truth, he
became moft forrowful, charging himfelf with the whole crime of their
death. Forthwith he fent for Deodatus, the good archbifhop, that he might
learn from him how he might expiate his guilt. The archbifliop advifed
him to incoffin the bodies and fend them to be buried in Chrift Church,
Canterbury ; but, when they attempted to go thither, no force availed to
move the hearfe. They next bethought them of S. Auguftine's, but ftill
the hearfe could not be moved. But when, at laft they agreed to lead
it to the monaflry of Watrine, then it moved as lightly as if nothing at
all had been within it.
Philipott, in his Villai^e Cantiamim^ p. 148, fays, " there was an ancient
tradition that that altar- tomb, which was placed at the eaft end of the
little chappel, which belonged to Eajiry Courts was the fepulchre wherein
the reliques of the two princes (mentioned before, to have been mur-
dered) were enfhrined : nay, it went farther, and did affirm that there was
a light hovered conftantly about that tomb, as if the clearneffe of the
innocence of thofe who flumbered under that repofitory could not have
been manifefted better then \Jlc\ by the beams of fuch a perpetuated
irradiation."
To thofe who wifh for a detailed account of the murder of Ethelbert
and Etheldred I would recommend the chronicle of Simeon of Durhamy
* Simeon of Durham : in Stevenfon. -j- Lambarde.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 7
and Lauidarde, who profelTesto quote William of Malms bury and Matiheiv
of Wcflminfler. After much fearch I have, however, been unable to
verify his references, and think that he may allude to Simeon of Durham,
My apology for having dwelt at fuch length upon this event is, that in
many writers, e.g., Lambarde, the whole hiflory of our parifh is fummed
up in the narration of this lingular occurrence. It fhows, at leaft, what
a ftrong hold the ftory had upon the popular mind.
The proiperity, and confequent importance of Eaftry, would feem to
have reached their zenith in the early Anglo-Saxon times, when the kings
of Kent relided here. For after the confolidation of the feveral indepen-
dent kingdoms into one monarchy under Egbert, in a.d. 827, Eaftry gra-
dually ceafed to be the relidence of royalty until, in a.d. 979, the reigning
fbvereign beftowed his palace at Eafiiry, and the manor pertaining to it,
upon the monks of Chrift Church, And fo it came to pafs, that the
court being no longer held here, and the town being lefs reforted to
than formerly, its population diminifhed, and its profperity and renown
decreafed.
The Archbifhops of Canterbury would appear to have become pof-
fefled of Eaftry in very early times, for, in a.d. 811, we find Arch-
bifhop Wilfrid exchanging the ville of Eaftria for Burne or Bourne,
fince called BiHiopfbourne, from this circumftance.'"
Again, in a.d. 844, in the time of Archbifhop Ceolnoth, Duke
Ofwolf gave fome lands in Eaftrie to the prior and convent of Chrifl
Church, Canterbury ;t but thefe lands may have been in the hundred of
Eaftry, and not in the ville or parifh.
In A.D. 979 King Ethelred increafed the church's eftates here by giving
* Dugdale, Monafl. Ajigl., vol. i., p. 96.
f Dugdale, Monajl. Angl., vol. i., p. 89.
8 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Sandwich for the clothing of the monks (** ad veftitum monachorum ")
and Eftrey *' ad cibum monachorum ;" that Is fay, for the maintenance of
the kitchen. The following Is the charter by which the king confirmed
his gift :
" Anno dominlce Incarnationis dcccclxxlx Ego iEgelredus rex gratia del
totius britannle monarcha pro falute anime mee concedo ecclelie chrifti In
dorobernia terras juris mei s. sandwich et eftree ad opus monachorum
in eadem ecclefia deo fervientium, liberas ab omnI feculari fervitio et
fifcall tributo, exceptis expeditione, pontium et caflirorum conftrudtlone.
Quisquls hanc meam largifluam munificentlam violare prefumpferit cum '
reprobis in die judicll a finiftrls chrifti collocatus acclpiat fententiam
dampnationis cum diabolo et angells ejus."''^
Tranflation of the foregoing :
" In the year of our Lord's incarnation 979, I, Ethelred, King,
Monarch of all Britain, for the fafety of my foul, give to Chrlft's
Church, Canterbury, the Lands of my Right, to wit, in Sandwich and Eftree
to the ufe of the monks ferving God In the fame church free from all fecular
fervlce and fifcal tribute ; [military] expeditions, and the conftrudtlon of
bridges and camps, only excepted. Whoever fhall prefume to violate this
my bountiful munificence let him be placed with the wicked at the Day
of Judgment at the left hand of Chrifl, and receive the fentence of dam-
nation with the Devil and his angels."
Concerning the original of the foregoing charter of King Ethelred,
[Hotel. MSS., vol. A., p. 44) remarks : " This very curious deed Is preferved
in the archives of the library of the College of S. John the Baptift, at the
beginning of a collection of very ancient manufcrlpts in Latin ({helf2. No.
* The above, although given in Dugdalc, Monajl. Angl, vol. i. p. in, is, neverthe-
Icfs here extraaed from Mr. Boteler's MSS., as being apparently more accurate.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 9
40): it is written in two columns, the Latin on one fide and a Saxon
verfion on the other, with the figure of King ^Egelred prefixed.
A faclimile engraving was made of it, 1754, at the expenfe of Richard
Rawlinfon, LL.D., F.R.S., and A.S."
We now come to Norman times.
Philipott, in his Villare Cantiaiium (p. 148) fays: " In the time of
Edward the ConfeiTor this mannor was held by the monks of Chrijl-
Clmrch under the Notion of Seven Plough-Lands, nor was it reprefented
under a lelTe Bulke in the reign of William the Conquerour, and was rated
in the Whole in Doom/day Book, at Thirty-Eight pounds Ten fliillings and
Threepence."
Neverthelefs, Doomfday Book exprellly ftates that the archbifhop himfelf
held Eftrei : but this would appear to refer to the Rectory, and not to the
Manor,
But before proceeding to give the extradl, which relates to our
own parifh, it may not be wholly uninterefting to fome of my readers
to have a fhort account of that very ancient, remarkable, and valuable
record — the Doomfday Book. It contains the refults of a furvey made
by order of King William, the Norman, about the year a.d. 1086.
For the execution of this furvey, the king's jufticiaries were to go into
every county and " enquire into the name of the place, who held it in the
time of King Edward, who was the prefent pofTeflbr, how many hides
in the manor, how many carrucates in demefne, how many homagers,
how many villans, how many cotarii, how many fervi, what free men, how
many tenants in focage, what quantity of wood, how much meadow and
pafture, what mills and fifhponds, how much added or taken away, what
the grofs value in King Edward's time, what the prefent value, and how
much each free man or foch man had or has. All this was to be triply
c
lo MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
eftimated : iirft as the eftate was held in the time of the Confeflbr ; then
as it was beftowed by King Wilham ; and thirdly, as its valuation flood
at the formation of the furvey."
The following defcription of Eaftry occurs in Doomfday Book under
the general heading " Terra Monachin Archiepi," i.e., " The Land of
the Monks of the Archbifliop."
(i) In Latin : with the original contra(flions.
" In Left de Eftreia. In Eflrei Hvnd. Ipfe archieps. ten. Eftrei. P. vii.
folins fe defd. Tra. e In driio funt. iii. car. et Ixxii uitti
cu .xxii. bord. hiit. xxiiii. car. Ibi .i. mohii et dimid de xxx folid, et .iii.
falins de .iiii. folid. et xviii. ac pti Silua .x. porc."^'
fu'J Tranjlation of the above.
" In the Lathe of Eaftry. In Eaftry Hundred. The archbiihop himfelf
holds Eaftry. It was taxed at 7 fulings.f The [arable] land is . . .
. In the demefne there are 3 carucates % and 72 villeins with 22
borderers§ having 24 carucates. There is one mill and a half of 30 fhil-
hngs, and 3 fait pits of 4 fhillings and 18 acres of meadow. Wood for
[the pannage of] 10 hogs."
* See Domefday Book of Kent — photozincographic facfimile, p. ix. : alfo Hafted,
vol. iv.
•f- Concerning the word fuling or fivollyng, Du Cange ftates that it was a Kentifh
term for carruca, a carucatc or plough land.
+ Dr. Deering, in his Hijiovical Account of Nottingham (Introd. p. 8, note h),
thus explains the term carucate : " Carucat with the Normans is the fame as family
manfe or hide of the Saxons, it is at a medium computed 100 acres, fix fcore to the
100, of arable land, together with pafture and meadow, with barns, ftablcs, and dwel-
lings, for fuch a number of men and beafts as were neceffary to manage fo much land.
But as fome foil is lighter and fome ftiffer, fo the quantity may be more or lefs, and
therefore by it is generally underftood, as much land as, with one plough and beafts
fufficicnt, could be tilled in one year." .
§ Borderers or borders, our modern " boarders," were bondfmen, whofe food
was provided for them by their lord : hence the term.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, ii
From the above ftatement we may make a rough guefs at the popula-
tion of Eaftry in the thofe days. For taking the number of villeins and
borders ; and multiplying by 3 (inftead of 5, in order to allow of fome
being unmarried) to arrive at the grofs population, i.e., men, women, and
children, we have the following refult, viz. :
Villani or villeins = 72
Bordarii or borders = 22
Male population = 94
And 94 X 3 = 282 ; ov, in round mmiderSf 300, which we fhall not
be far wrong in accepting as the number of our population in or about
the year a.d. 1086. For further and more recent particulars relpe(fling
the population of our parilh, fee under " The Bounds"
A hundred years later, viz., in the time of TJiomas a Becket (a.d.
1 162-1 174) Eaftry again comes into notice; for the Court Lodge be-
longing to the prior and convent of Chriil: Church was a very favourite
refort of that bold and unflinching Archbifliop of the Church, and martyr
in her caufe. Hither he came in his flight from Northampton, in a.d.
1 1 64, and here he remained concealed for eight days, until, on the i oth
November, he embarked in a fifhing boat at Sandwich, and landed the
fame evening at Gravelines.* In this houfe, now called Eaftry Court, tra-
dition aflirms that there was a fmall fecret chamber, communicating with
the parifh church, in fuch a way that the archbifhop was able to attend
the celebration of the Holy Euchariil, and to give the final benediction at
■'*■ " At Lincoln he took the difguife of a monk, dropped down the Witham to a
hermitage in the fens belonging to the Ciftercians of Sempringham ; thence by crofs
roads and chiefly by night, he found his way to Eftrey about five miles from Deal, a
Manor belonging to Chrift Church in Canterbury. He remained there a week. On
All Souls' Day he went on board a boat jufl before morning, and by the evening
he reached the coafl of Flanders." {Milman's Lat. Chriftianit)>, vol. v., p. 64).
12
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
the conclufion of the liturgy, unknown to the congregation, or at leaft
unrecognifed by them.
On his return to England, in a.d. i 170, he landed at Sandwich, where
the common people of the neighbourhood, including doubtlefs many of
the inhabitants of our own pariih, received him with great joy.
About the year a.d. i i 80 the parfonage of Eaftry was given to the
monks of Chrift Church, for the ufe and maintenance of the Almonry, by
Archbifliop Richard (a.d. 1174-1185) ; but was taken away from them
by his fucceiTor Baldwin (a.d. i i 85-1 193) in a very few years after. For
165 years the parfonage, thus unjuftly wreftedfrom the prior and convent,
continued in the pofTeffion of the archbifhops until a.d. 1365, when Arch-
bifhop Simon Iflip (a.d. i 349-1 366) reftored it to the monks on receiving
from them theadvowfons of three churches, viz., S. Dunftans, S. Pancras,
and All Saints, in Bread Street, London ; but he dying the very next
year the arrangement of the whole was finally fettled by Archbifliop
Simon Langham (a.d. i 366-1 368), in a.d. 1367. For this Infhitution
and Endowment of the Vicarage, see Appendix.
In A.D. 1275 Ofwald de Eajiria, whom we may fuppofe from his name
to have been a native of our parifli, was appointed abbot of the monaf-
tery of Faverfham by the Archbifliop of Canterbury (Kilwardby, a.d.
1273-1279).*
In A.D. 1285 Henry de Eajlria, a native of this our parifli, was elecfled
to the high office of prior of the convent of Chrift Church, Canterbitry,
and proved himfelf in every way fitted for that arduous and refponfible
pofition.
He was a man of fingular prudence, well learned in Holy Scripture,
and moft diligent in the management of the affairs of the Church, to which
* Taken from the Regifters or other MSS. at Lambeth, though there is no refer-
ence to the exa6l paffage in my note book.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 13
he was a confiderable benefadlor. He difcharged the convent of a debt of
3000 marks = ^2000 : a fum much larger in thofe days than in our own.
He alfo caufed all, or nearly all, the domeftic chapels on the manors
belonging to the prior and convent to be rebuilt, as alfo the butteries. The
remains of the domeftic chapel at Eajlry Court may ftill be feen. But
its ufe has long fince been changed from things fpiritual to things temporal,
for it is now a part of the kitchen !
At Canterbury, Henry de Eaftria Ipent nearly ^900 in repairing the
choir and chapter houle [Dugdale, Monaft. Anglican. j\o\. i., p. 112). He
alfo built or repaired many parts of the priory. He caufed an exad:
account to be taken of the lands, income, treafures, veftments, plate and
ornaments of the church, and was himfelf a very great benefadlor to it in
plate, jewels, veftments, and books. To thofe who are curious in fuch
matters, and wifh for further information refpedling our prior, I may men-
tion two MSS., one in the Britifh Mufeum (Cottonian Library, Galba
E. 4), and the other in the library at Lambeth Palace (MS. No. 582,
art. 157), which relate to Henry of Eaftry, but are fomewhat beyond the
limit of thefe pages. This good man at length fell aileep in Chrift, at the
time of the celebration of the Holy Eucharift, being of the advanced age
of 92 years.
Some time before a.d. 1290, another native of this parifh, viz.. Sir
Robert de EJire was red:or of the parifh of Henley-upon -Thames. And
it was during his incumbency that " Edmund Earl of Cornwall gave to
God, the bleffed Mary, and to the church of Henley, and to Sir Robt. de
Eftre, the red:or, two acres of land at Henley Park, and two acres near
the. v'lVQv'' [Burn's Hiji. of Henley, pp. 132, 134). He feems to have
refigned the redory of Henley in a.d. 1290, but I have not been able to
difcover anything reiped:ing his fubfequent hiftory.
In A.D. 1289 a furvey was made by a bailiff and 12 lawful men ap-
14 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
pointed by the commiflioners of fewers of all the lands in the Hundreds of
Eaftry and Cornilo lying in peril of the fea, in order that an affefTment
might be raifed to repair the banks, &c., of thofe lands. The following
were the lands particularifed in the Hundred of Eaftry : —
acres.
The prior and convent of Chrift Church, Canterbury ccccili
The tenants of Halklyng ~ Ix
The tenants of Worth xc
Likewife towards Henelyng iii
The field called Herynglond x
The field adjoining to Herynglond on the north xv
In one marfh called Garefloft xxv
In the marfh called Stapynberghe cviii
In the marfh called Preftmed^^" xv
In the marfh from Hamme Bridge to the curtilage of J"°- Fey king 1
Sir Bertram Frauncrey and his tenants Iviii
John Fitz Bernard , xl
Nicholas de Sandwyche Ixxxix
The heirs of Simon de Ercheflo 1
Thos. Edwards and his partners at Sanddowne cxxxiv
The heirs of Henry de Schenebroke vi
Total number of acres • mclvi
Total of the afTeffment xxiv'. j\ viij'^.j-
In A.D. 1 317 the prior of Chrijl Church obtained a grant of "free
warren " in all his demefne lands in the manor of Eaftry.
In the xviii year of King Edward, the Third after the Conquefl, (a.d.
1343-4), a deedj granting 10^. to the Almonry of C//r^/? C//;i;r^/2 from
lands in Eaflry, executed by Joanna Jofcp is witnelTedby "Thorn, Taylor
— ... Prykke— Nich. Sompe— Ed. Holkebon — Will. Godwyn — Hen.
Guodwyne — Job. atte Wood — Job. Baily — Tho. Peke— Sam. Holkebon
— and others," who would feem to have been inhabitants of this parifh.
♦ Prcftmcd apparently = Pricfl's Mead. f Botcl. MSS. A. p. 57.
X From the Chartcs Mifcdlan. at Lambeth ; vol. v. No. 28.
MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY, 15
Some of the above names flourifhed in this neighbourhood for many cen-
turies, and fome of them are borne even to this day.
In A.D. 1356, a dilpute having arifen between William de Cu/yntouy
redlor of this pariih, and Richard de Monyngham, vicar of 6". Mary's^
Sandwichy the bounds and Hmits of our parifh were carefully fought out
and afcertained by Richard Cook, Thomas Wade, Adam Prikke, William
Godewyn, William Goft, John Clerk, and Thomas Rulbone. A tranfla-
tion of the document, which fets forth the bounds of the parifh of Eajlry
is given hereafter under " The Bounds!'
In a valuation of the Ipiritualities and "temporalities of the priory of
Chrijl Churchy Canterbury made about a.d. 1384, we find the church of
Eajlry — i.e., the rediorial portion of it — appropriated to the alms of the
faid priory and valued at ^53 ts. ^d;^
On the xxi December, a.d. 1392, (in the time of Archbifhop Court-
ney) a general ordination was celebrated in the parifh church of Croydon
when we find,t amongft the lift of fubdeacons, the name of a native of
this pariih, viz. : —
Thomas Gerard de pochia de Eaftry Cantuarien dioc ad titulum prioris
et conventu de lewesj ledes ordinis fanfti Auguftini Cant. dioc.
Again, on the xxvi of March, a.d. 1393, Thomas Gerard was ordained
deacon in the parifh church of Croydon, on the title of the Prior and
Convent of Ledes Priory. And on the xxxi May, a.d. i 393, in the parifh
church of " Maydefton," the fame Thomas Gerard was advanced to the
holy order of priefthood.
In a.d. 1400, amongft other temporalities of the prior and convent of
* Dugdale, Moiiajl. Angl., vol. i., p. 89. f ^eg. Courtney, f. 181.
\ This word leives is underlined with a dotted Hne, in the original, by a later
hand.
i6
MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY.
Chrijl Church, we find a valuation of " The Manor of Eftrey with the
appurtenances^*" ^65. 03s. cod."
The following rental of the manor of Eaftry, extraded from records in
Chrift Church, Canterbury, is taken from the Boteler MSS., vol. A. p.
159; and Is interefting as giving us the names of fome of the Inhabitants
of Eaftry, and the neighbourhood, In and about the year a.d. 1445.
Rentale dominii de Eaftry anno dom. 1445.
Rentale de Eaftry,
Imprimis de Witto Stevedey v6t. pz [videlicet pretio ?] Ixj' lij'^q.
de Witto Byllyngton modo Joh. Boteler ij' x^
de hered Rofeti hey Ij' viij'^
de Thoma Tomlyn Bocher xiij'^ q.
de hered Johls Bartelot pro j acra terre v'^
de Rol3to Bartelot
de Jolle Odle sen""
Thoma att Welle
Johanna Barfeld
Henrico Bakar Smyth
Rico att Worde
Johe Swayne
hered Laurencii Cundy
Thoma Benet
Jotie Bokelonde
Willo Dykes
Rico Pyfyng
Johe Wolwych
XV' x*^ ob. q. Johe fFrenne
xxix' ix'^ ob. q. Rogo'^ ffrenne
Thoma Palmer
De Willo fFurner
hered Carpintarii
Colyn frenftiman
Thoma Lorchon
xij-
vj* j gallin.
j^oh
iiij' v*^ ob. q.
vlij'^
y^
iiijs v^ j gallin.
viij' vij*^
v' ob.
xvj^ j gallin.
• • ■ ■ 1
"y q-
xix' vij'^ ob. q.
xvj^ ob.
xx"^ ob. q.
* Dugd., Moiiajl. Angl., vol. i. p. ^S.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 17
Thoma Godyn
viij'* Matylda Thachar
Jacobo Holkebon
Johe Dene
he"". Whytpefe
Stepho Dene
Thoma Chyrche
'<«t q-
nil.
lllj* X**
iiij* vj** iij gallin.
j^ob.
■f
ix**
Jolie Boteler de Sandwico pro terris Garwynton
Willo. Dene
XVIJ' IJ'^
Rico Byrcholte
Walto. Langle pro terris juxta Northcourte
ij'
vij 111)
xij^ eodem Walto.
Johe Whytfton
Robto Dene
VJd
Tho. Tomly
xiij'* q.
Summa — ix lib. vj^ x*^ ob. q.
Summ. gallin. vj, prec. — xviij'*
Feldyrland.
De Edwardo Setvans pro terris fuis xxxiij^
De Ric. Coke de Sandewyco pro terris nuper Thome Kempe ij^ vj^
eodem pro terris propriis vj^ xj*^
Willo Symnet de Sandewico vj' vij**
Johe Dunmowe de Sandewico xxiij'*
Thoma Boye de Sandewico vij'' ob. ix** q. di. q^
Willo Bryan pro terris fuis apud Statyngbergh (i^i^-)
Willo Fenell draper de Sandewico vj' iij**
Rico Symnet Folfthawe de Sandewico viij*^ ob.
Simone Ruddock de Sandewico iiij'
Thoma Leueryk de Sandewico xxj**
Thoma Weftclyve de Sandewico iij' ij
Robto Whyte de Sandewico ij^ vj"^
Thoma Langle de Sandewico Taylor iiij' ix** ob.
Valentina Hepys de Sandewico ij* V*
Witto Edwards de Sandewico brewer vj'^
d
d
s ::d
;d
1 8 MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY.
Henrico Broke bocher de Sandewico ix"^
Henrico Baker de Sandewico vj'^
Johe Terry de Sandewico bocher v^
Witto Grygory de Sandewico grocer ij' vj
Witto Chylton de Cantuar xv
Johe Cartar de Sandewico brewer x'
Ceciha Sanders de Sa. m°. Synnet vj'^ ob.
Hofpitale Sci Barthi juxta Sandewic xvj'
Thoma Broke de Sandew. draper ij* ix*^ ob. q.
under p°. vj acr. & j virgat. terre ij' vij*^ q.
p°. hered. Nichi Dene de Sandewico xv
Johe Grene de Sandewico marchant xxxix^ ij
Robto Dyer de Sandewico (nil)
Johe Gerard de Sandewico bocher xxj'^ ob.
J oh. GyfFard de Sa. fpicer j
Joh. Plmar de Sa. draper vij' iiij"^ ob. q.
Thoma Bolle de Sa. brewer iij^ iiij'^
Robto Dreylond pro terris fuis juxta
Sand. m°. Ric Cok viij^
Rogo Clytherowe armigero xxij^
Summa viij'''' — xvij' — iiij"^ q. di. q.
Ultra x' refolut. Clytherowe ad cur. s. de Poldre pro Monketon keye Sandewic.
Gore.
De Will Baxe x'' De Rob. Dane vj*^ q.
Thoma Roger pro terra Elwyn xiiij"^ ob. q.
Henr. Walter pro terris Joh, Bafele v'^ *'
Worth — de Cantaria Thoma Elys Ixvij^ iij"^ Summa vj''*'- xix' ob. di. q.
Opdowne Summa viij^ ij'^ ob. gallin ij prec. vj ovor. xxv. j ob.
■5»- * * * * #
Henry the VI, in the 28th year of his reign (a.d. 1450) confirmed to
the prior the right of " free warren " in the lands of his manor at Eaftry,
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 19
and alfo granted a market to be held at Eaftry weekly on a Tuefday, and
likewife an annual fair to be held on the Feaft of S. Matthew the Apoftle and
Evangelift. The weekly market has fallen into difufe, for how long time I
cannot fay; but the fair is ftill held on old S. Matthew's day (Oct. 2nd), in the
field oppofite SoiUhbank^ and called the Fair Field, from ancient date. This
is now-a-days chiefly a cattle fair, and is very far from being fuch an
advantage as it was when the right was originally granted.
In A.D. 1488 {^Reg. Morton, f 49 b) we find under the heading of the
" Tenths of the Prior and Chapter of Chrijl Church, Canter bury r the
following returns relating to our parifh : —
*' Ecctia de Eaftry in decanam de Sandwich tax xliij". vj^ viij''."
And a little further on in the fame regifler (f 56 b) a return for the
Deanery of Sandwich, which feems to relate to a fubfidy granted to the
king, and which I extrad: in fo far as it relates to Eafliry : —
'* Vicar de Eaftry x"
Decima xP."
From Stevens' Monajlicon (vol. i. p. 345) we find that, in the year a.d.
1 494, another native of our parifli named Robert EJirie was appointed
Cufiios or guardian of Canterbury College, Oxford.
In the records of a Vijitatioji of the clergy and people of the deanery
of Sandwich, held in the great chancel of S. Peter's, Sandwich, on the
17th September, a.d. 151 i, by the mofl Reverend Father in Chrift his
Grace William, by Divine permifiion Archbifhop of Canterbury, we find
the following particulars relating to our parifh, under the two headings
of (i) " The Chapel of Worth," and (ii) " The Church of Eafter"— i.e.,
Eaftry.
" Capella de Worth. Comptu [i.e., compertum] eft, That Richard
20 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
Broke w'holdeth from the churche xls for a chaleis that was bequethed
by oon John Burton.
" Itm that oon Thomas Aleyn of feint Barthilmewes w'drawith A cowe
that was bequethed to the Churche by oon H. Patryke the piffhe preeft.
" Itm that oon patryke fforft and Thomas Aldon wMrawith from the
fame churche A cowe that was geven to A lampe afore the Roode ppetu-
ally." {Reg. Warkamy f xlvlii.)
(ii.) " Ecclefia de Eafter [i.e., Eaftry]. Compertum eft, That the
Roodeloft lakketh great repacon.
" Itm the churche nedith greate reparacions.
" Itm that they lak books and fpially of the new fefts, as the Tranffigu-
racion of o"" lord, as of the name of Ihu.
" Itm that oon William Gilham, otherwife callid William Breten, kepith
evill and very fulped: Rule with diufe women and fpially w' oon Marian
Johnfon.
"Itm that Robert ffrende and oon July an his wife are openly talked o^
that they ar' not lawfully conioyned togid in matrymony for a certeyn
goftly caufe." (Reg. Warhaniy fol. xlviii., b.)
Again, on the 12th Jany., 15 12, in the Cathedral Church, at Canter-
bury, before Mafter Robert Woodward, Lord CommifTary, "appeared
Rich'\ Broke, of Sandwich, and denied the fubtradlion of any legacy of John
Burton And fo the Lord CommifTary difmiffed the
aforefaid Richard Broke. Alfo at the aforefaid day and place appeared
Thomas Aleyn, brother of the Hofpital of Saint Bartholomew near
Sandwich, and faith that he hath not withheld a cow bequeathed to the
faid Chapel. And forthwith the Churchwardens \Iconomi\ of the faid
Chapel took upon themfelvcs to prove it; and the Lord CommifTary
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 21
appointed the viii day of the month of May next [for the hearing of the
caufe.] And coming on the viii day of May, the aforefaid Church-
wardens, in the prefence of the aforefaid Thomas Aleyn produced Henry
Adam in witneis, and Alice Callwell, who having been fworn and
examined, and their depofitions having been examined, the Lord Commif-
fary adjudges and pronounces that Thomas Aleyn do deliver to the
Churchwardens of the aforefaid Chapel one cow or the value thereof
before the Feaft of the Nativity of S. John Baptift next enfuing under
penalty of excommunication. Alfo the aforefaid Churchwardens lay that
patrick frofte and Thomas Adam have compounded with them." [Reg. War-
ham^ fol. Ixvi.)
" On the xvii day of the month of January the aforefaid year (viz.,
1 5 12) appeared the Churchwardens of Eftry, and they were ordered by
the Lord CommilTary to repair the Roodelofte there before the Feaft of the
Nativity of our Lord next enfuing under penalty of excommunication.
It is alfo notified to the faid Churchwardens that they fufficiently repair the
Nave of the faid Church before the Feaft of the AiTumption of the B.
Virgin Mary next (Auguft 1 5th), under penalty of excommunication.
" It is alfo notified to the aforefaid Churchwardens that they provide
books for the new Feftivals before the feaft of the Nativity of Saint John
Baptift next under penalty of excommunication.
"Alfo the faid Churchwardens fay that William Gylhm als Breten
hath departed beyond fea, and doth not intend to return.
" Alfo at the faid place and day appeared Robert frenne [notice the
corruption of the word Friend] and confefi"es that he and Juliana his wife
are within the degrees of confanguinity. And the Lord Commifiary divorced
them." (y?^^. Warek.,L Ixvij.)
In a lift of the Procurations of the monafteries and other religious
22 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
places, and of the Deaneries within the diocefe of Canterbury, made about
this time (15 12) occur the following, under the heading Decanatus
Sandwici, which I infert as relating to our fubjedl :
Ecctia de Eftry xxi^ viij"*
Vicaria eiufdem "v^
From a return made in the 26th year of Hen. VIII (a.d. 1535) of the
value of all Manors, Lands, Revenues, Peniions, and other Emoluments of
Chrijl C/mrck, Canterbury, we gather that the Re(5lory and Manor of
Eaftry were refpedtively valued as under :
Eftry e Re6loria £<^<^. ^. lol
Eftrye Manerium 69. 16. 1 1 " di. q.
{Dugdale Monaji. AngL, vol. i., p. 119).
In a valuation of benefices in the Deanery of Sandwich, made the fame
year (1535), is the following entry refpediing our parifh:
Ecctia de Eailry cum capella de Worthe eidem ecctie annex' appro-
priat' priori ecclie Xpi Cantuar.'
EsTRY.
Richard Champney vycar there receyveth yerely of I .^ ....^ ^
the pryour of Cryftchurche in Caunterbury i J J i
In tythes p'^dyall and parfonall oblacons and other 1 ... . i ^^^ ^X ^^^
fpruall pfetts yerely \ J J 1
In p x^* — ^ xxxix' ij ob.
Thereof to be allowed of the forfeid pencyon and )
paied to the clerke yerely I
( Valor Ecclefiaflicus.)
_£ xP —'
On the diflblution of Chriil Church, Canterbury, in 31st Hen. VIII,
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 23
the Manor of Eaftry came into the pofleffion of the king, who, however,
did not long retain it; but in the 33rd year of his reign gave it to his
newly-created Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, in whofe pofleiTion it ftill
remains. (See Patejit Rolls, Hen. viii., No. xxxiii., fkin 20, at Record Office.)
The advowfon of the Vicarage, though granted to the Dean and
Chapter at the fame time as the Red:ory and Manor, appears to have
palTed fhortly after to the Archbiihops of Canterbury, the prefent patrons
of the benefice.
In the year 1650 a furvey was made by order of Parliament of
all the property belonging to the Recftory of Eaftry. The feveral par-
ticulars of this inquiry I give below from the Parliamentary Surveys,
vol. xix., p. 30, at Lambeth.
Rectoria de Eastry.
S'' Tho. Smith At the Parfonage or Redlory of Eaftrey in the county of Kent,
S'' Jo : Scott confiftinge of a ffaire parfonage houfe conteyneinge a Hall twoe
S" Rich : Smith parlours a Kitchen a Buttery a Milkhowfe a Lawther [Larder]
knight a Brewhoufe A maulthoufe with Eight Chambers ouer them
Three Barnes two Stables with a Granary over them three Sellers one pidgeon loft
three pudder [fodder ? | howfes with other howfes One Garden, One Orchard, One
little bowlinge Greene, one Courte yarde and one greate yard x'^ : = : =
Together with the Tythes of Corne and other profitts to the faid Parfonage
belonginge wee Eftimate to be worth Omnibus Annis : cccc'* : = : ==
Memorandum the late Deane and Chapter of the Cathedrall and Metropoliticall
Church of Chrift Canterbury by their Indenture dated the Twentyeth day of
January 16 15 have Demifed unto S^ Thomas Smith S"" John Scott and S"" Richard
Smith, All that the Redlory or Parfonage of Eaftry in the County of Kent with
all howfes Barnes Stables, and buildinges Gleabe lands Tythes Oblacons, Obven-
cons. Emoluments, Profitts and Cofnodityes whatfoeuer with all and fingular their
Appurtennces to the faid Re6tory belonginge fcituate lyeinge and beeinge in Eaftry
and Tilmanftone aforefaid together with Authoritye to keepe Courts there, and to
24 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
receiue the profitts of the faid Courts, Except and referued all Tymber, Woods
and vnderwoods growinge vpon the pmilTes. To haue & to hold from the
makeinge of the faid Indenture for and dureinge the Tearme of the Naturall
Hues of S"" Richard Sonds of Leeds Courte in the Countye of Kent Knight,
George Sonds Efq""^ oldeft Sonne of S*" Richard Sonds, and Anthony Sonds his third
Redd : Ixxxix^ : v^ Sonne, and for and duringe the life of the longeft liuer of
and euery feauenth them, paying therefor yearly to the faid Deane and Chapter
yeare — 200'^^ fFor Ixxxix''^ : and v^ att Chriilmas and Midfomer by even porcons
entertainment 4''^ or within viii days next after the faid ifeafts and alfoe payinge
y'' the laft 7'^ yeere euery Seauenth yeare ouer and aboue the faid rent the fume
I fuppofe this yeare of 200''^ in the Treafury howfe of the Said Church att the
1650 to be a 7th faid ffeafts by euen and equall porcons. But are worth vpon
yeare. Improuement ouer and aboue the faid Rent referued per
ann. ccclix'*^ : xiiij^ : iiij^
The Leffees in all thinges to repayre maynetaine and vpholde the Howfes and
buildinges demifed togeather with the Chauncells of the parrifhe Church of Eaftry
and word and all the ffences and Inclofares belonginge to the Gleabe landes and in
the end of the Tearme foe to leaue the fame.
There is only S" George Sands aliue and in beeinge.
The prefent Rent of Ixxxix'*^ : v^ : Is thus apporconed viz :
To bee Sould with the Lands 09'"^ : 15' : oo'^
To remayne vpon the Tythes * 79 : 10 : 00
In toto 89 \ Q^ : 00
I conceiue this beinge a 7th yeare the fhare of the Lands in the ioo''^ now due
will bee about xxv". And there beinge One life in beeinge in the faid Leafe I judge
the Commonwealths Intereft in the Lands proporcon may be vatt in grofie
att r.
Groffe Vail : And then there will remayne to be payde q^ : whether laft
L''^ : / this yeare for the Tythes proporcon of 200^'^ were paid
the faid 200'^^: lys''^: and foe every euery 7 yeares agoe
7th year 175''^ duringe the life in beeinge.
Novemb^ i6th 1650 Will: Webb.
And now to recapitulate fomewhat. From even a very curfory glance
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 25
at the foregoing extrafts, we cannot fail to be ftruck with the number
of men whom our parifli gave to the fervice of the Church at the clofe
of the xiii century, fome of whom rofe even to conliderable eminence ;
thus, in A.D. 1 275 there is Ofwald de Eaftria, Abbot of the Monaftery
of Faverfham, in 1284 Anfelm de Eaftria, Redlor of our own parifh,
in 1285 Henry de Eaftria, Prior of Chrift Church, Canterbury, and
in 1290 Robert de Eaftria, Redlor of Henley-upon-Thames. The
value of the Manor would appear to have increafed as follows : in
A.D. 1086 it was worth ;!f 38. 10. 3 per annum; in a.d. 1400 it had
rifen in value to ^65. 03. 00; and in 1535 it was eftimated at
^^69. 16. II, The Re^ory, in a.d. 1384, was worth /5 3. 6. 8 per
annum; in a.d. 1535 it had rifen to ;^89. i. loj; whilft in a.d. 1650,
little more than 100 years after, it had increafed fo much as to be efti-
mated at ;^4io a-year.
The VicaragCy in a.d. 1535, was valued at ;^ 19. 1 1. 9 in the King's
Book. Camden, in a.d. 1586, gives ^17. 11. 9 as its value; but pro-
bably this would be a flip of the pen for ^ 19. 11. 9 , i.e., the eftimated
worth of the benefice, in the year 1535, as taken from the King's Book.
For Hafted fays that, in a.d. 1588, it was worth £60, and in a.d. 1640
;^ioo, a-year ; alfo that at both periods there were 335 communicants in
the parifh.
The BotelerMSS. contain an extrad: from '' S"- George Sondes, his plain
narrative to the World of all pajfages upon the Death of his two Sonnes.
Londo7i : Printed in the year 1655. This is given below, and may ferve as
an example of the hard dealing of the Cromwellian Parliament : —
Fol. 27. "The laft year 1654 upon fuit of the Truftees in the
Exchequer for arrears of Rent due to the Church, I was there denied
the Benefit of the general Pardon, which as I confeived took off thefe
26 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
arrears. And it was likewife decreed that I fhould pay for them 105^^
as Rent for the Parfonage of Eaftry, for that year 1643, when the
Parliament farmed it out for \\Q£sy and received all the money for it:
I had not one Penny Benefit by it, they had it all, and yet I muft pay
that rent."
Hailed mentions a Sir Michael Sondes, then of Eaflry, Kent, who
afterwards refided at Throwley, and died a.d. 16 17.
" The old order changeth, yielding place to new.
And God fttlfils Himfelf in many ways.
Left one good aftomftiotdd corrupt the worlds
MoRTE D'Arthur.
W^t Boutttis; or, a Pcramfiulatjon
of tl)t Par)Si).
CHAP. II.
** Remove not the ancient landmark which thy fathers havefetP — Prov. xxii. 28.
THE prefent divilion of our country into parKhes had its origin in
the time of Archbifhop Theodore (a.d. 668 — 690), when wealthy
perfbns were encouraged to build churches on their eftates, by the promife
of the patronage of their own foundations, and other advantages. Thus
originally /^r^2^^ were ^VQQ^^n\\^ co-exte7ifive with the ejlates of the founders
of their reipedlive churches. And this may account for the fadl that
many parifhes have feparate and detached portions, lying far away from
the main body, in the midft of other parifhes. In this way Ticknejfe
(properly Tickenhurfi) is detached from Northbourne, and numerous
other examples will readily fuggeft themfelves to my readers.
It feems fomewhat uncertain, however, whether, in the cafe of our own
parifh, the foundation of the church and the boundaries of the parifli
were thus clofely conned:ed the one with the other.
The earlieft notice of the Bounds of the parifh of Eajlry which I have
yet met with, is taken from a MS. amongft the Court Rolls of the
28 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Almery or Priory Manor of Eaftry, formerly in the pofTeflion of Mrs.
Rammell. The account there given is as follows :
" This bowndes and Lymites of the pifhe of Eailrye that be here
reherfed weare fought out by Ry chard Cok Adam Pricke Thomas Ward
William Goft William Goodwyne John Clarke Thomas Rulbone growen
before Mr. John Generli Dene of my Lord Symon liplyp audyens at the
tyme beinge Archbiilioppe of Canterburye the x'^ Daye of Jullye the
yeare of our Lord m ccc Ivj for a plee Revyfed by one Richard vicar of
S'. Marye Chourche in Sandwiche for tythes of a place in the faid pifhe
of Eftrye in the w plee the vicar was caft/ in witnes thereof the fayd
Archbifhopp hath put thereto Sealle of Oifyce as it appeareth one the
fame plee This Boundes begyn in a place called
the Standward the % is in pte of the Northeweft of the piilie of
Eafterye and fro the place forefayde extende the boundes and Lymites of
the fayd pifhe of Eafterye by a broode wey called weines wey extendinge
toward the Sowthe to a place called weines Devidinge the pyfhe of Eafte-
rye one the eaft part froo the weye of woodinfboroughte toward the
wefle. And froo the weye forefayde called wenis extende the boundes
and Lymmites of the piflie of Eafterye by a wey called lyfle toward the
eafle goinge forthe to a place called the Bellet devidinge the pyfhe of
Eafterye one the northe fyde froo the pyfhe of woodnefborought toward
the Sought, and froo the fayd place called the Belet extende the boundes
and lymmites by the fame weye toward the fouthweft. So goinge forthe to a
place called Bocklond devidinge the parifhe of Eaflery one the fouth efle
fro the pyfhe of Woodnefboroughte on the northe wefte pte fro the
fiyd place called Bockelond'' extende the boundes and limmites by the
* Now Buckland.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 29
Kingfwey toward the wefte foe goinge forthe to a place called grene-
hedgger'' devidlnge the pyflie of Eafterye one the fouthe fyde froo the
pyfhe of woodnefborought toward the north and froo the fyde way called
grenehedgger extende the Boundes and LImmites by a ftreet or way -f-
toward the fouth, fo goinge forthe to a crofTe called mathewes crofTel
devidinge the pyfhe of Eafterye toward the eaft froo the pyflie of Wood-
nefboroughte toward the wefl and froo the fayd mathewes crolTe extende
the boundes and Limmites of the fayd pyfhe of Eafterye by a way or a
ftreet called Broodeftreete§ toward the wefte fo goinge forthe to the hedd
of a hegge northe called Deneheggell devidinge the pyfhe of Eafterye
one the fouth fyde froo the pyfhe of Woodnefboroughte one the northe
fyde and froo the forefayde northe hedd of the fayd denhedgge extende
the bounds & limmites of the pyfhe of Eafterye by the fame hegge
againfle the fouthe- wefte foe the hegge makeing ane end by a grene waye
devided or a landfchare unto a place called Redis^ devidinge the pyfhe
of Eaflerye one the foutheaft from the pyfhe of woodnefborought and
knowlton toward the northweft and foorthe to a place called Redis
extende the bounds & .limmites of the pyfhe of Eaftery by a way called
Pilholt toward the Eaft fo goenge fourth to a place called hoddyngef-
* Part of this green hedge has been grubbed up, but a confiderable portion ftill
remains.
-f- This is the road to Woodnesborough Church from Poifon Crofs, and the boun-
dary hne is in the middle of the road.
\ Now Poifon Crofs.
§ Part of the Canterbury road.
II Moft of this hedge has now difappeared — it runs from the Canterbury road
towards Harnden Hill.
^ Redis = Ridges, a term not uncommonly ufed. The Redis or Ridges here men-
tioned muft be near the Cottages on Harnden Hill.
^,o MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
J
downe-" devydinge the pifhe of Eftry one the north part from the pifhe of
Nonington toward the Sowth ptie, And fro the feid place called hod-
dingefdowne extend the bownds and lymytts of the pifhe of Eflry to
another green e wave towards the eaft, fo goenge fourth to a hill called
Gavlitefdowne fo devydinge the pifhe of Eftry on the Northfyde from
the pifhe of Nonington and Tylmanftone towards the Sowthfyde, and
fro the feid Gaveletifdowne extend the bownds and lymytts of the pifhe
of Eftry by a greene footewaye agaynft the North, fo goenge fourth to a
corner one the Northfyde of a feilde called danefeildt devydinge the
pifhe of Eftry one the wefl- fyde from the pifhe of Tylmanfton one the
eaft fyde. And from the feid Sowth corner of the feid Daneffeild extend
the bowndes and lymyttes by a devyded greene waye toward the head eaft
devydinge the pifhe of Eftry toward the Northfyd from the pifhe of
Tylmanftone toward the Sowth, And the fame waye making an ende the
bowndes and Lymytts by an other greene waye from the hedd eaft, toward
the Northeaft So goenge fourth to a myll called Bettesfhanger Myll,J
And the feid greene waye endinge by a highwaye§ be half the hamlett or
the villadge called updowne unto the highway that leadeth fro Eftry unto
Northborne devydinge the pifhe of Eftry one the Northweft part, fro
the pifhe of Bettefhanger toward the Sowtheaft, And fro the feid waye
that leadeth fro Eftry toward Northborne extend the bownds and Lymytts
* The down oppofite Shinglcton Down.
i* A field not far from Dane Court.
I Bettefhanger Mill was ftill in exiflence in the lafl century : but has now for
many years difappeared. It ftood in much the fame place as the prefent Lodge at
l^cttefliangcr.
§ This " highwaye " is the road which leads from near Buttfole to Northbourne,
and paffes the lodge gates of Updown Houfe.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 31
by a green e* way towards the north, So goenge fourth to a place called the
Parfonyffeild-f- of hame devydinge the pifhe of Eftry one the weft
parte fro the pifhe of Bettiflianger and hamme towards the eaft. And
from the feid Paribniffeild of hamme extend the bownds and Lymytts
by a broad wayej towards the North, So goenge fourth to a place
called hamebridge§ devydinge the pifhe of Eftry toward the weft
from the pifhe of hamme towards the Eafl, And fro the feid hamme
bridge! extend the bowndes and lymytts by a great water towardes
the eaft. So goenge fourth to a place called hawkelinge devydinge
the parryfhe of Eftry towards the North from the parryfhe of hame
towards the Sowth, And from the place called hawklinge extend the
bowndes and lymytts of Eftry lynially towards the Eafl, unto a place called
Spruckelham, And fro the feid place called Spruckelham fo rightfourth to a
place callyd langhauke, And fro the feid place called langhauke unto the
coaft of the Sea devydinge the piflie of Eftry towards the north fro the
pifhes of hamme and Northborne toward the Sowthlyde, And from the feid
coaft of the Sea, extend the bownds and lymytts of the pifhe of Eftry by
the fame coaft of the Sea toward the northweft, So goenge fourth and
fhettinge in the parryfhe of Eftry toward the Sowth weft unto a place
called the nafe, And from the feid place called the Nafe extend the
bownds and lymytts towards the Sowtheaft, fo goenge fourth by
* This "green way " is flill in exiftence, though it is in great danger of being
obhterated owing to the conftant encroachments of the plough.
•f- There is a field here which ftill belongs to the Re6lor of Ham.
\ This is the road that runs from the corner of Fred. George Terry's garden
paft the back of Ham Houfe and Ham Church.
§ The further bridge next Word Mill.
II From this point the bounds, as here defcribed, are thofe of Word, and not the
bounds of Mho: prefent pariJJi of Eaftry.
32 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
a ftreame callyd Geftlinge unto a place callyd the Sclufe fhettlnge in
the pifhe of Eftry toward the north eaft fro the pifhe of S'. Cle-
ments in Sandwich toward the Sowthweft parte. And fro the feid
Sclufe extend the bowndes and Lymyttes towards the Sowth So goenge
fourth by a Dyke called Erchiflodick devydinge the pifhe of Eftry
toward the Eafl from the feid pifhe of S\ Clements one the weft fyde
unto a place called hovelinge, And fro the feid place called hovelinge
extend the bownds and lymytts toward the northwefl. So goenge
fourth by a dyke called the delfe devydinge the pifhe of Eaflry toward
the Sowthwefl from the pifhe of S. Clements toward the northwefl unto the
Sowth corner of the Hofpitall of S'. Bartholomewe, And from the feid
Sowth corner of the feid hofpitall extend the bownds and lymytts of the pifhe
of Eflry toward the North, So goenge fourth by a runninge water called the
delph unto a place callyd the Stonebridge devydinge the pifhe of Eftry
toward the weft from the pifhe of S'. Clements towards the eafl parte.
And fro the feid Stonebridge extend the bowndes and lymytts toward the
Sowth weft. So goenge fourth by the kinges highwaie to the Sowth hedd
of a lyttle dyke or a vorowe lyenge of length % the lands of John Terrey
toward the eafl parte of the feid lands devydinge and fhettinge in the
pifhe of Eftry toward the Sowtheaft fro the pifhe of S'. Maries in
Sandwich one the north wefl parte. And fro the feid Sowth hedd
of the feid Dyke or vorowe extend the bowndes and lymytts by
the fame dyke or vorowe toward the north. So goenge fourth to a corner
of a feild called Polder land* towards the northeaft fliettinge in the
pifhe of Eftry toward the Eaft, And from the feid corner that ys north-
eaft of the feid Polder lande extend the bownds and lymytts toward the
weft parte. So goenge right fourth by a lyttle dyke or a vorowe lyenge of
* Now " Feldcrland," but commonly pronounced " Fendcrland."
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. y^
length 'J the north of the feid feild called Polderfield unto the *highwaye
that leadeth from Sandwich toward Canterbury and by the weft hed of the
feid dyke or vorowe extend the bowndes and lymytts by the feid highway
toward the Sowth, So goenge fourth a clofeinge in the piflie of Eftry one
the eaft fyde from the pifhe of woodnefborowe toward the weft to a place
callyd the Standard.
23°Julii 1585."
l^Botel. MS. A.J pp. 104, 105, 106.]
Thus much as to the bounds of our parifh in a.d. 1356. Since that
time, however, the parifh of Worth or Word has been cut off from the
mother parifh of Eaftry, fo that Eaftry is now fmaller in extent than in
the time of Archbifhop Iflip. In his time, at the time when the vicar-
age of Eaftry was endowed, and for many generations afterwards, the
church at Word (dedicated to 3. Peter and S. Paul) was merely a cha-
pelry attached to the mother Church at Eaftry, in the fame manner as
Shrinkling, or Shingleton ; but with this difference, that whereas, the
vicar of Eaftry was to " find one Chaplain in the Chapel of Worth de-
pending upon the faid Church of Eaftry to celebrate divine Service every
day, at leaft as far as it may be done with convenience," and there to
" officiate in divine Things according to ufual Cuftom ;" the prior and
convent of Chrift Church, Canterbury, were held and bound to the
1* maintenance of one Chaplain in the Chapel of Shrynglynges depending
upon the faid Church, provided the Re(5lors were held in times paft to
the fame" (fee Endowment of the Vicarage).
In courfe of time the Church of Word acquired certain parochial
* «
The Sandwich Road," as Eaftry folk call it.
34 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
rights; but whether it ever adlually became 2l feparafe parijli until it was
legally feparated from Eaflry in a.d. 1854, feems very doubtful. From
certain memoranda that I have come acrofs in one of the pariih books,
the queftion feems to have been raifed fometime between a.d. 1686, and
A.D. 1688, as to whether at that time Word was or was not a feparate
parifh : fome perfbns — apparently the inhabitants of Word — afferting that
it was fuch, and " Charles Bargrave, Churchwarden, and Sollomon Har-
vey and Thomas Adams, Overfeers of the Poor," of our parifh, main-
taining as ftrenuoufly that it was not^ and giving as their reafon " that
the Infiirument of Inftitution and Induction gives \_sic\ to the Minifter or
Clerk of Eaftry runns only to Eaflry Cum Capella de Woorth and he is
Indufted only into Eaftry." The parifh of Worth was conftituted
a Vicarage by an Order in Council which appeared in the London Gazette
of December 6th, 1867.
But to return to the perambulation of the parifh. The ancient and
proper time for the perambulation of parifhes — or " beating of the
bounds," as it is often called, from the cuftom in former days of beating boys
at certain points, in order to imprefs the boundaries, marks, and limits of
the parifli the better on their memories — is fome day in Rogation week, i.e.,
the week in which Afcenfion Day or Holy Thurfday falls. For when, at
the Reformation, all other religious procefHons were abolifhed, the peram-
bulation of parifhes in this week was flill retained.
The following extracts from the oldeft* account book of the church-
wardens, which is now extant, furnifh us with a complete lift, as far as
it goes, of the dates at which our parifli has been perambulated : —
* Mr. Botclcr fpcaks of the tradition that there had once been two other and more
ancient books. Thefe however, had difappeared even in his time.
((
cc
cc
cc
cc
cc
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 35
£ s. d.
" 1689 P*^ upon the perambulacon o. 5. o'
" 1690 Spent at the perambulacon o. 7. 1 1'
1692 Spent when wee went the Boundes of the parifh o. 1 1. 4'
1 696 p'^ to goody Samfon mony fpent for going y*" bounds of y*"
parifli I. o. o'
1 703 May 5th p*^ att Goodman Sampfons when we went y^ bounds o. 9. o'
1 719 Spent att the five Bells when went the Bounds of the parifh i. 2. 6'
1 7 1 9 p"^ John Cock more w'' which was fpent when we went the
Bounds of the Parifh o. 15. o'
1722 Spent when we went the Bounds of the Parifh o. 13. o'
1743 May 12 Spent going the Bounds of the Parifh o. 16. 10'
1747 May 29 Spent going the Bounds of the Parifh o. 16. 6'
1762 May 20 Spent at theFive Bells going theBounds of the Parifh I. 19. o'
1782 May 15 Paid at the Bull going the Bounds of the Parifh 2. 16. o'
1 801 Expences at the Five Bells (28'^ May) going the Boundary
of the Parifh 3. 2. io|"
" 1 8 14 June II paid Eafles Bill for Dinners, &c., for going bounds
of parifh* 9. 14. i\"
1833 May 14. This day & year the bounds were walked by the Vicar,
Churchwardens & others.
1856 Mar. 31. This day & year the Vicar, Curate, Churchwardens, Parifh
Clerk and others walked the bounds of the Parish beginning at Hay Hill.
1868, Sept. 24. At nine o'clock in the morning of this day and year,
there met, at the boundary stone on Hay Hill, near the Crofs Roads, a
number of the parifhioners, including the Vicar, Lieut.-Col. Rae, Mr.
G. Turner (The Lynch and New Coll., Oxon), Mr. Churchwarden
Terry, Mr. William Wilfon (Guardian, Shingleton Farm), Mr. James
Cobus (Overfeer), and MefTrs. Jofeph Bowman (Parifh Clerk), R. Moat,
Junr., J. Bufhell (Kent C^ Confl^'), G. Foord (of " Five Bells "), J. May-
* In this year Mrs. Pettman gave £2 2s. towards the expenfes of the Perambu-
lation.
6 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
nard (Kent C>' Conft>), E. Dunn, and W. Devefon, Jos. Manfer, E. Pay,
G. Dungey, Chas. Dungey, E. Culver, E. Moat, W. Thompfon, J. Fitz-
o-erald, J. Foord, S. Hopper, A. Soames, G. Lawrence, John Manfer, and J.
Spickett. At 9.15 they flarted, Bowman — who had "beaten the bounds "
on two previous occafions (viz., in 1833 and 1856), and who had been
round ftill more recently with the Ordnance Survey— taking the lead, and
the reft following ; Lieut.- Col. Rae, MefTrs. Terry and Wilfon, and the
Vicar, being mounted, the others being on foot. On the borders of the
parifh of Bettefhanger the Eaftry party were met by Walter James, Efqr.,
and the Redor of Betteflianger (Rev. J. W. Blifs), who accompanied
them as far their own bounds extended. Arrived at Shingleton Down
the Old Hundredth Pfalm was fung, according to a cuftom obferved on
previous occafions. Thence proceeding onwards they were met by the-
reprefentatives of Nonnington, the only other parifh beiides Bettefhanger,
which fent its officers to the boundaries in time to meet the Eaftry party.
On Harnden Hill a halt was made, jufl outfide the cottages of Cox and
Friend, for luncheon — which, confifting of bread and cheefe and bitter
beer, was partaken of by all prefent, and thoroughly appreciated. After a
reft of half an hour the party again ftarted, and in due time came into
the Canterbury Road. Going on from thence Poifoti Crofs (anciently
Matthews' Crojjfe) was reached, and the party proceeded halfway up the
hill which leads to Woodnelborough Church. Then turning to the right
acrofs the fields, under a high-banked hedge, and following the various turns
and windings of the boundary line, after fome time the Sandwich road
was crofed. Next the brooks, feparating Eaftry from Ham, were reached
and jumped by fome, though more jumped in ! the foothold being very-
bad for leaping on either bank. Henceforward the bounds kept to the
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 37
road, and fo going on the markflone on Hay Hill was reached
about 3 o'clock, after a very pleafant, but fomewhat tiring, walk of
more than 14 miles.
The parifli of Eaftry, confifting of the borough of Eaftry, the borough
of Heron den and part of the borough of Felderland, is about two and a
half miles from north to south, and not more than one and a half mile
from eafi: to weft.
It contains, according to the Tythe Commutation Deed, 2664 ftatute
acres, by far the greater portion of which is arable land, the extent
of meadow or pafture being but fmall, and of hop gardens very
much lels.
The greater portion of the land in the parifh is claimed over by the
Manors of Eaftry, Adiftiam, the Almonry, Dane Court, North Court,
and South Court. Of thefe the principal are the Manors of Eaftry and
Adiftiam, which are divided, the one from the other, by the high road
leading from Woodneft)orough by Gore to Elham.
The population of Eaftry has, of courfe, varied in different ages ; but
there is good reafon for fuppofing that during the time of the Roman
occupation, in the Romano-Britifti period, and afterwards in Anglo-Saxon
times, prior to the year a.d. 900, the ville of Eaftry had more inhabitants
than at the time of the Norman invafion.
From the information given in Doomfday Book (fee p. 1 1 ) we may gather
that the population of Eaftry, in or about the year a.d. 1086 was 300
In A.D. 1774 the population was 656
1 80 1 „ „ (including workhoufe) was . 852
1811 „ „ . . . . 909
,, „ 1821 „ „ .... 1062
« « 1831 „ „ .... 1245
»> »
» »>
J
8 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
In A.D. 1 841 the population of Eaftry (with the Union) was 1629
» j> ^^5^ »» " " »» " »> »> ^^97
„ „ 1 00 1 „ „ „ 9, „ „ „ \^o^
[In this year the population of the parifh proper was 1 175, and of the
Union Workhoufe 330].
In A.D. 1 87 1
Since the beginning of this century about 90 new houfes have been
built in Eaftry.
T\\t foil of Eaftry, northward of the ftreet, is very good, fouthward it
is poorer land, being in places very near the chalk. Upon the whole it
may average about 305-. an acre ; which fhows a conliderable improve-
ment in the land lince Mr. Boteler's time (1774), when on the average
it was worth only 15^. an acre.
The rents as afTefted to the poor amount to ^7994. 6s. 6d.
And now, having perambulated the parifh, alcertained its boundaries
and markftones, meafured its broad acres, examined its foil, numbered its
people, and fummed up its rental, let us enter it by the road from Sand-
wich, and view its different localities fomewhat more in detail.
The firft objedt that meets our view, as we begin to approach Eaftry by
the Sandwich Road, is an ancient Yew-tree ftanding at the' corner of the
road, that leads off on the left to Felderland. It has probably feen the
travellers of many centuries. Bifhops and abbots and plain parifli priefts,
barons and knights and fquires, merchants and burghers and artizans,
country maidens and ladies of high degree, all in their day and genera-
tion have pafTed by the old Palm tree, for fo is the Yew-tree called in this
neighbourhood.
Paffing onwards through the turnpike, we come on the right
to a large and handfome houfe, called Statenboroughy the refidence
MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY. 39
of Commander George Sayer, R.N., J. P., to whom the ancient eftate of
Stapenberghe, now Statenborough, belongs. This is at prefent the prin-
cipal eftate in the parifh, including Gore, the lands of which are laid to
it: the whole confifting of about 141 acres. The land is in general good.
" From the title deeds it appears, in 1391, a fmall piece of land was
conveyed to Wm. Cook of Stapynberghe, and part of the premifes at this
day is called Cookfborough. In 141 9 a part belonged to the family of
Atte Halle. In 1437 John Frynne & Thos. Terrey of Eaftry convey 16
acres feparate, at or near Stapenbergh, which they had of Ingram Atte
Halle fon & heir of J"°. Atte Halle of Dovorre, to W". Bryan of Can-
terbury who, from divers other conveyances, feems at this time to have been
in pofteftion of a confiderable part of the eftate. To whom or at what time
Mr. Bryan's property was alienated, does not appear: but, in 1484, the
whole belonged to J"^ Kennett of Canterbury, Gent. In 1534 Tho\ Ken-
nett of Canterbury Priest (capellanus) fon of the above J"°. conveyed his
whole property here — the quantity not fpeciiied — to Chrift". Hales Efq',
the King's Attorney-General, afterwards Sir Chriftian, Knight ; whofe
daughter Margaret, the wife of Ralph Dodmore of Lincoln's Inn, Gent.,
jointly with her Huft)and in 1557 conveyed the Eftate, fpeciiied in the
Deed as containing 120 acres, under the general name of Statynborough
to Saftrey Paramor of Eaftry Yeoman. In this Family it continued in
lineal fucceftion from Father to Son, and was the place of refidence of
each, till J oftiua -Paramor jointly with his mother Mary fold it in 171 3,
fadly encumbered with mortgages to his Couiin Cap^ J"°. Paramor of
Sandwich, who rebuilt the Houfe and reiided here. Cap'. Paramor died
1737 and bequeathed it to his only fon Jn°. Paramor Efq'. who dying
1 75 1 without iftue, bequeathed this, amongft other eftates, to Mary eldeft
daughter of his fifter Mary deceafed, the wife of Tho\ Fuller of Sand-
40 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
wich Efq'. ; but fhe dying fingle and under age, the whole fell after the
death of Mr. Paramor's widow in 1759 to his 3 nieces Jane, then Jane
Hawker widow, afterwards the wife of John Dilnot Esq'., the daughter
of his fifter Jane Hayward deceafed ; and Jane & Sarah Fuller two other
daughters of his fifter Mary before mentioned. On a divilion of the
feveral eftates in 1761 this was allotted to Jane and Sarah Fuller, & on
a further divilion betwixt the two lifters in 1774, this with Gore formed
a part of the Ihare that fell to Jane then the wife of W. Boys of Sand-
wich Efq'%"* — author of ** Colle5lions for a Hijlory of Sandwich''
Mrs. Boys eventually fold the eftate of Statenborough to Mr. George,
who in his turn difpofed of it to Mr. Moulding, after whole deceale it
was fold by his widow to Mr. Greville, from whom it defcended to his
grandfon Col. Fulke Greville (now Lord Greville). In 1846 Com-
mander George Sayer, R.N., purchafed the eftate of Col. Greville.
Captain Sayer is in the commiffion of the peace, and bears for his
arms : —
Proceeding onwards we come to Little Statenborough^ or Statenborough
Cottage, likewife the property of Capt. Sayer, who, about the year 1 847,
purchafed the houfe and a few acres of land adjoining it of Col. Greville,
whofe grandfather, Mr. Greville, had acquired it of Mr. Upton. G.
Coleman, Efq., is the prefent occupier. Statenborough is claimed over by
the Manors of Dane Court, North Court, and South Court, Tilmanftone.
Great Walton, lituated on the Sandwich Road between Statenborough
and Eaftry Street, next meets us. It is a nice old-fafhioned houfe, with
trimly-kept greenfward, pond, gardens, and outhoufes adjoining, and about
70 acres of land — 30 being in Eaftry, and 40 in Woodnefborough ; the
* Botel MSS.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 41
land and houfe in Eaftry are aflefTed at ^84 in all. This farm was
formerly much larger than it is at prefent, and was for fome generations
in the family of Geering/^ by one of whom it was divided towards the
latter part of the feventeenth century. After the divifion Great Walton
became the property of Mr. Wm. Sharp who, in 1 694, conveyed it to
Jofeph Neame of Word, yeoman, from whofe defcendant, Mrs. Elizth.
Neame, the eftate was conveyed, in 1773, to Mr. John Nelfon and wife
of Sandwich. Mr. Nelfon died in 1789, and by his laft will bequeathed
it to the children of Mr. Wm. Caftle of Sandwich (the fon of his wife
by a former hufband), whofe fon, Mr. Thos. Caftle, fold fome of the
lands belonging to it. His fon, Robert Caftle, Efqre., is the prefent owner
of the eftate, the lands belonging to which he lets, but occupies the houfe.
He bears for his arms :
Little Walton, lying betwixt Great Walton and Eaftry Street, is a farm
conftfting of about 1 00 acres, 49 of which lie in Eaftry, the reft in Wood-
neft)orough. The lands, which are very ftraggling, were for many
generations the property of a family of the name of Nutt. John Nutt,
of Putney, Gent., was the owner in iji6 (Botel. MSS.). In 1733
Wm. Nutt was in pofteflion of the eftate, and in 1 740 James Amey, but
whether in right of himfelf or his wife, feems doubtful. The eftate was
afterwards in litigation. In 1749 two females claimed pofteftion by law
of the name of Wollaftone : and on a divifion between them, this
amongft other eftates became the property of the one who was married to
Taylor White, of Hertfordftiire, Efqre. In 1824 James White, Efqre., fold
the property to Bargrave Wyborn, Efqre., in whofe family it ftill remains.
Walton Houfe, fituated between Great Walton and Eaftry Street, and
* The whole farm was in the poffeflion of the Geerings in A.D. 1623.
42 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
oppofite Little Walton, Is a large houfe, with about eight acres of land
attached to it, originally built by Mr. George about the year 1805. In
1 807 the property was purchafed by Mr. White, who, in 1821, fold it to
Henry Warrell, Efqre. In Nov., 1830, Mr. Warrell granted a leafe of
the houfe and land to James Rae, Efqre., who eventually purchafed the
fame in Sept., 1834, and in whofe family it ftill remains, being the refi-
dence of James A. Rae, Efqre., Lieut.-Col. of the Cinque Ports'
Volunteer Artillery. They bear for their arms : Vert — three Jiags in pale
coiiranty argent. For a crefl: : a Jiag at gaze proper.
A little further on there are two good houfes on oppoiite fides of the
Sandwich Road. The one on the right hand, a modern houfe, running
back to the Woodnefborough Lane, being the property of R. S. Leggatt,
Efqre., M.R.C.S. ; the other, called Laiirejlon Hoze/e, being the property
of Mr. Matfon, but the refidence of Mils Toker, who has much improved
the houfe, and laid out the grounds with tafte and effedt. Attached to
this houfe, and in front of it, is a pleafant meadow containing 4a. ir. 32p.
Both Laurefton and Walton Houfes have garden entrances into the
foot-path which runs from the Schools to Statenborough. Part of this
path is fometimes called the Lover's Walk from its being fo quiet and
fecluded ; and the upper portion of it, nearer the Schools, is occalionally
ufed as a rope walk.
After pafTmg Laurefton Houfe we come to Eaftry Street., or as it is now
entitled the Lligh Street. This is the principal part of the village, and
from hence branch off Church Street, Brook Street, what was formerly
called Reaper's Row (which is properly a continuation of High Street,
and leads paft the Fairfield to Buttfole), Mill Lane, Gore Lane, and the
Roads to Sandwich and Woodnefborough.
In High Street one or two places are worthy of mention.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 43
On the left fide of the flreet there is a place called the Square, fome cottages
being built in that form; and a little further on is a foot-path leading dired:ly
to the Schools and Church, called Church Lane or Collarinakers Alley.
On thefouth of this lane is a meffuage, now the property of Mr. Wanftall,
of Nonington, from which arifes the yearly rent charge of 1 2S. payable to
the vicar and churchwardens for the benefit of the poor of Eaflry, under
the lafl will and teftament of Richard Thorn pfon, of Minfter, in Thanet,
who died 1673. For further particulars relpedling this houfe fee under
" The Parochial CharitiesT This houfe is now in the occupation of
Edward Godden, grocer, and is ufed as a baker-and-grocer's fhop. South-
ward of this is a houfe formerly called " the Nunneries," but for what
reafon I know not ; there are no ruins of any kind near the place, nor
was there ever any fuch religious eftabliiliment in Eaftry. It formerly
confifted of two cottages in three dwellings, defcribed in a deed of 1567,
as being at a place called " le Nunnerye." In 1609 ^^^7 were purchafed
by Paramor, of Statenborough, then called " the Nunnerys," and by this
name they were bequeathed by John Paramor, of Statenboro', gent., his
defcendant, in 1735, to his fon John Paramor, Efq., who fold it to John
Matthews, of Eaftry, collarmaker [Botel. MSS., vol. A., p. 65). It was
rebuilt in great part by the above-named John Matthews, and is a neat houfe
in two dwellings, occupied relpedtively by Jofeph Bowman, parifh clerk, and
Thomas Cullen. The property now belongs to John Court, of Eaftry, milk-
man. Southward of this houfe is a meadow called The Playing Clofc^
which has certainly been ufed as a place of recreation for upwards of the
laft two hundred years, fince, in a rental of the year 1633, it is called
" the play clofe^ Still there is not the flighteft foundation for the idea, once
prevalent, that this " playing clofe " formerly belonged to Goddard's Cha-
rity. So early as a.d. 1567 it was private property, and belonged then to
44 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Roger Churche: in 1606 it was the property of John Robins, Junr.,
veoman ; in 1 640 it belonged to Edward Parboe, gent., and then formed
part, as it did until recently, of the Street Farm over the way, once the
property of the Petmans, but now divided up and fold. In 1868 this
clofe was purchafed by John Iggulden, of Deal, Efqre., and now forms
part of his Eaflry Houfe eftate.
Adjoining the " playing clofe " fouthward is the old Schoolhoufey
left by Mrs. Chriftian Goddard, 1574, for the ufe of the parifh clerk of
Eaftry for ever, on condition of his infl:ru(fling one boy (see " The Schools').
This is now in the occupation of Thomas Young.
Next to the old Schoolhoufe is the Bull Inn. This has probably
been the name and lite of the village inn for fome centuries. As early as
A.D. 1573 it is mentioned; and, in 1633, it is fpoken of as "adjoining
Goddard's Houfe for the Clerk, in Eaftry Street :" whilft the church-
wardens' accounts often make mention of money " fpent at the Bull."
In A.D. 1573 Richard Huffam paid quit rent to the manor of Eaftry for
the Bull. John Whitfeild, and after him Edmonde Baker, had been the
previous owners. And again, in a.d. 1633, Thomas Huffam paid for
the Bull. It is now the property of MeiTrs. Liney and Evenden
brewers.
It may not be uninterefting if we give the names of the fucceffive
Hosts of the Bull.
1693, William Hall.
1702, Thomas Adams.
1725, Ingram Durban.
1763, William Culler — then his widow.
1 77 1, John Solley.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 45
1 79 1, Richard RufTell.
1 806, John Eaftes.
1 8 16, John Ferrier.
1855, Charles Lepine.
i860, Edward Manfer.
This hft is complete as far as it goes back.
On the right hand fide of the ftreet oppofite to Collarmakers' Alley is
a houfe and forge the property of the Drayfon family, and now in the
occupation of Wm. Twyman, blackfmith. The houfe is comparatively new,
having been built in 1861 ; but, on or about this fpot, there has been a
forge for many centuries, where fucceffive generations of Drayfons have
worked as fmiths. Will Drayfon ligns the " Sefs made the 14th day of
October, Anno Domene 1685," and there are frequent entries in the
churchwardens' accounts of that period of payments made to the Dray-
fons " for iron work " or " fmith's work." By the fide of the forge
there is a field path, which leads either to the Mills or to Gore.
A little higher up the ftreet, and oppofite the playing clofe, is Eajlry
Houfe, the property of J. Iggulden, of Deal, Efqre., in right of his
wife, the daughter of J. Hatfeild, Efqre., who, in or about the year 1832,
bought it of the Petman family, in whofe pofTefHon it had been for fome
generations, being part of that old farm originally called Szuayne's, which
is now entirely divided up. This houfe is now in the occupation of Mr.
John Netherfole.
Proceeding onwards pafl the poft-office (foon to be made alfo a tele-
graph- otiice), a few more fteps bring us to The Crofs. This is the name
given to that flightly open fpace where Brook Street and Mill Lane,
High Street, Reaper's Row, and Church Street, meet together, and
where, doubtlefs, in days gone by, there flood the Village Crofs. In the
46 MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY.
old churchwardens' accounts frequent mention is made of thatching and
other repairs done to " the Crois Houfe " at the expenfe of the pariih.
Hitherto I have been unable to identify this, and am rather inclined to
think that it has difappeared, unlels the Vicarage Cottage formerly bore
that name. " The Crols houfe " is not to be confounded with the houfe
of " the Crofs Farm," formerly the property of the Kite, and now of the
Boteler, family: nor yet with "the Gierke's houfe" above-mentioned in
the High Street, nor with " the Sexton's houfe," which formerly was the
end houfe of the Goddard's Charity, neareft and oppofite to the vicarage.
At the end of the High Street neareft to " the Crols " there is a pond
which fupplies the neighbouring farmers and others with water for their
cattle, and which rarely runs quite dry. Whilft on or about the fpot
now occupied by Mils Bayly's draper's fhop, formerly flood the parifh
ftocks — the terror of evil doers. Thefe were afterwards removed to a
polition nearly oppofite the church gates, beneath two elms growing in
the clofe adjoining the boys' fchool. Latterly they were little ufed, and
about A.D. 1828 they difappeared.
Proceeding from " the Crofs " towards the church, we pafs on the
right a cottage formerly ufed as the barber's fhop, and once belonging to
the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, but which was made over to the
Vicarage in or about the year 1853.
Two fleps more bring us to the Vicarage, a large and comfortable
houfe, which dates from the year 1 821, when the old Vicarage was pulled
down and rebuilt by the Rev. G. Randolph, then vicar. But the
fo7indatio7is of the houfe are ancient, and they may perhaps have formed
part of the original building afTigned for the ufe of the vicar in a.d.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 47
1367, and confirmed to him in a.d. 1368, when an agreement was come
to between the Prior and Convent of Chrift Church, Canterbury, on the
one fide, and " Sir " Thomas, Vicar of Eaftry, on the other, " that the
faid Sir Thomas, the Vicar, fhall have to his own proper ufe the hall,
chambers, and kitchen, of his Vicarage aforefaid, which belonged and
pertained to the Almoner and his office of old, and alfo the other build-
ings eredled upon his fite, together with a garden and
thence arifing (the dovecote and certain wafte places, fituate below the
dole of the faid vicarage, being referved to the Almoner and his Re<5lor
in perpetuity)." It was then agreed that " the fame Almoner fhould,
moreover, make and keep in fufficient repair a certain wall between him-
felf and the Vicar aforeiaid, beginning from the king's highway on the
fouth lide of the faid Vicarage, and extending to a certain ftable of the
faid Almonry of the Rector over againft the north part "
The wall here referred has been pulled down, in order that a piece of
ground, which formed part of the farm yard of the Almonry, or Parfonage
as it is now called, might be added to the Vicarage. The piece of ground
here ipoken of is now ufed as a kitchen garden. But with regard to the
wall which has difappeared ; it commenced clofe to the gate which
leads to the kitchen door, palTed the back door of the Vicarage, and ex-
tended to the ftables of the Parfonage. Thefe ftables ftill exift, having pro-
bably been renewed from time to time on the old fite. The Vicarage is
furrounded on all fides by a narrow ftrip of garden, that portion which
lies eaft of the houfe being the largefi:, and having a confiderable fall. The
view from the dining-room window towards the Lynch bank is very pretty.
The garden contains two magnificent, and fome fmaller, yew-trees, a
handfome ilex, and a very ancient claranut-tree, long pafi: its prime
48 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
— which has probably ftood here for fome centuries — befides numerous
walnuts.
The Vicarage is bounded on the weft by Church Street, on the fouth
by Brook Street, on the eaft by the garden of the Parfonage, and on the
north by the yard and ftables of the fame.
Immediately oppofite the Vicarage gates are the five dwellings of God-
dard's Charity (see " The Parochial Charities"). Originally left to the
churchwardens for the ufe of the poor, in a.d. 1574, they would feem to
have undergone comparatively little alteration, although they were formerly
thatched and plaiftered, &c., from time to time, at the expenfe of the
parifh. Unfortunately there is now no fund available for keeping them
in repair. The end houfe neareft the road was for many years appro-
priated to the ufe of the fexton.
Adjoining the Vicarage is the houfe now called the Parso7tage,
but formerly the Almonry or Aumbry. This houfe ftands on, and forms
part of the Reftorial property which once belonged to the Priory of
Chrift Church, being appropriated to the ufe of the Almonry. After
the Reformation it formed part of the endowments of the Dean and
Chapter of Canterbury, but it is now in the hands of the Ecclefiaftical
Commiftioners.
The great tythes of the pariihes of Eaftry and V^orth, which belong
to the Reftory of Eaftry, were formerly let, as well as the lands, to cer-
tain lelTees. Now, however, the Ecclefiaftical Commifiioners keep thefe in
their own hands, but let the lands. The lands belonging to the Redtory, or
as it is com.monly called " Parfonage," confift of 52a, 2r. 33p. of glebe in
Eaftry ; 1 5a. 3r. op. In Tilmanftone ; oa. 2r. 24p. in Worth ; in all
69a. or. lyp. To this Parfonage belongs a fmall manor called the Manor
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 49
of the Priory or Almonry, which receives quitrents from the houfes and
land in the ftreet, contained within Eaftry Street and Church Street, reaching
down almofl to Little Walton. It receives alfo from the houfes built on the
wafte in Reaper's Row or (as that part of the ftreet is now more commonly
called on each fide of the way), the Fair Field, and from a trifling quan-
tity of land at or near Brook Street. The receipts of the whole are very
inconfiderable, as will be feen from the following rentals of 1573 and
1633, which I here extrad: from the Botel. MSS., on account of the
information they give refpedling the inhabitants of Eaftry in thofe days.
" A Rentall conteyningas well the Rents of dyvers Teniits, Lands, be-
longing to the Awmery or Parfonageof Eftrie, knowledged by the Teniits
there in fundry Corts tempore nuper Regis H. viii" and laftlie in cur :
tent: ultimo die Septembris anno xxx""" ejufdem nuper Regis As alfo a
Terror [Terrier] of all the Glebe lands belonging or aperteyning to the
faid pfonage with the Rents as well in money as in Corne toguether with
the Renouacions of their names ever as the fame is now anfwered and
paid to me Willus Partheriche ffermor there hoc anno regni Elizabeth
-j^yino g^ anno 1573, viz. :
" Rents of the teniits belonging to the faid Awmerie." The abbre-
viated fubftance of which is as follows : —
£ ^. d.
The poor houfe Chryftian Goddarde widow holds a Tenement &
Garden, late her father Thomas Parkers, lying
in the Street over ag^' the Vicarage at the pay-
ment yearly of 12
Same Chryftian holds likewife a piece of land in
Walton containing one rood two perches late y^
faid Thos. Parkers at i ^ 2
Same Chryftian holds likewife a garden contain-
ing 16 perches at ii
H
50
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
nowe Rich. Auften Heires of James Parker hold a Meffuage, Gar-
Rich. Lawrance den & Dove houfe late J"°. Parkers lying over
farmer againft the Parfonage Gate Henry Vincent
farmer at
nowe Rich HufFam Edmonde Baker — a tenement w*'' a garden con-
tain^ 21 perches late J"°. Whitfields in the
high Street
Will"" Friende— a Kitchen w'^ half a ftable
cont^ 8 perches being parcell of the Lords
tenement at the corner houfe leading from the
Crofs to the Churchwardes
nowe John Robins Roger Church's widow — a crofte cont^ 5 roods ;
to a clofe belonging to the Awmery Eaft, to the
Highway weft
Said widow likewife for two acres in Walton
Pyfmg — holds two tenements \^
w'*" their gardens cont^ 35 Perches in right of
nowe John Whitfeild ,
his wife Thos. Whitfeilds widow
Said
Pyfing likewife for \ an
Now W"" Parromor
acre in Walton i
Said .... Pyfing likewife for 3
Roods in Walton 5
Said .... Pyfing likewife for a gar-
den containing i Rood & 14 Perches
called Howtings 17
William Parromor — a tenem^ & garden plotte
late Silvefter Goulds in the Street leading to
the Church
John Harrys in right of his wife the widow
of Jn°. Paramor, pays for a tenem' w''' a
garden cont^ \ an acre 14 perches wherein the
faid John dwelt alfo one acre in Walton, alfo
an \ acre late Silvefter Gold's, alfo a garden
there containing 10 perches
Saufferaie Parromor pays for a tenement and gar-
den contain*^ 22 perches late W"". Stones &
211
I 2
3 4
2
2 9
I 61
4 94
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
51
John Arrowes lying in the high Sreet adjoin-
ing to a tenem' in the occupation of Tho%
Friend being Rob'. Paramors
Now Thol Frynd Roger Frende holds a Tenem' and a garden con-
tain^ 23 perches which is now a Stable & lies
over againft his houfe in the High Street, & w*^^
he lately bought of Rob*. Frende formerly one
Fydyans
Almery Manerm
in Eaftry
Thos. Horffield
Rich"*. Stacy
Jn°. Kite
Abraham Stuppel
Morris
Total of the Rents
Stephen Thomfon Tenem' & garden in Eaftry
Heirs of Andrew Whitfeild, Tenem* & garden
at the lower end of Eaftry Street
Thomas Freind Tenem' & garden at y^ fame place
2I
I 7
" A Rentell made y^ 20'^* day of Auguft 1633 of all the
Quittrents of money due to the faid Mannor yeerly."
s. d.
Imprimis Mich\ Auften Houfe & garden in
Eaftry Street 2 2
Heirs of W"". Friend late Gilbert Wright for a
houfe & garden on the Eaftfide of Eaftry
Street i 2
Heirs of M". Hammon for the butchers fhop in
Eaftry 6
Thos. Huffam for the Bull in Eaftry i 2
Heirs of Arnold modo Mr. Nicolls for a Houfe
& certain Lands in Brook Street in Eaftry 3 4
Heirs of Roger Church modo Mr. Parbo for an
acre of land in Eaftry called the Play clofe
Jofua Parromer Tenem' & garden oppoftte the
Smiths forge
Jofua Parromer nuper Thom^ Berry jure uxoris
ejus for another Tenem' & garden at the same
place
4
3
3
7i
Sum
14 5i
52 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
After much inquiry I can learn little or nothing about the payment of
thefe quit rents in modern times, and they would feem to have lapfed,
owing probably to their very fmall amount.
The prefent Parfonage, which is a clean and comfortable looking, red
brick houfe was built in a.d. 1825, on much the fame iite as the old
houfe, defcribed by Mr. Boteler in the following terms : " The Parfonage
Houfe is large and ancient. In it, as well as in Eaftry Court, is a Ipacious
Hall. In the old Parlour window, now a lumber-room, is a fliield of
arms in painted glals, containing Parthericke impaling Quarterly ift and
4th Gu. within a border fa. fpotted with Bezants a demy Lion argent,
for the family of Line according to Harris — 2nd and 3rd Ar. 3 Mullets
fable, for Hamerton." In a.d. 1573 Wm. Parthericke farmed the Aumbry
lands and lived In the houfe. He defcribes himfelf, as we have feen, as
Willus Parthericke ffermor there. From the parlfh regiilers It appears that
he buried his wife Alice In a.d. i 570 ; but he must have married in no
long time after, as a fon Edward was born to him In a.d. 1573. The
feveral tenants of the parfonage, after Parthericke, would feem to
have belonged to the families here named In fucceffion. Argent — Denne
— Fuller — Rammell — George — Singleton. The prefent tenant is Mr.
George Terry.
Proceding onwards a few fteps we reach the Church, which will be
more particularly defcribed hereafter. And now, leaving the Church on
oar right hand, and the Schools at fome little diftance on our left, we enter
the gates of Eastry Court, once the ancient feat of the Kings of Kent,
the fcene of the murder of the young princes Ethelbert and Etheldred,
the favourite refort of Archbidiop Becket, and his hiding place for fome
days after his flight from Northampton, and now a large farm belonging
to the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, who, on the refettlement of
ME MORI A LS OF EASTRY. 53
their eftates by the Ecclefiastlcal CommifTioners in a.d. 1868, chofe to
keep this in their own hands. The lands formerly attached to the Court
conlifted of 587a. or. 29p., which were all in Eaftry, excepting fome
27J acres in Worth. At prefent, however, there are only 416a. ir. igp.
attached to the Court, the reft having been fold. About 21 acres of this
are paflure and brook, the reft arable.
The houfe, which is large, and probably at one time covered the three
fides of a fquare, flill gives evidence of great antiquity, although from time
to time it has undoubtedly undergone much repair and great alterations.
Mr. Boteler fays that in his time could be feen ** in the fouth wall the
letters T.A.N, in flint in large capitals — the initials of Thomas and Ann
Nevinfon.'* Mr. Ifaac Bargrave new fronted the houfe, and his fon, alio
named Isaac (who was born in 1721, bredto theprofeffion of the law and
pracftifed for fome years in London with conflderable fuccefs), put the
whole in complete repair about the year a.d. 1786. In doing this he
pulled down a confiderable part of the ancient building, confifting of ftone
walls of confiderable ftrength and thicknefs, and brought to light fome
ancient Gothic doorways of ftone.
The chapel, mentioned by Philipott, and which had been reftored by
Henry de Eajiria when Prior, is at the eafl end of the houfe, and for
many years paft has been ufed as a kitchen. The eaft window confifting
of three compartments, may flill be traced, although the fpaces between
the mullions are bricked up, and the whole is overgrown with creepers.
At the north-weft angle of the houfe, juft under the roof, there is a fmall
chamber wholly dark, there being no window in it, although there is an
ample fireplace. The approach to it is fomewhat intricate, and were the
entrance once clofed, as might eafily be done, the exiflence of the chamber
54 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
would not even be fulped:ed. It is not unlikely that this fecret chamber
may have been ufed as a hiding place in former times, perhaps during the
Civil Wars ; iince it does not appear to be fufficiently old to have formed
Becket's place of concealment. In the cellar there is a fubterranean paffage,
fuppofed (and with every probability) to lead to the Church. This,
however, has been bricked up for fome years, as it was confidered danger-
ous. George Gardner, Efqre., the prefent tenant, has thoroughly repaired
and confiderably improved the houfe, buildings, and garden, which laft
he has laid out with much tafle and fkill. From the garden a doorway
leads into the churchyard, whence the inhabitants of the Court formerly
gained access to the Church by the north door, now clofed up. The
fucceffive leiTees of Eaflry Court, from the 34th year of Henry viii.,
when CJunflopher Nevi7ifony LL.D.,* was leflee, have belonged to the
families of: —
Nevinfon till a.d. 16 17 — Palmer in a.d. 1641 — Bargrave from a.d.
1647 ^^ ^•^* ^^°5 — Bridger till A.D. 1859. —
The Nevinfons, originally of Bridgend;\ in Wetherell, co. Cztmberland,
refided for many years at Eajiry Court, and many of them lie buried in
the Church. They bore for their arms. Argent, a chevroft between 3 eagles
dif played azure. . ; ,
The Bargraves who, for more than 150 years, lived at EaJlry Court,
were originally of Bridge, and afterwards of Patrixbourne. Their ancef-
■tor, Dr. If aac Bargrave, Dean oi Canterbury (a.d. 1625 — ^'^' ^643),
was the younger brother of John Bargrave who built Bifrons. Their
arms were — Or, on a pale gules a /word, the blade argent pomelled or, on a
* Sec Hajled, vol. iv., p. 217, note k.
■\ Hajled, vol. iv., p. 217, note k, where he gives much information refpe6ling the
families of Nevinfo7i and Bargrave. For Arms and Pedigree of the Bargraves see also
ArcJi. Cant., vol. iv., p. 252,
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 55
chief vert 3 bezants. A Court Leet and Court Baron are fuppofed to be
held every year for the Manor of Eajlry Court, which claims over the
greater portion of the Parifh of Eaftry, part of the Parifhes of Word,
Ripple, and Ewell, a great quantity of land in the Borough of Ged-
dinge in the Parifh of Wotton ; the Borough of Barnfole in the
Pariih of Staple ; the Borough of Craythorne in the Parifh of Til-
manflone ; the Denne of Toppenden in the Parifh of Witterfham ; the
Denne of Bromeland in the Parifh of Stone ; the Dennes of Sarrenden and of
Great Walkherfl, in the Parifh of Benenden ; and the Dennes of Little Hen-
fell, of Pipifden, of Foxhole, and of Congeherft, all in the Parifh of Havv^k-
herfl. The value of the quit rents, or rents of afTize, paid to the lords of the
Manor in a.d. 1693, amounted to ^56 i8s. (^\d. At the end of a rental
made in that year by John Coppin, gent., fteward of the manor, and fworn
by the homage then and there prefent, viz., William Drayfon, Benj. Kite,
William ffalkner, John Blowne, Michael Auften, Richard Woodw^arr,
Thomas Elgar, Thomas Pettit, and Thomas Stace,'"' occurs the following ;
" Memorand that uppon the death of every Tenant there is due by the
cuftome of this Mannor to the Lords for a Releife the moytie of their
quittrents. And uppon every alienacon of lands holden of this Mannor
whereby an eftate of freehold palTeth there is due to the Lords the moytie
of the quittrent of the lands foe aliened in the name of a releife. John
Coppin, Steward."t
The Manor Pound is fituated at the end of the Eaftry Court barns and
flables, just oppofite the Schools, and on the right hand of Church Lane,
as you go down towards the ftreet.
But let us now retrace our fleps as far as the Crofs, and turn down
Brook Street, which is the fheepeft hill in Eaftry, and prelents a very
* Botel. MSS., vol. A., p. 200. f Boiet. MSS., vol., A, p. 214.
58 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
paiTed to Morgan Lodge, Gent., who, in a.d. 1695, demifed it to Richard
Knight. In a.d. 171 6 Knight fold the property to Thomas Ftdler, gent.,
who built the prefent houfe and relided there himfelf. On his death it
came into the poffeffion of his daughter Mary, a iingle lady, who, dying
in A.D. 1783, bequeathed it by will to her nephews Thomas and Edward
Rammell. But Edward Rammell, dying in a.d. 1785, his brother Thomas
became the fole poffefTor. He enlarged the houfe, and refided there for
fome years. Upon his death the property came to his fifter Elizabeth
Rammell, the founder of the Charity of that name ftill exifling in the
parifh. She was an intelligent, but fomewhat eccentric person. On one
occafion, during her occupancy of the Lynch, the houle was broken into by
burglars, who would feem to have carefully laid their plans before hand.
Towards the morning of a dark and windy night, they rode into Eajlry,
and difmounting near the top of the Lynch Bank, faftened their horfes to
the trees. Thence they proceeded on foot to the houfe, where they found
Mrs. Rammell, who always fat up late, in the ad of clofing the fhutters
of the lower room before retiring to reft. The fervants, it mufl; be men-
tioned, were fleeping in a detached portion of the houfe, beyond the
reach of any alarm. Anticipating Mrs. Rammell's intention of putting
down the bar, they ran a pike through the window and fo prevented it,
at the fame time flightly wounding her on the arm. She raifed no alarm,
and the thieves at once effedted an entrance. Setting a guard over her, they
ranfacked the houfe, and difcovered a considerable fum of money, which
they carried off, together with a quantity of valuable plate. Some of the
plate the robbers brought back before they ftarted with their plunder, and
other articles were found on the Lynch Bank. A large black cheft contain-
ing crowbars, maiks, &c., was feen next morning floating in Btitfole pond,
and this the robbers mufl: have been obliged to leave behind them, probably
on account of its being too great a weight for their horfes. They were
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 59
tracked acrofs the country to Maidftone, the purfuers being aided in dif-
tinguifhing the tracks by finding that one of the robbers' horfes had on a flioe
of pecuHar fhape. The robbers were eventually fecured, and one of them
named Webb was even hung for the part he had taken in robbing the Lynch.
The Lynch is now the property of the Boteler family, and is in the
occupation of Mrs. Chas. Turner.
Faffing the feveral cottages at Pttddle-dock and Farthmg-gatcy and afcend-
ing the hill, we come to Little Hay^ a fmall farm of about 20 acres,
formerly the property of a family named Auften. John and Robert
Auften fold the eftate to Lewis, Lord Rockingham, from whom it
defcended to the Earl of Guilford, who, by his will dated 1779, directed it
to be fold. In 1802 R, Tournay Bargrave, Efqre., purchaled the property,
but fold it again in 1809 to Mr. Richard Halford, Junr. — thence it pafTed
to Mr. Solomon Wood in 18 17 — then to Mrs. Anna Hills, who, in 1851,
fold the property to W. Boteler, Efqre.
Proceeding onwards from Little Hay, we ibon reach the ftone which
marks the boundary of our parifh in this dire(flion, whence a green way
runs to Updown, where theboundary of the pariihpalTes through the porch
of Updown Houfe, the refidence of W. H. James, Efqre., J. P.
And now turning to the left, along the road leading to Ham and Word,
2l few fteps bring us to Great Hay, a farm containing about 80 acres,
once the property of Robert Marjh, and then, in a.d. 1693, of Richard
May, Gent. In a.d. 1722 the heirs of Richard May alienated it to Mrs.
Ann Payne, who brought it in marriage to Dowdefwell, of
Londofi, and furviving him, left it by will to her nt^h^vf Edward Stratton,
Q>i London, Efqre., whofe widow afterwards married J ohn Brickendeii, M.D.,
Efqre., one of the phyficians to the Wejlminjler Infirmary. Mrs. Sarah
Brickenden, after the death of her hufband, fold the eftate, which fhortly
afterwards came into the pofifeffion of the Boteler family.
6o MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Once more let us retrace our fteps to the Crofs. Here, on the left
hand of the road leading to Butfole, has ftood for many generations an
inn called " The Five Bells^ The following is a lift of " mine hofts "
from the year 1693 : —
1693, Michael Sampfon.
1707, John Cock.
1733, William Vidgeon.
1769, Daniel Vidgeon.
1 77 1, William Pittock, Junr.
1 806, Widow Pittock.
1822, John Wilfon.
Widow Wilfon.
1 848, Edward Fagg.
1853, Jof^ph Silver.
1856, Elias Culver.
1866, George Foord.
Further down the ftreet, on the oppolite fide of the way, there was
formerly a fmall farm, once the property of the Idley family. At the
beginning of this century it formed part of the polTeffions of Mrs.
EHzabeth Rammell, of the Lynch, and is now the property of Mrs.
Benjamin Moat, widow. The houfe, which is old and fubftantial-looking,
is now in three cottages — of the land fome has been fold, and fome is
cultivated as gardens.
Adjoining this property on the fame fide of the way is the Fairfield,
where, fince a.d. 1450, there has been held annually on S. Matthew's
Day (fince the change of ftyle it has been held on Old S. Matthew's Day)
a ftatute fair. The chief bufinefs done at this fair is now in cattle and
articles of pedlery. Oppofite the Fairfield is the meeting-houfe called
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 6i
"Zion Chapel," eredied in 1824; ^^^ ^ little lower down we come to
Southbank, a neat cottage refidence, ftanding in a pretty little garden
and fhrubbery, and commanding a very plealing view towards Betteihanger
and Updown. It forms part of the Bolder property, and is now in the
occupation of Mrs. Voules. At the bottom of the hill, pad the turn-
pike, we come to Butfole Pond, a large pond formerly on the left
hand of the road, but altered to its prefent polition during the con-
ftrudlion of the Dover, WalderJJiare, and Sandwich turnpike road. It
derives its name of BiUfole, firft from the circumftance that in the
days of archery, when every Englifh man and boy was expedted to be
expert in the ufe of the bow, the archery btUts were eredted near this
fpot, on a portion of land now belonging to the Boteler property and
ftill called the Butts ; and, fecondly, from an old Eaftry family named
Sole (mentioned by Hajled, vol. iv., p. 224, note s^. Or may it have
been Bulls hole, the hole or pit near the butts ? I leave this for the
folution of my readers.
Turning to the right along the valley we come to Wendejtone,
Wenjlone, or Wen/on, a hamlet of two houfes, one of which is a fmall
farm of about 50 acres, formerly belonging to one Nicholas Freejhy,
afterwards to the Rammell family, then to the Petmans — now Henniker.
Afcending the hill, and croffing the down, we come to Shrinkling,
commonly called Shinglelon, a farm conlifting of about 237 acres
in Eajlry, and 200 in Nomiiiigton ; great part of it being very light
and chalky land. It is in the Borough of Harnden, and from the
moll remote times it has always accompanied the Knowllon eftate. In
Shinglelon wood, near the fouth eaft corner, were formerly to be traced
the foundations of the chapel referred to in the Endowment of the
Vicarage of Eaftry (fee " Appendix'). Mr. Boteler thus writes of it in April,
62 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
A.D. 1784: — "Upon a diligent fearch I have difcovered the foundation of
the Chapel of Shryngelyn gg juft within the wood It ftands
eaft and weft, is in length withinlide 38 feet— in breadth 19 feet, walls
uniformly 2 feet in thicknefs." " Upon clearing away the earth the plaf-
tering withinfide is ftill to be feen. The building was of the fame fize
throughout without any diftindlion of Nave or Chancel." Thefe foun-
dations of the chapel are now grown over with grafs, and no trace of
them is to be feen ; but numerous wells — indicating the exiftence of a
conliderable hamlet here in days gone by — have, from time to time, been
difcovered in the wood. The Chapel of Shrinkling had fallen into decay
previous to the diifolution of the Priory of C/irifi Church {temp. Hen. viii.)
Probably on the lands becoming attached to the Knowlton eftate, the
Chapel was difufed by the Lords of the Manor of Knowlton^ as having
their own parifh church clofe at hand. Shingleton farm, on which is the
Wood called Pilholty is now the property of Admiral D'Aeth, of Knowlton
Court, and is in the occupation of Mr. William Wil/on, farmer.
About a mile northward from Shingleton is the diftridt now commonly
called Harndeitf or Hernden, but anciently written Hardenden, or
Heronden. Concerning the name^ Mr. Boteler fays, — " I cannot find any
authority for Philipotts naming this place Heronden. That this hamlet,
as in other places, gave a furname to the principal family reliding there, and
that the Boteler family became pofTeifed of it by marriage with the female
heir of that name, is exceedingly probable : but I have never, in writings
of any antiquity, met with it written Heronden, but constantly Harden-
den, Hardindenne, &c." {MS. C. pp. 157, 158.) Neverthelefs, would not
the arms of this family. Argent a herojt with one talon ereSl, g^^p^i^S f^
breath fable, feem to have fome reference to the name Heronden ? Hajled
fays that one of this family lies buried in the Church, near the Chancel,
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. ^z
and that In the time of Robert Glover^ Somerfet Herald, his portrait and
coat of arms in brafs remained fixed to his tombftone. This monument,
it is believed, ftill remains near the chancel, viz., towards the fouth end of
the crofs aifle, and nearly in the Chapel of S. John Baptiji. The brafs,
however, has long fince difappeared. The diftridl of Heronden, containing
fome 330 acres, is in the upper half hundred of Eajlry, and pays quitrent
to the Manor of AdiJJiam. It now confifts of three farms, the Upper,
Middle, and Lower.
This property anciently belonged to the family of the fame name ; and
fo far back as a.d. 1228, we find one i?<?(5^r/2^^ de Hardindene owning
land here. From the Hardindens the eftate pafi"ed, probably by marriage, to
the Botelers ; who, however, did not acquire it all at one time, but would
appear to have added to the original eftate by feveral fmall purchafes, until
at length the whole diflrid: of Heronden belonged to their family. For
an account of the Botelers fee Brook Houfe, where I have fpoken of them
more at length. It continued with the Botelersiox many generations, until
j^onathan Boteler, the eldefi: fon of Richard Boteler, dying unmarried in
A.D. 1626, the whole property came to his only furviving brother Thomas
Boteler, of Rowling, who upon this removed to Heronden, and in no long
time after fold that part of the eftate now called the Middle Far77t to
Henry Pa^mell, from whom it came into the pofi^efiion of the family of
Reynolds, who, about the middle of the laft century, fold it to John Dekewer,
of Hackney, Efqre., whence to Frampton — now Mr. Stephe7i Clark, yeo-
man. It confifts of about 1 1 6 acres, and is now in the occupation of the
prefent proprietor.
Another part of the ancient Heronden eftate, now called the Lower
Farm, after being heavily mortgaged, was fold by Thomas Boteler to .
. . . Capell, from whom it pafi^ed into the family of John/on^ In
64 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
A.D. 1693, It was in the polTeffion of TJwmas yoknfon, Gent. Daniel
Kelley (eldefl: fon of John Kelley, who bought the Upper Farm, of whom
hereafter) purchafed this farm of Edward John/on^ and by will, dated 1 1
Sept., 1724, bequeathed it to his fecond fon Richard^ who, dying in
1768, the property came to his two fons Richard and William. William
died at Harnden, and was buried in Eaftry Church ; Richard died at Can-
terbury, and was buried at S. Stephen's, near Canterbury. He left this
property, together with his other eftates, to his widow, on whofe death it
came to their only child, Elizabeth ClarilTa Kelley (now Croafdill).
The Kelley s appear to have been a relpedlable old family originally de-
fcended from the IriJJi family of O' Kelley. They have monuments in
the Churches of Eaftry :, S. Mary's Sandwich, and S. Lawrence ; and in
Southwell and York Minfters there were formerly memorials of this
family in the windows. They bore for their arms : Argent two lions ram-
pant combatant gules :, holding in their paws a caftle in chief vert.
The remaining portion of the Heronden eftate, — now in the occupa-
tion of Mrs. Grimaldi, and commonly called Harnden, or Hernden
Honfe, — confifting of about 106 acres, remained in the poiTeffion of
Thomas Boteler above-mentioned until the time of his death in 1650. But
being, by his will, directed to be fold for the purpofe of making a provi-
fion for his wife Johan (Joan), and five furviving children, it was accord-
ingly conveyed, in 1657, to John Kelley, of Afti. In 1669 John Kelley
bequeathed the eftate to his fon Daniel, after charging it with ^40 per
annum to his eldeft fon John, and ^20 per annum to his fecond fon Jeremy.
Daniel Kelley died pofTefted of it in 1733, and by his laft will bequeathed
it to his eldeft fon Daniel, who, dying in 1751, left the property to his fon
William, who, in 1766, pulled down the ancient manfion and eredtedthe
pre fen t handfome houfe, after the defign of Weftgate Houfe, Canter-
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 65
bury, on much the fame fite, and a few years after, viz., in 1784, alienated
it to Jolm Harvey^ Efq., Captain in the Navy, v^^ho occafionally refided.
at it, and vv^ho, dying June 30th, of the wounds he received in an engage-
ment with the French fleet, on ift June, was buried in this church, July
5th, A.D. 1794.
Captain Harvey was of that ancient family which, as early as Edward
IV.'s reign, were pofl^efTed of the Manor of Barfield^ now Great and
Little Barville in the parifh of Tilmanjione, and which has given fo many
of its fons to the fervice of our country. The family were afterwards of
Eytkorne, then of Dane Court, in Tibnanjione, and afterwards of Barfrejlon.
" Capt. John Harvey ^^ fays Hafted, " was born at Elmingtony in the
neighbouring Parifli of Ey thorite in 1741 ; his iingular courage and
attention to his duty marked his condudl throughout life, and never fhone
more conlpicuous than in the memorable engagement of June i, above-
mentioned, in which, being commander of the Brun/wick, of 74 guns,
he fuftained the fire of three French line-of-battle fhips, and defl:rud:ion
feemed to menace him on every fide ; but in this terrible conflict, by his
intrepid bravery his fliip fingly funk one fuperior in force, and left two
others abfolute wrecks upon the water ; which individual condu(5l may
truly be admitted to have contributed very materially to that vid:ory,
upon which the fate of his country in a great meafure depended, and will
ever render his memory dear to it." By Capt. Harvey's will the Harnden
eflate was devifed to his wife Judith for her life, with remainder to his
eldeft fon Henry Wife Harvey, from whom a portion of it has defcended
regularly to his great grandfon John James Harvey, Efqre., J. P.
The Harveys bear for their arms, Argent, on a chevron gules, three
ere/cents or, betweeii three lion's gambs era/ed fable, armed of thefecond.
Referring again to the eftate of Harnden, Mr. Boteler fays : — '' In
K
66 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
1289 I find a part of Harnden lands were called Woghope. Richard de
Woghope was then the principal pofieffor — perhaps this family by extend-
ing its pofTefiions, might aflume the general name of Harden den.
Woghope, I think, I have fince feen written Woodhope. Lands in the
fouth part of Harnden Bottom are called Woodhope now." In the lafl:
century there was found in thefe grounds, ftuck on the tooth of a harrow,
a gold fignet ring, which weighs 1 9 pennyweights, and has the Boteler
arms, and the motto do not for to reperit engraven upon it. This is ftill
in the pofieffion of the family, who have been kind enough to fhow it
me.
And now proceeding about a mile northwards acrois the fields we
come to Selvejloney Seljlone, or as it is now called Selfon. This diftridt
contains Upper Selfon, Lower Selfon, Wells, and Gore, all in the Manor of
Adifham. Upper Selfon, confifting of about no acres, all in Eaftry
parifh, formerly belonged to the family of Harflete, from whom it was
purchafed by Mr. Richard Harvey, of Wefl Studdall, who refided here
and died pofi^efTed of it a.d. 1675. His fon Thomas refided here like-
wife, and dying pofi"efi"ed of it, a.d. 1696, bequeathed it to his fon Robert
Harvey, who, in a.d. 1733, fold it to Sir Robert Furnefe, Bart., from whom
it has defcended with the other eftates, and is now the property of the
Earl of Gtiilford, and in the occupation of Mr. Belfey, farmer.
Lower Selfon confifts of two farms, one of which, containing about
70 acres, was formerly in the pofi^fiion of the Whitfields, a family of
yeomen of property in this neighbourhood, from whom it came into the
Manwood family, then to that of Hardres. Thence it pafi^ed to . . .
Laflett, who in turn fold it to W. F. Woollaflon, Efqre, the prefent pro-
prietor.
The other farm, containing about 60 acres, was for many generations
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 67
in the pofTeflion of the family of Philpot. It is now the property of Mr.
Beal, yeoman, who refides there.
Wells, a farm of about 70 acres, was formerly the property of the
Friends and Whitfields, from whom it pafTed to the Terrys — then Gibbs.
This alfo is now the property of W. F. Woolla/lon, Efqre.
Gore, 2. fmall farm conlifting of a meffuage and 21 acres, belonged, in
1 576, to the family of Ower. In a.d. 1594 Richard Ower fettled it on his fon
Boys Ower, whoby will, in 1623, bequeathed it to his three fons, Edward,
Matthew, 2Xid. Thomas. Edward 2Xid Matthew, \}[ietyNQ)iMrv\VQ)X^,m. 1641,
conveyed the premifes to Richard Harvey, of Selfon, gent., whofe grandfon
Robert, with others of the family, conveyed it in 1735, to John Par amor,
Junr., of Sandwich, and afterwards of Statenborough, gent., from whom it
pafTed to Wm. Boys, Efqre. It now forms part of the Statenborough
eftate.
The large farm at Gore, now called Gore Farm, formerly belonged to
Thos, Friend. The houfe was built in the lafl century. This is now the
property of Mr. George Terry, of the Parfonage.
And now, retracing our fteps to the High Street, we come into
Woodnejborough Lane, where, in the garden of John Foord, bricklayer,
there is the entrance to a moft ingenioully conflruded Cavern or grotto,
dug out of the chalk by the father of the prefent Foord, and containing
numerous pafTages, cells, and other ramifications, which extend for a con-
fiderable diftance under the adjoining lands. It is fometimes lighted up
with candles on the Fairday, or fome other like occafion, when it prefents
a very fairy-like appearance. It is really well worth a vifit.
The Union Workhoufe, of which I have as yet made no mention,
ftands in Mill Lane. It was originally erected in a.d. 1794, for the
united Parifhes oi Eaftry, Northbour7ie,Shepherdfwelh Tilmanjlone, Coldrcd,
68 MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY.
Lyddetty Walder^tarCy Knowlto7iy BetteJImnger, Swingfieldy Denton^ Wootton^
and Chillenden {Ha/ted.^ vol. iv. p. 224). The prefent Union was built in
I 835-6, on the fyftem known as Sir Francis Head's, and was iiril occupied
in 1836. The following 31 parifhes arethofe now included in the Union,
viz. : — AJ/i, Barfrejlone, BetteJJiangery Chillenden, Deal, Eajlry, Elmjlone,
Eythorne, Goodnejlone, Ha7n, Know lion. Great Mongeham, Little Monge-
ham, Nonington, Northbourne, Prejlon, Ripple, S. Bartholomew S, Cle-
ment S. Mary and S. Peter, Sandwich, Sholden, Staple, Stourmonth, Sutton,
Tilmanjione, Walderjliare, Walmer, Wingham, Woodnejborough, and Worth.
The following are the names of thofe who have filled the office of Mafter
of the Workhoufe up to the prefent date, viz. : — MefTrs. Watts, Lafflet,
King, Walker, Fijlier, Rigden, and Hetherington, The ufual number of
inmates is from about 250 to 300 ; but there are now more than 400.
On the oppofite fide of the road flands the Wefleyan Methodifl Chapel,
ere(fled in 1821, and clofe adjoining are the fix cottages of the
Greville's Charity, of which a more particular account, as well of the
pafi: and prefent occupants, as of the original foundation, will be found
under " The Parochial Charities ^
At the corner of Mill Lane, jufi: where you come once more to
the Crofs, flands the houfe and buildings of the Crofs Farm. This
belonged for many generations to the Botelersoi Hardenden. In a.d.
1630 Thomas Boteler, Gent., fold the premifes, confifting of a mefiiiage
and about 50 acres, to James Franklyjt, of Maid/lone, Gent., and ArtJmr
Franklyn, of Badlefmere, Gent., who, in 1638, conveyed it to Richard
Maj^JIt, of Maidjlone, Gent., who, in 1654, conveyed it to Thomas Kite, of
Dover, mariner, in whole family it remained for many generations, until
it was at length repurchafed by the Boteler family.
There is alfo added to this another fmall farm, the houfe of which is now
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 69
pulled down, which was acquired by the faid Thomas Kite, of Eaftry
aforefaid, in the year 1680, pafTed with the reft of the property to his
defcendants, and at length came into the pofTeffion of the Botelers in the
year 1837. The Crofs Farm now contains about 74 acres, and is in the
occupation of Baker , farmer.
And now let us retrace our fteps as far as the turnpike on the Sandwich
Road, and turn down the lane which leads to Felderland (commonly
called Fenderland) and Worth.
A little diftance along this road, on the left fide of the way,
we come to a comfortable-looking old-fafhioned houfe, with high-
walled garden, and a few acres of land attached to it. This was formerly the
property of the Philpot family — then it came to the Dares. On the death
of Mrs. Dare, Felderland was purchafed by Mr. Henry Mat/on, of Sand-
wich, banker, who added about 8 acres of land to it ; and, on his death in
1 8 1 5, it was fold to Mr. John Hoik, of Sandwich, brewer, who even-
tually conveyed the property to Mr. John Harnett, the prefent owner and
occupier, in the year 1850. There are now about 1 1 acres of land be-
longing to Felderland.
So in and out, and round about.
Through mead and cop/e, by park and pale,
P aft grange and hall, andftede and mote.
By bank and dykcy o'er hill and dale,
On foot, on horfe, they take their courfe.
Until the day begins to fail.—Y^ Pilgrimage.
€^c Cj^urc]^, Bommical Circle,
CHAP. III.
" T/tis is none other but the Houfe of God, and this is the Gate of Heaven!^
Gen. xxviii. 17.
THE CHURCH, which is fituated in a fomewhat commanding
pofition on rifing ground, is dedicated to S. Mary the B. Virgin.
It confifts of a fine Chancel, a Nave with north and fouth aifles, a fbuth
Porch, and weft Tower, with the aifles prolonged on either fide of it.
The Tower and weft doorway would appear to be the moft ancient por-
tions of the prefent church : for that there have been a fucceflion of
churches on the fame fite admits of little doubt. The earlieft of thefe
was probably built by one of the Saxon kings of Kent, whilft as yet
their palace was at Eaftry Court. Thus we may fairly claim for our
Church a royal foundation.
From the narrow zigzag moulding round the femicircular arch of the
weft door, and certain diaper patterns cut in the ftones of the tympanum of
the fame doorway, as well as from the folid piers which fupport the tower
ar^li^ we may judge the lower part of the tower to date from the end of
the Xlth or beginning of the Xllth century.
''?'W!w»ii;^ai;5'''?5??
Interior of Eastry Clnn'ch
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 71
The ground outlide the weft door has been flightly raifed in recent
times, and you now defcend into the tower by five ftone fteps. The
extenfion of the fouth aifle, which is now curtained off and ufed as a
veftry, is only acceffible from the tower : the former entrance into it from
the fouth aifle being blocked up by a huge buttrefs, which the fettlement
of the fouth piers of the tower rendered neceffary for the fafety of this
portion of the church. Mr. White fuggefts that " this fettlement may
have been caufed, and the buttrefs required, by the breaking through of
the arch for this extenfion ;" but Mr. W. S. Walford thinks that the
extenfion was added to hide the buttrefs. The correfponding extenfion
of the north aifle is of later date, and formerly had a floor dividing it
into two ftories, the upper one being ufed as a Parvife or Prieft's Cham-
ber. Mr. White thinks the fouth extenfion may have been added as a Bap-
tiftery, and the north as a Galilee with a Parvife over it. The organ now
ftands in this north extenfion ; as alfo a fhort flight of wooden fteps
giving accefs to the tower ftaircafe at the northeaft exterior angle of that
ftru(5lure. This door of the tower ftaircafe was evidently at one time
outfide the church. At the northeaft interior angle of the tower this
ftaircafe projedls into the church, and above the arches it is carried acrofs
the angle upon a deeply receffed arch and corbel table, with very intereft-
ing detail.
South of the organ ftands the font, new in 1869. It confifts of a
bowl of Caen ftone carved, fupported by four pillars of red granite placed
at the corners, with a central fhaft of light grey Purbeck.
The Nave, with its clereftory, is of the early Englifh period, and is
divided from the aifles by " an arcade of fix." The four pillars on either
fide are circular with moulded capitals, one only excepted, viz., the fecond
pillar from the weft on the fouth fide, which is odagonal, probably
72 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
dating from the early part of the XlVth century. On the fouthweft
face of this pillar, immediately below the moulding of the capital, is the
dominical circle defcribed hereafter.
Above the arcades are five clereftory windows, with rounded trefoil
heads, placed over the fpandrils of the arches : thofe on the fouth fide
being filled with modern " quarry " glafs. The lower and fide windows
of the nave, which are in three lights, with pointed trefoil heads, each
window being under a femicircular arch, are all of the late Decorated
period, with the exception of the two moft wefterly ones in the north
aifle, which are Perpendicular. Many of thefe windows are filled with
modern fiiained glafs, and the difi^erent dates at which they have been put
in will be found in the Appe?idix. The eafi: end of the fouth aifle was
formerly a chapel with its own feparate altar dedicated to S. John the
Baptifi: ; and its pifcina fiill remains, although the ftone fhelf within it,
which ferved for a credence, has difappeared. At prefent the pulpit and
prayer-defl<: form a " two-decker " on the fouth fide of the chancel arch,
but it is hoped that in time thefe may be renewed and reftored to their
proper pofition, viz., the pulpit on the fouth fide of the arch, and the prayer-
deflc as one of the flails, of which there were formerly eighteen in the
Chancel of this Church. Thefe were probably arranged in the fame way
as thofe in S. Clement's, Sandwich, that is to fay, feven on either fide of
the Chancel, and two " return " fi:alls at the ends towards the weft.
The Rood-loft and fcreen, which at the Archbifhop's vifitation in a.d.
I 512, ** lacked great reparation," have long fince difappeared, but indica-
tions of them ftill remain, and their pofition may be traced. In this
loft hung the rood or large crucifix with a light conftantly burning
before it, and from hence the Gofpel and Epiftle were fometimes read,
and the fermon occafionally preached. The fcreen was probably in a
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 73
line with the centre of the chancel arch, which is pointed with a chamfered
foffit. The arcades extend llightly beyond the line of the eaft wall of the
nave, which is finiihed with a fquare quoin intercepting the curve of
this arch. The eaft end of the north aille was formerly the chapel of
the B. Trinity, and contains a credence and pifcina, 2. ftone corbel appa-
rently for fupporting an image, and an Eajler fepulchre.
In the wall, on either fide above the chancel arch, are two fomewhat
unufual openings cut right through from the nave to the chancel, and
apparently intended to take away from the bare appearance of the large
blank wall above the arch. On the fide towards the nave thefe
openings are quartrefoil in shape, on the chancel fide they are fquare with
rounded trefoil heads.
Immediately above the arch are two rows of feven medallion Frescoes,
which will be defcribed hereafter.
The Chancel — which inclines confiderably towards the north, and is,
therefore, not in a line with the nave — is raifed one ftep above it, and is
moftly paved with graveftones. It is a good fpecimen of limple Early
Englifh ; all the windows, with one exception, belonging to that ftyle.
On the north fide there are five lancet windows, and on the fouth four
lancets, and one two-light Decorated window, which was probably altered
from a lancet in order to allow of the window-fill being ufed for the
fedilia. The lancets on the fouth fide are filled with fingle figures in
flained glafs reprefenting refpedively S. Peter, S. John the Apoflle and
EvangeM, Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, and the B. V. Mary
(reading from wefl to eafl). The Sandluary is raifed two fleps above the
refl of the chancel, and is feparated from it by a mafTive oaken bar refting
on iron flandards. In this High Chancel there are, fingularly enough,
no traces of a pifcina, though both the chapels in the nave have them. The
L
74 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
niche in the fouth wall which, meafuring 3ft. lin. by 2ft lin., was at one
time fuppofed to have been a credence and pijcina^ has recently been exa-
mined, and is now believed to have contained 2. paxbread,'''' or a lift of bene-
factors to the church, or perhaps a crucifix. Similar niches may ftill be feen
in the Churches of S. ClemenVs, Sandwich, 6^. Mary Magdalene, Holloway,
Bath, and elfewhere. It is, I think, too fhallow to have contained an image.
On the fouth fide of the chancel there is a low and narrow priefi:'s door.
The prefent altar has been twice enlarged, and now meafures feven feet
in length, two feet and-a-half in width, and three feet and-a-quarter in
height.
Under the High Altar — the Altar of Jesus, as it was called— there for-
merly exifi:ed a crypt, which was ufed as the Chapel of S. Mary the
Virgin, or " the Ladye Chapel." This is referred to in ancient wills and
other documents, fometimes as being in the church, and fometimes in the
cJmrchyard : but the double defcription may eafily be accounted for, by the
fadt of its being in the church, and yet, perhaps, approached from the
churchyard, and not from the interior of the church like the other
chapels. The window (?) of this Chapel of S. Mary in the crypt, may
fi:ill be traced on the fouth fide of the exterior portion of the chancel wall.
It is almofl; unnecefiary to fi:ate that the crypt has longfince been filled in.
The eafi; wall of the chancel is pierced with a triplet of lancet windows
(with (hafts and trifoliated excoinfon arches) which have been filled with
ftained glafs by the parifhioners and others within the lafi; few years (fee
Appendix), The fubjeds of thefe three windows are as follows : —
* Ufcd for conveying the " kifs of peace," and frequently made of filver or fome
other precious material. Sec Arch. Cant. vol. iv., pp. 226, 230, for mention of a filver
paxbread bequeathed, A.D. 1417, by John Wotton, Mafter of the Collegiate Church of
All Saints, Maidftone, to the Altar of S. Thomas the Martyr.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 75
NORTH. MIDDLE. SOUTH,
(i) The Baptifm of our B- (i) The Refurre6lion. (i) The raifing of the
Lord. son of the widow of Nain.
(ii) The Crucifixion. ^jj) q^^ ^ Lord's agony
(n) Our Saviour talking j^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^j^^ ^.^^._
with the woman of Samaria . ..i^^ n • a a 1
at the well (iii) The Adoration of the P^^^ ^^cP^"g- ^^ ^"gel
Magi. from heaven appearing to
ftrengthen Him.
On the north fide of the altar, clofe to the eaft wall, there Is an
aumbry y or locker, for the fafe keeping of the holy velTels, &c.
A little further to the weft, outlide the Sandtuary, there hangs, on an
Iron crook driven into the north wall, an old helmet, which Is furmounted
by the Nevinlbn creft, viz., a wolf pajffant ar.^pelletteey collar edy Imed, and
ringed or. Tradition ftates that the helmet was formerly accompanied by
a lance and pennon belonging to the fame ancient family many of whom
lie buried here (fee " The Monuments'). Mr. Boteler gives the following
traditional verles concerning one of this family, as being current in Eaftry In
his day : —
O brave Sir Roger Nevinfon
That with his /word did cut in fun-
Der thejiioulder of Sir Harry
Becaufe he wouldn't hisfifler 7narry.
And alks. Are thefe lines mere waggery, or can they have relation to any
tranfacfllon previous to the marriage of his fifter Anne to Sir Henry
Crifpe .?
The following defcription of the Dominical Circle, which is on
the fouth-weft face of the ocflagonal pillar, is taken from the Archaeological
Journal, and is by Wefton Styleman Walford, Efqre., a gentleman
who has often examined and carefully ftudied the various features of our
church.
76 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
" Mr. W. S. Walford exhibited a rubbing from a carving on a pillar
in Eaftry Church. It is a little more than five feet from the floor,
and at a convenient height confequently for inlpediion, on the fouth-
weil face of an odlagonal pillar (being the fecond pillar from the weft)
between the nave and the fouth aifle. It conlifhs (fee Iketch) of three
concentric circles an inch apart, the outer one being eleven inches in
diameter. The inner and middle circles are divided by radii into 28
equal parts, and in each of the compartments fo formed between thefe
two circles is one of the firft feven letters of the alphabet, and above
every fourth is another of thefe letters in a compartment formed
between the middle and outer circles by the radii being there carried
through to the outer circle. In this manner the letters A, B, C, D,
E, F, G, are arranged fo that each of them occurs five times: but
the order of them is the reverfe of alphabetical, the letters between
the outer and middle circles being to be read immediately before
thofe over which they refpediively ftand. Such is the order in which
the Dominical letters fucceed each other, the two letters one above the
other correfponding with thofe of the biflextile or leap years.
"As after every 28 years, which is the period of the folar cycle, the
Dominical letters occur again in the fame manner, that cycle has been
aptly reprefented by a circle divided into 28 parts. The refult was a table
whereby, if the two Dominical letters for any leap year were given, the
Dominical letter for any other year before or after it might be
readily found, according to the then ftate and underftanding of the
Calendar.
" The pillars of the church having been fcraped a few years ago, this
carving, which had been covered over, was brought to light again. The
lines and letters appear now but flightly incifed, the confequence probably
-1^3^
DOMIN
ICAL CIRCLE IN EASTRY CHURCH
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 77
of the fcraping : but they may all be made out. Mr. Walford could not
learn that it had been explained before lince its difcovery, and, as far as
he has been able to afcertain, it is an unique example of fuch a table.
The church is a very good fpecimen of plain early Englifh architecture,
but the pillar on which this carving exifts has the appearance of being
fomewhat more recent in ftyle than the others, as if, from fome caufe it
had been renewed, though it is hardly later than the early part of the
fourteenth century ; and, fince the letters are what are generally termed
Lombardic capitals, there is great reafon to think the carving, if not
contemporaneous was executed but a few years after the pillar itfelf." —
Archcsological J ournal, vol. ix., p. 389.
The leven Medallion Frescoes, immediately over the chancel arch,
are defcribed by Mr. Walford in the following terms : —
" About 5 years ago I had occalion to call attention very briefly to the
Church at Eaftry, Kent, when I brought to the notice of the Inftitute a
table for finding the Sunday letter, which is incifed on one of the piers,
and of which a woodcut was given in the ix vol. of the Journal. On a
recent vifit I found fome remains of early mural painting had been dif-
covered there in July laft. Only a fmall part was made out and that
alone continues any longer vifible ; yet, as it is of an unufual kind, I think
fome account of it may not be unacceptable.
" I would firft mention that, unlefs the tower be an exception, the
church is fubftantially Early Englifh throughout, though feveral windows
have been fince inferted, fome of them very recently, being refi:orations
effeded with more than ordinary care. Befides the tower it confifiis of a
nave with aifles and a chancel. At the eafi: end of the latter is a triplet
of lancet windows with fhafts and trifolated excoinfon (or hood) arches,
and at the fides are fingle lancets, with the exception of the moft eafi:erly
78 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
on the fouth fide, which is now a modern window of 2 lights, and the
original was probably of the fame kind. The chancel arch is pointed
with a chamfered foffit. The lower and fide windows of the nave were
of 3 lights with pointed trefoil heads, each window being under a
femieircidar excoinfon arch. Thofe of the clereflory are fingle lights with
rounded trefoil heads. The piers between the nave and aifles are round, with
moulded capitals and bafes, except one, which is o6lagonaL If the tower
be as fome have fuppofed * tranfitional,' it is the oldefl portion of the
building. It is remarkable for having a * lean to * on each of the 2 fides —
i.e., on the fouth and north, forming a peculiar weft 'facade,* which
fhould feem to have been no part of the original defign ; but to have
been occafioned by an early * fettlement ' of the Tower, for the fouth
* lean to ' conceals a large unfightly buttrefs, and the other was in all
probability built to match it. More might be faid of the details of this
interefting church, if the prefent were a proper occafion ; but to proceed
to the recently-difcovered remains of painting.
" The chancel arch is, as has been flated, pointed, and on the wefl fide of
the wall above there was for many years fome rough wood- work, that had
once fupported canvafs, on which the 10 Commandments were painted.
In July lafl workmen were employed in taking this down and preparing
the whole weft fide of the wall for the reception of a coat of plaifter
and whitewafh; when, after clearing away the wood- work, they came to
fome plaifter on which were ftars on a blue ground ; and, on removing
this they difcovered confiderable traces of earlier painting, for the mofl
part too much obliterated to be made out ; but immediately above the
arch were 1 4 circular ' medallions,' nearly 1 8 in. in diameter, arranged in
two horizontal lines of 7 each, with fubjed:s in them : the 4th medallion
in each row being exad:ly over the point of the arch ; the lower one
MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY. 79
indeed, was not a complete medallion in confequence of the point of the
each interrupting it. The medallions are contiguous both horizontally
and perpendicularly, and in the intervening fpaces are fmaller fexfoils or
flowers of 6 petals. The whole had been enclofed in a re(5tangular paral-
lelogram now obliterated, which like a frame feparated them from the
reft of the paintings. The face of the wall above the arch now appears
flufh, but the lower part was for fome little diftance thicker than the
upper; it then fell back into a gentle flope, above which it prefented
another perpendicular face. [In the recent reftoration of the nave roof
this feature has been once more brought out. W. F. S., 1869.] This
break in the furface of the wall muft have made it unfuitable for any large
fubjedt. There were, however, traces of painting on both portions; but
the rows of medallions are on the lower portion of the wall only.
" The fubjefts in the upper row taken in order are as follows : —
" I . A Lion, paffant, to the fmifter.
" 2. A Griffin (a figure with the forequarters derived from an Eagle, and
the hinder from a Lion), alfo paffant, but to the dexter ; fo that No. i
and 2 face each other.
" 3. Two birds, back to back, their wings clofed, their heads turned
backwards, fo that their beaks almofl: meet. Between them are fome
traces of an objed: which was too much obliterated to be confidently
made out, but probably a bunch of grapes on an ered ftem.*
" 4. A conventional Flower or Floral device not refembling any real
flower ; but fuch as is fometimes found on tiles and glafs of the 1 3th century,
confifting of an upright fl:em with a trefoil head, from which flem ifliie two
pairs of oppofite Ihoots, terminating in irregular petals ; the upper (being
* See Arch. Caitt, vol. iv., p. 67,, for a notice of tiles with a fomewhat fimilar
pattern, found in the undercroft of S. Auguftine's, Canterbury.
8o MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
alfo the larger) flant upwards and then turn from the ftem downwards,
while the lower pair flant upwards and then turn towards the ftem.
" 5. Two Birds, as No. 3, the intervening obje(5l alfo obliterated.
" 6. A Lion as No. i.
" 7. A Griffin as No. 2.
" The fubjecSs of the lower row are lefs clear, yet they appear to
be the fame as thofe in the upper row, but rather differently arranged
thus : — [Thefe were afterwards covered again with whitewash.]
" I. Obfcure, but probably a Griffin paffant, to the finifter.
" 2. A Lion paffant, to the dexter.
" 3. Two Birds as in the upper row, the intervening objed: wanting.
" 4. This fubjedl is almofl: gone, but what remains is not inconfiftent
with the fuppofition of its having been a conventional flower, and in all pro-
bability it refembled No. 4 in the upper row.
" 5. Two Birds, as in the upper row, the intervening objed: alfo
wanting.
" 6. Very obfcure, but probably a Griffin paffant to the fmifter.
" 7. Alfo obfcure, but probably a Lion paffant to the dexter.
** The colours are chiefly black or very dark brown, red, yellow, and a
yellowifh red ; the ground is buff. The medallions are formed of a thin
dark circular outline, and two concentric circles of border lines, reipedlively
dark and either red or yellow, leaving a ipace in each of about 1 3 inches
in diameter clear for the feveral fubjeds, the outlines of which appear to
have been drawn very boldly, with a full brufh and a free hand, like what
are often feen in painted glals of the 1 3th century. The colours feem
funk into the ground, as if like frefcoes, they were laid on wet plaifl:er :
but it is poffible that the rubbing they have fuffered, from time to time,
may have given them this appearance. The yellows are very much faded.
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MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 8i
and the reds have loft much of their original colour, and are a good deal
blackened. It is remarkable that the obje(fl between the two birds fhould
in every inftance have almoft difappeared : in one it fhould feem to have
been erafed, but this may be the effedl of an accident or careleiTnefs in
removing the plaifter that overlaid it.
" Two Birds with a vafe, cup, grapes, or a vine between them, are found
in the 12th and 13th centuries aftbciated with Chriftian fymbols in fuch
a manner as to leave no reafonable doubt of their having had a fymbolic
meaning of a facred charadier. On the old Font in Winchefter Cathe-
dral they are to be leen at the top in two of the corners, with a vafe
between them, out of which they appear to be drinking, and a Crofs is
iffuing from it. They occur alfo on one fide no leis than three times, in
as many circular medallions : in the middle one they have grapes between
them which they are pecking. In each of the other two medallions they
are back to back with their heads reverfed, and what may have been
intended for grapes, between or rather above them, which they difregard.
All thefe are Doves.
" A fepulchral flab at Bifhopfton, Sufl^ex, has on it within three circular
medallions, formed of a cable moulding, a Crofs, an Agnus Dei, and two
Birds (very fimilar in form and attitude to thofe at Eaftry) with a vafe
between them, into which their beaks are inferted. Such Birds are not
unfrequently to be feen on tiles of the 13th century, and alfo occa-
fionally on feals with a vafe or plant between them ; in moft cafes probably
a mere ornament, though derived from examples that were fignificant.
The device is Italian and may be traced back to the early Mofaics, as
in the Church of St. Appolonus Novus, at Ravenna, which is confidered
to be of the 6th century, and even to the Chriftian memorials in the cata-
combs at Rome, where two birds occur, as ftiewn by Aringhi and others, not
M
82 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
only with a vafe or vine, but alfo fometimes with a Crofs, and fometimes
with a Christian monogram between them, leaving no doubt of their having
had a religious meaning. On a tomb, faid to be that of the Emperor
Honorius, is a vafe between 2 Birds, apparently about to drink out of it;
and at one preferved at Ravenna, faid to have been ered:ed by Theodoric
King of the Viiigoths, is a crois between 2 Birds with other Chriftian fculp-
ture ; and alfo on a Sarcophagus at St. Stephen's, Bologna. Like fome other
Chriftian fymbols in the Catacombs, this was, in all probability, derived
from a Pagan device ; but with fome modification, to give it a Chriftian
fignification. On one tomb there, no doubt a Pagan memorial, are 2
Birds looking at an altar between them, on which was a fmall fire.
To enter fully into this curious fubjed: would far exceed the limits of a
paper appropriate to the prefent occafion. Afiliming, as I think we
fafely may, that the Birds in Eaftry Church formed part of a Chriftian
fymbol, it is highly probable from what remains that the objed: between
them was a bunch of grapes on an upright ftem, a form, however unna-
tural, yet fometimes met with. I am aware that a wheat ear is fpoken
of as fymbolifing the Body of the Saviour, and that a bafket with appa-
rently fruit or little cakes between 2 Birds, is to be found amongft the
devices in the Catacombs ; ftill grapes appear to me beft to agree with
the firft traces of the object in this inftance. In the earlieft examples
the Birds were moft likely intended for Doves : though in later times no
particular kind of bird was uniformly reprefented. The more prevalent
opinion I believe is that they fymbolized the Faithful, and the vine, cup,
or grapes, the Blood of the Saviour. Some have fuppofed them to
fignify the Jewifh and Chriftian churches looking to, or fharing in, the
benefits purchafed by the Saviour's Pafiion and Death. This feems a
little too imaginative. I have, however, heard of or feen an example
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 83
that I cannot now find, in which one of the Birds fronts the cup or
bunch of grapes, and the other is back to it, but with the head reverfed
fo as to reach it with the beak. The fymbol, if at all, would more eafily
admit of fuch an explanation. Dr. Milner fuppofed the Doves on the
Winchefler Font, with the vafe between them, were emblematic of the
Holy Spirit breathing into phials containing the two kinds of facred
chrifm ufed in Baptifm. But the early examples fhew the improbability of
this : add to which that the Holy Spirit was not likely to be reprefented
by hvo Doves. Now, if the Birds in queflion at Eaftry were a Chrftian
fymbol, it is highly probable that the fubjedls of the other medallions
were fo too.
** The Floral device^ which will be oblerved, is in the middle of each
row, and thus had fome degree of importance given to it, may be an
emblem of the B. Virgin, who was often fymbolifed by a lily, and not
unfrequently by fome conventional form of flower, having little or
no refemblance to a lily, as is exemplified on many feals of the 12th
and 13th centuries.
" The Lion may have referred to the Saviour who, as the Lion of the
tribe of Judah, is fometimes fo reprefented. It is thus that the Lion
has been underftood on the old Font at Winchefter before mentioned ;
on one fide of which are 3 circular medallions, and in the middle one is
a Lion, and in each of the others a Dove.
"To the Griffin it is more difficult to affign a fignification. It is
rarely found amongft Chriftian fymbols. It has been not unfrequently,
and even by fome medieval writers, confounded with the Dragon, which
had, not the hind quarters of a Lion, but the tail of a Serpent, and generally
meant the Evil one, or at an earlier period Paganifm. I have men-
tioned that both the Lion and the Griffin are pafi^ant— a peaceful
g4 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
attitude — and the former has no preference of place. (The Lion is
fometimes found fighting with a Dragon.) A Griffin and a Lion both
alfo pafTant confronting each other, and without any indication of hofhihty,
occur on the old Font in Lincoln Cathedral, which is about contempo-
rary with that at Winchefler, judging from an engraving of the former in
Simp/on s Ancient Fofits. The other fculptures on it are not given fb as
to enable me to judge of their import. A writer in the Vetujla Monunienta
fpeaks of there being three Griffins upon it. A Lion and a Griffin both
palTant and each in a circle, were two of the three animal fubjefts often
repeated in the pavement of Tiles in the Chapter Houfe at Salifbury.
The other was the two Birds, but with a flower or plant between them.
That pavement may be referred to the latter part of the 13th century.
The Griffin is found too on early feals as a peribnal device, where it is
hardly to be fuppofed to have had any difcreditable lignification, and it
afterwards, we all know, became heraldic. Being compofed of part of
an Eagle and part of a Lion, it is likely to have been emblematic of the
moft honourable and admirable qualities attributed to each, and affociated
as it is on this occaflon, we may reafonably prefume it had fome religious
or facred meaning, though what that was has not been difcovered.
What has been faid of the Church, and the ftyle of the painting, has
indicated the date that I am dilpofed to affign to thefe pidiorial remains.
They muft belong to the latter half of the 13th century, and can
hardly be later than the beginning of the reign of Edward ift. Thofe
on the upper portion of the wall would feem to have been of a fubfequent
period if, as I underftood was the fad:, there were fome fragments of black
letter infcriptions on them. They may have been of the fame date as the
ftars on a dark ground upon the plaifler that overlaid the medallions that
I have defcribed. Should it appear to any one that thefe medallions
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 85
may have reprefented part of a pavement, I w^ould obferve that they
appear too large for any fubjed fuitable for the fpace, and befide
that there w^ere only two rows, and they were inclofed in a rectangular
parallelogram, and there was not the llighteft attempt at anything like
perfpedlive in the drawing.
" I may add that thefe remains have been left free from whitewafh
and I have reafon to hope they will be preferved. W. S. W."
( ArchcBological yoitrnal^ vol. xv., p. 79).
Much intereft attaches to the Ornaments of the Church, lince they
often ferve to give us an inlight into the manners, cuftoms, rites, forms,
ceremonies, and religious obfervances of our forefathers. It can never,
therefore, ceafe to be a matter for deep regret that the Inventories of
Church Goods and Ornaments — ordered to be made by Edward VI. in
the firft and fixth years of his reign, and many of which are now pre-
ferved in the Public Record Office, Fetter Lane — leem to been loft, and
are now wanting, as far as our own Parifh is concerned, and, indeed, for
many other Parifhes in Eaft Kent. Had thefe Inventories been in exift-
ence — as I fondly believed they were, until affifted by the officials, I had
twice fearched through the bundle of Inventories relating to Parifhes in
Kent, and fo convinced myfelf of their abfence — we Ihould have been
able to folve not a few minor queftions relating to the Church, as
for inftance, how many Bells there were here in Ante- Reformation
times, what became of the plate, &c., at the Reformation, what images
there were in the Roodloft, &c., &c.
By the word Ornament we are to underftand Veftments, Books,
Crofles, Cloths, Chalices, Patens, Relics, and even Organs and Bells. The
following is lift of fome of the principal Ornaments, &c., now belonging
S6 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
to our church, with the names of the pious donors and date of pre-
fentation.
Paten^ Chalice^ and Flag07i, of filver prefented to the Church by
Vicar CrefTener in a.d. 171 8. There is no device, engraving
nor infcription either on the Paten, or the Chalice; but the Flagon,
which is very handfome and maffive, bears the words Deo Servatori
deeply graved on the fide within a floriated border, and at the bottom
"Eaftry, 17 18."
Two Alms Bajinsy the bowls of wood, covered with crimfon velvet
on the infide, the feet or pedeftals of lilver. These were prefented to the
Church by Vicar Randolph, and bear the following infcription : — Deo et
EccLEsi^ Christi a.d. mdcccxxxv.
Two Altar Chairs of wrought oak, plain and fubftantial, given to the
Church for the ufe of the Clergy by the late Mrs. Charles Wood (for-
merly Jofephine W. M. Moore) in 1849.
An Organ prefented to the Church by R. Springett Harvey, Efq.,
in 1 85 1.
An Eight-day Clock given to the Parifh by the fame generous bene-
fador in 1853.
An Alms' dijli of beaten brafs, 18 in. in diameter, burnifhed and lac-
quered, with jewelled centre, prefented to the Church by the MilTes
Boteler, of Brook Houfe, in 1868.
A double LeBern of oak, handfomely carved, prefented to the Church
by the Rev. V. S. Vickers, in Advent, 1868.
Two Alms' bags of crimfon velvet embroidered, prefented by Mifs
Hatfeild, Eafter, 1869.
Two Altar Candle/licks of wrought brafs, enamelled and engraved, 25
in. in height, given to the Church by the MiiTes Boteler, of Brook
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 87
Houfe, in 1869, and firft ufed at Evenfong on Eafter day of that
year.
A fet of 2 ^li^''^ S^™ce Books — viz., a folio containing all the offices
entire, faid at the Altar, and two quartos containing refpedtively the
Gofpels and Epiftles only. Thefe are bound in dark blue morocco with
fimple gilt clafps ; and have been illuminated by Mrs. Knapp and Mifs
Voules, of Southbank, in this parifh.
DIMENSIONS OF THE CHURCH.
Height of the Tower from the ground at weft door to the top of
the coping
Length of each fide of Tower, at top within the walls
Length of interior Tower area below
Width „
Depth of Tower area below ftep of weft door
Thicknefs of piers feparating Tower from Nave
Length of Nave
Width „ „
Height of Nave from floor line to top of wall plate
Height of Nave from top of wall plate to point of rafters
Total height of Nave from floor line to point of rafters
Height of Chancel arch from floor to point of arch
Thicknefs of arch between Nave and Chancel
Length of Chancel
Width of Chancel
Height of Chancel from floor line to top of wall plate
,, „ from top of wall plate to under part of ceiling
at centre
Total „ from floor line to ceiling
Size of Prieft's door : — Height
Width
„ West door : — Height
Width
North door : — Height
Feet. Inches.
jj
66
24
18
6
18
9
2
5
4
77
10
40
30
16
46
18
6
2
2
46
19
■i
18
9
6
27
6
5
6
I
III
7
4
3
Hi
5
4i
Feet.
Inches.
2
"i
6
3
6
148
6
162
44
88 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Size of North door : — Width
„ South door : — Height
Width
Total length of Church internally
Extreme length on the outfide, including both the Tower, and
Chancel, ButtrefTes
Extreme width externally
References to the Ground Plan of the Church.
A The Weft Door.
BB ButtrefTes forming the fides of the weft porch, traces of which mav be feen,
but which is not yet reftored.
C Extenfion of the north aifle containing a flight of wooden ftairs, giving accefs
to the Tower ftaircafe at c.
D Extenfion of the fouth aifle, now the Veftry.
E North door, now clofed up.
F South Porch, from which there is a defcent into the Church by fteps.
G Chapel of the Holy Trinity.
H Chapel of S. John the Baptift.
/ Prieft's door.
a The Organ.
b The Font.
c Entrance to newel ftaircafe.
d Holy water ftoup infide fouth door.
e Pifcina in Chapel of S. John Baptift.
/ Pulpit.
g Pifcina and credence in Chapel of the Holy Trinity.
h Eafter Sepulchre in Chapel of the Holy Trinity.
i Niche in wall, fuppofed to have contained a lift of benefactors or crucifix.
k Sill of window formerly ufed for fedilia.
/ Aumbry.
m Traces of a door or window, formerly communicating with the Ladye Chapel,
and now blocked up.
11 Ledlern.
4
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 89
Graveftone belonging to Heronden family.
p Holy-water ftoup outfide the weft door.
1 The Bargrave and Bridger vault.
2 The Bargrave vault.
3 The Hatfeild vault.
4 The Greville or Statenborough vault.
5 The Boteler vault.
6 The Dare vault.
7 Capt. John Harvey's vault.
8 The Springett and Harvey vault.
hi maljive Jircngtli it proudly Jlood,
Some three miles off the Ea/ier?i flood :
Reared unto God in days of old.
By fires new gathered to the Fold
Of CJiriJl His Church : a goodly pile,
With Porch and Nave, and Tower and Aisle ;
A noble Chancel too, and flails
For eighteen monks againfl the walls.
Its Altar High, of JESUS yclept,
Stood over Mary's in the crypt,
Enriched with gems and hangings rare,
Rood,fconces, tapers, chalice fair,
A nd all things that required be
To celebrate God's Mystery.— Y^ PILGRIMAGE.
N
nxdi Ci)iafl)gartr.
CHAP IV.
" Afid they raifed over him a great heap of Jiones tmto this day." — JoSHUA vii. 26.
INSCRIPTIONS ON THE TABLETS AND GRAVESTONES
IN THE CHURCH:
Stipplied from the Boteler MSS.y where they are now illegible.
IN THE CHANCEL,
Sacred to the Memory of
John Broadley, Gent.
Many years Surgeon at Dover,
Who died July the 4"" 1784, Aged 79.
A Man of the higheft Honour and liberality of Sentiment ;
of the Strideft Integrity,
And moft approved ability in his Profeflion,
of General Knowledge,
And particularly diftinguifhed for his Tafte in the polite Arts.
Frances his Wife,
Daughter of Ifaac and Chriftian Bargrave,
in Teftimony of her Affection
And in grateful Remembrance of his Merit,
has caufed this Monument
to be erefted.
i(
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 91
In the Family Vault near this Tablet
Are depofited the Mortal remains of
William Bridger
of Eaftry Court in this Parifh Efquire
Who expired the 19th January 1855
Aged 81 years ;
Leaving an affl idled Widow
And Four Daughters
To lament their Irreparable loss.
His Piety was fincere and unobtrufive :
His Amiable and upright Charadber
Endeared him to a large circle of Friends.
Alfo of Chriftian Tournay his Widow
Daughter of
Robert Tournay Bargrave,
of Eaftry Court, Efquire,
Who departed this Hfe 9th September 1858
Aged 7 5 years.
Them which fleep in Jefus will God bring with him."
1 ^' ThefT 4:14
Near this place
Lie the remains of Charles Bargrave, Efq',
Who died Nov"" 17 13 Aged 62 ;
Elizabeth his Wife who died Dec"" 1732.
Dame Frances Leigh, Relid
of Sir Francis Leigh of Hawley in this County,
Who died Feb. 1726 Aged 60;
Ifaac Bargrave Efq"", Eldeft Son
of the faid Charles and Elizabeth,
Who died March 1727 Aged
Chriftian Relidl of the faid Ifaac Bargrave,
And Daughter of the aforefaid
Sir Francis Leigh and Frances his Wife,
92 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Who died Off 1772, Aged 74;
Ifaac Bargrave Efq', Only Son of the aforefaid
Ifaac and Chriftian,
Who died 2^"^ of May 1800, Aged 77.
Sarah his Wife, Daughter of George Lynch, M.D.
Who died the 16"^ of April 1787 Aged 63.
Chriftian Wife of
Robert Tournay Bargrave Efq"",
And Daughter of the Rev"^. Claudius Clare
And Chriftian his Wife
Who died. the 23'''^ of September 1806 Aged 55.
Robert Tournay Bargrave, Efq""
Who died the 19'^ May 1825 Aged 68 Years.
Bargrave the only Son of
William and Chriftian Bridger,
Who died the \n^^ Aug*. 1822, Aged 9 Years,
(vf Coat of Anns.)
Near the remains of her Huft^and
is interred
Frances Broadley.
A found underftanding
And
a retentive Memory
were Faculties
«
for which ftie was diftinguifhed.
And
from Chriftian principles and motives,
fhe was
Religious and Charitable,
This Teftimony
of Efteem and Affedion
is recorded by
Her Brother Ifaac Bargrave.
MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY.
[A Coat of Arms.)
Here Is interred all that was Mortal of
Mrs. Chriftian Kirk.
A Woman from a religious principle and hope,
Patient and refigned during a long lUnefs
Which removed her out of this World
28"' Feby 1796, in the 78 Year of her Age.
She was the elder and laft furviving daughter
of Ifaac and Chriftian Bargrave.
The Rev'^. Claudius Clare
was her firft Hufband.
Her fecond Robert Kirk, Efq"",
A Captain in the Royal Navy.
Who from his affectionate regard and
Concern for an excellent Wife
Infcribes this Memorial.
Where alfo are depofited the remains of the
Above Captain Robert Kirk who died
the 20"" of May 1802, Aged ']o.
{On a Brafs Plate.)
To the Glory of God. in Memory
of John Fuller Spong, B.A. of Caius
Coll": Cam^ and Curate of this Parifti
Who died 0& if" 1844, Aged 25
The{e four Windows are ereded by his only Surviving Sifter
Edward Boys M.D.
And Elizabeth, his Wife
Placed this Memorial
of their beloved Infant
Edward George Boys
Born 1 5"' January
Died \^^ July 1801.
94 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
UNDER THE CHANCEL ARCH.
(A Coat of Arms.)
Sacred to the memory of
The Rev'^. Ralph Drake Backhoufe, M. A.
late fellow of Clare Hall, Cambridge,
1 2 Years Vicar of Eaftry with Worth,
And Rural Dean.
He departed this life December 24'^ i853j
Aged 52 Years,
Leaving a Widow and Seven Children
To lament his Irreparable lofs.
This Tablet
m
Is eredled by them, as a record of
Their deep Sorrow for their bereavement
And their warm Attachment
To A beloved Hufband and Father.
My hope hath been in thee, O Lord: I have
/aid thou art my God. Pfalm xxxi. V. 1 6.
ON THE FLOOR OF THE CHANCEL.
On a Jlab of grey Jione, now almofl obliterated.
(A Coat of Arms.)
Here lyeth interred the Bodie of Jofva Paramovr Gent, he was buried Aprill
2^ 1650 aged 60 Yeares.
An honeft, holie, harmleffe Life he led,
and then Death brought him to this Grave his Bed
Heere fleepes his Bodie and his Soules at reft
Where Joyes & Pleafures crowne him ever bleft.
(A Coat of Arms.)
On a Plum Pudding Stone abutting to the above Eaftward were cut a
coat of arms, very much defaced in Mr. Boteler's time but now wholly
obliterated.
Southward of the above is a fmall oval piece of marble bearing this
infcription : —
E. G. B.
1801.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 95
On ajlone adjoining to the above northward is the following irifcriptioji 07i
a brafs Plate : —
Here lyeth intoombed the body of S"" Roger Nevifon, Knight, who deceafed
the 25'^ Day of Ivly in ye Yeere of ovr Saviovrs Incarnation 1625.
On ajlone adjoining the above northward are the effigies of a man in armonr
and a woman^ alfo the following infcription on Brafs Plates : —
(Coat of Arms.)
Here lyeth the Bodie of Thomas Nevynfon of Eftrye Efquier who died ye
xxvii Day of July 1590 beynge att the tyme of his Death Provoft Marfhall and
Scoutmafter of ye Eft Partes of Kent & Captayne of ye lyghte Horfes of the
lathe of S'. Auguftines, who had to Wife Anne the Daughter of Richarde
Tebolde, Efquier deceafed by whom he had Iffue fix Sonnes and four Daughters.
Under the infcription have been brafs plates for the Sons and Daugh-
ters, now torn away.
On a grey Stone by the fide northward of the foregoing, almofl oblite-
rated : —
Here lieth buried Anne Theobald, the Wife of Thomas Nevinfon and Edward
Fagge, Efquires, the Mother of thirteene Children by them both, Happy both in
her Choice and IfTue but in her Death, the End of mortal Happinefs, moft happy.
She died the 21^' of November 1594.
Heading the Graveftone of Sir Roger Nevinfon is one of black marble,
on which were formerly the Portraitures of a man and woman in Brafs,
together with other plates. All now torn away and loft.
This was probably to the memory of Lady Mary Nevinfon, wife of
Sir Roger, by whom fhe had ilTue 7 Sons and 6 Daughters.
Againft the north wall, near the eaft end of the chancel, is affixed an
96 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Helmet of iron with the Nevinfon Creft, from which formerly depended
a Banner. The helmet remains ; the lance and pennon have been loft.
THE FOLLOWING ARE IN THE NORTH AISLE OF THE CHURCH:
( A Coat of Anns.)
Near this place are interred the remains of
Margaret Wife of the Rev. D"", Pennington
Redlor of Tunftal in this County
And Daughter of the Rev. D'. Carter, late of Deal.
She was Born 06lober i;'*" 1725,
and died February 18'^ 1798.
In grateful remembrance of the beft of Wives
and the beft of Mothers, and impreffed with a deep fenfe
of her many Virtues her Husband and only furviving Children
Thomas and Montague have caufed this Tablet to be erefted.
( This Tablet was removed from the South fide of the Chancel to its prefeitt
pofition in a.d. 1865 J
(A Coat of Arms.)
In memory of
William Dare Efq""
late of Fenderland
in this Parifh
Who died the 7'^ September 1770
Aged '}^t^ Years
Alfo of Eleanor his Wife,
Vvho died January the 6'^ 1806
Aged 73 Years.
And of Mary Read Sifter of
the above Eleanor who died
April the 27"' 181 2, Aged 75 Years.
(This Tablet was removed from the South aifle of the Church in a.d. 1865.^
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 97
(A Coat of Arms,)
In a Vault
In the middle Aifle of this Church
Are depoiited the remains
of
Captain John Harvey
late Commander
Of His Majefty's Ship the Brunfwick,
who,
After glorioufly fupporting the honor
of the Britifh Navy,
On the Memorable firft of June
MDCCXCIV,
Under Earl Howe,
Died at Portfmouth on the 30''' of the fame Month,
in confequence of the wounds he received
in the engagement,
Aged 53 Years.
The Houfe of Commons
To perpetuate his moft gallant conduct.
On that Day of Viftory
Unanimoufly voted A Monument to his Memory
In Weftminfter Abbey.
His untimely Death only
Prevented his being honored in the Flag Promotions
Which took place on that occafion.
In him his afflided Family and numerous Friends
Have fuftained an Irreparable lofs
His public Charadter being only equalled
By his private Virtues.
Alfo of Judith his Wife
Daughter of Henry Wife Efq of Sandwich ;
She departed this life On the 4"" of September 181 7,
in the "] c^ Year of her Age.
This Monumental tribute to departed worth
98 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Equally displayed in both their Parents,
Is afFedionately raifed and infcribed by their furviving children,
Henry Wife, John, Edward, Mary, Fanny, & Sarah.
(This Moyiimtent was removed from the Southjide of the Chancel in a.d.
1865.)
(A Coat of Arms.)
In memory of Mr. Richard Kelley, late of this Parifh who died the 5'^ of
May 1768, aged 89 Years & is interred near this Place. Alfo of Mary his
Wife who died the 6''' of Dec' 1775 aged 72 years.
I left this World in good old age
with all its giddy Train
By honeft Deeds when on its Stage
A better World to gain.
Near this Place
lie interred the remains of
William Kelley,
Son of Richard Kelley,
late of this Parifh ;
He died 18'^ July 1799
Aged 59 Years.
At the bottom of a Staified Glafs Window is the following : —
In Memory of Thomas Caftle
Born 3''^ May 1790 Died 2^'^ April i860.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 99
(A Coat of Anns.)
Juxta Sepultus Eft
Gulielmus Boteler Armiger, S. A. S.
Hujufce Parochiae, quae eadem illi Natalis erat,
Ab Adolefcentia Ad Provediorem ufque ^tatem incola
Vir Uteris humanloribus deditus
Hiftoriae et Topographiae Cantii PeritiiTimus :
In Magiftratu, Caeterifque Muneribus Publicis Fungendls,
Firmus et Sedulus :
In Privata Vita,
Summi in fuos Amoris ;
Integerrimae Erga Omnes Fidei :
Cantuariae Mortuus eft iv Die Septembris,
A.D. MDcccxviii. Aetlxxiii.
Uxores Duxit, Priorem, Saram, Thomae Fuller, Armigeri Filiam : Alteram,
Mariam, Johannis Harvey, Armigeri, et Regi e Navarchis, Filiam ; ex ilia
Filius Unicus, Gulielmus Fuller, ex hac fex Filii, Ricardus, Henricus, Johannis
Harvey, Thomas, Edwardus, Robertus, Quinque Filias, Maria, Eliza, Julia,
Agnes, Bertha ; Sufcepti, aliis Immatura Morte Abreptis, Patri Superfuerunt.
Maria, uxor Altera,
Mortua eft xxiv. Die Oftobris
A.D. MDccclii. Aet. Ixxxix.
Et Juxta Sepulta.
On a Brafs Plate.
In Memory of William Fuller Boteler, QX.
who died 2^"^ 06t'^ 1845 Aged 68 Years.
On a Brafs Plate.
In Memory of William Boteler Son of the Above
William Fuller Boteler Born 21'^ 06lober i8io
Died 6'^ July 1867. " Remember me O my God for good."
loo MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
(A Coat of Arms.)
Near this place are interred the remains of Sarah the Wife of William
Boteler, of this Parifh, and Daughter of Thomas Fuller Efq, late of Staten-
borough.
She Died January 9''' i 777 Aged 29.
Leaving IfTue (alas) one Son,
William Fuller Boteler.
How dire the purchafe, how fevere the coft.
The Fruit was faved the Parent tree was loft.
This Monumental ihrine, thefe plaintive lays
This laft fad debt, A weeping Husband pays :
Not that thy praifes. Virtuous fair, require
The breathing Marble, or the vocal lyre ;
But as a fmall, a juft return for love
Tender, unfeigned, and ratify'd above.
(A Coat of Arms.)
To the Memory of Thomas Boteler, Efq Commander, R.N.
Fifth Son of the late W. Boteler of Eaftry Efq""
Who having loft the greater part of his Officers and Men In H.M.S. Hecla
while on a furvey of the weftern Coaft of Africa,
Fell himfelf a Vidim to that Peftilential climate
Amidft difficulties, which even to the laft
His high {Qn{^ of duty impelled him to refift
■With unfhaken conftancy, fortitude and Perfeverance.
He Died off the Old Calabar River 28"^ Nov^ 1829, Aged 32.
This Tablet is ere6ted to the Memory of
Lieut*^- Colonel Richard Boteler,
of H.M. Corps of Royal engineers,
who after many Years of fervice at home.
And in Africa, South America, Spain, Portugal and Canada,
And laft as commanding engineer at Halifax in Nova Scotia,
Periftied at Sea in H. M. Packet Calypfo
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. loi
On his paflage to England on leave of Abfence,
In the beginning of the Year 1833, at the age of 46 Years.
And Alfo to the Memory of
The Rev-^. Edward Boteler M.A.
Sometime fellow of Sidney Suffex College, Cambridge
And afterwards Vicar of the Parifh of St. Clement, Sandwich,
Who departed this life Auguft 9'^ 1831 Aged 32 Years,
And is Buried
In the Vault beneath.
In the Vault beneath
Are depofited the remains of
Charlotte Boteler,
The V^ife of William Fuller Boteler Efq^ Q.C.
She died Nov"" the 18'^ 1839. Aged c^"] years.
Her Husband hath caufed this Tablet to be eredled.
To record her deep Piety towards God,
And her great goodnefs as a Wife,
A Mother, and in all other relations of life.
And to teftify his Grief for the lofs
Of his affedionate, and faithful, Confort and Friend
Through a period of upwards of thirty Years.
This Tablet is alfo Sacred to the Memory of
Anne Boteler
Their Youngeft Daughter
A Child carefully trained by her Mother
In her own fteps of Piety and Virtue,
And of A rare union of Strength and
Simplicity of Charader :
She died in Gower Street in the County of Middlefex,
May the i" 1839. At the Age of 19 Years.
102 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
THE FOLLOWING ARE IN THE SOUTH AISLE OF THE CHURCH
Sacred to the Memory of
Capt". James Remington,
of the H.E.I. Companys 1 2^^" Reg', of Bengal N. Infantry,
Eldeft Son of David R. Remington, Efq'.,
of the City of London,
And Martha his Wife.
He died at Cawnpore in the Eaft Indies
September 16''' 1842 Aged 34 Years.
The Officers of the 1 2'^ Reg'. Deeply Regretting
The lofs of an affe6lionate Companion and Friend,
Have caufed this Tablet to be eredled, as a record
At once of their Sorrow and of the high Eftiniation
In which he was held by them for his many
Manly and Generous Qualities. \
Thomas Pettman
Born 1733,
Died 1 809 ;
Defervedly Efteemed
For his many Chriftlan Virtues.
This Tablet is eredled
As A Memorial of Affedion
By his Son.
Alfo William Son of the Above Born 1768, Died 1830.
Elizabeth his Wife Born 1766, Died 18 19.
Alfo 3 Sons & I Daughter of the above Will"' & Eliz''' Pettman
By Thomas Born 1790 Died 1853; Edward Born 1796 Died 1851
Wilham Born 1798 Died 181 8 ; Sufan Born 1791 Died 1818.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 103
In A Vault in the Church Yard
At the Weftern entrance to this Church
are depofited the remains of Sarah
The Wife of Mr. Thomas Pettman of this Parifh,
Who died the 30"" of July 1797, Aged 64.
Alfo Thomas, Son of the Above named
Thomas and Sarah Pettman,
Who died the 12"" of March 1783 Aged 21 Years.
Alfo of Sarah Sufannah,
Daughter of the Above named
Thomas and Sarah Pettman,
And Wife of Mr. Edward Cowley,
Who died the 25'^ of July 1792, Aged 27 Years,
With her infant Child.
Alfo of Elizabeth,
Daughter of the Above named
Thomas and Sarah Pettman,
Who died the 2""^ of July 1799, Aged 31 Years.
Alfo of Philip, Son of the Above named
Thomas and Sarah Pettman,
Who died in his Infancy.
(A Coat of Arms.)
In Memory
of Thomas Boteler,
late of this Parifh, Gent", who died
the 24 Sep"" I 768, aged 54 Years.
Alfo of Richard Son of the above faid
Thomas Boteler by Elizabeth his Wife
who died the 29"^of Jan^. 1773,
aged 33 Years.
Alfo of 7 other Children,
5 of Whom lie buried at Eythorn, who all
Died in their Infancy.
I04 ' MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
Alfo of Elizabeth Wife of the abovefaid
Mr. Thomas Boteler,
and Daughter of Salmon Morrice, Efq\
of great Betfhanger.
She died the 6'^ of Auguft 1775,
aged 65 Years.
This Monument was eredled in the Year
1 774 by their furviving children (viz)
Sarah, Elizabeth, Mary, & Catherine.
(A Crest.)
Sacred to the Memory of
The Rev^. Philip Brandon Backhoufe, M.A.
Chaplain on the Hon. E.I.C. Bengal Eftablifhment,
Formerly Vicar of St Mary's Sandwich,
Tenth Son of the late
Rev^. J. B. Backhoufe, M.A. Redor of Deal.
He died at Agra in the Eaft Indies, after A few
Hours' fevere fuffering on the 30''' March 1841,
Aged 33 Years.
His afflided Widow has caufed this Tablet to be
ereded as A tribute of her afFedionate regard
For his Memory, and to teftify her deep forrow
for her bereavement,
" Go ye into all the World and Preach
the Gofpel to every Creature."
Mark 16 Verfe 15.
(A Coat of Ar7ns.)
M. S.
Rev'^'. Drue-Aftly CrefTener A.M.
Hujus Ecclefias, per annos xlviii, Vicarii
Viri fane
Plurimis nominibus Memorandi ;
Nulla Literarum Studia
Non libavit ;
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 105
Theologiae fuae, facrifque Paginis
Penitus Incubuit,
Ecclefias Anglicans, Fideique Catholicas
Propugnator Impavidus
Ccelebs, Parcius Forfan, fed Honefte Parcius
Vitam inftituit :
• Non ut Inutiles Coacervaret Opes,
Sed ut benificentias, ut pietatis officHs
Largiori manu administraret.
Deo Servatori, infuper, Arifque ejus
Tarn in hac, Quam in altera Ilia
Ecclefia de Worth,
Vafa Argentea Dicavit.
Et
Quod Omnium longe Palmarium eft,
Dodrinam Chrifti
Vitas Integerrimas Sancftimonia
Morumque Simplicltate Primitiva
Exornavit.
Ob*. Sept. xxvii. a.d. mdccxlvi Aetat lxxxii.
(A Coat of Arms.)
Here lieth interred the Body of Jane Daughter of John Paramor of this
Parifh Gent, and Jane his Wife, and Wife of John Hayward of Sandwich Gent,
who departed this life the 18'^ of April a.d. 1720 Aged 24 years. Alfo the
Body of the faid Jane, Wife of the faid John Paramor, who departed this life the
3'"'^ Day of May 1732 Aged 57 Years. Here lieth the Body of John Paramor
of this Parifh Gent, who departed this life the 25 day of April Anno Domi 1737
Aged 65 Years.
This Monument was removed from the South iide of the Church a.d.
1865.
io6 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
( The following is 07i a Brafs Plate be^ieatk a memorial window)
Sacred to the AfFedlionate Remembrance
of A good Sifter, Wife and Mother,
Thomafina Fanny Kenrick,
Wife of John Bridges Kenrick Efq^
Died Feb^ 22"^^ 1859.
The gift of her Sifter C. M. Jofephine Toker.
(A Coat of Arms.)
In the Vault near this Place,
lie the remains of
Anne Maude Harvey
Youngeft Daughter of
The Rev"^. Richard Harvey,
and Catherine his Wife.
She died 10'^ March 1850,
Aged 81 Years.
Alfo thofe of her Sifter,
Frances Ann Elizabeth Harvey
who died 4'^ June 1852.
Aged 88 Years.
To the Memory of
Mrs. Ann Harvey
Daughter of Solomon Harvey Gent,
formerly of this Parifti
who departed this life the 12'^ of April, 1751,
Aged 64 Years.
Mary, the Widow of Mr. Henry Ellis,
and youngeft Daughter of the faid Solomon Harvey,
Died in London the 8"^ of Auguft 1776
Aged 73 Years.
And was Buried in the Church of
Allhallows Staining, She left Iflue
One Son William Ellis A.M. Reftor of that Parifti.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 107
(A Coat of Arms.)
In the Family Vault near this place lieth the Body of
John Springett Harvey
A Bencher of the Honourable Society of the Middle Temple and for feveral
years one of the Mafters in Ordinary, and Accountant General of the high Court of
Chancery.
Who departed this life the i^' Day of Augu'ft 1833,
In the 80 Year of his Age ;
Leaving iffue by Matilda his Wife (Daughter of Mr. William Burton Rayner,
and Widow of the Rev**. John Lightfoot) one Son Richard Springett Harvey.
In the fame Vault lieth the Body of the Above named
Matilda Harvey
Who departed this life the 28"" Day of December 1835
In the 76 Year of her Age.
The porch and part of this South aifle were rebuilt and the Church was
repewed. At the expence of the Above named Richard Springett Harvey
During the Years 1854-7.
In Acknowledgement of which two Stained glafs Windows were put up in this
aifle by fubfcription of the Inhabitants in June, 1857.
(A Coat of Arms.)
In Memory
of Thomas Fuller, Gent, of Eafliry,
who died 24*'' June 1748, Aged 79 Years ;
and Mary his Wife (Daughter of
Richard & Elizabeth Terry) who
died 16 November 1748, aged 78 Years;
They left four Children, John, Thomas,
Mary, and Elizabeth.
Alfo of their two Sons, John Fuller,
Gent, of Eaftry, who died 1 2''' Oftober
1760, aged 64 Years ; & Thomas Fuller Efq"",
io8 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
of Statenborough, who died 1 7 May,
1773 aged (i"] Years : and of Mary Fuller
a Daughter of the laft mentioned
Thomas, who died 28 March 1754
Aged 18 Years.
Alfo of Mary Fuller of Eaftry
Daughter of the firft mentioned
Thomas Fuller, who died 1 1 July
1783 aged 86 years.
(This Momiment was removed from the South Jide of the Chancel in a.d.
1865.)
On the Pillar adjoining to the foregoing in Marble :-
(A Coat of Arms.)
Near this Place in a Vault
lieth the Body of Catherine,
Wife of John Springett,
Citizen & Apothecary,
of London.
She died the 16''' December 1762
Aged 74 Years.
Alfo of her Grandfon,
Richard Maud Harvey, Son of
The Rev'^. Richard Harvey
Vicar of this Parifh,
He died 2G^ Dec". 1758, aged 4 Months.
Alfo of the faid
John Springett.
He died Jan^' 13"' 1770
Aged 73 Years.
( This was ere£led in a.d. i 763.^
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 109
On the adjdnifig Pillar eajlward, and oppofite to the la/l-mentioned, afimilar
neat marble monument.
(A Coat of Arms.)
To the Memory of
The Rev*^. Richard Harvey,
Who was
14 Years Vicar of this Parifh.
He died 6''' March 1772,
^tat: 42
Alfo of Catherine his Wife,
«
only Daughter of John Springett.
She died 25'*^ May 1809,
in the 85 Year of her Age.
They left IfTue 2 Sons & 4 Daughters
John Springett, Richard, Mary,
Sarah, Frances Ann Elizabeth & Ann Maude.
THE FOLLOWING ARE ON THE NORTH WALL OF THE NAVE.
(A Coat of Arms.)
Sacred to the Memory
of Edward George, of Statenborough Houfe
in this Parifh, Efq'.
Who departed this life April 19'^ 18 10
Aged 69 Years.
His duty to the Almighty was exemplified
by the fortitude, and pious Refignation,
With which he fuftained a long
and fevere lUnefs.
To his Neighbour he ever conduced himfelf
with the ftrifteft honour,
and was on all occafions
The Poor Man's friend.
To record his Virtues and her affedion,
no MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
His Grateful Widow ereds
This Monument.
Alfo of Mary George, relid of the
Above mentioned Edward George,
Who departed this life April 28'^ 1820
Aged 50 Years.
(A Coat of Arms.)
Sacred to the Memory of
James Hatfeild Efq", late of this Parifh, who died lo'*" Jan^ 1842, Aged 62
Years. He was the eldeft Son of John Hatfeild, Efquire, late of Norwich,
Banker, and has left Surviving A Widow and Daughter, who as a fmall tribute of
AfFedion for one of the beft of Hufbands and kindeft of Fathers, have caufed
this Tablet to be ereded.
Alfo Sarah, Widow of the above-
named James Hatfeild, Efq'',
who Departed this life the 13*^
of February 1846 Aged 75 Years.
THE FOLLOWING ARE ON THE SOUTH WALL OF THE NAVE.
(A Coat of Arms.)
Robert Bargrave Efq^ of this Parifh died 17"^ Dec^ 1779, Aged 84. Elizabeth
his Wife Daughter of S"" Francis Leigh of Hawley in this County, died 2'''^ July
1737 Aged 32. Robert Bargrave their only Son, Prodor in Do6lors Commons
died 14'^ Feby 1774, Aged 39.
Whofe fole Surviving Daughter Rebecca, Wife of
James Wyborn of Sholden, hath caufed this Tablet to be Eredted. ^
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 1 1 1
{^A Coat of Ar7?is.)
In the Vault,
With the remains of his Father
Captain John Harvey, R.N.,
and of his Mother Judith,
are depofited thofe of their eldeft Son
Henry Wife Harvey,
of Harnden, Efquire, in this Parifh,
Who died 13*^ May 1852, aged 83 Years ;
Alfo the remains of Margaret his Wife,
Who died 14''' June 1847, Aged 76 Years ;
And thofe of their five Daughters ;
Catherine died 23"^ June 1808, an Infant.
Elizabeth,
The Wife of Captain George Hilton R.N.
Died 25''' February 18 19, Aged 26.
Margaret died 28'^ December 18 19, Aged 16.
Mary died 8"" September 1820, Aged 24.
Fanny died 8'^ April 1824 Aged 23.
In the Vault beneath.
Are depofited the remains of
Sarah,
Relid of the late
James Leigh Joynes, Efq*",
of Gravefend in this County,
And third Daughter of the late
Rev'^. Richard Harvey
(Vicar of this Parifh),
And Catherine his Wife.
Obiit 27''' Odober 1843
Aged 84 Years.
1 1 2 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
THE FOLLOWING ARE ON STONES IN THE FLOOR OF THE CHURCH
BEGINNING AT THE WEST.
On a Grave Stone near the wejl door on entermg the Nave : —
Near this place lies the body of Richard Keble, of this Parifh, Yeoman, died
21"^ of Auguft 1740 Aged 61 Years. Alfo Mary reli6t of the above died 28""
Auguft 1765 aged 82 Years. Alfo Mary their Daughter wife of Thomas Pett-
man of this Parifh died 25'^ December 1735 aged 27 Years leaving IfTue Thomas
and Sufanna. Alfo Thomas Keble of this Parifh Yeoman Son of the above
died 23'^'^ April 1763 aged 48 Years: alfo Martha Relid of the above died
2"^^ March 1787 aged 73 Years : Alfo 2 Children, Richard died 12'^ Auguft 1756
aged 5 Years, Edward died the 9*'' March 1 773 aged 19 Years : Thomas and Mary
Survive them.
Near this place lies the Body of the Above
Thomas Keble of this Parifh Yeoman
Died .15*^ Odober 1798, Aged 49 years.
Alfo Ann, Relid of the above died 1 1''' March 1802 Aged 54 Years ; Alfo 2
Sons Bunce, died 11'^ December 1792, Aged 4 Years; Tho^ Herman died
12'^ Dec^ 1792 Aged 11 Years. Left Surviving John, Ann, Mary and Richard,
Here lieth the Body of
Richard Keble, late of this Parifh,
Died20*Feby 18 16,
Aged 30 Years.
Alfo on the Right, lieth the Body of
Ann Mary Keble, late of this Parifh ; .
Died 20* Odtober 1821
Aged 40 Years:
Alfo on the Right lieth
The Body of John Keble,
late of this Parifh, Yeoman ;
Died 22"'' December 1832
Aged 53 Years.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 113
The entrance of
The Family Vault
of Captain John Harvey.
On a Grave-Jlone in the middle Aijle : —
Here lyeth the Body of Ralph Rennalls of this Pariih Yeoman Who departed
this Life the 28'^ day of Feb^ 1661 Aged 73 Years.
In the fame aiJle Eajiward adjoining to the above : —
Here lyeth the Body of John Kelley Gent, who departed this life the 1 8'^ Day
of January in the Year of our Lord 1669 Aged 80 Years ; and alfo of Daniel
Kelley, Gent, his Son who departed this Life the firft of June in the Year of our
Lord 1733, in the Sy Year of his age.
In the PaJJage from the Body of the Omrch to the Chancel on a Grave-
flone of black marble : —
The Body of Anne, the Wife of John Auften & Daughter of William Nayler
and Anne Finnit, being aged 68 Yeare, Dyed Feb^ 19*'' 1656, lyeth here waiting
for the Refurredlion of the juft.
In the Crofs AiQ,e^ at the Eaft End of the Body of the Church, are three
adjoining Graveflones with Coats of Arms and Infcriptions on Brafs Plates : —
Here lyeth buried the body of William Boteler Efq'.
W^ho dyed the 22"^^ of May A°. 16 14 ^tat. fuse 50
Chriftus mihi Vita : mors mihi lucrum.
1 14 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
On a Gravejlone of Black Marble : —
Here lieth the Body of Thomas Boteler late of this Parifh Gent, only Son of
Richard and Sufan Boteler, Gent, who departed this life May 12'^ I737 aged 61
leaving Iflue by Elizabeth his Wife, who alfo furvived him,
three Sons and three Daughters.
Likewife the Body of Elizabeth Wife of the above Thomas Boteler and
Daughter of Ralph & Elizabeth Philpott who died 14'^ June
1 749 Aged 6 1 Years.
Oil an adjoining Gravejlone : —
Herelyeth the Body of Richard Boteler Gent, who departed this life the 22°'^ of
May 1682 Aged 52 Years. Here lieth the Body of Sufan Boteler Wife of the
above Richard Boteler, Gent, and Daughter of Saphire & Margaret Paramor, of
this Parifh, Gent, who departed this Life Sep* the ii**" 1724 Aged 82 Years.
In the Crols aifle above-mentioned there are three other graveftones
belonging to the Boteler family befides thofe already mentioned. On
thele there were formerly brafs plates with Arms and Inscriptions, now
torn away and loft. One of thefe has fince been recovered from another
Church, where it had been turned over and ufed for fome other family.
It has the following infcriptlon : —
ARMIGERI Oyi MORTEM OBIJT TRICESSIMO
RTIJ ANNO DOM X I580. ET RICHARDI BOTELER
RI FILIJ EIVS QVI MORTEM OBIJT TRICESSIMO
VARIJ ANNO DOM t 1 60O. ET RELIQVIT QVIN =
LIOS ET DVAS FILIAS SVPERSTITES.
from which it will be feen that a portion of the plate and of the Infcriptlon
are loft. Concerning thefe memorials of his family Mr. Boteler fays: —
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 1 1 5
" Some of them with arms retained their places within memory, and
becoming loofe, were afterwards thrown carelellly with fome others in a
hole under the ftaircafe of the Tower, where they remained till a knavifh
fexton thought proper to fell them to a brazier at Sandwich for old brafs.
I have no difficulty in affigning them to the memory of Henry Boteler
who died anno 1580. Richard, his fon (the brother of William mentioned
above), who died anno 1600, & Thomas, his grandfon, who died 1651.
All of whom were in pofTeffion of and lived at Heron den. Henry was
the firft of this family who was buried at Eaftry, their more ancient
burying-place for many preceeding generations being in S. Peter's Church,
Sandwich."
At the fouth end of this aifle there is another graveftone (marked o in
the plan), which, from its coffin-like fhape, is doubtlefs of coniiderable
antiquity. Mr. Boteler fays concerning it : "I have no doubt but that it
is the Hone mentioned by Philpot that had formerly the Arms and Por-
traiture of one of the Family of Heronden affixed to it, though from time
to time its furface is fo fcaled off as not to leave a trace of it. There is
no other in the Church will admit of the conjed:ure ; its lituation near
the chancel anfwers his defcription ; belides the Botelers, in whom this
family ended, appropriating this aifle to their burying-place, fl:rongly
favours the opinion ; from the extinction of this family the ilone cannot
be of later date than the time of Richard II. [a.d. i 377-1 399], probably
not much earlier."
There are in the Church the following vaults — viz. :
In the Chancel : — The vault numbered i in the plan, being for the
Bargrave family, in which alfo many of the Bridgers have been interred.
There is alfo a vault on the oppofite fide belonging to the Paramours,
which is not fliewn on the plan, as the entrance is unknown, becaufe the
1 1 6 MEMORIALS OF EASTR V.
timber that fupported the ftones of the entrance of this vault giving way,
it was bricked up in a.d. 1788.
In the Church : — Mr. Robert Bargrave's vault ^numbered 2 in the
plan.
No. 3 being the Hatfeild vault.
No. 4. The Greville or Statenborough vault — very large.
No. 5. The Boteler vault.
No. 6. A very fmall one made in a.d. 1770 for the interment of W.
Dare, Efq.
No. 7. Capt. John Harvey's vault.
No. 8. A vault for the families of Springett and Harvey.
INSCRIPTIONS ON GRAVESTONES IN THE
CHURCHYARD.
We now come to the Churchyard.
In the year 1847 a piece of ground was taken from the Hammel
Clofe, by the permiffion of the Dean and Chapter, added to the Church-
yard, and confecrated by the Archbifliop. This new ground is already
nearly filled.
Oppofite the South Porch there is an ancient yew tree which, amongft
the old inhabitants of Eaftry, goes by the name of " the Palm tree " — it
was so called in Mr. Boteler's time — and has in all probability borne this
name fince the day in which it was planted. T/ie origin of the name
would appear to be, that in ante- Reformation times branches of yew were
ufcd inftcad of palm branches in the services of the Church on the Sunday
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 1 1 7
next before Eafter, commonly called Palm Sunday. In the fame way, In
other parts of the country, branches of willow, with the catkins on them,
are called " palm," and were probably ufed as a fubftitute for the real
Eaflern palm tree in former days.
There are in the Churchyard the following vaults : —
1. A vault belonging to the family of Petman near the weftern
entrance of the Church, under the gravel-path, on the fouth of the main
path to the weft door. This is of confiderable fize, and was enlarged
fome 50 years ago.
2. A vault holding fome 8 or 10 coffins, belonging to the Baker family,
commonly called Sharpens vaidt, at the extreme north-weft corner of the
Churchyard, adjoining Eaftry Court.
3. A vault belong to the family of Rae, of Walton Houfe, made to
contain 9 bodies. This was made in a.d. 1843, and is on the north fide
of the Church,
4. The Sayer vault, on the fouth fide of the Church, and eaft of the
fouth porch, conftrudled in 1 8 5 1 to hold fome 9 bodies.
5. A large vault belonging to the family of Rammell, lying on the fouth
fide of the Church, to the weft of the Chancel door.
6. The Fuller vault, which has not been opened within memory,
lying on the fouth fide of the Church, eaft of the Chancel door.
Mary Wife of John Matfon, and only Child of Stephen Goldfinch d. 22°"^ May
1 70 1 Aged 29.
Stephen Goldfinch d. Nov. 18"^ 1722 Aged 83.
James Harvey d. 18* January 1820 Aged 90.
Eflher Wife of the above d. 24"^ Jan^. 18 19 Aged 84.
ii8 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Mary Wife of John Elgar d. Nov'' 12^^ 1796 Aged 67.
William Smeeth, 28 Years the faithful Baliff of Henry Wife Harvey Efq. of
Harnden, in this Parilh, By every branch of whofe Family he was much refpeded
He died on the 15''' of February 1831. Aged 62 Y'^
He proved this truth in the path he trod,
An honeft Man* the nobleft work of God.
Mary Ann Wife of Morris Upton d. 8 April 1796 Aged 27. Alfo 2 Children
d. in their Infancy, Viz John and Mary.
All you that come my grave to fee
As I am now fo muft you be
Prepare to die make no delay
I in my prime was fnatch'd away
In love I liv'd in peace I died
When God thought fit for to divide.
Alfo the above named Morris Upton
Died 20*^ Odlober 1832 Aged 67.
Sufan Wife of Robert Mann,d. 27 Auguft 1861 Aged 24.
Elizabeth Wife of John Moat d. 10*'' July 1793 Aged 36.
Alfo the above said John Moat d. 5 June 1794 Aged 39.
Sarah Wife of Robert Gardener D. 27*^ Nov"" 1830 Aged 2Z.
Thomas Mann Eldeft fon of Thomas & Elizabeth Mann, d. 28"^ June 1839
Aged 20 Y^
In love he lived in Peace he died
In hope with God he fhall abide.
Alfo Thomas George Eldeft Son of James and Lucy Mann of Sandwich
Grandfon of the above Thomas & Elizabeth Mann
Died 6'^^ January 1861 Aged 8 Y".
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 119
Betty Wife of Thomas Mann d. Nov^ i;^ 1864 Aged 68.
She is not dead but fleepeth
In hopes of a Joyful Refurredion.
Alfo the above-named Thomas Mann
Died 16*'' May 1869 Aged -f].
William Son of John & Mary Moat
Died 22"'^ December 182 1 Aged 10 Y".
Alfo Mary Ann, their Daughter D. i'^ May 1829, A. i Y'. 8 M*^.
Robert Mann Son of Thomas & Betty Mann
Died 3^^ December 1826 Aged i Y^ & 9 Months.
Robert Thomas Richard Eldeft Son of Robert and Sarah Mann D. 18''^ April
1867 Aged 19 Months.
Ere fin could blight or forrow fade
Death came with friendly care
The opening bud to Heaven conveyed
And bade it bloflbm there.
Lawrence Marfh D. 23'"'^ February 18 12 Aged 69
Alfo Mary Wife of the above Lawrence Marfh
Died April 30* i86i Aged 68.
Jane Daughter of Thomas & Charlotte Foord
Died July 2"*^ 1825 Aged 17
Henceforth be every tender tear fuppreft
And let us weep for Joy that fhe is bleft
From grief to blifs from Earth to Heaven removed
Her memory honour'd as her life beloved.
Charlotte Seath, Relid of the late Thomas Foord
Born 9'^ Nov"^ 1777 Died 17 May 1850.
T20 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Thomas Foord D. 20''' June 1809 Aged 45.
Simon Cock D. 2^^ July 18 14 Aged 75
Alfo Sarah his Wife D. 21'' May 18 19 Aged 80.
Sarah Moat Wife of Henry Branfert
Died 28"" March 1793 Aged 32.
Ann Moat D. 15'^ January 1835 Aged 63.
Jane Daughter of Richard & Jane Marbrooke
Died 18'^^ Auguft 1808 Aged 16.
Richard Marbrook D. 8'*^ Feb' 1830 Aged 75.
Thomas Filhs D. Feb^ 20*'' 1802 Aged 70
Alfo Sarah his Wife D. 4'^ Feb^ 1801 Aged 67.
John Phillis D. 13'^ March 1836 Aged 66
Alfo Charlotte Wife of the above John Philhs
Died i'' July 1850 Aged 84
This ftone was ereded by their Son
Mr. James Phillis, of Adelaide, Auftralia.
Ann Wife of John Pittock D. April S''^ 1 780 Aged 38
Alfo the above John Pittock D, OQC f" i834|Ag'' ^^
Alfo Ann, his Second Wife D. Odf 31^ 1835 A. 84.
William Pittock D. 7"^ Nov^ 1 775 Aged 76
Alfo Elizabeth his Wife D. i'^ June 1774 Aged 80.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 121
Ann Wife of Will'" Pittock D. Feb^ 26'*^ 1806 Aged 77
Alfo the above W. Pittock D. Auguft 18"^ 18 11 Aged 88.
William Pittock D. March 12"^ 1841 Aged 45,
Alfo Sufanna Wife of the Above D. March lif" 1845 A. 52.
John Devefon D. March 29''' 1853 Aged ^"j
He left Surviving Elizabeth his AVife and 13 Children
Viz. 10 Sons and 3 Daughters
Remembrance long will feel a pang fevere
And o'er this Grave AfFedlion drop a tear.
AJfo Sufannah Downard Daughter of the Above
Died February 10''' 1856. Aged 38.
Alfo Elizabeth Wife of the Above John Devefon
Died April 26* 1859. Aged 81.
William Belfey D. September 15*'' 1803. Aged 79
Dorcas Wife of the above William Belfey,
Died April 4^^ 1798 Aged ^'^.
Sufanna Wife of John Simmons D. 13'^ Odober 1780 Aged 62. Alfo the
above faid John Simmons D. Sep'' 23'''^ 1800 Aged "]"].
Richard Fagg D. 22"'^ April 1727 Aged 55.
Edward Fagg D. Dec' 6th 1780 Aged 61
Elizabeth his Wife D. ii''^ Auguft 1778 Aged 57.
Sarah Wife of Richard Fagg D. 22'^'^ Dec-" 1799 Aged 50
Alfo the Above Richard Fagg D. 20*'^ March 18 10 Aged 64
Alfo three Children died in Infancy.
122 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Ralph Pittock D. Nov'' 25'*^ 181 3. Aged 57.
Harriet Daughter of Will'" & Mary Ann Pittock
Died 15'^ July 1809 Aged 14 Months.
Alfo William their Son Died 1 1''^ Feb^ 18 10
in early Infancy.
Stephen Church D. Jan^ 16'*^ 1798 Aged 60
Alfo Mary Wife of the Above Stephen Church
Died Odober 19'^ 1832 Aged '^-^
Likewife James Son of the Above Stephen & Mary
Church Died July 9'^ 1797 Aged 21.
Jane Arnold D. June 20'^ 1824 Aged 83
Alfo William Arnold Hufband of the Above
Died 8 June 1825 Aged 85.
William Ledner D. 26'^ Feb^ 1 795 Aged 85
Alfo Sarah, his Wife D. 16'^ Nov^ 1798 Aged 82.
James Hudson D. 25'^ Auguft 18 19 Aged 65
Alfo Mary Wife of the Above D. Sep' 11'^ 1846 Aged 90
Alfo William Son of the Above D. DeC" 6"^ 1846 Aged 50.
Jane Daughter of Michael and Mary Cock
Died 10''' November 1794 Aged 25.
Richard Soames D. 29"' May 1805 Aged 53
Alfo Sarah Wife of the Above D. 8"^ Aug' 1832 Aged 80.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 123
Richard Soames D. 6''' November 1850 Aged 72.
Dilnot Sladden of the City of Canterbury, Solicitor,
Son of Ifaac Sladden of Selfon in this Parifh
Died 25"" June 1839 Aged 25.
Elizabeth Wife of Ifaac Sladden D. 2"^^ March 1816.
Aged 34. Alfo the Above named Ifaac Sladden
Died 25'^ March 1861 Aged 79.
Thomas Kelfey, Gent. D. 29"' Auguft 1829 Aged 85.
Alfo Mrs. Catherine Kelfey, Widow of the Above
Died 20'^ July 1836, Aged 86.
{p^t aflatjlone railed rozcnd.)
Thomas Caftle D. 29"" April i860 Aged 69
Alfo Caroline & Charlotte D. in their Infancy May 182 1.
James Hudfon D. Sep' 24'^ 1755 Aged 48
Mary Wife of the Above D. Nov"" 22"*^ 1780. Aged yj.
Thomas Beer D. March 3'''^ 1804 Aged 79
Alfo Mary Wife of the Above Thomas Beer
Died 25"^ May 1822. Aged 88.
James Hudfon D. January 14'*" 18 16 Aged 84.
Thomas Morris D. f^ Auguft 1835 Aged 59.
124 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
This Stone is ereded in Memory of Ann Rewell by the Members of a family
refident in this Parifh to record their AfFe6lionate and Grateful fenfe of her long
and faithful Service, and to fhew that integrity and Diligence make the Poffeflbr
refpedled in life and lamented in Death.
She Died i8"^ Auguft 1829 Aged (^6,
Alfo Sarah Mills D. ol"^ Auguft 1862 Aged 62.
Ann Wife of Stephen Court, Clerk, and Daughter of
William Aynott D. 28'^ Auguft 1826 Aged 85.
Stephen Court 55 Years Clerk of this Parifti
Died 6''^ June 1830. Aged '^G.
William Aynott D. 26''' July 1775 Aged 70
William Son of the Above D. 1748 Aged 15
Alfo Elizabeth Daughter of the Above faid William Aynott
Died itf" January 1 774 Aged 39.
Elizabeth Aynott D. 30''' April 181 1 Aged 97.
Edward Terry D. Feb^ 28'^ 1849 Aged 71
Alfo Elizabeth Wife of the Above D. Feb^ 15"' 1834 Aged 55
Alfo Elizabeth Daughter of the Above D. June 20'^ 1838 Aged 17
Alfo Edward Hacklinge Son of the Above Died
January 2,^^"^ 18 16 Aged 3 Y'■^
Alfo 2 Children who Died in their Infancy.
William Terry Son of George Terry. D. March 3'"'^ 1849
Aged TO Weeks.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 125
John Barton late of Worth. D. 20"' Jan^ 1763 Aged 44
Alfo Ann his Wife D. 29'^ June 1768 Aged 45.
James Fells D. 3^^ March 1849 Aged dt^.
Thomas Fells D. July S'*^ 1793 Aged 47
Alfo Ann Wife of the Above D. Jan^ 13"" 1835 Aged 79
Likewife Thomas Son of the Above D. 0& 14'^ 1835 Aged 55.
John Tanton D. 31^^ December 1794 Aged 69.
JefTe Betts D. 21^^ February 1829 Aged 42.
Ann Thompfon Daughter of Thomas Adams of Updown
Died 9"" Oftober 1757 Aged 69.
Thomas Adams late of Updown D. 8'^ July 1730 A. 69.
Elizabeth Wife of Mr. John Solly D. 24'^ Jan>' 1805 ^ged 7i
Alfo the Above faid John SoUy D. Feb^ 4'^ 181 1 Aged 76.
Elizabeth Wife of Richard RufTell D. 12''^ May
1798 Aged 38, Alfo the Above faid
Richard RufTell D. 15"^ Odober 18 16 Aged G^.
126 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Elizabeth Wife of Richard Sladden D. ly'*" June
1806 Aged 26. Alfo James Son of the Above
Died 20'^ July 1806 Aged 15 Months.
Ann Wife of Charles Pott D. 2^'^ Sep' 1806 Aged 23
Alfo John Son of the Above D. 17'^ March 1808 A. 18 Months
Alfo the Above Charles Pott D. 29'*^ Aug', 1818 Ag'^ 11.
To the Memory of 3 Beloved Infants of James and Mary Buddie of this
Parifh who died at the refpe6live Ages of Ten, Nine, and 20 Weeks, William D.
8'^ Jan^ 1834 William George D. lo"" Dec' 1842, and Sarah Ann, D. 13"^ April
1845.
I take thefe tender lambs faid He
And lay them on my breaft
Prote(5lion they fhall find in Me
In Me be ever bleft.
Harriet Wife of William Solley D. 29"" February 1832 Aged 32 Y'
Alfo the Above named William Solley D. 9'^ Feb^ 1847 Aged 48
Alfo 2 Children William & Harriet Elizabeth.
William Hammond D, 20''' Feb^ 1840 Aged ^"j
Alfo Mary Wife of the Above D. 13'^ OQC 1836 Ag'^ Zi,.
William Coller D. 06lober 15*^ 1767 Aged 39
Alfo Elizabeth his Wife D. April 29''' 1773 Aged 59.
Alfo Mary their Daughter D. July 25"' 1769 Aged 26.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 127
William Silver D. December 20"" 1841 Aged 54
Alfo Ann Daughter of the Above Died
June 26'^ 1808 Aged 5 Months.
Jofeph Silver D. 28'^ Feb^ 1801 Aged 56
He left furviving Mary his Wife and
Nine Children, who in grateful
remembrance of the beft of Hufbands
And beft of Fathers, have caufed
this ftone to be placed here.
Alfo Mary Wife of the Above D. Sep-- 6"^ 18 16 Aged 68.
Thomas Pettman D. 9'^ May 1762 Aged 60
Alfo Sarah his Wife D. i f^ Auguft 1 800 Aged 90
Alfo Sarah Daughter of the Above faid Thomas
and Sarah Pettman D. 1 8'^ June 1 76 1 Aged 1 6 Y""'.
And Six other Children who died in their Infancy.
Mr. Richard Pettman of the Town & Port of
Sandwich, D. 18''' January 18 10 Aged 71.
Alfo Ann Pettman Wife of the Above
Died 26'^ February 1821 Aged 'i'].
Richard Wallraven D. December 6"" 1800 Aged d"]
Alfo Ann Wife of the Above D. Odi' 11"^ 1789 Aged 66.
David Lawrence D. 6''' Sep'' 1798 Aged 68
Alfo Elizabeth Wife of the Above D. 14 Nov' 1806 Aged ^i^.
Robert Atkins D. 24'^ Sep^ 1807 Aged 2 Y^ & 8 Months.
128 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Sarah Wife of Robert Atkins D. 27°^^ Odl^ 181 1 Aged 51.
George Hancock D. Jan^ 12'^ 1808 Aged 76
Alfo Mary his Wife D. Dec"^ 28'^ 1795 Aged 6^.
Stephen Marih D. May 23'^'^ 1842 Aged 55
Alfo Elizabeth Wife of the Above D. June 25''' 1823
Aged T^T,, Alfo Pleafant Marfh, his 2"^^ Wife
Died July 26"^ 1829 Aged 35.
Margaret Wife of John Stapley Efq, late
An Officer of H. M. Ordnance, Dover, who .
Quitted this Mortal life 28'^ April 1848
Aged 65 Years (Afleep in Jefus).
Alfo Sufannah Vandeput Daughter of the Above
Died 17^^ June 1848, Aged 32 Y'\ Alfo John
Stapley Husband of the Above Margaret Stapley
Died 9'^ Odlober 1850 Aged 69.
George Marfh of Deal, D. 15''' July 1825 Aged 43
Alfo Ann Marlh Wife of the Above D. 6'^ April
i860 Aged 78.
Jane Fells, Daughter of Thomas & Ann Fells
Died ii''^ November 1838 Aged 47. Alfo Lydia
Daughter of the Above D. Dec"" 5'^ 1843 Aged 57.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 129
Mr. Ifaac Sladden, late of Gore in this Parifh
Died ij'"'^ September 1807 Aged 40. Alfo Ann
Wife of the Above Ifaac Sladden D. if^ June 181 1, A. 43
Alfo 3 Children who Died Young.
Thomas Staines Sladden late of Gore in this Parifh
Died 16'^ Oftober 1831, Aged 40. He left Surviving
Hefter his Wife with 8 Children, 4 Sons & 4 Daug^
Solomon Harvey, Gen^ D. 9 November 1733 Aged 'j^
Alfo Catherine his Wife D. 1 5'^ March 1 740 Aged 79
Alfo their Son Solomon Harvey, A.B.
Died 2 2"*^ April 1713 Aged 23.
This was ereded by their beloved Daughter, Anno 1742.
Thomas Harvey D. 27'*' July 1696 Aged G-^i^
Alfo Mrs. Sarah Barnard Daughter of the faid
Thomas Harvey, And late Wife of Mr. William
Barnard Citizen of London, D. 25'^ July 1696 Aged 32.
Alfo Ann, Wife of the above named Thomas
Harvey. Died 25'^ September 17 16 Aged 85.
{Marble Slab railed round ^
Roberta Wife of Commander George Sayer, R.N.
Died 2"^^ Odober 1851 Aged 48.
{Stone Tomb railed round.)
Richard Shockledge Leggatt, D. 13'^ March 1853 Ag'' Gj.
I30 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
( Tomb railed rozmd.)
Thomas Rammell D. Dec'. i6* 1759. -^g^'i 5^
Elizabeth his Wife & Daughter of Tho'. & Mary Fuller
Died March 4'^ 1781 Aged 72
Alfo Mary, John, & Jane, who D. in their Infancy
Alfo Sufan D. January 5'^ 1770 Aged 18
Edward D. May 6'^ 1785 Aged 38
Mary, D. Nov"". 13''' 1789 Aged 41
Thomas, D. Oftober 11'^ i799 Aged 59
Alfo Mrs. Elizabeth being the laft of the IfTue
of the Above Thomas & Elizabeth, Died
September 15'^ 182 1 Aged 78.
Ann Wife of Edward Rammell of Deal
Died 11'^ April 1785 Aged 71
Thomas Son of the Above faid D. 11''' Feb^' 1791 A. 30.
Bartholomew Spain D. 11'^ Feb^ 1822 Aged 42
Alfo Mary Wife of the Above D. 5'^ March 1862 Ag"^ 76
When in the Solemn hour of Death
I Waited thy decree
This was the Prayer of my laft breath
O Lord remember me.
Hannah Daughter of Bartholomew & Elizabeth Spain
D. 25"' November 181 1 Aged 25.
Richard Son of Bartholomew & Elizabeth Spain
Died 2 1*^ September 181 1 Aged 28.
ME MORI A LS OF EA S TR Y.
Frances Daughter of Bartholomew & Elizabeth Spain
D. 21*^ February 1806 Aged 18.
Bartholomew Spain D. 15"' June 1813 Aged 68.
Alfo Ehzabeth Wife of the Above D. 11 May 181 7. Ag.67.
H, 1 701. T. H 1724.
R. H. 1708. K. H. 1728.
{Mr. Sharp's Vault flat Jlone)
John Pott D. 24^^ January 1805, Aged 60
Alo 4 Children of the Above who D. in their Infancy
Harriet Manger Pott Daughter of the Above
D. 13'^ Auguft 1 8 14 Aged 22
Elizabeth Pott, Relid of the Above, D. 29"^ Feb^ 1832
Aged 85.
Ann Wife of John Pott D. 14"' May 1771 Aged 64
Alfo the Above John Pott D. 7 May 1775 Aged 60.
Mary Wife of John AVoodruff D. lo'"^ Sep"" 1727 Aged 57
John Woodruff D. 4''' June 1737 Aged 71
Alfo 2 Children who D. in their Infancy.
Gibeon Son of Thomas and Sufan Rammell
D. i^ Auguft 1724 Aged 15.
131
132 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Sufan Wife of Thomas Rammell D. 1 2'^ May
1 749 Aged 74.
Thomas Rammell D. 13'^ March 1725 Aged 52.
Lydia AVife of Edward Emanuel Keble
Born 6'^ Nov^ i779 D- iS'*' May 1859.
Alfo the Above named Edward Emanuel Keble
late of Sandwich D. 3^'^ March 1867 Aged 83
Ann Relid of Edward Keble D. 14 May
1773 Aged 47.
Thomas Keble D. 14'^ February 1793 Aged 44
Martha Wife of the Above D. 15"" Sep"" 1785 Aged 32
Alfo 2 Sons Edward & George who D. in their Infancy
Harriet Daughter of the Above D. 11*^ March 1809 Aged 30.
Sarah Wife of John Hammond D. Nov"^ i'^ 1821 Aged 86.
Robert Simmons D. Jan^ 22"^* 1809, Aged 84
Mary Wife of the Above D. Odober 29"" 1809. Aged 84.
Joyce Wife of Samuel Fells D. Jan^ 23"^ 1807 Aged 66
Alfo the Above named Samuel Fells D. Auguft 13*^
1807 Aged 66.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 133
William Moat D. Feb^ 19'^^ 18 14 Aged 92
Elizabeth Wife of the Above D. June 25"^ 181 3 Aged 84
Alfo Richard Son of the Above D. April 8"^ 1826 A. 75
Sarah Wife of W"". Drayfon and Daughter of the
Above Will^ & Eliz'\ Moat, D. Aug^ 10"^ 1853 ^ged 85.
Margaret Wife of Thomas Hart of the City of
Canterbury, Wine Merchant. D. 5"" Dec' 18 13, Aged ^'i^.
Jofeph Belfey D. 10''' Oftober 1801 Aged 72
Sarah Belfey, his Wife D. 20''^ May 1806 Aged 68.
William Thomas Wood D. 21* Dec"' 1786 Aged 23
Alfo 2 Sons Jofeph and Thomas.
Jofeph Belfey D. June 9"^ 1789 Aged 18.
Mary Wellard D. 13 Nov'' 1808 Aged 64.
Elizabeth Wife of AVilliam Drayfon D.June 13'^ 1816 Aged 57 Alfo their
Son Thomas D. 06t' 18"^ 1803 Aged i Year.
Frances Wife of William Cooke D. 11"^ Odober 18 18 Aged 40. Alfo John Hall,
Father of the Above D. 19"" April 1820 Aged 60.
Alfo Sarah Wife of the Above D. f^ May 1836 Aged ^T.
34 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Chriftopher Hall D. 4'^ Auguft 1762 Aged ^'j
Ann AVife of the Above D. 3''^ May 1765 Aged 78.
S. R. Died f'' April 1825 Aged 9 Months.
{Mr. Rae's Vault railed round.)
Sufanna Wife of Thomas Bufhell, k Daughter of Henry & Pleafant Bufhell D.
!""^ February 1838 Aged 22.
Juft as the blaft cuts off the blooming flower
She here reclines by Deaths refiftlefs power
Learn reader here and with it onward pafs
This leffon (hard to learn) all flefh is grafs.
Henry Bufhell D. 24''^ April 1835 Aged 69
Alfo Pleafant Wife of the Above D. April 19"^ 1846 Aged 6^
Alfo Mary Daughter of the Above named
D. 22"^^ Odober 1850 Aged 31.
John Ferrier D. Feb^ 15'^ 1847 Aged 66
George Second Son of the Above D. 11''' April 1829 Infant
Alfo Emma Jane & Caroline, Twin Daughters
of the Above D. in their Infancy.
Maria Wife of William Famarifs, D. 10''' March 1842 Aged 62. Alfo the
Above named William Famarifs D. 26^^ April 1867 Aged 89.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 135
( To77ib railed rotmd)
Richard Singleton B. 9"" Jan^ 1799 D. 11''' April 1840.
( Tomb railed roimd.^
John Allen Will™. Wade Efq. Died
19"" September 1851 Aged 39.
Elizabeth Wife of James Leake D. Jan^ 27"^
1 8 14 Aged 52.
John Wilfon D. December 30"' 1840 Aged 52
Maria Daughter of the Above D. Jan^ 13^'' 1832 Ag. 7 Months
John Son of the Above D. Auguft 5'^ 1841 Aged 18 Y".
Robert Netherfole D. 6'^ May 1770 Aged 66
Mary Netherfole Wife of the Above D. 9'^ Sepf
1 77 1 Aged 62j John Netherfole Son of the Above
D. 14"" June 1767 Aged 24.
Edward Page D. 28'^ December 1861 Aged 59
Alfo 2 Children of the Above
George D. 22"^^ March 1837 Aged 7 Y"^
Mary Ann, D. 9'^ Feb>' 1838 Aged 4 Y^
( Tomb.)
Margaret Daughter of Saphire Paramo r
Died 1 8'*^ July 172 1 Aged 74.
136 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
( Tomb.)
Saphire Paramor of Statenborough in this Parifh, Gent.
Died September 27''' 1693 Aged 77.
(^Touib.)
Jofhua Paramor of Statenborough in this Parifh
D. June 4"^ 1 705 Aged 66 Alfo Mary Wife of the
Above D. Dec"" 4''' 1727 Aged "jo. Margaret Paramor
Daughter of the Above D. March 38*^ 8764 Aged 67.
Eliza Wife of Richard Harvey, Gent, and
Daughter of Mr. Saphire Paramor D. 6'^ Auguft 1688 Ag. 35,
Thomas Harvey, eldeft Son of Captain Richard Harvey
Died 30''' Odober 1696 Aged 19.
Wifdom and Innocency Both were joy n'd
And both in blooming Youth had fully form'd his Mind
When he to God his fpotlefs Soul refign'd.
He faw A temping world with fin draw nigh
And fearing more to live than Criminals to Dye
He timely chofe a bleft Eternity.
Thomas Kite D. 22"'' December 1795 Aged 36
Alfo Thomas Kite Son of the Above D. March 18"^ 1796 Aged 6 Y'
And 2 Children who Died in their Infancy
Alfo Mrs. Sarah Kite Wife of the Above
Died 14'^ September 1826 Aged 64.
• MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 137
Arthur Son of Thomas & Mary Sutton D. May 28"^ 1835 Aged 5 Years Alfo
Hefter Daughter of the Above D. Dec'" 11''' 1841 Aged 13. Alfo Harriett
Daughter of the Above D. April 6"' 1842 Aged 23.
Mary Wife of Mr. Thomas Sutton of Sandwich
D. 7'^ May 1850 Aged 58. Alfo the Above named
Mr. Thomas Sutton D. 4"^ Odober 1866 Aged 71.
John Wood D, 2d^ Odlober 1824 Aged 36.
( Tomb railed round.)
Jane Wife of Ephraim Prior D. March 29"" 1849 Aged 28.
All you that come my grave to fee
Remember Death will conquer thee
As you are now fo once was I
Therefore I pray prepare to Die.
Edward Fagg D. December 8'^ 1851 Aged 38.
He left furviving Amy his Wife.
Farewell farewell yet not a long adieu
For I if faithful foon may be with you
In blifTful regions where no fin no pain
Nor parting pangs fhall funder us again.
Mary Jane Hoile D. 4*'' Feb^ 1850 Aged 31
Alfo Sarah Strotten Mother of the Above
D. 27* Dec-" 1 85 1 Aged 67.
James Standen D. i^ April i860 Aged 74
Ann Daughter of the Above D. 30'^ March 1826 Ag. 4 ^ & 6 Months.
Sarah Wife of Henry Standen Son of the Above
D. 19''' February 1862 Aged 38.
7. 38 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
William Nower D. iS''^ Jan^ 1858 Aged 61.
Ann Nower Wife of the Above D. 9"^ April
1858 Aged 58.
Hannah AVife of Francis Hopper. D. Sep' 13*^ 1856 Ag 27.
John Farrier D. 13''^ Feb^ 1858 Aged "]"],
Henry Kittams D. 5'^ Sep*^ 1855 Aged 53.
Ann Wife of John Setterfield D. 30* Jan^ i86t Aged 66
AVhen in the Solemn hour of Death
I waited thy decree
This was the Prayer of my laft breath
O Lord remember me.
Sufannah Wife of Thomas Young D. Dec-" 8"^ 1862 Ag*^ 56
Afflidlion fore long time fhe bore
With pain fhe was oppreft
Till God did pleafe to give her eafe
And take her Soul to reft.
( Tomb railed round.)
Sarah only Daughter of John & Sufannah
Bowes, Born 30''^ May 1830, D. 18'^ Feb^ 1853
Alfo John Bowes Father of the Above named
Sarah, Born 28"^ Jan^ 1792 D. 4"^ Dec"" 1865.
( Tomb.)
Thomafine Fanny Wife of John Bridges
Kenrick D. 22"'' Feb^ 1859.
Clara Florence their Daughter D. 7 May 1859 Aged 7.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 139
Cranmer Kenrick Born 19"^ Jan^ 1849, D. ii"' July i860.
William Horton D. 19"^ Feb^ 1867 Aged 38
Alfo Ellen, Agnes, and Lizzie Daughters of the
Above who Died in their Infancy.
(To7nb.)
Agnes Daughter of William and Mary
Boteler Died Odober 8"^ 1857 Aged 57.
Eliz: Corney Romanis, D. 26 Aug' 1855 Aged 41.
Elizabeth Barbara Wyver D. 23'''^ Jan^ 1862 Aged 62.
(Tomb railed round. )
Henry Upton D. 4^*^ Auguft 1850 Aged 64.
Henry Matfon Son of Henry & Mary Upton,
Died 26'*^ Feb^ i860 Aged y^.
Mary Upton D. i*^ Nov"" 1863 Aged 70.
( Marble Jlab railed round.)
Elizabeth Wife of Captain George Hilton R.N. and Daughter of Henry Wife
Harvey, of Hearnden, Born in Sandwich 2°^^ 06lober 1792 Died in Canterbury
iS^'Feby 1819 Buried in Eaftry Church. Alfo Eliza the only Child of the
Above Born in Canterbury 15"" May 181 7, Died in Bruffels 26'*" July 1856.
Buried beneath this Tablet.
( Flat Jlone railed round.)
Margaret Ann Maria Wife of Robert Gordon Duglafs Efq. Lieut. R.N.
Daughter of Henry Wife Harvey of Middle Deal. Died 17''* May 1858,
Aged 28.
I40 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
( Tomb.)
Sarah Daughter of William Fuller
Boteler and Charlotte his Wife D. i^f" May 1857 Ag 42.
( Tomb.)
William Boteler Born October 23'''^ 18 10
Died July 6"^ 1867.
OllifF Julia Wyborn. D. 15'^ April 1864 Aged 9 Y^
(Marble Tomb.)
Stacey Grimaldi was born Od' 18''' 1790, in the Parifh of St. James London.
And died March 28''' 1863. At Hernden Houfe Eaftry, leaving A Widow,
Their Six Sons and three Daughters.
'^ Blefled are the dead who die in the Lord"
To the beloved and Honoured Memory of Stacey Grimaldi Efq. F.S.A. of Maize
Hill, Greenwich, Kent, Third in lineal Defcent from Alexander Marquefs Gri-
maldi of Genoa, Who fettled in England a.d. 1683. Stacey Beaufort Grimaldi
Eldeft Son of the above. Born in York St. London 30''' September 1826, Died
In Otago New Zealand unmarried 23'''^ Oft"" 1866.
Mary Elizabeth, Wife of Henry Famarifs of Wells Farm in this Parifh D.
i'^ Dec"- 1855 Ag'^ 25.
Alfo Elizabeth Daughter of the Above died in her Infancy.
Jane Martha Daughter of Mark and Mary Kingfland D. 9'^ Auguft 185
Aged 18 Y■■^
Mark Kingfland late of Wells Farm in this Parifh D. i*^ March 1853 Aged
54. Alfo Mary Wife of the Above D. 18"^ April 1852 Aged 43 Y''^ Left Surviv-
ing 7 Children Viz Mark William, Mary Elizabeth, William Thomas, Jane
Martha, Court, Emily, & James.
William Charles Monlas Courtney born May 8''^ 1865 : d. April 29"^ 1869.
" Perfeded for ever."
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 141
Arthur-Mand, Carus-Wilfon Born March 16"^
1857 Died Odober 15"^ 1859.
" He fhall gather the Lambs with his Arms."
,th
- Mary Wife of James Buddie, D. July \f
1850. Aged 45. Leaving 3 Sons h 3 Daughters
She was a good and tender Mother
A true and faithful Wife.
Alfo Sufannah Daughter of the Above
D. Sep"^ 24'^ 1852 Aged 22 Y'\
Alfo James Husband of the Above D. Oft 6"^
1864 Aged 75.
( Tomb railed round.)
Commander Charles Hougham Baker R.N.
late of this Parifh D. 29'^ March 1854 Ag^ 42
much Beloved and refpecfted.
The Lord gave & the Lord hath taken away
Bleffed be the name of the Lord.
Richard Devefon D. 12"' Auguft 1864 Aged 64.
Phineas Gilham 20'^ Feb^ 1850 Aged 52 Y".
Alfo Mary Gilham Wife of the Above D. 20'*" September 1868 Aged 75.
" Blefled are the Dead which die in the Lord.''
( Tomb railed round.)
Here lieth the Mortal remains of the late
Rev. Ralph Drake Backhoufe, M.A.
1 2 Years Vicar of Eaftry with Worth
And 29 Years A Zealous Minifter of God's Word
Born 6''' January 1801, Died 24'^ Dec' 1853.
" And their Works do follow them."
142 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
7 MONUMENTS IN THE CHURCHYARD,
(From the Boteler MSS.)
i^
At the Northfide of the Church in the angle formed by the Chancel.
Virtus poft funera vivit
Here lieth buried Margaret the eldeft Daughter of Jofhua and Sufan Paramore,
and Wife to Bartholomew Fletcher of Kent Gent. She was born Auguft 21^
1 6 14 married September iS'*" 1632, and Died July lo'*" 1633.
Sir Transit Gloria Mundi
a Jewel rare
In Earth its place iliall appeare
(When Graves be open'd Day of doome)
Earre to furpaffe of this tombe
Strive then Spectator
To views fo riche or rare a diamond.
2"^^.
Here lyeth entomb'd the Body of Ann Bonner, late Wife of W". Bonner of
Lee, in Eflex Mariner, by whom fhe had IfTue one Daughter. She was the
Daughter of Jofhua and Sufan Paramor of Eftry in Eft Kent She drew her firft
Breth April 26"^ in the Year 1625 and drew her laft Breth the 4'^ of May in the
Year 1644
To Mourn or joy I ftand in equal plight
Thy LofTe deere friend to mourning doth invite
Thy LofTe oh no my Loffe of fuch a Friend
Muft needs coft teares but yet thy happie end
Made friends at thy death both glad and forry
Sad to recount theire LofTe glad for thy glory.
O •
Here lieth interred the Body of Sam'. Paramor Gent, who departed this life y"-'
22'"' of April 1679 Aged 29 Years
The Memory of the Juft is blefTed. Prov :
Look envious Eyes & fee what's done
Low here is writ upon this Stone
An Epitaph which doth prefent
A line or two of difconfent
For here doth lie of natures Store
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 143
o
A young Man and a Paramour
Lord this is thy moft bleft decree
To bring us one by one to thee.
4'\
Here lyeth the Body of Margaret the Wife of Saphyr Paramor of Staten-
borough Gent, who departed this Hfe the 23'"'^ of Auguft 1679 Aged 60 Years.
s'".
Here lyeth interred the Body of Saphire Paramor of Statenborough Gent. He
was buried 27 Sep'' A.D. 1693 Aged 77 Years
Waiting for the Refurre6lion of the Juft.
6'\
Here lieth interred the Body of Jofhua Paramor of Statenborough in this
ParifK Gent, who departed this life June 4'^ A.D. 1705 Aged 66 Years.
Leaving Iflue 3 Sons & 4 Daughters, by Mary his Wife Daughter of Mr.
Ralph Philpott of Word.
Alfo Mary the Wife of the aforefaid Jofhua Paramor died Dec' 4^'' 1727 Aged
70 Years. Alfo Margaret Daughter of the abovefaid Jofhua & Mary died March
31^^ 1764 Aged 67 Years.
f\
Here lieth interred the Body of Marg'. y^ Daughter of Saphir Paramor of this
Parifh Gent, who departed this life the 18'^ of July A.D. 1721 Aged 74 Years.
On an altar Montmient near the middle of the Churchyard on the North
Weft fide of the foot-path.
Here lieth the Bodyes of Thomas Fawlchner, and William Fawlchner, Which
Thomas dyed 22"^^ day of Aprill 16 William dyed y^ of 06lober 16 16.
( The Infcription is almofl obliterated) Eaflry Regifler ;
Burials 28 April 16 10 Thomas Fawlchner Paterfamilias 11 Oc' 16 16
W"". Fawlchner Pat.
144 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Richard Prett Died Dec'' 20"" 1 749. Aged 50.
Jane his Wife Died 2°^^ 0&^ 1753. Aged 56.
Death is the fate of all you fee
And will ere long your Portion be.
Happy are they in Chrift that die
To live with him eternally.
William Parker died 5 Feb^ 1782. Aged 86
Elizabeth his Wife died 1 1"' April 1778 Aged 86.
Ann Barton ;
Wife of James Beal,
Born 22°'^ Auguft 1806,
Died 6^^ April, 1855.
Alfo
Sufannah Philpott,
Wife of Alfred T. Wright,
And Daughter of the above
D. 1 1'"^ Jan^.
1869, Aged 23.
Mary Beal.
D. March 4^'^ 1857,
Aged 76 Years.
Jofeph Patten Baker,
Born 26"^ July, 18 13,
Died 11"^ Nov\ 1869.
. . . . From the ruined JJirine hejlept,
Andin the Tnoon athwart the place of tombs.
Where lay the mighty bones of ancient men^
Old knights ., and over them thefea wind fang
Shrilly chilly with flakes of foam ....
MoRT D' Arthur.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 144-^
My attention has been called by the Rev. W. S. Shaw, to fome in-
icriptlons and monuments not noiv difcoverable^ which were communi-
cated in 1790 to Parjons* Monuments of Ke7it, by the Rev. Montague
Pennington. They were as follows : —
*' I. On a flat done partly within the [altarj rails, which are fo placed over it that
part of the inscription is illegible, is —
Hie jacet quod fuit mortale Richardi Foggi arm. qui ex uxore XIV
liberorum pater fuit, etc. Obiit set. 74. i 580.
" II. On the wall fouth of the table, on a brafs plate about 20 inches fquare
in perfed prefervation, are the effigies of a man and woman kneeling
with uplifted hands, behind him the fon, behind her three daughters in
fame attitude. The fon has a sword by his fide. Beneath the figures is
this infcription : Pofuit Richardo Fogg armigero, viro fuo amantiffimo
chariillmoque benigne de fuis, benigniffime de pauperibus, bene de omnibus
merito, uxor Anna hoc grati animi monumentum * * :;-- ^^ * Vixit et
afcendit quinquagenarius aftra, nunc anima ccelos contigit ante fide, Tres
natae, natufque unus poll fata fuperftes virtutes patrias quas imitentur
habent.
Arms above the figures. Party per pale baron and femme ift On a fefs between
three annulets as many mullets pierced. 2nd, quarterly in the finifter
quarter a crefcent, over all a bend vairy.
** III. A flatftone without the [altar] rails to the memory of Jane daughter of R.
Kingsford rector of Upminfter in Effex and Jane his wife daughter of Richd.
Fogge late of this Parifh Efquire. She married Edward Jacob of Canter-
bury furgeon, and left iflue 8 children. Ob. March 16. 1719% ^tat. 33.
" IV. Alfo the faid Edward Jacob and Mary, daughter of John Chelker of New
Romney gent., his 2nd wife: he died Feb. 9, 1756, aged 76, fhe Oct. i6th,
1727, aged33.
" V. In the body of the Church : Here lieth Ralph Smith junior of Tilman-
ftone who died Aug. 16, 1655.
" VI. Here lieth the body of Ralph Smith of Eaftry who died June i ith, 1664.
"VII. Ralph Smith of Thornton, Sep. 16 — .
*' VIII. On the fide of the chancel a handfome mural monument to M. Hatton,
Efqre., of Dane Court in this parifh, Aug. i, 1776.
Arms. Party per pale. Azure a chevron between 3 garbs or, for Hatton. 2nd
gules three lilies proper couped, for Lilly. On a wreath of the colours a
hind at gaze or.
" IX. Another on fame fide with fluted pillars. Thomas Michael Turney, late
Student of Brafenofe. ift Feb. 1770, aged 19.
In the Chancel Eaft Window were thefe arms in different compart-
ments : —
144*'' MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
" r. (The bafe broken) in chief azure 3 lions rampant or.
*' 2. Gules a crofs argent.
" 3. Azure three bendletts argent. The efcutcheon imperfect. In the other
chancel windows are feveral figures much defaced."
Whilft thefe pages have been paffing through the prefs, a handfome Latin Crofs
has been ereded over the Rae Vault, ftanding on three fteps, the highest of
which bears the following infcriptions cut on its feveral faces, viz : —
On the Weft face —
'^ In memory of
James Rae
Of Douglas Ayrlhire, N.B.
and of Walton Houfe, Eaftry,
Died February 28th, 184."?,
Aged 49 years."
On the South face —
On the Eaft face-
" In Memory of
Katherine Mary
Second daughter of James Rae
and Elizabeth Sophia his wife.
Died November 8th, 1842
Aged Eleven years."
" In Memory of
R ofa Margaret
Wife of the Revd. J. R. Holmes,
Re6lor of Blo-Norton, Norfolk,
Youngeft daughter of James Rae.
Died November 7th, 1869.
Aged 32 years."
On the North face-
" In Memory of
Mary
Widow of William Gordon,
of Glenlivet, Banfffhire, N.B.
only daughter of Thomas Jemmitt
of Borham Wood, Herts.
Died July i6th, 1854
Aged 89 years."
C|^e Coiurr anti Brlls.
CHAP. V.
" What mujic is there that compared may be
With well-timed bells enchanting melody ?
Breaking with their fweet founds the willing air,
They in the lijiening ear the foul enfnare."
Lines inscribed in the Belfry of S. Peter's Church, Shaftesbury.
HAVING carefully examined the Church, let us now afcend the
Tower.
We fhall not go far before we come on the left to a door-way, long
fince blocked up, which probably led either to the triforium, or to the
outlide of the roof of the nave, of an earlier church. A few fteps more
bring us to the Ringing chamber, where the ringers ufually affemble
on Tuefday (formerly Thurfday) nights to pracflife, and where hangs
a copy of the Rules of the Eaflry ringers, given hereafter. Imme-
diately above this is the Clock chamber, which contains " the works "
of a very good and ferviceable eight-day clock by MefTrs. More &
Son, Clerkenwell, given to the parifh by R. Springett Harvey, Efqre.,
in the year 1853 ; at which time Mr. Harvey alfo gave a telefcope for the
ufe of the clerk, or other perfon appointed to wind up the clock, in order
that he might notice the exad: time at which the time ball falls at Deal
u
145
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
and regulate the clock thereby. Local time, which isjlill kept at Eajiry, is 5
minutes fafler than Greenwich time. But, had our parifh been to the Weft of
Greenwich inftead of to the Eafh of it, the probability is that ** railway time "
would have been adopted long ago. In this chamber is kept the parifh
flag — a large S. George's enfign, purchafed in 1869, out of part of the
proceeds of Penny Readings.
A few fteps more bring us to the Bell chaiiiber, which, however, we had
better pafs by for the prefent, andhaften to the top of the Tower. Arrived
here we find the whole village, as it were, mapped out at our feet ; whilfl on
a clear day a very fine diflant view may be obtained, embracing portions of
the towns of Sandwich, Ramfgate, and Deal — Ramfgate Harbour, the
Goodwin Sands, Walmer Caftle, Walderfliare Tower, Goodneftone, Knowl-
ton, and Walderfhare Parks, the grounds of Betteflianger and of Updown
Houfc, and the Tower or other portions of 17 or 18 parilTi churches.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 147
including thofe of Afh ; Staple ; Woodnesborough ; Minfter ; S. Clements,
and S. Peter's, Sandwich ; S. Lawrence, Thanet ; S. George's, and Holy
Trinity, Ramfgate ; S. Andrew's, Deal ; Upper Deal ; Shoulden ; Word ;
Great Mongeham ; Tilmanftone ; and fome others.
The view is fo good on a clear fummer's day, when the fun is not too
hot (for then there would probably be a confiderable haze), that I think
any of my readers who fhould be induced to venture to the top of the
Tower would readily confefs that they were amply repaid for all the toil
and trouble of the afcent.
Carefully locking the door at the top of the Tower, let us now defcend
a few fteps to the Bell chamber, and take a peep at the Bells. At prefent
the Eaftry peal conlifts oi five Bells. And the probability is that the
Church has polTefTed this fame number for at leaft the laft hundred and fifty
years — the more recent dates upon fome of the Bells, being merely the
dates of re-cafting. Mr. Boteler, in his MSS., fpeaks of the Eaftry Bells
as being " wretchedly unmufical " even in his day, and as time went on
they probably did not much improve. At length, however, in the year
1 864, through the exertions of Lieut.-Col. Rae, who is himfelf an amateur
ringer, and takes a warm interefl: in the bells and bellringing, they
were tuned and put into a ftate of thorough repair by MefTrs. Mears
& Son.
The following are the mottoes emboifed upon the feveral Bells, toge-
ther with their refpediive weights : —
r'. " il^oljtrt mot malie me 1584" Weighs 7 cwt.
2"^. " Softauueg Clarke ftaiu ferit Campanam 1609." Weighs 8 cwt.
WILLIAM IDLEY Z THOMAS WHITFYLDE CHVRCHWARDENS."
3'^'^. " HENRy WILTNAR MADE ME 1 629." Weighs 10^ CWt.
4*^. "MR. RAMMELL CHURCHWARDEN RICHARD PHELPS MADE ME 1 734-" Weighs
14 cwt.
^th "xHOmAS KITE WILLIAmFILPOT CHURCH WARDEnS ROBERT CATLIn FECIT 174O."
Weighs 18 cwt.
T48 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
Mot flourifhed in London from 1570 to 1603, and died in White-
chapel. Clarke was a Chertfey founder. His lettering is limilar to that
of the Eldridges, of Chertfey. Henry Wilnar was a Kentifh founder.
His foundry was at Borden, near Faverfham, and the father and fon
flourifhed from 1 600 to 1 670. Richard Phelps belonged to the White-
chapel Foundry — the prefent firm of Mears and Stainback — and died in
1738. Catlhi belonged to the Reading Foundry.
From very early times Bells have been ufed for the purpofe of calling
the faithful to the fervices of the church, of affembling the clergy, of
lamenting the dead, and of honouring fefHvals.
And to the man whofe foul is capable of appreciating the grand mufic
of good bells, there is fomething indefcribably thrilling in the deep
fonorous voice of the tenor or great bell, as its folemn tones of fadnefs, or
of warning, come through "the liflening air!" Whilfl the joyous
abandon with which a merry peal burfts forth is perfed:ly infecflious.
Of all nations the RufHans have, perhaps, the keenefl appreciation of
good bells (fee C. Piazzi Smyth's Three Cities ifi RuJ/id), yet, flrange to
fay neither with them, nor elfewhere on the Continent where they have
fine bells, are they rung in a peal, but one bell rings at one time, another
at another, without method, fo that the only effedl to a flranger is a per-
petual tinkling ! Ringing in peals — and efpecially change ringing— feems
almofl entirely peculiar to this country, and fome writers have even gone
fo far as to attribute the title " merrie England " to this national cuflom.
In the olden times a day never pafled without the bell being rung once
or twice, and perfons very frequently left money or goods by will to pay for
the bell being fo rung. Thus there was the matins or early morning bell, to
call the people together for common prayer before going forth to their work
and to their labour. And this cuflom is flill retained in many pariflies, even
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 149
where the original purpofe and intention of it has been loft fight of and
forgotten. Again, there was the Bell for Evenfong ; and later on the*
Curfew Bell, warning people to put out all lights and fires for the night.
A precaution moft neceffary when the cottage and the hall were alike moftly
built of wood and thatched with ftraw. This cuftom is faid to have been
firft inftihited by William the Norman, but probably the true expla-
nation is, that he made obligatory that which, there feems good reafon for
fuppofing, was pradlifed even before his time in the convents of the north.
The ancient and goodly cuftom of ringing the Curfew Bell, at 8 o'clock
every evening, continued in our own parifh till the year 1824, when
unhappily it was fuffered to fall into difufe, and the annual payment of
1 8^. heretofore made to the fexton " for ringing the eight o'clock bell "
was difcon tinned.
Again, on Sundays and holy days, at the celebration of the Holy
Eucharift, when the prieft came to the words, Sanfttis^ Sanfliis, Sanclusy
Dominus Deus Sabaoth (Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of Hofts), a bell
was rung, called the Sanclics or Saunce Belly from the fadl of its being rung
at the time thofe words were uttered.
At the Reformation of the Englifti Church this cuftom was difcon-
tinued, and inftead thereof a bell was rung after the Nicene Creed and
before the fermon, to fummon the people to hear the Word of God
preached and explained to them. This cuftom is now rarely met with ;
but the writer remembers, as a boy going into a country church in
Somerfetihire, among the Mendips, where this Sermon Bell was ftill
retained and had in ufe. The rope hung down in the body of the
church — for the bell itfelf was not hung in the Tower, but probably
juft over the chancel arch — and the clerk left his defk and tolled it
for a few minutes before the pfalm was fung which preceeded the
I50 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
fermon. This is the only inftance of the ufe of the Sermon Bell in a
parifh church, which I remember to have met with, though poffibly
other inftances may occur to fome of my readers. Again — when any
man was grievoufly fick and nigh unto death, it was anciently the
cuftom to ring a bell called the Faffing Bell, to intimate to the neigh-
bours that his fpirit was paffing out of this world, and to ftir them
up to pray for the foul of their brother that, if it pleafed God, his
end might be peaceful and without pain, and that he might be num-
bered with Chrift's faints in glory everlafting. And by the way in
which the bell was tolled the people could learn the fex, and in fome
pariihes the age alfo, of the perfon thus paffing away. Then immediately
the breath had left the body of the lick perfon, this Faffing Bell was
changed to a knell. But nowadays the real Paffing Bell is forgotten and
difufed (though the after -knell is often improperly called the, paffi7tg bell
by fome), and the bell is tolled only when the man is dead, and our prayers
can no longer avail him in this world. In our own parifh, when any perfon's
death is intimated by the tolling of the bell, the fex of the deceafed is figniiied
by the bell's being made to flrike three times 3 for a man or boy, and three
times 2 for a woman or girl. In fome parifhes a bell is always rung at
feven o'clock on Sunday mornings and another at eight o'clock. Thefe were
probably to call the people to early celebrations of the Holy Com-
munion. At Eaflry the bell is now rung at 9 o'clock only, but formerly,
and until within the laft few years, it was rung at feven, eight, and nine ;
whilfl in other parifhes — though this cuflom is fomewhat rarer —
they flill keep up the pracflice of ringing the Angelus Bell on Sundays at
one o'clock or thereabouts. This bell is fo called becaufe the Angel
Gabriel is faid to have faluted the B. V. Mary at that hour with the
words, " Hail thou that art highly favoured the Lord is with thee!" This
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 1 5 1
A iigehis Bell w2iSy I find, rung In our own parifh until quite recently.
On Sundays the bells are chimed, and not rung before the fervices, thus
caufing lefs fatigue to the ringers, and enabling them to come to church.
Having thus touched upon the manner and times of ringing the bells,
and thinking it may intereft fome of my readers, and poflibly caufe the
adoption of fuch-like rules in other parilhes, I fhall now proceed to
give —
"The Rules and Regulations to be observed by the Com-
pany OF Ringers belonging to the Church of S. Mary,
Eastry.
The ringers, being officers of the church, fhall confifl only of Church-
men, parifhioners by preference, fuch as are known for their good chara(5ler,
and as are defirous by their conduct to bring no disrepute upon the office
which they ffil, or the church to which they belong. The belfry, being
part of the church, is to be confidered as a place where decorum and
propriety are to be flrid:ly obferved.
2. The number of the company fhall not exceed 12, and it fhall be
the conftant endeavour of the Company to keep up to this number as far
as poffible. Extra, or " trial hajids," may be allowed to the number of four.
Any perfon who may be thought defirable for a " trial hand " fhall firlT:
be fuggefted to the vicar and churchwardens for their approval, and then
taugh^ his art on the pradiice nights. He fhall then, if able to raife a
bell, and to do his work fairly in an ordinary peal, upon the occafion of a
vacancy in the number of ringers be eleded by a majority to fupply the
vacant place. No fuch " trial hand " previous to election fhall have any
voice in the arrangements, or be fubjedt to the fines hereafter flated, or
fhall fhare in the profits of the company, unlefs when for want of ringers
152 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
his aid is required and given on the occalion of a gratuity being received.
He fhall then take his fhare. He fhall, however, be fubjedl to all the other
rules of the company.
The company fhall alfo admit honorary members upon an admiffion fee of
25. 6rtf., and an annual payment of^i. i^. Such honorary members fhall
not fhare in the receipts of the company, nor be anfwerable to the fines,
but fhall have all the other privileges of members and be fubjed: to all the
other regulations.
3. A foreman and one vice-foreman (to ad: in his abfence) fhall be
annually chofen by a majority. It fhall be the duty of the foreman to fee
that all thefe rules are carried out ; to be refponfible for order and pro-
priety in the belfry ; to give notice to all the ringers on the various ringing
occafions, and at the end of the year to place before the company its
pecuniary condition.
4. A treafurer fhall be annually eleded by a majority. His duty fhall
be to keep in a book provided for that purpofe all the accounts of the
company ; to receive the various fubfcriptions, donations, and fees which
may be given from time to time ; to regifler all the fines which lie
againfl each member, and at the end of the year to prepare for the
foreman a full flatement shewing the apportionment belonging to each.
5. The ftated days iox ringing ^2X\. be: Chriftmas Day, Eafter Day,
Whitfun Day, Old Year's Eve, New Year's Morning ; the Queen's Birth-
day ; on the occafion of the vifits of the Archbifhop ; and at the funeral
of any member, when the bells fhall be muffled. The time for ringing
on other days fhall be regulated by the convenience of the ringers and
the approval of the vicar and churchwardens.
6. The pra^ifing time fhall be on Thurfday evening in each week
from 7 to 9. But if a majority choofe to fix any other time for practifing
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 153
in addition to, or in lieu of this, they can do fo; all other rules in fuch cafe
equally holding good.
7. The ufe of the bells is to be exclufively for ecclefiaftical and national
purpofes, and always fubjeft (as provided by law) to the approval of the
vicar.
8. The rates for ringing at weddings, and fuch like occafions, fhall be
as follows: —
For one hour, a fee of 10^.
„ two hours „ 205.
If a higher fee be given, then more time fliall be given at the difcretion
of the Ringers. It fhall be the duty of the foreman to take means to
afcertain whether parties concerned wifh the bells to be rung on fuch
occafions, and to acquaint them with the rates of charges. And if the
ringers think fit at any time to ring without any arrangement with parties
no fee fliall be exped:ed.
9. All monies received for the company in the fhape of fubfcriptions,
donations, or fees, fhall be put down by the treafurer to the common
fund. This fhall be equally divided amongfl all the members at the end
of the year, and then each fhare fhall be fubjeded to deductions in refped:
of fines, which fhall be carried over to the common fund for the next
year, or otherwife dealt with as a majority fhall think fit.
I o. With refpedl to fines, &c. : —
(i.) A ringer who has abfented himfelf from praClifing continuoufly
for 3 months (unlefs it have been on account of ficknefs) fliall have
his name flruck off the lift of the company. He fhall be fubjed: to fines
up to the time of his leaving, and fhall be entitled to fuch a fliare of
monies as would belong to him up to the time of his lafl attendance. In
Y
154 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
the cafe of a bo7id fide abfence from the parifh 6 months' law fhall be
permitted in order to allow for a poffible return.
(2.) On occalions of Ringing when a fee is given: —
(a.) Every ringer who, after due notice, is abfent (unlefs from
ficknefs) fhall forfeit his fhare of the gratuity.
(b.) If he be abfent through ficknefs he fhall receive half a
fhare.
(c.) If he be not in the belfry within 1 5 minutes of the time of
meeting announced by the foreman, he fhall forfeit id.
(d.) If he leave the belfry before all is over, unlefs the majority
give him permifHon, he fhall forfeit zd.
(e.) If the bells be rung more than once in the day, and he be not
prefent on all occafions, he fhall forfeit (in refpeft of the gratuity)
proportionately.
(f ) If on ringing occafions a ringer refufe to ring on account of
the fmallnefs of the fee offered (unlefs it be under 10^.), and for want
of him the 5 bells cannot be rung, he fhall forfeit all that would
have been given to the company.
(3.) O71 Praclifing Occafions : —
(a.) Any member who is 1 5 minutes after time, or is abfent alto-
gether (except through ficknefs), or leaves the belfry before the
bells are down (except with permiflion of the foreman) fliall forfeit id.
(b.) On fuch occafions no ringing is to commence after 8 p.m.,
nor to continue after 9 p.m. (except on the night of the old year)
on pain of a forfeit of 2d. to each ringer.
II. (i.) The bells are to be rung only in the ufual and proper mode
of ringing.
(2.) No one is to be allowed to touch them except ringers and trial
hands.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 155
(3.) No damage is to be done to the bells or to the machinery con-
nedled with them. Any one chargeable with this is to be held refponfible
by the foreman, and to be reported by him to the vicar and churchwardens.
(4.) None but ringers and trial hands are to be allowed in the belfry
except with the fpecial permiffion of the foreman. And it is to be under-
ftood that it is a place for work and not for lounging.
12. On occaiions of ringing the foreman may provide refreshment to
the amount of i pint of beer for each man engaged at each time of
meeting: the expenfe of which fhall be put down to the common fund.
On praftifing occaiions the foreman may allow members to fupply them-
felves to a limilar extent. No fnioking is at any time to be allowed in
the belfry. Any improper behaviour is to be reproved by the foreman, and
if confidered neceflary, to be charged with a fine not exceeding 2i-. bd., and
to be reported to the vicar and churchwardens. Any one guilty of grofs
mifcondudt, or open defiance of any of thefe rules fhall by vote of the
majority and the fandtion of the vicar and churchwardens, be turned out
of the company.
13. Any diipute which cannot fatisfad:orily be arranged by the mem-
bers of the company fhall be referred to the vicar and churchwardens, and
their decifion fhall be confidered final.
14. A member who fhall be confidered by the majority unable to
perform his work properly through phyfical infirmity or other fimilar
caufe, fhall retire from the company.
15. On the occafion of the eledlion of any frefh member, thefe rules
fhall be formally read through to him by the foreman, in the prefence of
the other members, and fuch member fhall, in a book provided for the
purpofe, declare in writing his full affent to them.
156 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
16. The company fhall meet on fome day at the clofe of each year
for the annual fettlement of their affairs.
17. Thefe rules, which were drawn up by thofe whofe names are
appended, and which received the approval of the vicar and church-
wardens for the time being, were made the rules of the Eaftry Company
of Ringers on the 29th of March 1864. If at any time it appears
defirable to make additions to them, or alterations in them, fuch may be
done by a vote of the majority and the approval of the vicar and church-
wardens.
But ere you enter ^ yon bold tower furvey.
Tall a7id entire and venerably grey.
% ^ ^ ^
But ours yetjlands^ and has its bells renown' d,
For Jize magnificent and folemn sound.
The Borough.
Cj^e l^rrtors, Wicnvs, Chaplains, anti
Cmatfs.
CHAP. VI.
'^ TT!*?^/ may reji from their labours^ and their works do follow them.'' Rev. xiv. r 3
r;^.
THE following lift of clergy, who have at different times had the
cure of fouls in this parifh, is chiefly extrad:ed from the ancient
diocefan regifters in the Archiepifcopal Library at Lambeth, and the
references in the notes are to the feveral volumes which are lettered with
the names of the fucceffive archbifhops. There are alfo in the muniment
room of the library very copious and valuable indices to all thefe regifters,
compiled by Dr. Ducarel, librarian of Lambeth in the laft century. The
earlieft regifter in the Lambeth collection — viz., that of Archbiftiop
Peckham — who was advanced to the primacy in a.d. 1278 — begins in
June A.D. 1279. All the earlier regifters are iaid to have been carried
to Rome by Archbiftiop Kilwardby, the immediate predeceftbr of Arch-
biftiop Peckham, when he religned the archbiftiopric on being made Car-
dinal and Biftiop of Portua. I have been informed that thefe Regifters
are no longer in the Vatican Library, but are fuppofed to have been
removed to Paris, after the capture of Rome by Napoleon L During
158 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
the occupation of Paris, application was made to the late Duke of
Wellington, for their reftoration to the Vatican, but without fuccefs.
The title " Sir," which occurs occafionally in the following lift (and
which is = Lat. do7nin2Ls)^ was commonly employed towards parifh priefts
in olden time, not in virtue of their prieftly office, but of the degree of
B.A. taken at the univerfity. Thofe who had taken a fuperior degree were
addreffed as " Mafter." The dates in the text are correcfled to the new
ftyle : the old ftyle remaining in the notes unaltered, as taken from the
regifters : —
The Rectors.
ante a.d. 1280 John Bacon,' Prefbyter.
1284 Anfelm de Eaftria,= Prefbyter and Cleric.
1 3 10 Mafter Robert de Mallynggs,^ Prefbyter.
13 — William de Scottowe :* died before a.d. 1355.
1355 Sir William de Cufynton or Cofyngton I'* died before 1361.
1 36 1 Sir Stephen de Grauele,^ Prefl^yter.
' John Bacon or Bakon (for the name is fpelt both ways), prieft and reflor of
the Church of Eaftry, was fo oppreffed by the cares and refponfibilities of his cure,
that he refigned the re6lory 8 Id. April A.D. 1280; butfeemsto have accepted it again,
as he was inftituted to it by the archbifhop, ivith his own ring (fuo annulo), a fhort
time after. — Reg. Pecham. f. 48 b.
' Ibid. f. 55.
^ Reg. Winch, i. 49.
'^ Reg. IJlep. {. 270, ftates that Cufynton was collated to the re6lory of Eaftry,
then vacant by the death of William de Scottowe, his predeceffor.
^ Reg. IJlcp. f 287, tells us that Dominus Stephen de Gravele, prefbyter of the parifh
church of Eafiry, was prefented to the re6lory of the faid church vacant by the death
of the laft rc6lor William de Cufynton. We find from the deed of endowment of
the vicarage, which is dated Ang. A.D. 1367, that the reflory of Eaftry was then vacant
by the ceffion of the re6lor, which muft have been Stephen de Grauele. Sir Stephen
was, therefore, the lafl re6lor of Eaftry.
6
99 b.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 159
The Vicars.
1367 Thomas Molot/ Prefbyter.
1370 Sir John Holenden/
1373 Sir John Clerk :' exchanged with his fuccefTor.
1376 John Kyngs:9 exchanged with his fucceflbr.
1377 William Buke/° Prefbyter.
Thomas Goldyngton :" exchanged with his fucceiTor.
1404 Philip Hamon :" exchanged with his fuccefTor.
141 4 Galfrid Adam :'^ exchanged with his fuccefTor.
141 6 John Ruton or Royton :'^ exchanged with his fuccefTor.
141 7 John Putteney:''* refigned.
1 42 1 Thomas Newman, B.A.'^
Molot was of the Convent of Stone, and diocefe of Lichfield, — Reg. Laugh, f.
^ Holenden was of Tonbrigge (Tunbridge). — Reg. Whit. i. 80 b.
^ Clerk was of Alwakely. — Regijl. Whit, f 93 b.
9 On the 8th July, A.D. 1376, John Kyngs, vicar of Brokefbone, dio. London,
exchanged with John Clerk, vicar of Eaftry. — Reg. Siidb. i. 1 14-
'° William Buke, Prefbyter, chaplain of the perpetual Chantry of the B. Virgin
Mary, in the parifh church of Heme, exchanged with John Kyng. — Reg. Stidb. f 123 b.
" On the I ft April, A.D. 1404, Thomas Goldynton, vicar of Eaftry, exchanged
with Philip Hamon, vicar of Benynden (Benenden) : Goldyngton, muft, therefore,
have been inftituted fome time previoufly, and there feems good reafon for fuppofing
that he was the fucceffor of William Buke, though in what year remains unknown.
'^ July 30th, A.D. 1414, Galfrid Adam, reftor of ffrenftede (Frinfted), exchanged
with Philip Hamon. — Reg. Chich. f. 60.
'3 Twenty-fecond 06lober, A.D. 14.16, Galfrid Adam exchanged with John Ruton,
reflor of Bo6lon Malherbe (Boughton Malherbe). — Beg. Chich. f Jj b.
^4 On the 15th 06lober, A.D. 1417, John Royton exchanged with John Putteney,
Vicar of Salhurft, diocefe Chichefter. — Reg. Chieh. f 89 b.
'5 Seventeenth December, A.D. 1421, Thomas Newman, Bachelor of Arts, was
collated to the vicarage of Eaftry vacant by the refignation of John Putteney, the laft
vicar. — Reg. Chich. f. 128 a.
i6o MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
1426 John Water or Watier :'^ died.
1435 William Watier.'^
1436 Sir John Barbour.'^
1437 Thomas Wyles or Wylys :"^ exchanged with his fucceffor.
1440 Thomas Lawke/°
1 45 1 Sir Robert Deaken or Dekyn : ' exchanged with his
fucceflbr.
1455 Sir John Craller.''
in 1479 '""Sir William Craller :^ died a.d. 1487.
1487 '"Mafter Afchowe :Mied a.d. 1507.
1 5 17 Richard Maifter, S.T.B.^
1534 Master Richard Champyon, M.A. :^ died a.d. 1542.
'^ Thirty-firft 061., A.D. 1426, John Water, chaplain, was collated to the vicarage
of Eaflry then vacant. — Reg. ChicJi. f. 165 b.
''' Nineteenth Oct., A.D. 1435, William Watier was collated to the vicarage of
Eaftry vacant by the death of John Watier, laft vicar. — Reg. Chick, f. 208 b, 209 a.
'^ Sixteenth July, A.D. 1436 John Barbour, chaplain, was collated to the vicarage
of Eaftry then vacant. Reg. CJiich. f. 211.
'9 Thirty-firft Aug., A.D. 1437, Thomas Wylys, chaplain, was collated to the
vicarage of Eaftry. — Beg. Cliich. f. 217 b.
-° Twenty-eighth April, A.D. 1440, Thomas Wylys, vicar of Eaftry, exchanged
with Thomas Lawke, re6tor of Bedfelde, dio. Norwich. Reg. Chich. f. 223 b.
' Fourth February, A.D. 1450, Thomas Deaken, prefbyter, was collated to the
vicarage of Eaftry. — Reg. Staff, f. 108 a.
" Twenty-fecond April, A.D. 1456, Robert Dekyn, vicar of Eaftry, exchanged with
John Craller, re6lor of Hattleport, dio. Lincoln. — Beg. Bonrch. f. 60 b.
^ Wills in the Prerogative Court, Canterbury. — From the Botel. MSS.
■* Twenty-feventh July, A.D. 15 17, Richard Maifter was collated to the vicarage of
Kaftry then vacant by the death of the laft incumbent, whofe name is wanting. — Reg.
Warh. f. 363 b.
^ Nineteenth April, A.D. 1534, Richard Champyon was collated to the vicarage
of Eaftry. — Reg. Cranm. f. 355 — and as to death Botcl. MSS.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. i6r
1542 Sir John Orgravar :'' ftill Vicar in a.d. 1551.
1553 Thomas Sawyer/
1 5— Mafter Robert Hill, M. A. •? refigned.
1558 John Lawfon.^
1 56 1 *Peter Lymiter \° died a.d. 1581.
1 58 1 John Seller, S.T.P,:" exchanged with his fucceiTor.
1590 "Samuel Nicols, M.A. : died a.d, 1639.
1639 Thomas Blechyhden.
1653 Nicholas Brett ;^ Minijler.
1 66 1 *John Whifton : died a.d. 1694.
1695 ^'Thomas Sherlock, M.A. : died a.d. 1698.
1698 -"^Drue Aftly CrefTener, M.A. : died a.d. 1746.
^ Reg. Cranm. f. 389;
' He had the Queen's letters of prefentation. — Hajled. vol. iv., p. 230.
In Beg. Pol, f. 76, Robert Hill is fpoken of as the predeceffor of John Lawfon.
^ John Lawfon, prefbyter, was collated to the vicarage of Eaftry 31ft January
1557, o.s. — Beg. Pol i. y6.
^° The date of Peter's Lymiter's collation is from a lift of inftitutions to benefices
now in the Public Record Office : his death is recorded in the parifh regifter. Hajicd,
vol. iv., p. 230, gives the names of three vicars, here between Lawfon and Seller — viz.,
'' Walter Herbert, i^yi ; Peter Lenikei^i^y 4.; diVid Thomas Lymiter. .... obiit.
1582." I am forry to differ from fo eminent an authority, but a careful inveftigation
of the regifters at Lambeth, and of other documents, convinces me that he has fallen
into error here, and has inferted the names of two men (Walter Herbert and Thomas
Lymiter) who never were vicars of Eaftry.
" Hajled. vol. iv., p. 230, gives 1582 as the date of Seller's inftitution, but Beg.
Giind,, f 546 b, ftates that, on the 13th February, 1580 (o.s.), John Seller, Cleric,
M.A., was collated to the vicarage of Eaftry, with the chapel of Worth annexed to
the fame, vacant by the natural death of Peter Lymiter.
'^ Brett's name appears in the parifh regifter of this date (1653), and alfo in 1654
and 1655. He was probably the intruding minifter in the time of the Common-
wealth. There Avas a Thomas Brett, minifter of Shoulden, and reflor of Bettef-
hanger, who was buried at Shoulden A.D, 1681 — he might have been fome relation to
*t3
our Brett
i62 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
ij^j Culpeper Savage, M.A. -P died a.d. 1753.
1753 Samuel Herring : exchanged with his fucceflor.
1757 *Richard Harvey, B.A. : died a.d. 1772.
1772 Richard Harvey, M.A. -."^ died a.d. 1820.
1 82 1 George Randolph, M.A. : preferred a.d. 1841: alive in 1870.
1 841 *Ralph Drake Backhoufe, M.A. : died a.d. 1853.
1854 Charles Carus-Wilfon, M.A. : preferred A.D. 1 867: alive in 1870.
1867 William Francis Shaw, M.A.
BRIEF NOTICES OF SOME OF THE RECTORS AND VICARS.
William de Cusynton : a.d. 1355 — 1361. In the time of this
red:or a difpute arofe between the prior and convent of Chrift Church,
Canterbury, and William de Cufynton, on the one part, and Sir Richard
de Monyngham, perpetual vicar of the Church of the B. V. Mary,
Sandwich, on the other, with regard to a certain piece of land called
Pottokefdown (now Puttockfdown). The vicar of S. Mary's claimed
that this land belonged to his parifh, and accordingly feized the
tythes of the fame. But the prior and convent, in conjund:ion with the
recflor of Eaftry, brought an action againft the vicar of S. Mary's in the
Archbifhop's Court at Canterbury, when the vicar was caft, and a defi-
nitive fentence was pronounced againft him a.d. 1356. The land was
'3 He refif^'ned the vicarage of Sutton Valence on being collated to this
vicarage, which by a difpenfation he was permitted to hold with Stone in Oxney
{Hapd).
'4 This R. Harvey was the nephew of his predeceffor, and alfo vicar of S.
Laurence, in Thanet, which he refigned in 1793 {Hajicd.).
*-Thc names in the above lift which have asterifks are thofe of the vicars which
have been buried here.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 163
declared to be within the parifli of Eaftry (i.e., within that part of it
which now forms the parifli of Word), and the vicar was ordered to
make reftitution of the tythes or their value, as well as to pay all coils.
In the fentence pronounced by Mafter John Euerleye, attditor caii/artcm
Archiepifcopij occurs this pafTage : " Willelmiis de Ciifington mdti^tis fiiit
in corporalejn poj/ej/ionem ecclejie de EJlry ante fejliim ajfumpcionis beate
Marie Virginis proximo preteritum"''^ which fixes the time of Cufynton's
indudiion pretty clearly. For, as the fentence was pronounced in Feb.
A.D. 1356 (o.s.), and the Feaft of the AfTumption of our Lady was on
the 15th Auguft, A.D. 1356, he muft have been indud:ed fome time in
the previous ipring or fummer.
It is very Angular to notice what a ilrange hankering the good people
of S. Mary's, Sandwich, feem to have had for the above-mentioned piece
of land called Puttockfdown, and how generation after generation they
claimed it to be within the boundary of their own parifh. As late as
A.D. 1676, we find the Rev. Afahel King, vicar, and the parifhioners of
S. Mary's, affembled in veflry, afi^erting their right to levy a rate on this
land, as part of the parifh of S. Mary's, and even voting money for any
fuit that might be inftituted to try the cafe.t
Stephen de Grauele : a.d. 1361 — a.d. 1367. From Boys' i7?/?^rjj/
of Sandwich (vol. i., p. 350), we learn that Stephen de Gravele was infti-
tuted to the redlory of S. Peter's, Sandwich, by Archbifhop Simon lilip
on the vi. Ides of September, a.d. 1350. This, however, he muft have
refigned fome few years afterwards, fince in the year a.d. 1361, when he
was appointed to the redory of Eaftry, he is defcribed as " Preft)yter of
the parifti Church of Eaftry," by which we may perhaps underftand
* See Botel. MSS., vol. A.
f From the vefhry minute book of S. Mary's, Sandwich, kindly brought under
my notice by the Rev. A. M. Chichefter, vicar.
i64 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
that he was one of the chaplains or chantry priefts attached to the church.
William Craller : a.d. 1487. It is often very curious to notice
the various and varying ways in which furnames were frequently fpelt in
former time. The general found of the name was caught, and
exprefled in various ways, whilft ofttimes the final fyllable was cut off.
Thus it happens that Vicar Craller was often called CraW or Craule :
Afchowe was pronounced AfcJC or AJlie ; and Orgravar became Orgrav'
or Orgrave.
Amongft the wills proved in the Confiftory Court of Canterbury, in
A.D. 1487 (fee Chap. XII hereafter) is that of " D"\ Will'\ Craller pejicio-
narhis Ecclie pock de EJlrie" who directs that he fhall be buried in the
chancel of Eaftry Church. Now, as he is elfewhere mentioned as being
vicar of Eaftry in a.d. 1479, he had probably refigned it, on a penfion at
the time of his death.
Thomas Aschowe : a.d. — a.d. 1507. In the will ofthepre-
ceeding Sir William Craller, which is dated 14 Mar. 1487, mention is
made of" Thos. Afhow " as " ppetual vicar of the faid Church " of Eaftry.
And the will of John Whitefelde of Eaftry — which directs that he be
buried in the church, and is dated 21ft Jany. 1507 — mentions " Mafter
Thos. Aflie, vicar of Eaftry." Again, the will of Jane Afchowe, of S.
Bartholomew's, near Sandwich, in 1524, directs that fhe be buried in the
chancel of Eaftry Church, near her deceafed uncle. Sir Thomas Afchowe,
and that a ftone be laid upon her faid uncle. All traces of this ftone
have long fince difappeared.
Richard Champyon : a.d. 1534 — 1542. He calls""- himfelf in his
will Prieft, and Prebendary of Chrift Church, Canterbury. He leaves to his
efpecial friend Dr. Drom, S. Augujlines Works ; to Dr. Rydlye the preacher,
* Botcl. MSS.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 165
S. Ambrofe, or fome other like work. Alfo to Dr. Rydlye, the preben-
dary — afterwards Bp. of London, and Martyr — Co77iplutens Editio, other-
wife called the SpaniJJi Byble, "or fuch like kynd of old amytye and
friendfhip." Which two laft he appoints fupervisors to his will. He died
in A.D. 1542, but there is no record of his having been buried here.
John Orgravar or Orgraver immediately fucceeded vicar Champyon in
A.D. 1 542 ; though how long his vicarate lafted is llightly uncertain,
feeing that his name does not occur after a.d. 1551 : we may, however,
conclude that he held the benefice till a.d. 1553. But whether he
then vacated it by death or otherwife is unknown.
Thomas Sawyer, whofe name occurs in a.d. 1553, had the Queen's
letters of prefentation.'"" This would feem to have arifen from the See of
Canterbury being vacant at the time.
Peter Lymiter : a.d. 1561 — a.d. 1581. A lift of inftitutions to
benefices belonging to the Augmentation OfHce, and now in the Public
Record Office, Fetter Lane, flates that Lymiter was collated to this
vicarage in the third year of Queen Elizabeth, and we learn the date at
which his vicariate ended, from the parifh regifter, which contains the fol-
lowing entry of his burial : —
" 1580 Peter Lymiter Vicar of Eaftrie."
ffeb'-.
6
His will was proved in the Confiftory Court of Canterbury the 1 1 th Feb.
A.D. 1 58 1 (new ftyle). In it he directed that his body fhould be buried
in the Chancel of Eaftry Church ; but whether there were ever any
monument, brafs, or flone, eredled to his memory I know not : at all
events, there is none now in exiflence.
John Seller: a.d. 1581 — a.d. 1590, appears to be the only docftor
* Hajled. vol. iv., p. 230.
1 66 MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY.
on our lift for he was S.T.P., or Sandts Theologize ProfelTor = Dodlor of
Divinity. Three children were born to him at Eaftry — viz., Anne in
A.D. 1583, 2inot\itv Eli zabei/i in a.d. 1584, and a fon Thomas in a.d.
1586. He feems to have exchanged this benefice in a.d. 1590 with
Samuel Nicols for Little Mongehamy to which Nicols was prefented in
A.D. 1588.
Samuel Nicols: a.d. 1590 — a.d. 1639. On the 16 May a.d.
1588, we find Samuel Nicols was prefented to the x^Qiorj oi Little Monge-
ham-, and in A.D. 1 590 he became vicar of Eajlry, probably by an exchange
with his predecefibr. He feems to have been poffefied of fome freehold
property in the parifh, for mention is made of fome of Ids land 2.S, adjoin-
ing the glebe, in the Terrier which I have called No. I. The parifli
regifters furnifh us with feveral notices of his family, which tend to throw
fome light upon his domeftic life. Thus, in a.d. 1592, fome two years
after his collation, we find he had a daughter born to him, who was
baptized on the 9th 06tober in that year by the name of S^ifaji ; and
who, on 19th September, a.d. 1609, was united to JoJJma Paramour
in holy matrimony at the early age of 17 ! But two years before this
joyous event — viz., on the 12th April, a.d. 1607, was buried ^''Margaret
Nicolls, wife of Samuel Nicols" And in a.d. 1639 the fcene clofed,
for there was buried in that year, after an incumbency of nearly 50 years,
" ffebru M-". Samuel! Nicols
2 1 Vicar of Eaftry."
It was during the vicariate of Nicols that the Regifters were newly copied
out by order of Convocation in a.d. 1598*. Two of the Terriers alfo —
one being the earlieft relating to our parifh that is extant — were made
during his incumbency, and will be found with the others in the
Appendix.
* For further information refpc6ling this fee " T/ic Registers^' pojl.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 167
John Whiston : a.d. 1661 — a.d. 1694. We get at the date of
Vicar Whifton's appointment to this benefice by the following note in his
handwriting, which occurs in our earlieft regifter of burials under the
year a.d. 1661 ; "The wife of John Adams, f Jirjl that I John Whijlon
buried after I zvas Vicar, May 20." On the i'^ Jan^, 1683, was buried
" Mrs. Sufan Whifton," probably the wife of our vicar ; but whatever the
relationfhip betwixt them, he did not long furvive her, for on the 17th
October, 1694, his mortal remains were committed to the earth.
Thomas Sherlock, a.d. 1694 — a.d. 1698, feems to have been of
Corpus C. College, Cambridge, and to have taken his M.A. degree in
1679. Like fo many of his predecefTors and fucceffors in this parifh, he
died at his poft, and was buried in his own church. Vicar CrelTener, in
a quaint and amufing entry in the oldeft regifter book, afferts that he was
ill-ufed and badly treated by his people, and that too in fuch a way as to
fliorten his life. But may not grief for the lofs of Mrs. Mary Sherlock,
who was buried here 30 March, a.d. 1697, ^^^^ contributed in fome
degree to haften his end ? The following is the brief entry in the regifter
refpedting his burial : "Mr. Thomas Sherlock Vick. June 2, a.d. 1698."
Drue-Astly Cressener : A.D. 1698— A.D. 1 746, was by no means
an ordinary man. Endowed with much learning and indomitable
energy, he was alfo blefled with fo good a conftitution that he was vicar
of our parifh for well nigh 50 years. His long vicariate, which faw four
fovereigns on the throne, ftands forth in remarkable contraft to the fhort
incumbencies and rapid fucceflion of our vicars in the early part of the
XVth century. He was a member of Pembroke Coll. Oxford, where he
graduated in a.d. 1682.
At one time in his life CrefTener was apparently on fome what bad
terms with his parifhioners, or at leaft he entertained no very high
i68 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
opinion of them, as the following iingular entry in the oldeft regifter
ceflifies :— " Aftley Creffener Vicar Induced by y'^ Rev^. Mr. Tho : Man-
der December ii. 1698 among the Savages of Eaflry, who uf'd my
Good Predeceflbur almoft as 111 as my Self, but Death in a little Time
gave him a Happy Deliverance.'* An entry in the churchwardens'
accounts under the year a.d. 1708, may perhaps throw fome light — in
the abfence of all certain information on the point — on the caufe of the
mifunderftanding between the vicar and his parifhioners. It would
appear to have arifen from fome dilpute about the election of church-
wardens : which difpute waxing hot was carried into court, when the
parifh was defeated, and had to bear the cofts of the adtion.
The following is the entry referred to: —
''1708.
11 Ap". p"^. to Mr. Peter Gleane Proftor his Bill on Account of
Court and other Charges on the Difpute between Mr. Creffener
and the Parifhon'''' in eledling Churchwardens on the 5'^ Inftant,
which upon hearing att y^ Court of Canterbury on the 1 3''' Inftant
before Do6lor Rob'. Wood he ordered that the faid Bill fhould
be allowed and paid by the Parifhoneners \_Jic\ . . 283"
Again, in the " Difpurfm'^ " of " Mr. Tho : ifullar " as church-
warden for the years 1708 and 1709, occurs the following: —
" Spent att the Vifitacon when the Parifhon'"' mett att Court and had
the Difpute about Chuiing Churchwardens . . 2190"
Vicar Creffener prefented to the church a paten, chalice, and hand-
fome flagon of filver, which are ftill ufed in the celebration of the Holy
Eucharifl. There is no infcription either on the paten or chalice, but
the flagon has the words " Deo Servatori " deeply graven on the fides
within a floriated border, and at the bottom "Eaflry 171 8." He be-
queathed alfo a fum of money to be laid out in ornamenting the church,
which is faid by tradition to have been employed in ceiling the chancel.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY, 169
What other alterations may have taken place at this time it is not eafy to
fay : though there feems good reafon for fuppofing it was about this date
that " the 1 8 ftalls for the ufe of the monks " in ante-Reformation
times, which formerly exifted in the chancel difappeared. It is much to
be wiflied that thefe flails could be reftored again to their ancient pofition
in the chancel.
Creffener alfo left £^ to be be diftributed amongft the poor of Eaftry
and £^ for thofe of Worth. Thefe fums were duly diftributed amongft
the poor of Eaftry and Worth by Vicar Savage on i'^ Jan^., a.d. 1748.
After a life of much activity and of diligent attention to the feveral
duties of his holy office, Creifenerat length fell afleep, and was buried on
the 27th September, a.d. 1764, in the 82nd year of his age. He was
buried in the chancel, where was placed a handfome monument to his
memory, which now ftands againft the wall of the fouth aifle. An oil
portrait of Vicar Creflener in gown and bands — faid by tradition to have
been an admirable likenefs— formerly hung in the veftry of the church.
The canvass is ftill in exiftence (1869), but as the colours are faft
crumbling to pieces, and fall off on being touched, its value as a portrait
is deftroyed beyond all chance of reftoration !
George Randolph, a.d. i 821— a.d. 1841, on coming to the
parifti found only one fervice here and one at Worth every Sunday. This
he fpeedily altered for the better by engaging the fervices of a curate, and
having two full fervices at each church every Lord's day. He alfo may
be regarded as the founder of the National School fyftem in this parifli,
for he collected a fum of money and built our firft National Schools in the
year 1 840 : which buildings have fince been pulled down to make way
for the prefent more commodious ftrudture. Again, in the early days of
his vicariate, he pulled down the old vicarage houfe, and rebuilt it—
A A
I/O
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
much to the advantage of his fucceflbrs. After 20 years' labour in our
parifh, he was preferred to Coulfdon, in Surrey, a.d. 1841.
But I cannot iinifh thele brief notices of our redlors and vicars without a
few words refpedling the lajl vicar of Eajlry ami Worth.
Ralph Drake Backhouse, a.d. 1841 — 1854, was educated at
the Rochefter Cathedral School, whence in due time he proceeded to
Clare College, Cambridge. In a.d. 1823 he graduated as fifth Junior
Optime, and was fhortly after eled:ed fellow of his college. In a.d, 1824
he was ordained deacon and licenfed to the curacy of Little Chart. He
afterwards became curate of Walmer, and upon the death of the incum-
bent (the Rev. E. Owen), was prefented to that benefice by Archbp.
Howley, at the requeft of the parifhioners. Here he laboured earneftly
for fome years, until in a.d. i 841 he was collated to the vicarage of Eaftry
cum Worth by Archbp. Howley. On the removal of the Rev. C. Lane
to Wrotham, he was appointed Rural Dean of the Sandwich Deanery.
For 23 years he was alfo the evening lecturer at S. George's Chapel,
Deal. During his incumbency the parifli church of Eaftry was much
improved, and thofe reftorations were commenced which have fince pro-
grefied fo fuccefifully, and which, if thoroughly carried out, will make
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 171
our church one of the fineft in the neighbourhood. In his time alfo the
church was iirft opened for weekly fervice during Lent, and an extra
evening fervice eftabUflied on the laft Sunday in the month when the
Holy Communion is celebrated. He alfo ftarted the evening fchools
— introduced an organ in place of violins — greatly improved the finging
and chaunting — and, in a.d. i 847, enlarged the churchyard. For fome
years Mr. Backhoufe was chaplain of the Eaftry Union, where he
was much beloved by the poor and afflicfled. He was a good
fcholar, an able and eloquent preacher, a moft zealous and devoted parifh
prieft, and in manner and bearing a thorough Chriftian gentleman. His
performance of three full fervices every Sunday for many years, and his
other varied and heavy duties, at length brought on premature illnefs,
which caufed his death on the 24th December, a.d. 1853. He was
followed to the grave by a large number of the neighbouring clergy, and
his body was interred in the churchyard, in a fpot of ground feledled by
himfelf, being that on which the archbifhop ftood when confecrating the
portion of land added to the churchyard in a.d. 1847. His death was
univerfally regretted, and he is" ftill affedlionately remembered by many in
the parifh.
The Chaplains.
In former times there was ufually more than one priefl attached to each
church. The chief being called either redtor or vicar, according to the
nature of his benefice, and the other priefts, either ferving under him, in
the Mother Church, or in chapelries in diftant parts of the parifh, as was
the cafe here when the vicar was bound to keep a chaplain for Word, or
elfe occupying a fomewhat more independent pofition as the chaplain of
a chantry chapel within the walls of the church. Such chantries being
founded for the purpofe of having maffes faid for the repofe of the fouls
172 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
of the founders and their relations. In our own church there were three
Chantry chapels — viz., thofe of the B. Virgin Mary, commonly called
"our Lady," of the BlefTed Trinity, and of S. John the Baptift ; confe-
quently there muft have been many priefts attached to the church. Thefe
chantry priefts were fupported by the offerings of the faithful in various
ways — e.g., by oblations and obventions, by payments for maffes and obits,
by bequefts and benefactions. And it would appear that the priefts
belonging to the chantries in Eaftry Church had fome 1 8 acres of land
in the parifh appropriated to their ufe and fupport, which were known so
late as 1693 by the name of ^'' the Chantry Lands'* The following very
imperfed: lift is all that I have been able, as yet, to difcover : —
Chaplains and Chantry Ppiests.
ante A.T). 1361 Stephen de Grauele, prefbyter, afterwards redior : in
1 39 1 John FitzRobert, clericus : ante 1426 John Watier, chaplain, after-
wards vicar: a?ite 1436 John Barbour, chaplain, afterwards vicar : «;^/^
1437 Thomas Wyles, chaplain, afterwards vicar: in 1538 William
Kene, chaplain.
The Curates.
By the term " curate " is now generally underflood "the minifter whether
prefbyter or deacon, who is employed under the fpiritual redtor or vicar,
as affiftant to him in the fame church or elfe in a chapel of eafe within
the fame parifh belonging to the Mother Church."" Formerly, however,
it meant all prefbyters or deacons who had the cttre of fouls, and in this
wide and general fenfe it is ufed in the Book of Common Prayer when we
pray for " all bifhops and curates." In the prefent cafe, however, we ufe
the word in its common modern acceptation.
* Hook's Church Di6lionary, p. 289.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 173
The earlier portion of the fubjoinedUft is necelTarily fomewhat incom-
plete.
Curates in Charge and Assistant Curates.
Ante A.-D. 151 1 H, Patryke,* pariih prieft of Word : in 1557 Thomas
Bennett, clericus ac curatus : i6^y Par/on Denne : ij^i^ Par/011 Omer :
1752 Samuel Fenner Warren : 1776 . . . Adkins : 1777 N. Nifbet, and
ftill in 1781 : 1783 Thomas Pennington, D.D., and in 1798: 1800
Philip Le Geyt : 1804 Henry Thomfon : 1809 Henry Plumptre, red:or
of Claypole and curate of Eaftry : 18 17 George Fielding, M.A. :
1 82 1 James Peto, LL.B. : 1837 Edward John Randolph, B.A. : 1840
Frederick Thomas Scott,M.A. : 1 840 Henry Mapleton, Junr., B.A. : 1 843
John Fuller Spong, B.A. : 1 844 James Layton, B.A. : 1 845 Wm. Maundy
Harvey Elwyn, M.A. : 1847 John Francis Baynham, B.A. : 1854 John
Buttanfhaw, M.A. : i860 Thomas Hy. Papillon, B.A. : 1861 Henry
Beaufort Grimaldi, B.A. 11863 John Erfkine Campbell- Colquhoun, B.A. :
1865 Guftavus Bofanquet, B.A. : 1867 Valentine Shillito Vickers.
* Reg. Warcham, f. 48.
A good man there was of religioun
That was a poiire P erf one of a totm ;
But riche he was of holy thought and werke.
He was alfo a lerned man, a clerk.
That Chrifles gofpel trewely wolde preche
His parijheiis devoutly wolde he tcche.
Prologue to the Canterbury Tales.
Cj^f Clrrfes antr ^tytom.
CHAP. VII.
" / had rather be a doorkeeper in the houje of my God, than to dwell in the tents
of wickednefs." — Psa. Ixxxiv. lo.
IN FORMER times the clerks and fextons were generally fuch as
had taken minor Orders, that is to fay Holy Orders below the rank
of Subdeacon. And then afterwards the names were retained as the dif-
tinguifhing titles of thefe officers of the Church, even when it was no
longer cuftomary for them to be ordained by the laying on of the hands
of the Bifhop.
The word clerk properly meant one well fkilled to read and write — a
fcholar. It was thus commonly applied to the clergy, who were gene-
rally able to read and write, in days when thefe were very rare accomplifh-
ments.
The parifh clerk is appointed to his office by the vicar : and he may
be duly licenfed thereto in the Eccleliaftical Courts. In which cafe the
office is a freehold, from which he cannot be removed except for fome
grave fault, fuch as immorality or negled: of duty. I have gleaned from
the regifters —
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY 175
A List of the Clerks.
In A.D. 1573 . . Carrlngton : 1633 John Carrlngton : 1653 William
Kingfland : 16 . . Thomas Wrake : ccnte 1684 Samuel Terry, buried 28
Feb., 1703: 1703 James Keble, to 1724 probably, he was buried 20
Oa., 1738.
In 1725 and 1726 appears this entry in the churchwardens' accounts
for thofe years : —
" P'^. the Widow Walfgrave for dark's wages 1 5'."
1728 Hezekiah Stace, buried 6 Sept., 1745 : 1745 William Aynott,
buried 30 July 1775, aged 70 years: 1775 Stephen Court; he married
Aynott's daughter: 1830 Jofeph Bowman.
In the oldeft regiiler occur the following entries reipeding Kingf-
land : —
"1590 March William Kingfland piih Clarke was baptized at Ickham
this yeare & month."
"The 22'"^ day of September 1653 William Kingfland of Eaflry . .
, . was by the Maior part of the pifhioners . . » elecfled and chofen
to be the pifh regifter, &c."
He took the oaths of his ofHce before Peter Peke, Efqre., on the 23rd
of November following, and he figns his name for the laft time in the
regifter book under the year 1 660.
Further on in the fame regifler is a notice of Wrake's baptilm inferted
irregularly : —
"Aprill the 12 1635 was
Thomas Wrake pifh Clarke of this pifh baptized."
Both in the cafe of Wrake and in that of Kingfland there would
appear to have been fufpicions that they had not been baptized,
1/6
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
which occafioned both thefe entries. That concerning Kingfland being
efpecially fingular, as the facrament would feem to have been performed at
Ickham^ not that he was brought here from another parifh for that pur-
pofe. A glance at the lift of clerks will fhew that the duties of their
office have not been at all prejudicial to their longevity, at least
during the laft 120 years. For lince the year 1745 up to the pre-
fent time there have been only three parifh clerks !
Mrs. Chriftian Goddard, of Eaftry, widow of Oliver Goddard, be-
queathed by her will in a.d. 1574, a tenement and garden in Eaflry
THE clerk's house.
Street, to the churchwardens " to hold to the ufe of the clerk of Eaftry
for ever, fo that the fame clerk for the time being do teach and inftrucfl: in
learning one of the poorefl men's children of the parifh being a man child
from time to time for ever." Further information refpeding this houfe will
be found under " The Schools' and ''The Parochial Charities!' It is now
unfortunately in a fad ftate of dilapidation, and has been held adverfely
for many years, as againft the churchwardens, by Thomas Young, who
was once for a fliort time fchoolmafter, and who has long refufed to give
up poffefTion of the premifes.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 177
The Sextons.
The title facrijla7i or fcxton was given to that officer of the church
who had charge of the holy velTels, plate, veftments, relics, lamps, &c.
His duties now-a-days, as well as his refponfibilities, are fomewhat lefs
than formerly. But he ftill exercifes a general care of the church and
churchyard, cleans the church himfelf or by his deputy, rings the bells,
and digs the graves. The fexton is elected by the parifhioners, and the
office is tenable for life, fubjed: to fufpeniion or removal, for mifcondudt
or immorality, by the ecclefiaftical authorities. The following is a
List of the Sextons.
^;2/^ 1589 James Andrew, "the fexten," buried the 8 July 1589:
.... William Renward, buried 23 Jany., 1644-5 : 1645 George Stup-
pell, " houfeholder, the fexton," buried 12 0(5l., 1661 : 1661 James
Stupell, buried, "an ancient man," 9 May, 171 1 : 1708 John Smith, to
Jany., 1719-20: 1720 Nicholas Cook, buried 29 June 1745: 1745
Michael Cock, buried 3 July, 1767: 1767 Stephen Danton, to 1785 :
1785 Michael Cock, buried 12 Feb., 1805, aged 67: 1805 James Hud-
fon, buried 14 Jan., 18 16, aged 84: 1816 John Moat, buried 24 July,
1867 aged 83 : 1834 Richard Moat.
In the Churchwardens' accounts for the year 1785 there is this
entry : —
" To expenfes at choofing a fexton .... 6"^."
The fexton thus chofen was Michael Cock.
Stephen Danton feems to have left the parifh in or about the year 1785,
as I can find no mention of his burial either in that or in fubfequent years.
Goodmajt Cock lived in the iiril of the five houfes of Goddard's Charity
B B
178 MEMORIALS OF EASTRV.
— viz., the one neareft the road, now occupied by Widow Bullock. For
the parifh feems to have early appropriated this as " the Sexton's Houfe,"
and in the churchwardens' accounts we find numerous entries of various
fums paid, from time to time, for " clay," " fand," and " ftraw," as well
as for " thatching " and " glazing," for this houfe.
What is a church ? Our honejl Sexton tells
' Tis a tall buildings with a Tower and Bells ;
Where Priejl and Clerk with joint exertion Jlrive
To keep the ardour of their flock alive.
• • • • •
Thefe for the living ; hit when life be fled,
I toll my f elf the requiem for the dead. — The Borough.
Wi)t iaeifftstei'S.
CHAP. VIII.
" And I found a Regijler of the genealogy of them . . . ." — Nehem. vii. 5.
THERE have been various opinions as to the preclfe period w^hen
pariih reglfters were first kept In England [see Burn's PariJJi
Regijler s^ p. 4 : a very valuable and Interefting book well worth reading.]
But Dr. Prideaux feems on the whole to be corred: when he fays In his
DIred;Ions to Churchwardens : " Parifh Reglfters were firfl: ordered by the
Lord Vicegerent Cromwell In the 30th year of King Hen. VIII. (a.d.
1538), and from thence all parifh reglfters have their beginning."
Our own reglfters begin In September, a.d. 1559, the firft year of
Queen Elizabeth, who IfTued an Injundilon In that year for the better
keeping of parifh reglfters. The oldefl book has the baptifms, burials,
and marriages, entered in feparate columns on the fame page. That por-
tion of it, however, which is prior to 1598 is, like many reglfters in other
parlfhes, only a copy of the older reglfters : howbeit a correH: and reliable
copy, fince the entries are attefted at the foot of each page by the words
Concordat ctmi originali, followed by the fignatures of Samuel NIcols
[vicar] ; Nicholas Squyer, W"". ffaulkner [churchwardens]. The title-
i8o MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
page of the book explains this copying, and is as follows : — " A reiefter
booke for the parifh of Eaftrie of Marrages, Chriftennings, and burialls
begonne in the yeare of o^ Lord 1559 : and now this yeare 1598 newlie
written according to a conftitutio made in covocatio begonne att Londo
the 25 of Odober 1597 by the Archbifhoppe, Bifliopps and the Clergie
of the Province of Canterburie."
For the original conftitution referred to in the foregoing extradt fee
Burn's PariJJi Regijiers, pp. 23, 24. The regifler is defed:ive in the
burials and marriages from 1645 ^^ September 1653: the few that are
entered, having apparently been put in afterwards from memory.
In other refpedts, however, few parifh regifters have been fo well kept
as our own.
I may here mention that the old regifter book of Worth, which pro-
bably went back to the fame period as our own, viz., 1559, was deftroyed by
one Richard Read, the clerk there, who judging it to be out of date., and
being a tailor by trade, cut the parchment into flips for meafures !
In the year a.d. 1653 an ad was palled dirediing Regiftrars to be chofen
in every parifli, to be approved of and fworn by a juftice of the peace.
[See Burn's Paidjh Regiflcrs, p. 29.] The following is the entry in our
own regifter concerning the due appointment of one of thefe officers for the
parifh of Eaftry : "The 22"' day of September 1653 William Kingiland
of Eaftry in the County of Kent was by the Maior part of the piihioners
of the faid pifti eleded and chofen to be the pifli regifter of Eaftry afore-
faid for the regiftring of all marriages, births of children and burialls of
all forts of people. And to Ad: and doe in all things therein according to
an Ad of Parliament in that cafe made and provided witnes our hands
" Nicholas Brett minifter James Bunce Roger Goulder Saphir Para-
mor William Vigin Michael Aauften Churchwardens John Auften his X
markc Ri: Harvy.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. i8i
" I doe approue of the faid William Kingfland to bee Regifter of the
Parifh of Eaftry abouefaid according to the ele6lion abouefaid. And the
faid William Kingfland hath taken his oath before me, According to the
Ad:e of Parlieament in that cafe made and prouided. Witnes my hand
heereunto fubfcribed this Three & Twenty day of November 1653. —
Pet. Peke."
In the year 1666, being the i8th Chas. II., an a6t was paifed dire(5ling
that no perfon fhould be buried in any garment that was not wholly
compofed of wool under a penalty of five pounds. And fubfequently
another a6l was paffed in 1678 (30 Chas. II., cap. 3) which required
every minifter to take an affidavit of the relatives of the deceafed
perfon, at the time of interment, fhewing that the ftatute had been duly
complied with. Thefe ad:s were framed with a view to the encou-
ragement of the woollen trade : and they were eventually repealed by the
54 George III., cap. 108, fee. i.
Of courfe, when a penalty Q>^ £S was attached to the being buried in
linen, and the fhrouds of all but the very wealthy were made of woollen,
it became a mark of diftinftion to be buried in cloth of the forbidden
material, and fo we find that the regifter gives us, from time to time, the
names of certain perfons who, from family cuflom, wealth, or other
motives, were thus interred.
The following entries are extrad:ed from the Eafiiry regifters, either on
account of their fingularity, their ftrange omiffion of important particu-
lars, or from throwing fome light on matters of local intereft.
Aug. 20 1562 Jone Bakar a chryfomer daughter of W". Bakar buryed.
May II 1563 Jone Cornelius chryfomer the fon of John Cornelius gent,
buryed.
June 3 1564 fFrifwyth Rogers chryfomer buryed.
feb. 28 1564 John Wicka fon of Tho. Wicka buryed.
1 82 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
fFeb. 27. 1566 John Cornelius gent, an houfeholder buryed.
Januar. 15. 1567 A certayne ftranger whofe name was not knowne buryed.
fFebr, 4. 1572 Willam Home the fonne of Thomas Home of fFelderland
baptifed.
Sept. 12. 1575 ffryfwyth Nevinfon wife of Thomas Nevinfon gent, buryed.
Jan. 30. 1575 John Church and Sammell fFreind maryed.
Julie 4. 1577 Sammell Bagen a mayde fervant buryed.
Jan. 19. 1577 Robert a fervant of W"". Richards buryed.
July 23. 1577 George Taylorr and Avis Smyth maryed.
deceb. 18. 1579 Holt a poore ma who dyed in John Hatchers barn buryed.
Aprill 15. 1 58 1 Richard Mounte a Tyler buryed.
noveb. 5. 1582 an old woma not know what she was buryed.
fFeb. 21. 1584 fFather ffagge a fhepherd buryed.
march 16. 1584 the fonne of Markes Whittfeild buried.
Julie 4. 1585 Willia Corell & Godley Peene maryed.
deceb. 21. 1587 Thomas Hauke & Phemina ffynch maryed.
Sept. 26. 1588 a poore wayfayring ma his name & dwelling not known buryed.
At the bottom of the page under the year 1590 appears this entry in a
later handwriting : March William Kingfland pifh Clarke was Baptifed
at Ickham this yeare & month.
March 24. 1591 a poore Italian whofe name was not known buryed.
decb^ 6. 1592 John Chandler & Remembrance Wright maryed.
June 27. 1592 martha alien chryfomer buryed.
Auguft 6. 1594 Nicholas Squire & Silvefter Lowd maryed.
Septeb. 29. 1597 Nayler of S'. Nicholas in Thanet buryed.
Jan. 3. 1598 a flemifh child buryed.
Jan, 25. 1600 Ofwal Brompton fervant to Mr. Richard Boteler buryed.
061. 8. 1 60 1 a poore boy found dead in the fields buryed.
ffebr. 15. 1 60 1 Peter Clarke paterfamilias buryed.
0(51. I. 1604 John a ftranger whofe name was not known buryed.
maye 2. 1607 Elizabeth Cleeve daughter of S'. Chriftopher Cleeve Knight buryed.
May 29. 1 6 10 Chriftia Pyfing a poor old mayd buryed.
Jannar i. 161 1 W"". Boyes gent. & Sara Sea gent, maryed.
January 26. 16 16 Mocket fonne of John Mocket baptifed.
ffebr. I. 16 1 9 Cicilie ffrofte virgin buryed.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 183
Julie 26. 162 1 Georg Gibbo font of George Gibbo chryfor buryed.
Aprlll the 12. 1635 was Thomas Wrake piJJi Clarke [thefe words have been
partially erafed] of this pifh baptized.
Julie 4. 1635 Margaret Gill an Innocent buryed.
deceb. 29. 1635 Sara a mayd fervant buryed.
Jan. 6. 1639 Jeremie Mafterfon & Marie Friend at Wordnefborrow by Licence
maried.
Jan. 24. 1643 Marke ffreind aged 90 yeeres buried.
In 1645 there are only three entries of burials^ in 1646 only one, in
1 647 there are fix ; but, in 1 648 none ! There are none in 1 649,only one
in 1650, five in 1651, one in 1652, and none in 1653 up to the time of
Kingfland's appointment as " PariPi Rcgijier.'' This mufh have arifen from
the regifter being kept fomewhat carelefTly during the " troublous times" ;
though, as I have faid before, our regifter may compare on the whole very
well with thole of other parifhes.
During all the above-mentioned years the baptifms feem to have been
entered pretty regularly ; but there are no marriage entries in 1647, 1648,
1650, 1651, nor in 1653 previous to Kingfland's appointment.
The firft page of Kingfland's entries is headed as follows : " A regifl:er
of births and Chriftnings of children, alfo of Marriages and burialls, in the
pifh of Eafliry fince the Nine and Twentith day of September in the yeere
of our Lord Chrifl: One Thoufand Sixe Hundred ffifty and Three, fetting
downe the births of as many as I could be enformed of according to the
Ad: of Parliament in that behalfe lately made and according to my
Oath w'' I took w''' that provifo."
From Kingfland's time the baptifms, marriages, and burials are in dif-
tind: parts of the book. Before that they were entered in three separate
columns in each page.
The following are extraded from the baptifmal regifter :
1672 Elizabeth y^ daughter of Thomas Giles & Angelet his wife 10'''
of December.
rth
184 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
1673 Vinfton Barbor aged about 20 yeares baptlfedthe 26'^ of March.
1677 of Thomas Tedeman Efq"" & Ann his wife November y*" 11'
1677 the daughter of Thomas Stacy & Jane his wife November y"" 19"".
Thefe two laft are curious as fhowing how the baptifmal name was
forgotten to be inferted.
1 7 1 3 17. iVlay Ann daughf of a Traveller her name not known.
From the marriage regifter : —
The dates in the dexter column being thofe of the publications of
banns, and in the linifter of the folemnization of the marriage itfelf.
1654 July 2. 9. 16 Edward Harnett and Katherine Paramor mar- July 18
ried by Mr. Maior [the Mayor] of Sandwich and
afterward by Mr. Bret,
1655 Mr. Jofhua Paramor and Mary Gurney mar-
publications ried by Mr. Maior of Sandwich and afterward Aprill 17
A prill I. 8. & 15 by Mr. Bret at Eaftry.
The regifter ftates that there were no marriages in 1659, 1660, or
1661.
1662 and Ann iforftall both of Thanet Odlob : 12
Here the name of the bridegroom is Angularly omitted ! And there
are many fimilar omifTions either of the Chriftian name or furname juft
about this time.
From the regifter of burials : —
1665 The wife of Samuel Churchman ifebru : 18.
1667 Stephen Anfell an aged man about 95 yeares Aprill 26.
From Lady-day, 1678, to Lady-day, 1679, there was buried only one
perfon. Indeed, any one carefully examining the regifter about this
period, cannot fail to be ftruck with the fa6l that nearly every entry is
that of the burial either of " an ancient man," " an ancient woman," " a
pore old man," " fenex," " an aged man," or of " an infant," " a young
child," " a child." Thereby fhewing moft unmiftakably the low aver-
age of deaths, and the healthinefs of our parifh.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 185
In this regifter occurs the fingular entry in Mr. CrefTener's handwriting
already noticed in the fketch of his Hfe.
In 1779, Sept. 25, was buried Thomas Nifbett. Oppofite the entry of
his burial in the regifter there are fome marks, apparently a fentence in
cipher, which I have not been able to make out.
The year revolves and I again explore
Thejimple annals of my ParifJi poor :
What infant members in my flock appear;
What pairs I blejfd in the departi7ig year ;
And who 3 of old or youngs or nymphs or fwains,
Are lofl to life its pleafure audits pains.
The Parish Register.
c c
m)t ^c\)00lii.
CHAP. IX.
" Train up a child in the way he Jhould go and when he is old he will not depart
from itT — Prov. xxii. 6.
IN the year 1574 " Chriftian Goddard, of Eaftry, widow of Oliver
Goddard," bequeathed to the churchwardens of Eaftry and their
fuccelTors a tenement and garden in Eaflry Street " to hold to the ufe of the
clerk of Eaftry for ever, fo that the fame clerk for the time being do
teach and inftrudt in learning one of the pooreft men's children of the
parifh, being a man child, from time to time for ever."
In courfe of time, however, the fchoolmafter was expedled to teach
four children gratis. But this may have arifen in the following way —
fince in the ab fence of all certain evidence we are left open to conje6ture :
— there being no funds left for the neceffary repair of the fchool houle,
and the clerk himfelf being unable to bear the expenfe of keeping it wind
and weather tight, the parifh would feem to have interpofed, and agreed to
keep the building in repair on condition of the clerk's inftrud:ing four
children inftead of one. This fuppofition is borne out by the fadt that, in
the churchwardens' accounts for 1689, and thenceforward /^?^w, occur
fuch entries as the following relating to this houfe : —
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 187
*' Paid to Thomas Bigg for fFoure dayes worke the Clarices houfe and
about the Bells . . . . . .068
For Lats and Nailes and Rafters about the Clerkes houfe . .016"
And in Mr. Boteler's time [see Botel. MSS.y vol. A, p. 64] all remem-
brance of the original bequefl of Mrs. Goddard had apparently died out,
whilft yet the clerk's obligation to teach four children had been handed
down by tradition. Again, in the year 1728, firft appears the entry of
1 2s. 6d. under the head of " Schoolmafter's Salary," which I have traced
as far as the year 1805 continuoufly. A few years further on we find
that this i2s. 6d. was a half yearly payment ^ £1 5^. a-year. Perhaps
the parifh may have agreed to give the fchoolmafter for the time being
this falary, belides keeping the houfe in repair, in confideration of his
teaching three children over and above the one mentioned by Mrs. God-
dard in her will.
The fchool-room in the clerk's houfe, convenient and well adapted
for its purpofe as it was once regarded, was, however, doomed to be fuper-
feded and fall into difufe.
Through the exertions of the Rev. George Randolph, then vicar, new
fchools were built in the year 1840, capable of holding 170 children, at a
coft of ;^325, including a grant of £j^ from the Canterbury Diocefan
Education Society. Thefe fchools, which confifted of two rooms, one for
girls and one for boys, with a gallery room attached, were built on much
about the fame fite as the prefent fchools ; and were formally opened on
Tuefday the 29th of September, 1840, in the prefence of many of the
fublcribers, who exprelled themfelves as highly pleafed and gratified with
the arrangements of the building.
The rooms of this School were, however, of low pitch, were heated
only by a fingle ftove, placed at the angle where the girls' and boys*
fchools met, and were floored with brick.
i88
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Thus as time went on it was felt that thefe fchools were neither fuffi-
ciently airy nor warm, comfortable nor commodious. And, therefore,
like as the fchools of 1 840 fuperfeded the old long room in the clerk's
houfe of 1574, fo thefe too in their turn gave place to the prefent hand-
fome and commodious flrudiure, which combines a picflurefque appear-
ance with a thorough adaptation of every part to its particular ufe.
By the laudable and painftaking efforts of the Revd. Charles Carus-
Wilfon, then vicar, fubfcriptions, amounting to upwards of ^950, were raifed
for building new fchools; and, on the 5th November, 1859, thefe fchools
were opened for the reception of children.
THE NEW SCHOOLS.
The prefent fchools contain what the former did not — viz., a feparate
infant fchool, in addition to the boys' and girls' fchools and claff-room.
They are alfo admirably adapted for all kinds of parochial meetings,
Icdlures, 6cc., inafmuch as, by means of folding and Hiding doors, all three
fchool rooms can be thrown into one.
The bell which daily — with the exception of Saturday — fummons the
youth of both fexes to fchool, is hung outfide the boys' fchool. It
is an ancient one, is fuppofed to have been an old fliip's bell, and bears
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 189
the following infcription embofTed round the crown ; the letters are nearly
an inch in height : —
where we fee that the R in GRACIA has been turned uplide down in
cafting. Between the AVE and the MARIA, as alfo between the MARIA
and GRACIA, is the medallion of a king's head, though of what king
I have been unable to difcover.
The fchools, when built in 1 840, were intended for the four parifhes of
Eaftry, Worth, Ham, and Bettefhanger, and accordingly the vicars of
Eaftry and Worth, and the redors of Ham and Bettefhanger, are named
truftees in the truft deed. Thefe, however, affociate with themfelves
feveral refident fubfcribers to the fchools for the purpofe of forming a
committee of management.
The fchools are in connection with the National Society, and are united
to the Diocefan Board of Education. They are fupported partly by
voluntary fubfcriptions and contributions, and partly by the Government
grant.
The dimenfions of the feveral fchool-rooms are as under : —
Boys' School-room: length, 36 feet; breadth, 18 feet; height 24 feet;
Girls' School-room: length 26 feet; breadth, 18 feet; height 24 feet;
Clafs-room: length, 14 feet; breadth, 14 feet; height, 22 i^t\.\ Infajits'
School-roo7n : length, 19 feet; breadth, 25 feet; height, 24 feet.
Atfchool I knew him — a JJiarp-witted yoicthy
Grave J thoughtful^ and referved among his mates ^
Turning the hours of /port and food to labour ;
Starving his body to inform his mind.
Old Play.
Wi)t Parod^ial Cj^arittes-
CHAP. X.
" He that hath pity tipon the poor lendeth unto the Lord ; and look, what he
layeth out, it Jliall he paid him again." — Prov. xix. 17.
OUR parlfh is tolerably rich in the provifion which has been
made from time to time by pious donors for the relief and affift-
ance of the poor.
But here, as elfewhere, fome charities have lapfed and been loft ; fome-
times through a want of care on the part of thofe whofe duty it was to
attend to fuch matters, in days gone by ; at others through circumftances
which no care and trouble on their part have availed to overcome.
El WARE Charity for Church repair.
1499. This year Thomas Elware, of Eaftry, left to Roger Frynne (his
executor), his heirs and affigns for ever, his tenement at Selfon, with
all the lands belonging, on condition that he fhould pay yearly to the
churchwadens of Eaftry 36-. /^d. towards the repairs of the faid church.
(See pojl,^ This fum may perhaps be conlidered equivalent to 10^. in
thefe days.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
191
This bequejl has tmkappily been lojl, and there is now no fund available
for church repair, beyond fuch fmall fum as the churchwardens may deem
fit to give to this obje(5t from the voluntary church rate.
Goddard's Charity.
1 574. This year the will (for which fee pqfi) of " Chryflian God-
darde, late of Eaftrye, widow," was proved in the Confiftory Court of
Canterbury, before Thomas Dickes, regiftrar. By this will fhe left to
the churchwardens of Eaftry, and their fucceffors churchwardens of
Eaftry for the time being, one tenement and a garden, with the appurte-
GODDARD S CHARITY.
nances in Eaftry, over againft the vicarage, to hold for the ufe of Joan Frauncs,
her fervant, during her natural life, and after her death to the ufe of the
poor people of Eaftry for ever.
This tenement oppofite the vicarage is now in five dwellings, which
ftand endways to the ftreet, and are occupied refpedively by widows
Bullock, Burton, Grayham, Wm. Fagg, and Spain. The appointment
to thefe cottages refts entirely with the churchwardens, who ufually
192 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
charge the occupants a fmall yearly rent — ift, as an acknowledgment of their
tenancy ; and 2nd, to help fomewhat towards the necefTary repairs of the
buildings. Mrs. Goddard alfo left another tenement with a garden in
Eaftrv Street, for the ufe of " the clarke of Eaftrye " on certain conditions,
which have been already more particularly mentioned under " The PariJJt
Clerks" This houfe adjoins the Bull Inn and is now in the occupation
of Thomas Young. Like the laft, this appointment refts with the church-
wardens, but they are tied down to appoint a certain perfon — viz., the
Parifh clerk, the right of appointing whom refts with the vicar.
Appleton's Charity.
1593. ^^ ^^^^ y^^^ Thomas Appleton, of Eaftry, yeoman, left £^ for
the perpetual benefit of the poor of Eaftry, to be either laid out in lands,
or the interefl in clothes, &c., to be beflowed at the difcretion of fix of
the principal inhabitants of Eaftry. The profits, whether intereft or
otherwife, were to be received 14 days before Chriftmas by the church-
wardens for the time being, and afterwards diftributed amongft the
poor.
Boteler's Charity.
1 6 17. Katherine Boteler, of Eaftry, widow, by her will, proved 16 17,
gave to the churchwardens of Eaftry the fumof 30^. to be diftributed amongft
the poor people there, and alfo the like fum to remain in ftock for the ufe
of the parifti.
This is now lojl. It may, however, for aught we know, have been
applied to fome purpofe, now forgotten, by a vote of the veftry.
Thompson's Charity.
1673. Richard Thompfon, of Minfter in Thanet, by his will dated
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 193
1673,* bequeathed a mefluage In Eaftry to his fon Stephen fubjecft, to the
following charity, viz. that 24 poor people, at three feveral times in the
year, Chriftmas, Eafter, and Whitfuntide, fhould receive a twopenny loaf
each. The annual value of this rent charge is 1 2^. ; it arifes from a houfe
in Eaftry Street, (now the property of Mr. Wanftall, of Nonington, and
in the occupation of Edward Godden, baker and grocer), abutting on
Collarmakers' Alley, and is adminiftered by the Vicar and Churchwardens
for the time being.
Freind's Bequest.
1715. Anne Freind, of Eaftry, fpinfter, by will proved in 171 5, gave
to the poor of our parifh i^^ ; and to the overfeers of it and their fucceflbrs
for ever, three acres and one rood of arable land, at or near a place called
Deadman's Gap, in Eaftry, then in the occupation of Daniel Kelley, and
held of the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury.
The faid overfeers were to renew the leafe from time to time, and to
let or otherwile employ the fame to the beft advantage : in truft that the
yearly rents and profits fhould be equally paid and diftributed on Chrift-
mas Day yearly, among fuch induftrious poor people of the parifh, as
did not receive alms thereof.
This is now lojl — indeed, it could hardly be otherwife from the nature
of the holding, and the fmall extent of the land in which an intereft was
thus bequeathed.
Rammell's Charity.
1 82 1. This year " Mrs." Elizabeth Rammell, of Eaftry, fpinfter, be-
* Mr. Boteler thinks this date mull be incorre6l, as no mention is made of this
charge on the eftate in a conveyance of 1656 (? 1676), but it is mentioned in one of
\6Z2.— Boteler MSS., A., p. 65.
D D
194 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY
queathed to the churchwardens and overfeers of the parifh of Eaftry, and
their fucceflbrs, the fum of ^300 of lawful money, to be invefled in their
names in truft for the poor, and the intereft of the faid ^300 to be dif-
tributed and difpofed of on the 4th of January in each year, " in bread
clothes, or money, and in fuch proportions as they in their difcretion fhall
think proper, unto and amongft fuch of the poor parifhioners of the faid
parifh refiding therein, as fhall not have received alms or relief from the
faid parifh for the fpace of one year previoully." This ;^3oo was duly
invefted, and purchafed ;^3i i S^- ^^- ^^ ^^^ 3 P^^ Cent. Confols.
Fector's Charity.
1 82 1. The late John Minet Fed:or, of Dover, Efq., left the fum of
^50 (fecured on the Sandwich, Walderihare, and Dover, Turnpike Road,)
to the Rev. George Randolph, Vicar of Eaftry, and his fucceifors, vicars
of Eaftry for the time being, " to be applied in aid of any fubfcription
fund or otherwife for the education of the poor, or for the benefit of the
poor, in any other manner at the difcretion of the vicar, or the officiating
or other minifler for the time being of the aforefaid parifh of Eaflry."
This produces £\ \os. a-year, and may be difpofed of by the vicar at his
difcretion, but is generally added to the fchool funds.
Hill's Charity.
1829. Mary Hills, of the parifh of Afh, next Sandwich, widow, be-
queathed to the vicar, churchwardens, and overfeers of the poor of the
parifh of Eaftry, and their fucceffors, the fum of ^250 of lawful money,
upon trufl to invefl the fame in fome of the Government or Parliamentary
ftocks or funds of this Kingdom, and upon the 14th day of January in
every year to diftribute and divide the " dividends, intereft, and income.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
195
either in bread, clothes, or money, and in fuch proportions as they in their
difcretion fhall think proper, into and amongft fuch of the poor and indi-
gent widows of the faid parifh of Eaftry as (hall be coniidered the moft
deferving, and who endeavour to fupport themlelves without the aid and
afliftance of parochial relief." This was duly inverted, and purchafed
;^2 55 Confols.
Greville's Charity.
1835. At a veftry meeting held on Thurfday, September the 1 8th, 1834^
at which were prefent — Mr. Boteler, in the chairs, Meffrs. Harvey, Rae,
Bridger, Leggatt, Caftle, Manfer, Hatfeild, Church, Solley, Jullion,
Smith, Hy. Sladden, Ifaac Sladden, Upton, Sutton, John Moat, Senr., and
Grayham — Mr. Leggatt made a communication to the parifh from Wm.
Fulke Greville, Efqr., propofmg to build certain almfhoufes for aged and
infirm parifhioners ; men and women of good character, and to endow
each with a yearly penfion, all at his own expenfe ; provided that the
parifh would procure land upon which to ere6t the faid houfes.
Thishandfome offer was at once accepted — 100 perches of land on the
north fide of Mill Lane, were purchafed by the parifh of Mr. Kite for
196 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
£iQO — a quick hedge, "three feet within the boundary of the Charity
Land " was planted to divide the Charity Land from Mr. Kite's land — a
field gate and fmall entrance gate to the almflioufes and land were erected
— the fence next Mill Lane repaired — the land divided out for gardens
and allotted to the feveral alms-houfes refpedtively — and the houfes them-
felves built and ready for occupation by the 7th of April, 1835. On this
day the truftees met and placed the almfmen and almfwomen in their
reipedlive houfes in due form. They received their firfi: quarter's penfion
on the 7th July following. The almfhoufes thus built and endowed by Mr.
Greville are fix in number, and fland endways to the Mill Lane ; the
numbers commencing with the houfe neareft the road, which is numbered
I. They are each endowed with a penlion of ^10 a-year; which
fumsarife from the intereft of ^2000 3 per Cent. Confolidated Bank Annui-
ties conveyed by Mr. Greville to the truftees for that purpofe. There are
alfo two outdoor penfions oi £\o each. The truftees appoint a receiver,
who receives the money from the Sandwich Bank, pays the penfioners,
keeps the accounts, and makes the entries in the book of record ; he alfo
takes the chair at all meetings of the truftees.
The following are the
** Diredlions and Rules for the eftablifhment and good Government of
the Alms Houfes erected and endowed by William Fulke Greville
Efqr. in the Parifti of Eaftry, in the County of Kent.
I ft. That the Vicar, Churchwardens, and Overfeers of the Poor of the
Parifh of Eaftry for the time being, be perpetual Truftees of the
Alms Houfes, and that five other fubftantial Lihabitants of the parifti
be from time to time nominated truftees to adt in all matters relat-
ing to the fame with the perpetual truftees.
2nd. That MclTrs. Wm. Fuller Boteler, Henry Wife Harvey, Richd.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 197
Shocklidge Leggatt, Wm. Bridger and James Rae, be the firft nomi-
nated truftees to adl with the perpetual truftees of the almfhoufes.
3rd. That when any of the truftees now or hereafter to be nominated
to a6l with the perpetual truftees of the almftioufes ftiall die or
remove from the parifh, and ceafe to have any houfe or lands in the
fame, or ftiall decline to a<ft, or become incapable of acting in the
truft, one or more fubftantial inhabitants of the parifti ftiall be
nominated by the perpetual truftees and other furviving or continuing
truftees of the almftioufes, to be a new truftee or new truftees in the
ftead of the truftee or truftees, fo dying, removing, declining, or
becoming incapable of adiing, to adl with them in all matters relating
to the almftioufes.
4th. That the land purchafed for the fite of the almftioufes ftiall be
conveyed to the truftees nominated to adl with the perpetual truftees
and their heirs, and the fum of ^2000 3 per Cent. Confolidated Bank
Annuities intended for the endowment of the almftioufes ftiall be
transferred into the names of the fame truftees, or any four of them,
and whenever the truftees, in whom the charity eftate, ftocks, funds
and property, ftiall be vefted refpedlively, ftiall be reduced to lefs than
three in number, fuch eftate, ftocks, funds, and property, ftiall be
conveyed, and transferred fo as that the fame may become vefted in
the whole number of truftees nominated to ad: with the perpetual
truftees for the time being, or (as to the Bank Annuities) any four
of them.
5th. That the government of the almftioufes, and the management of
the charity eftate, ftocks, funds, and property, and the difpofitions of
the revenues thereof, ftiall be under the care of the perpetual
truftees, and nominated truftees, for the time being, fubjed to the
198 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
rules and regulations herein contained, and any future rules and regu-
lations to be made as hereinafter mentioned, and all a<fts done by
the truftees, and orders made by them, fhall be done and made at an
ordinary meeting of the truftees, of which one fhall be held at the
almfhoufes at 12 o'clock at noon on the firft Tuefday in January,
April, July, and Oftober, in every year, or at a fpecial meeting of the
trufl-ees to be called from time to time, by notice in writing figned by
any two truflees defiring the fame, and left at the dwelling houfe of
each of the other truflees who fhall at the time be refident in the
parifh, not lefs than four days before the day of meeting. At which
ordinary or fpecial meeting four of the truflees at leafl fhall be
prefent, and the majority of voices of the truflees prefent at the
meeting, fhall be binding upon the other truflees prefent ; and, in
cafe of an equality of votes upon any queflion, the chairman of the
meeting fhall have a fecond or cafling vote ; and all adls done and
orders made at every fuch meeting fhall be entered in a book kept
for the purpofe and figned by the chairman of the meeting.
6th. That as foon as the almfhoufes fhall be eredled and fit for habitation
fix poor perfons, men or women, fhall be appointed, each to inhabit
one of the almfhoufes for life, fubjedl to forfeiture or removal from
' his or her place as hereinafter mentioned. And as and when vacan-
cies fhall afterwards happen in the almfhoufes, by death or otherwife,
fuch vacancies fhall be filled up in every cafe within fix calendar
months after the fame fhall happen, provided that if at any time
money fhall be wanted for the neceffary fubflantial repairs of the
almfhoufes, the truflees may in their difcretion keep one vacancy, or
at mofl two vacancies, not filled up, until they have in their hands a
fufhcient fum of money for doing fuch repairs.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 199
7th. That Mr. Greville fhall have the appointment of the almfmen and
almfwomen in the firft inftance, and in all cafes of vacancies which
ihall happen during his life, and after his deceafe the truftees of the
almfhoufes fhall, from time to time, appoint the almfmen and almf-
women to the fame as vacancies fhall occur.
8th. That the perfons appointed almfmen and almfwomen be parilhioners,
who have been inhabitants of the parifh of Eaftry for not lefs than
five years immediately preceding the time of their appointment, and
who are not lefs than 50 years of age at the time of their appoint-
ment, and no perfon fhall be appointed to an almfhoufe unlefs it
fhall appear to the truflees that he or fhe is of good moral and
religious characfter.
9th. That no almfman or almfwoman have any relation or other perfon
to inhabit with him or her, in his or her almfhoufe, except fuch
almfman or almfwoman as fhall be married at the time of his or her
appointment, who may have his wife or her hufhand to live with him
or her, and except in any cafe the truftees fhall give permiflion in
writing to any almfman or almfwoman to have one or more relation
or relations or other perfon or perfons by name to live with him or
her, and in cafe any almfrnan or almfwoman shall marry after being
appointed to any almfhoufe, or in cafe any almfman or almfwoman
fhall have any relation or other perfon to inhabit in his or her
almfhoufe contrary to the directions hereinbefore contained, the
truftees of the almfhoufes may, if they in their difcretion think fit,
remove fuch almfman or almfwoman from his or her almfhoufe and
appoint another perfon to the fame in his or her flead.
loth. That in any cafe any almiman or almfwoman appointed to the faid
almfhoufes, fhall be guilty of any mifcondud; which the truflees deem
200 MEMORIALS OF E AS TRY.
it necefTaiy to notice in fuch manner, fuch almfman or almfwoman
fhall be in the firfl: and fecond inftances admoniihed by the truftees,
and if fuch almfman or almfwoman fhall, after being fo twice admo-
nifhed, be again guilty of fuch mifcondudl, fuch almfman or almf-
woman, fhall be removed from his or her almfhoufe, and another
perfon fhall be appointed to the fame in his or her flead.
I ith. That the dividend of the faid fum of ;^2000 3 per Cent. Confoli-
dated Bank Annuities be applied in payment to each of the almfmen
and almfwomen of a yearly ftipend of ;^io by four equal quarterly
payments of £2 i o^. each to be made on the days of the ordinary
meetings of the truftees.
1 2th. That the furplus, if any, of the money propofed to be raifed for the
purchafe of the fite of the almfhoufes, and the dividends of the faid
;^2ooo 3 per Cent. Confolidated Bank Annuities which fhall become
due before the iirft appointment of almfmen or almfwomen, and the
amount of any flipends which may become due during any vacan-
cies of almfhoufes, fhall be retained by the faid truftees of the
almfhoufes, and improved at interefl as a fund to provide for the
repairs of the almflioufes, infurance againft fire, and any incidental
expenfes which may arife in the management of the charity.
13th. That the almfmen and almfwomen do keep in repair the glafs
windows, plaflering, whitewafhing, and other fmall internal repairs
of their refpecflive almfhoufes which the truftees fhall from time to
time dired:, and do no wilful damage in or to their refpedlive almf-
houfes, and in cafe of default of any almfman or almfwoman in the
above behalf the truftees fhall and may apply the whole, if neceffary,
or any part of his or her flipend in doing fuch lafl mentioned repairs
and making good fuch damage.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 201
14th. That the truftees of the almfhoufes fhall and may from time to
time make any additional rules or orders for the good government
of the almfhoufes, fo as that fuch new rules and orders, if made in
the lifetime of the faid Wm. Fulke Greville be made with his con-
ient, or if made after his death do not alter, and are not at variance
with, the foregoing original directions and rules or any other diredlions
and rules made during the lifetime of the faid Wm. Fulke Greville
for the good government of the almfhoufes."
Further rules and regulations with the dates of their enadlment
numbered continuoufly : —
1 5th. " That the truftees do examine into the ftate of the almfhoufes
at the quarterly meeting in October annually." Made Jan. 5th,
1836.
1 6th. " That the receiver's accounts fhould be pafTed annually at the
quarterly meeting in October." Ap. 4th, 1843.
17th* "That on no occafion of filling up any vacancy in the almfhoufes
fhould any vote by proxy on the part of the truftees be received."
July 6, 1847.
1 8th. " That on the occafion of filling up any vacancy in the almf-
houfes votes by proxy on the part of the truftees may be received."
July ift, 1859.
Out Pensioners of Greville's Charity.
" Wm Fulke Greville, Efq., having been pleafed to transfer the fum of
^666 1 35. \d. 3 per Cent. Confolidated Bank Annuities (in addition to
the fum of ;^20oo previoufly granted) into the names of MefTrs. W.
* This was altered by the fucceeding rule No. 18, and, therefore, is not now in
force.
E £
202
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Fuller Boteler, Henry Wife Harvey, Richard Shockledge Leggatt, Wm.
Bridger, and James Rae, the truftees of his almfhoufes.
The dividends of this fum of ^666 13^. \d. are to form a yearly
ftipend of ^10 each for two aged perfons refiding out of the almfhoufes,
who, as vacancies happen in the houfes, are to be admitted thereto in
their turn, and new objedis, to enjoy the ftipends out of the almfhoufes,
are to be nominated in their ftead ; but it is not to be imperative upon
the truftees to place the outpenfioners in the houfes as vacancies happen,
whenever for fpecial reafons it appears to them more expedient to nomi-
nate objedls to the houfes who have not been outpenfioners in preference.
All the rules and orders relating to the objed:s of the charity placed in
the almfhoufes as regards their qualification, nomination, removal, conducfl,
or otherwife, which admit of being applied to the outpenfioners, are to
be applicable and to be applied to them."
Table of all the Charities now existing in the Parish:
fhewing the date of their foundation, perfons who appoint, value, &c. : —
Date of inftitution.
1574-
1673.
Traflees.
The churchwar-
dens.
Vicar & church-
wardens.
Property.
Goddard's Charity.
Five cottages oppofite
the Vicarage : a houfe
and garden in Eaftry
Street.
Thompson's Charity
An annual rent charge
of 1 2S. on houfe occu
pied by Godden, the
baker.
Purpofe for which available.
The cottages are for the
habitation of poor people.
The houfe and garden in y'
ftreet are for the Parifh
clerk.
For giving a twopenny loaf
to 24 poor people at Chrifl-
mas, Eafler, and Whitfun-
tide.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
203
Date of inflitution.
182I.
182I,
1829.
1835-
Churchwardens
and Overfeers.
Truflees.
Vicar.
Property,
Rammell's Charity.
^311 5 J. M. New 3
per Cent. Confols : di-
vidend of fame.
Property for which available.
Fector's Charity.
Sandwich, Walderfhare,
and Dover Turnpike
Road Bond for ;^5o.
Hill's Charity.
Vicar, church- ^255 Confols : divi-
wardens, anddends only available
overfeers.
To be diftributcd in bread,
clothes, or money, to poor
people who have not
ceived parifh relief.
re-
For the education of the
poor or for the benefit of
the poor in any other way.
To be diftributed in bread,
clothes, or money, amongft
fuch of the poor widows as
endeavour to keep them-
felves without pariih relief.
Vicar, church-
wardens and 5
other fubftantial
relidents.
Greville's Charity.
Six cottages with gar- The houfes to be occupied
dens and 100 perches of by poor people who fhall
land: and_^ 2666 13^. 4rtf. receive ;^ 10 a-year each:
3 per Cent. Confoli-and two perfons to receive
dated Bank Stock. ^10 a-year without houfes.
Twelve rooms contiguous Jlood and fix were 7iear ;
There men were placed^ andfober matrons here ;
There were behind /mall tifeful gardens made ;
Benches before and trees to give themfiade. — The Borough.
^jppentiijr.
I HAVE endeavoured to gather together under this general head-
ing fuch documents and information, as being of no great
interefl: to the ordinary reader, are nevertheless valuable for reference.
In this way fome things may be preferved which otherwife, through
lapfe of time, would have been overlooked, loft fight of, and then
forgotten ; whilft other things may be here plainly fet forth, which are
not eafily acceffible.
Church Restoration, with dates, taken from the veftry minute
book.
"Repairs and alterations made in the church by Richard Springett
Harvey, Efqr., except where othewife mentioned : —
Nov. 1 85 1. An organ was put up in the gallery at the weft end of the
nave. The gallery was painted by fubfcription of the inhabitants.
Sep. 1852. A fmall fide gate at the weft end of the Churchyard was
put up ; and the path from it to the fmall porch made good. The
way from the large weftern gates to the weft door was paved and
lined on the fouth fide with curb-ftones.
Jany. 1853. A new clock was put into the tower: the old clock
being quite worn out.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 205
Augft. and Septr. 1853. The "lean-to" on the north lide,"'^ and alfo
that on the fouth fide of the tower were entirely rebuilt; the latter
being converted into a veftry. Formerly the veftry was at the weftern
end of the fouth aifle of the nave. The ground floor of the tower
was newly paved with tiles. The arches under the tower were brought
out to view and repaired. The tower ftairs were partially repaired.
The yellow wafh over the weft door on the outfide of the tower was
removed; the flint work made good; and the diaper work over the
door (i.e., in the tympanum) " picked " out and repaired. The weflern
doorway was repaired and widened about three inches, and five new
flone fteps were put in the place of the old ones leading down into
the tower.f Three new pews were put up under the gallery. To-
wards thefe repairs the parifh raifed about ^54 by voluntary fubfcrip-
tion; the total coft being about ^^230.
May- July, 1854. The wall of the fouth aifle, from the tower eafl-
wards — as far as to the window on the eafl of the porch inclufive — and
the fouth porch itfelf were entirely rebuilt. Two windows were inferted
in this wall ; that on the eafl: fide of the porch being put in by Capt.
Robert Boteler. The whole of the lead roof of the fouth aifle was made
good. The " fhoots " were removed from the tov/er and replaced by
pipes.
June- Aug. 1855. The main part of the nave and aifles — that is from
the mofl weftern pillars to the mofl eaftern pillars exclufive — was repewed
and refloored. The lower parts of the pillars were made good and the
* This " lean-to " was formerly in two ftories, and the " upper chamber " is tra-
ditionally faid to have been ufed as a fchool. This has now entirely difappeared, as
the roof of this " lean-to " was made to come much lower againft the tower.
t The floor of the tower is 29 inches below the level of the ground at the weft
door.
2o6 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
hatpags removed. The old high pews attached to the north and fouth
walls were removed, and the palTages in the north and fouth aifles were
placed nearer the walls, and increafed in width to allow of a line of feats
along them. The centre aille was narrowed 1 8 inches for the fake of
accommodation. Ten oil lamps were provided for evening fervices. The
footpath through the churchyard from the fouth porch to the gate at the
eaft end was widened and underdrained. A ftained glafs window was
put in the north aille by Wm. Boteler, Efqre, to the memory of his
father.
1856. The Chancel was entirely repaired by the redlors — viz., the
Ecclefiaftical Commiffioners ;* i.e., all the windows were reglazed and
their ftone work renewed where neceffary. The centre light of the eaft
window was reftored from its debafed form of a double light with circular
heads, to its full and proper form. The north fide of the roof was
thoroughly repaired, the fouth fide of it having been repaired a few years
before. Four new pews were put up in the chancel. All this was done
by the Ecclefiaftical Commiffioners.
May, 1857. The wooden floor — which extended to within four feet of
the north and fouth wall of the chancel — and the wooden railings enclofmg
it on three fides, the oakj panelling on the eaft wall — on which were
written the Ten Commandments, the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer — and
■^ This was probably the rcfult of a vifit from the archdeacon, which is thus
recorded in the veftry book: — "May 3, 1850. Vifited and ordered the north and
fouth fide of the chancel roofs to be ripped and relaid — a window in the fouth fide of
the church to be generally repaired once every year
(Signed) James Croft, Archdeacon."
J In the year 1731, the churchwardens feem to have made a kind of tour, with the
purpofe of infpe6ling the "altar pieces " at Knowlton, Nunnington, Wingham, Ickham,
Afli, &c.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 207
alfo that on the north and fouth walls, were removed. A floor of Port-
land flone was laid down extending acrofs the chancel ; a light railing
was inferted in front of it, and the whole fpace of wall under the eaft
window was faced with Caen ftone, on which were engraved the Com-
mandments (in 1 209 letters) : The Holy Table alfo was enlarged ; a new
crimfon cloth covering, new cufhions, new haffocks and carpet, and new books
of Offices, were provided. The wall of the fouth aifle from the window on
the eaft of the fouth porch (exclufive) to the eaftern corner was repaired.
The fouth-eaft corner, and eaft extremity of the fouth aifle, were entirely
rebuilt, and in the latter, a new window was inferted.
June, 1857. Two new windows were inferted in the fouth aifle
towards its eaft end, and fitted with ftained glafs (from Powell's, of
Whitefriars, London,) by fubfcription of the inhabitants, as a teftimonial
to R. S. Harvey, Efqre., for the kind and benenevolent intereft which he
had taken in their Church.
Auguft 1857. The pulpit was removed, from its pofition on the north
fide of the moft eaftern pillar of the fouth aifle, to the weft front of the
fouth pier of the chancel arch. The reading deflc was removed from the
fide of the pulpit to the front of it, and the vicarage pew from behind
the reading deflc to a pofition alongfide of it and the pulpit, facing the centre
aifle. The pulpit, reading deflc, and vicarage pew, as newly arranged, occupy
exactly the fame fpace of ground as they did formerly. A new Bible and
Prayer-Book (quarto) were placed in the reading deflc by Mr. Harvey, to
whom the churchwardens prefented the old folio Bible. The remaining
high pews in the fouth-eaft corner of the fouth aifle were taken down
and new ones put in their places. The clereftory window, fecond from
the chancel arch on the north fide, was entirely renewed.
May-June 1858. The other four clereftory windows on the north
2o8 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
fide were alfo renewed, and the three moft weftern windows in the north
aide were reftored to their previous form, with plain glafs. The whole of
the lead roof of the north aille was made good, and ftone coping fubftituted
for the former brick parapet. A ftained glafs window was put in at the
eaft end of the north aifle by W. Boteler, Efq., to the memory of his two
fifters Sarah and Ann Boteler.
Sep. 1858. A new gate was put up at the eaft end of the church-
yard.
1857. There was removed fome modern panelling on the weft lide of
the wall above the chancel arch. Behind it and underneath many coat-
ings of whitewafh was difcovered much painting in frefco. The whole
wall appeared to have been originally blue ftudded with gold ftars. On
a later coat of plaifter were the circles containing the early Chriftian
fymbols, which at prefent are to be feen above the arch. There were many
other circles with limilar deligns, which were covered over again on
account of their very indifferent condition, as well as being mere repeti-
tions of thofe preferved.
A ftained glals window was put in the centre of the north aifle to the
memory of Mr. Caftle.
1 86 1. A ftained glafs window was put in at the eaft end of the fouth
aifle to the memory of the late Rev. R. D. Backhoufe by Mifs E. C.
Boteler.
A ftained glafs window was put in the centre of the fouth aifle to the
memory of the late Mrs. Kenrick by Mifs Token
The remaining block of old pews at the north-eaft corner of the nave,
which had remained unaltered at the time of the general repewing
of the church, was taken down and the fpace fitted as the reft of the
church.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 209
1862, Chriftmas. Stoves were introduced Into the church; the expenfe
of them being undertaken by the Rev. Ch. Carus-Wilfon.
1863. The gallery at the v^eft end of the nave (which had been put
in 1 842, and which completely blocked up the eall: arch of the tower)
was taken down and the arch thrown open. The arches under the tower
on the north andfouth fides were alfo thrown open, and the organ (removed
from the gallery) was placed under the former. The fpace at the fouth-
weft end of the nave (hitherto unpewed) was fitted with pews for the
choir, and the fpace on the oppofite fide at the north-weft end of the
nave, which had hitherto been indifferently pewed was made to correfpond
with the reft of the church. The weft door was enclofed with a wooden
framework, fcreened with a curtain ; the fteps were projected fomewhat into
the church, and the veftry was feparated from the tower by a curtain. The
arch at the weftern end of the north aifle was opened out into the
"lean-to," and new wooden ftairs made to the belfry. The arch at the
western end of the fouth aifle was cleared out, fo far as was confidered
fafe. The funds for thefe alterations were provided by the Rev. C.
Carus-Wilfon.
Stained glafs windows and new ftonework were put into the fouth
clereftory, partly by Mr. R. S. Harvey, partly by the Rev. C. Carus-
Wilfon, and partly by other means.
The parifhioners by fubfcription put ftained glafs (furnifhed by MefTrs.
Ward and Hughes) into the eaft window. New ftonework being partly
provided by the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury.
1866. Mifs Spong put ftained glafs (furnished by MefTrs. Hughes)
into the four early Englifh windows on the fouth fide of the chancel.
1868. A handfome almfdifh of beaten brafs with jewelled centre was
prefented to the church by the MifTes Boteler.
F F
2IO MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Advent, 1868. A double oak ledern was prefented to the church by
the Rev. V. S. Vickers, then curate.
Eafter, 1869. Two handfome maffive altar candlefhicks of beaten
brafs, jewelled and enamelled, 25 inches in height, were prefented to the
church by the MilTes Boteler for the purpofe of lighting the chancel,
and more eipecially the precindls of the Holy Table at the evening
fervices.
Aug. 1869. '^^^ Holy Table was enlarged to a proportion more in
keeping with the fize and grandeur of the church. Two almfbags, of crim-
fon velvet, embroidered, were prefented to the church by Mifs Hatfeild."
Aug. to Odlober. The Roof of the Nave, erecfled in 1687, being very
much out of repair was taken down, the brick parapet above the clereftory
windows removed, and an open high pitch roof, of beft Memel pine and
tiled, fubftituted for it, under the direcflion of Wm. White, Efq., F.S.A.,
archited:. The roof is as nearly as poffible a reftoration of the ancient roof
prior to 1687, and the marks of the water-table, &c., on the eafl: face of
the tower, indicating the pitch of the older roof, were carefully noted and
followed.
The plaifter was removed from the face of the eaft gable of the Nave, and
from the weft front of the Tower, which were then frefh " pointed." A new
weft door, of oak with hammered ironwork, was prefented by Mr. G. Terry,
parifti churchwarden. The old Font, being much battered, containing no
interefting features, and being incapable of reftoration, was replaced by. a
new one, and a drain was duly dug for carrying off the water. A set of
three Altar fervice books, each bound in dark blue morocco, with two gilt
clafps, was provided out of funds placed at the vicar's dilpofal.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 211
Wants.
And now, whilft on the fubjedt of additions and Improvements to the
Church, it may perhaps be well to mention fome things that are abfolutely
neceflary, and others that would greatly add to the glory and beauty of our
Church, fhould any pioufly difpofed perfons fee fit to prefent them, or aid
in their being carried out. Among the former may be mentioned,
a new pulpit and reading defk ; a new great Bible" in two parts for the two
faces of the ledlern, and a brafs altar defk for the heavy Communion Office
book. Amongft the latter, ftained glafs windows in the Chancel in place
of the prefent yellow blinds ; the roofs of the aifles to be made to corre-
fpond with the roof of the nave internally ; the ceiling of the chancel to
be divided into panels, with ribs and bofTes, and picked out with colour ;
fome more oak chairs or fedilia within the fandluary ; a reredos at the back of
the Altar ; the floor of the fand:uary laid with encaustic tiles ; the walls of the
church cemented fo as to prevent the neceffity of whitewafh, and ornamented
with diaper or other patterns in frefco ; a large frefco over the chancel arch
above the medallions ; the tower area laid with encauftic tiles, and the old
and very fingular Weft Porch reftored according to the traces ftill re-
maining.
Such are fome of the reftorations which I would here fuggeft as calcu-
lated to render our Church more fitting for the celebration of Divine
fervice, and more worthy of His Prefence, Whofe Houfe it is.
* Whilft thefe pages were pafTing through the prefs, a friend kindly promifcd
to prefent us with this.
212 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Terriers.
The Z'] Canon of the Canons of 1603 runs thus: — "We ordain that the
archbifhops and all bifhops, within their feveral diocefes, fhall procure (as much
as in them lieth) that a true note and terrier of all the glebes, lands, meadows,
gardens, orchards, houfes, ftocks, implements, tenements, and portions of
tithes, lying out of their parifhes (which belong to any parfonage, or vicarage,
or rural prebend), be taken by the view of honeft men in every parifh, by
the appointment of the bifhop (whereof the minifter to be one), and be laid
up in the bifhop's regiftry, and there to be for a perpetual memory thereof."
The following terriers are extracted from the archives of the Confifto-
rial Court of Canterbury : —
I.
" A Terrie of all the Gleabe lands and Tenements belonginge to the Pfonage
of Eftrie made by us whofe names are heereunder written.
" Imprimis. A clofe called the Buts Clofe contayneinge thirteene acres and
a halfe and eight perches abuttinge one the Eaft uppon the Kings highway
Weft and South the Land ptayneinge to Chrift Church North to a Clofe of
Mr. Jaleys Weft are Dane Twelve Acres Eft Weft North and South Chrift
Church,
" Horfe Acre. Sixe Acres abuttinge one the South to the Lands of Henry
Parramour North William Faulkner Eaft Chrift Church Weft to the Tenants
commo way.
" One Acre and a halfe called the Horfefayer abuttinge one the Eaft South
and Weft to the Land of Thomas Hufham North to S"^ Roger Newinfonn.
" One halfe Acre layeinge at the Mill abuttinge Eaft and Weft to the High-
way North Kerby South Edmnd Parker.
*' Upper Crofs Power Acres thirtie fix perches North the Heyres of Wil-
lia Nutt Eft South and Weft Chrift Church.
" Skinners Gore Five Acres abuttinge on the South uppon the Lands of
Edmnd Parker Eaft and Weft Chrift Church Weft Tenants common way.
One Acre one rod laying to Horfe Acres Bufti abutinge one Willia Friends
Land one the North Weft Tenants common highway South the Heyres of
Willia Nut Eft Chrift Church One Acre and a halfe layinge at Colket abut-
tinge one the North and South to the Lands of Jonathan Boteler Weft to the
Comon way Eaft to the Heyers of Matthewe Meares One Acre at Horfe
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 213
Acre Eaft Chrift Church South Mr. Jonathan Boteler Weft the cofhon Tenants
way North uppon the Land of William Parker.
Three rods at Felderland South and West William Hilde North Kings
Highway and Eaft abuttinge upon the Land of William Dranton.
Six Acres at Hoyfelfewood Field abuttinge on the Kings Highway uppon
the South North and Weft Chrift Church and uppon the Lands of Mr.
Samuell Nicols one the Eaft One Acre and a halfe at the Buts buttinge one
the South uppon the Lands of John Pittocke Eaft Chrift Church Weft the
Highway North Thomas HufFam.
Two Acres more or lefte in the occupacon of William Paramou' Halfe one
Acre in the occupacon of William Salter One Acre layenge before the Ambry
Gate.
Two rodes in the occupacon of Thomas Arnolde Churchway North and Eft
South Richard Auftin Weft upon the Land of Edward Parker. One Acre three
rods amonge the Lands of Robart Gyles.
Two acres of Land in the occupacon of William Paramo' abuttinge uppon
Chrift Church Land one the North and upon the fayd William Paramou' Land
Eft Weft and South.
Sixteene Acres layeinge in the p of Tillmefton in the occupation of Stephen
Saffery.
One Tenement layeinge in Eftry Street in the occupacon of William
Hougham.
One Tenement or Howfe layeng in Eftrie Street in the occupacon of Thomas
Houghm.
Thomas Hilde
XI
his mke.
William Falkener Churchwarden.
Thomas Robins X his mark.
Thom Friend Sydmen.
Jofua Paramor."
This terrier was probably made in or about the year a.d. 1598, fince
William ffaulkner was churchwarden in that year, which was the 8th
year of the vicariate of Samuel Nicolls.
214 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
II.
" A Terrier of the Tenements Gardens and Gleabe Lands belonging to the
Ambry or Parfonage and Vicaredge of Eaftry lying in the pifhes of Eaftry
Word and Tilmanftone w'^'" faid Parfonage w* the Tenements and Gleabe Lands
S' George Sondes Knight of the Bath houldeth by Leafe from the Deane and
Chapiter of Chrift Church in Canterbury the faid Terrier being made and fubfcribed
the fowre and twentith day of Auguft Anno Dmni 1637 by Mr. Samuel Nicols
Vicar of the faid pifh and Mr. Jofhua Parramore and Thomas Marfh Church-
Wardens of the fame as followeth : —
" Imprimis the Parfonage Houfes and two Acres of Land lying in the Plane and
Gardens abutting to the Kings Highwaies and the Vicaredge Land towards
the South and AVeft and to the Churchyard and Eaftry Court Land toward the
North and to the Lands of Mr. Joftiua Parramore towards the Eaft.
" Item the Vicaredge Houfes and halfe an Acre and 20 pches of Land abutting to
the Kings Highwaies and to the Lands of a Houfe belonging to the Parfonage in
the occupacon of Henry Richardfon South and Weft and to the Lands belonging
to the Parfonage North and Eaft.
" Ite A Dwelling Houfe and a Garden nere the Crofle in Eaftry Streete lying to
the Kings Streete South and Weft and to the Vicars Garden and Land North and
Eaft.
Ite One other Houfe and Garden in Eaftry Streete lying to the Streete Weft
and to the Land of Thomas Boteler North To the Landes of the Heires of
William Freind Eaft and to the Landes of Richard Stacy South.
*' Ite nine peeces of Gleabe Land feverally lying in Eaftry aforefaid containing in
the whole fifty acres a halfe and one roode.
" I. Whereof one peece is called the Faire Feild and conteineth xxij one roode
and xxix pches and lyeth to the Kings way leading towards Tilmanftone Eaft To
the Landes of the Heires of William North to Mr. Fowlers Land North and Weft
To the Lands of Mr. Samuell Nicols late John Falkeners and to the Lands of
Eaftry Court Weft and South.
"2. Two other peeces thereof lying at a place called Skeymers* Gore and con-
taine nine Acre a halfe and xi pches lying together to the Lands of Mr. Nutt
and to the way leading to deadman gap North & Weft To Mr. Foules Land Eaft
and South To the Faier Feild Weft and North To the Lands of Mr. Parks
South & Weft.t
* Skinners Gore, now Gore, f There is no 3 in the copy from which this is taken.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 215
" 4. Ite one other peece thereof containing one Acre one roode and xiiij pches
to the Landes of Mr. Jofua Parramore late Mr. Huffam North Eaft & South
To the way leading towards Tilmanftone Weft and North To the Lands of the
Heires of S' Roger Newinfon Eaft and South and to the Lands of the heires of
W". Smith and Simon Mount Weft.
" 5. Ite one other peece thereof containing one acre one roode and xxvij pches and
lyeth to the Highway Weft To the Lands of Mr. Jofua Parramore late Mr.
HufFams toward the North To the Landes of Richard Pittocke South and to
Eaftry [ ? Court] Land called Bramble Hill Banke towards the Eaft.
" 6. Item one other peece thereof containing fixe acres and fixe pches lying to the
way leading to deadman gap Weft and North To the Landes of Mr. Samuell
Nicols late John Falkeners North and Eaft To the Landes of the Heires of Wil-
liam Parramore South and Weft and lyeth at or neere a place there called com-
monly by the name of Calcott toward the Landes called the Elderne Stumpe.
*' 7. Ite one other peece thereof lyeth towards deadman gap and conteineth one
acre and xxviij pches and abutteth to the faid way leading to deadman gap Weft
and North To the Lands of Mr. Nutt North and Eaft To the Lands of Thomas
Freind Weft and South.
" 8. Ite one other peece thereof containing one acre one roode and xxij pches
and lyeth nere unto deadman gap to the faid way Weft and North To the Land
of Mr. Boteler North and South.
" 9. Ite one other peece thereof lyeth in Hafell Wood Feild and conteineth fixe
Acres and xxij pches and abutteth to the way leading to Northborne South and
Weft To Eaftry \Court\ Land North and Weft To the Lands of Thomas
Marfti late Mr. Nicols Eaft and South.
** Ite one peece of Land conteining one acre and xxiiij pches lying in Eaftry over
againft the Church planted w''' fruite trees for an Orchard and abutteth to the Kings
waies North and Eaft To the Lands late Mr. HufFams now Thomas Botelers and
the Lands of Michaell Auften South and to the Lands of Mr. Parks and the
Clarkes* Garden AVeft.
" Ite one little peece of Land conteining halfe an Acre and xxiij pches lieth at
thElder Land in Word pifh inclofed into the Orchard of John Hille late William
Hille and abutteth to the Landes of the faid John Hille South and AVeft and to
* This refers to the garden given to the clerks of Eaftry by Mrs. Chriftiana God-
dard. For further information concerning which see CHAPTER VII.
2i6 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
the Highway leading to Word Streete North and to the Lands of the heires of
Stephen Danton Eaft.
" Ite fower peeces of Land lying in Tilmanfton Conteyning in all together
fifteene Acres and three roodes.
" I. Whereof one peece conteineth by eftimacon nine Acres and lyeth to the
Kings way and to Pryers Clofe South and Weft and to the Lands of S"^ Thomas
Palmer Knight South k Weft To the Kings way North and Eaft To the
Gleabe Land of the Church of Tilmanftone Weft and North to the Landes of
John Dove and the Lands of John Denne North and Eaft.
" 2. Ite one other peel thereof conteining one acre and a halfe lyeth to the Kings
way South To the landes Thomas Croft Eaft To the Lands of John Denne North
and Weft.
" 3. Ite one other peece thereof containeth two Acres and one roode and lyeth to
the land of S"^ Thomas Palmer South and Eaft To the lands of William Jenkin
Weft and South To the Lands of the faid S" Thomas Palmer Weft and to the
Gleabes aforefaid Eaft and North.
" 4. Ite one other pcell thereof containeth three acres and lyeth to the Lands of
S' Thomas Palmer Weft South and North To the Landes of the Parfonage of Til-
manftone North and Eaft To the Lands of William Jenkens Eaft and South To
the laft mentioned pcell of Gleabe Land South and Weft.
Samuel Nicols Vic. ibide.
Jofua Paramor ") ^, ,
Churchwardens.
Tho : X Marfti
his marke."
III.
'* To the Moft Reverend Father in God William by divine Providence Lord
Archbiftiop of Canterbury,
" We the Vicar and Churchwardens of the Parifti of Eaftry in the County of
Kent do hereby certify That the whole Quantity of Glebe Land in the faid Parifti
belonging to the faid Vicarage amounts to about one rood & thirty perches lying
together & furrounded by two Roads and the Re6torial property — There is a
Glebe Houfe Coach-houfc and Stabling upon the faid Glebe & no other Build-
ings — The living is united to that of Worth — the adjoining Parifti — in which
there is about Sixty Perches of Glebe Land but no Building thereon — The Emo-
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 217
luments are derived from fmall Tithes & fees. There is alfo an Augmentation of
;^20 per annum paid to the Vicar of Eaftry with Worth ^5 6^. M. of which is
paid by the Dean & Chapter of Canterbury & the remaining fum of ^14 13^. 4.^.
is paid by the Leflee of the Redorial Property.
" Witnefs our hands this fifteenth day of Odlober in the year of our Lord eight
hundred & thirty three.
George Randolph Vicar of Eaftry with Worth.
Henry Sladden } ^, r r- n
TT TT r Churchwardens of Eaftry."
Henry Upton J •'
ENDOWMENT OF THE VICARAGE OF EASTRY, a.d. 1367.
[Ex. Re£-i/l. Langh.y fol. 129*^, 130-]
*^ Univerfis San6le Matris Ecclefie filiis ad quos prefentes httere pervenerint,
Simon, etc., falutem in Domino fempiternam. Ex parte religioforum virorum
prioris et capituli ecclefie noftre Cantuarienfis nobis extitit intimatum quod reco-
lende memorie Simon ultimus Cantuarienfis archiepifcopus defundlus immediatus
predeceflbr nofter ecclefias parochiales de Eaftry et Monketon cum capelhs eifdem
annexis ac juribus et pertinentiis fuis univerfis noftre Cantuarienfis dioecefios
dudum didis religiofis viris priori et capitulo ecclefie predidte et elemofinarie ipfo-
rum canonice appropriatas, quas quidem Baldewynus predecefTor nofter qui vir
erat magne potencie prout fibi placuit aliquamdiu integraliter occupavit, ac qui
collaciones didlarum ecclefiarum fibi retinuit, et medietatem frudluum utriufque
ecclefie didis religiofis viris pro elemofinaria predidta reliquit reliquam vero medie-
tatem eciam utriufque ecclefie fuis clericis per eundem in didtis ecclefiis inftitutis
affignavit minus jufte ad petitionem religioforum virorum predidlorum ex caufis
juftis et legitimis per ipum judicialiter approbatis omnibus et fingulis quorum inte-
refl'e poterit in ea parte primitus evocatis ac ceteris que de jure requirebantur eciam
concurrentibus ad ipfos religiofos viros pertinuifle et pertinere debere, didlos reli-
giofos viros reftituendos et reducendos fore ad jus et pofleftionem quod et quam
in didlis ecclefiis habuerunt tempore didti Baldewini et ante, ipfofque in jure et
pofl"eftione hujufmodi tuendos fore fententialiter et deffinitive pronunciavit decrevit
et declaravit, ac ipfos quantum in eo fuit ad ftatum priftinum reduxit et reftituit
G G
2i8 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
per decretum, refervando fibi et fuccefforlbus fuis libera facultate vicarlas et por-
ciones ipfis congruentes, cum redores ipfarum ecclefiarum eifdem ceflerint, vel ipfi
decefferint, taxandi, ftatuendi et ordinandi. Ita quod cedentibus vel decedentibus
redoribus didlarum ecclefiarum qui tunc fuerint liceret didis priori et capitulo per
fe feu alios vel alium eorum nomine ecclefias antedidlas de Eaftri et Monketon cum
capellis fuis et poffefTionem corporalem earundem libere ingredi reintrare et read-
quirere, ac eas et earum poffefTionem pro fuo perpetuo in ufus proprios et elemofi-
narie predidle retinere, quodque religiofi viri fubfequenter et poft premiffa didas
ecclefias de Eaftri et Monketon cum capellis fuis et earum poffefTionem corporalem
per ceffionem reftoris de Eastri et per mortem redloris de Monketon qui tunc
fuerant nuper vacantes et vacuas adepti nadi funt in prefenti et ingreffi, nullaque
vicaria adhuc creata feu ordinata in eifdem, fupplicarunt nobis prefati religiofi viri
quatenus attentis premiffis et juxta ea ad creacionem et ordinacionem vicariarum
hujufmodi juxta valorem fru6luum et proventuum illarum medietatum quas
redlores feculares qui pro temporibus retroadtis fuerunt in eifdem percipere confue-
verunt procedere curaremus.
Nos igitur peticionem didorum religioforum virorum diligenter confiderantes et
invenientes didum patrem defundum circa premiffa prout prefati religiofi viri
nobis intimarunt rite et legitime proceffiffe ac ipfas ecclefias de Eaftri et Monketon
cum capellis et pertinentiis fuis univerfis ad ipfos religiofos viros et elemofinariam
fuam predidam pertinuiffe et pertinere debere fententialiter et deffinitive pronun-
ciaffe et declaraffe, necnon ipfos religiofos viros ad ftatum priftinum quem hadenus
habuerunt in eifdem quatenus in eo fuit modo et forma premiflis reduxiffe, gefta
habitus et fada per didum reverendum patrem defundum circa premiffa multum
exquifite pie et devote exercita plurimum commendantes ac quantum in nobis eft ea
omnia et fingula ex noftra certa fcientia approbantes et confirmantes omnibus et
fingulis quorum intereft vel intereffe poterit in ea parte primitus evocatis, caufe
cognicione et juris ordine que de jure requirebantur circa premifla legitime obfer-
vatis, vicariam perpetuam in ecclefia fupradida de Eaftri prefatis religiofis viris ut
premittitur reftituta ordinamus facimus et creamus per prefentes ; porcionemque
vicarii et vicarie ecclefie fupradide de Eaftri ordinamus facimus et limitamus fub-
fcripto modo confiftere debere in perpetuum ; videlicet, quod vicarius, qui pro
tempore fuerit in eadem, habebit aulem cum duabus cameris coquinam et unum
curtilagium pro ftatu fuo competenter, cum claufura fufficienti, infra manfum por-
cionis quam nuper elemofinarius habuit in eadem in prefenti extantes fitas et edifi-
catas, fumptibus vicarii hujufmodi continue in futurum reparandas necnon
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 219
oblationes, legata, et obvenciones quascumque ac decimas lane, agnorum, vitulo-
rum, butiri, ladis, cafei, lini, canabi, aucarum, anatum, porcellorum, ovorum, cere,
meIlis,pomorum,pirorum, columbellorum, pifcarIarurn,aucupacionum,venacionum,
negociatonorum,moIendinorum, feni,herbagii,filve cedue, et aliorum quorumcunque
ad ipfam ecclefiam de Eaftri feu capellas quafcumque ab eadem dependentes quali-
tercumque provenientes, decimas eciam minores de maneris de Leden didorum
prions et capituli quociens et quando datur ad firmam ac quinque marcas bone et
legalis monete ad fefta fanftorum Michaelis et Pafche per equales porciones a
priore et capitulo predidis annuatim perpetuo in futurum fideliter vicario qui pro
tempore fuerit in eadem perfolvendas ; que quidem oblaciones, legata, preventus
et decime prout per inquisitionem fuper valore annuo eorundem legitime captam
fufficienter fumus informati una cum didis quinque marcis annuatim ut premittitur
percipiendis ad viginti libras bone monete communibus annis fe extendunt porcio-
nem tamen fuam hujufmodi in didis oblacionibus, legatis, decimis et quinque
marcis predidis ut permittitur confiftentem propter cafus fortuitos qui contingere
poterunt in futuro ad decern libras argenti duntaxat limitamus et taxamus juxta
quarum decem librarum argenti taxam vicarius qui pro tempore fuerit in eadem,
decimam in futuro ipfam ecclefiam contingentem pro porcione fua duntaxat folvet
fubibit et agnofcet, invenietque didus vicarius unum capellanum in capella de
Worthe ab eadem ecclefia de Eaftri dependente fingulis diebus fi et quatenus
comode poterit celebraturum qui eam officiabit in divinis prout hadenus eft fieri
confuetum, inveniet eciam cereos procefTionales fuperpellicia, ligabit eciam libros
invencionem redoris concernentes librofque hujusmodi inventos fuo periculo cuf-
todiet necnon omnia alia onera infra didas ecclefiam et capellam per redorem loci
confueta fuis fumptibus fubibit et expenfis, hoc excepto, quod prefati religiofi viri
cancellos didarum ecclefie et capelle in omnibus fuis membris et particulis repara-
bunt et fi diruti fuerint reedificabunt fuis fumptibus et expenfis, ipfofque re-
ligiofos et non vicarium qui pro tempore fuerit ad inventionem unius capel-
lani in capella de Shrynglynges a dida ecclefia dependente fi ad hoc redores
tenebantur in antea teneri volumus et obligari : folvent infuper didi prior
et conventus annuatim terminis fupradidis vicario memorato quadraginta
folidos fterlingorum pro fupportacione oneris clerici parochialis ibidem in-
veniendi, quas quidem ecclefie de Eaftrie predide reftitutionem et reductionem
vicarie ordinacionem, ipfiufque vicarii porcionis limitacionem in eadem et onerum
impofitiones antedidas ipfos et eorum quemlibet ut premittitur concernentes
ac omnia alia et fingula hujufmodi reftitucionem et redudionem ordinaciones
limitaciones ac impoficiones contingentia vocatis primitus in forma juris in hac
220 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
parte vocandis ceterisque folempniis In omnibus per nos obfervatis cum plena
caufe cognicione firma ftabilia et cundis temporibus futuris firmiter obfervanda
fore debere didamque porcionem fufficientem et congruam efle vicario hujus modi
pro omni tempore futuro de communi affenfu et confenfu capituli noftri pronun-
ciamus, diffinimus et declaramus per prefentes. In cujus rei teftimonium figilium
noftrum fecimus hiis apponi. Datum apud la Fford nostre dioecef : § non : Augufti
Anno Domini milleffimo ccc™" sexagefimo septimo et noftre tranflacionis primo."
The tranflation of the foregoing Ordination or Endowment of the
Vicarage of Eaftry runs as follows : —
" To all the fons of Holy Mother Church to whom thefe prefent letters fhall
come Simon, &c., fendeth Health in the Lord everlafting. It has been intimated
to us on the behalf of thofe Religious perfons, the Prior and Chapter of our Church
at Canterbury, that Simon of venerable memory the laft Archbifhop of Canter-
bury deceafed our immediate predeceflbr, the Parifh Churches of Eaftry and
Monkton with the Chapels annexed to the fame of our Diocefe of Canterbury and
all the rights thereto appertaining, long fince canonically appropriated to the faid
Religious Perfons the Prior and Chapter of the faid Church and the Almonry
ufed by them (which one Baldewyn our Predeceftbr who was a man of great
Power without Juftice wholly occupied for fome time as he thought fit, and who
retained to himfelf the Collations of the faid Churches and left the half of the
Fruits of both to the faid Religious for the Almonry aforefaid and aftigned the
remainder to his own Clerks inftituted by himfelf in the faid Churches) at the
petition of the faid Religious, for juft and lawful reafons judicially approved by
himfelf (all and every Perfons who might be interefted in that matter being firft
cited, and all other lawful Obfervances concurring) did fententially and definitively
pronounce, decree, and declare, that they had belonged and ought to belong to the
faid Religious Perfons, and that the faid Religious should be reftored and brought
back to the Right and PofTefTion which they had in the faid Churches, at and before
the time of the faid Baldewyn, and that they fhould be maintained in the pofTefTion of
the fame, and did reduce and reftore them as far as it depended upon him to their
former Eftate by his decree, referving to himfelf and his fucceffors the free power
of ordering, eftablifhing and ordaining the Vicarages and parts appertaining to
them whenfoever the Redors of fuch Churches fhould quit them or fhould them-
felves be dead : fo that upon the Refignation or Deceafe of the Reftors of the
aforefaid Churches for the time being, it might be lawful for the aforefaid Prior
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 221
and Chapter by themfelves or others or any other in their name freely to enter,
re-enter and re-acquire the aforefaid Churches of Eaftry and Monkton, with their
Chapels, and to have the corporal Pofleffion of them for their own ufe, and that
of the Almonry aforefaid for ever : and that the faid Religious confequently
and after the Premises have now obtained acquired and entered into the faid
Churches of Eaftry and Monkton with their chapels as well as the corporal poflef-
fion of them, being vacant by the ceffion of the Reftor of Eaftry and the death
of the Redor of Monkton who were at that time being ; and no Vicarage being
as yet created or ordained in the fame, the aforefaid Religious have fupplicated us
that attending to the Premiftes we fhould take care to proceed to the Creation and
Ordination of fuch like Vicarages according to the value of the Fruits and Profits
of thofe medieties which the fecular Redtors who have been in times past were
accuftomed to receive. We therefore, diligently confidering the Petitions of the
faid Religious and finding that the faid Father deceafed, according as the faid
Religious have intimated to us, did rightly and lawfully proceed, and that he fen-
tentially and definitively pronounced and declared that the faid Churches of
Eaftry and Monkton, with the Chapels and Appurtenances, did belong and
ought to belong to the faid Religious and their Almonry aforefaid, and alfo
that as far as he might or could, after the manner and form aforefaid, he
reftored the faid Religious Perfons to their former Eftate which they aforetimes
held in the faid Parifties, very much commending whatever has been tranf-
adted and done by the faid Reverend Father deceafed concerning the Premiftes,
as done with great Piety and Devotion, and as far as lies in us, from our certain
knowledge, approving and confirming all and every of thefe Acts and Things (all and
every Perfons who may and might be interefted in the fame being firft cited
and the caufe, cognition, and order of juftice which were required about the
premifTes being duly obferved) do ordain, make and create by thefe prefents a
perpetual Vicarage in the above-mentioned Church of Eaftry, reftored as is before
related to the aforefaid Religious : And we ordain, make, and limit that the Por-
tion of the Vicar and aforefaid vicarial Church of Eaftry ought to confift for
ever in the manner underwritten, that is to fay, that the Vicar, who for the time
ftiall be in the fame, ftiall have the Hall with two Chambers, the Kitchen and one
Curtilage fufliicient for him with a fufficient Clofe beneath the dwelling Houfe of
that portion which the Almoner lately had, now being fituated and built in the
fame, to be repaired continually for the future at the Cofts of the faid Vicar, and
alfo ftiall have the Oblations, Legacies, and Revenues whatfoever, and the Tenths
222 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY,
of Wool, Lambs, Calves, Butter, Milk, Cheefe, Flax, Hemp, Geefe, Ducks,
Pigs, Eggs, Wax, Honey, Apples, Pears, Pidgeons, Fifh for fale. Fowling, Hunt-
ing, Merchandifes, Grift, Hay or Grafs, Herbage, Felled Wood, and of other
things whatfoever to the faid Church of Eaftry, or the Chapels whatfoever depend-
ing upon the fame, howfoever arifing, as alfo the fmaller Tenths of the faid Prior
and Chapter's Manor of Leden, as often as and whenfoever it may be let out to
farm. And moreover that five marks of good and lawful money fhall be paid
faithfully by equal portions at the Feafts of Saint Michael and Eafter yearly for
ever, by the Prior and Chapter aforefaid to the Vicar who for the time fhall hold
the fame, which Oblations, Legacies, Profits and Tenths, as we have been fuffi-
ciently informed by Inquifition duly made into the yearly value of the fame,
together with the faid five Marks to be received yearly as above-mentioned, do
amount to Twenty Pounds of good money per year. Neverthelefs we limit and
reftrain the Portion of the faid Vicar (confifting in the faid Oblations, Revenues,
Legacies, Tenths with the five Marks aforefaid) as is premifed by Reafon of the
Cafualties which may happen in future time, to Ten pounds of Money only,
according to which rate of Ten pounds the Vicar for the time being fhall only
pay, anfwer, and acknowledge as his part of the Tithe for the time to come apper-
taining to the Church. And the faid Vicar fhall find one Chaplain in the Chapel
of Worth depending upon the faid Church of Eaftry, to celebrate Divine Service,
every Day, at leaft as far as it may be done with convenience ; and who fhall there
officiate in Divine Things according to ufual Cuftom. He fhall alfo find waxen
candles for ProcefHons, and Surplices, he fhall bind the Books relating to the
Redtors income, and whatever Books of this kind may be found he fhall keep at
his own Peril : and alfo fhall undergo and perform all other Burdens, at his own
expenfe, relating to the faid Church and Chapel that were accuftomed to be borne
by the Reftor of the Place ; excepting only that the faid Religious Perfons fhall
repair the Chancels of the faid Church and Chapel, in all their Members and
Parts, and if they fhould fall to ruin fhall rebuild them at their own cofts and
expenfe. And we will that the faid Religious, and not the Vicar for the Time
being, fhall be held and bound to the maintenance of one Chaplain in the Chapel
of Shrynglynges* depending upon the faid Church, provided the Redors were held
* In a copy of this Tranflation of the Ordination of the Vicarage in the poffef-
fion of the Vicar, there is the following note in Mr. Boteler's handwriting : — " Eaftry
April 1784. Upon a diligent fcarch I have difcovercd the foundation of the Chapel
of Shryngclyngcs juft within the wood, now called Shinglcton Wood at the South Eaft
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 223
in Times paft to the fame. Moreover the faid Prior and Convent (hall pay yearly
at the times aforefaid to the Vicar above-mentioned 40^". for the finding and main-
taining of a Parifh Clerk there. All which Reftitution and Redudlion of the faid
Church of Eaftry, Ordination of the Vicarage and Limitation of the Vicar's Part
in the fame, and the aforefaid impofitions of Burdens relating to them and any of
them as is premifed, and all and fingular appertaining to fuch Reftitution and
Redudlion, Ordinations, Limitations and Impofitions, we, firft having cited accord-
ing to form of law, all that in this affair ought to be cited, and all other legal
Forms being in all refpedls fully obferved by us, and having a full knowledge of
the caufe, with the common affent and confent of our Chapter, do pronounce,
determine, and declare by thefe Prefents to be firm, ftable, and fuch as ought con-
flantly to be obferved in all future Times ; and that the faid Portion is fufficient
and proper for the faid Vicar in all fucceeding times. In Teftimony whereof we
have caufed our seal to be affixed to thefe prefents. Given at La Ford in our
Diocefe the fecond of the Nones of Auguft in the year of our Lord 1 367 and of
our Tranflation the i"'."
In or about the year 1745, the queftion having arifen whether the
Redior or the Vicar, of Eaftry was entitled to the Tythe of Canary,
Clover, and other feeds, a cafe was drawn up and fubmitted to counfel,
when the following opinion* was given : —
" I have read over a copy of y^ Endowment of y^ Vicaridge of Eaftry and y""
queftion upon it being whether y*" Redlor or y^ Vicar is intitled to y* Tyth of
Canary feed Clover feed and other feeds I am of opinion that by reafon of y*"
general words ad aliortmz qiLortmictmqice ad ipfam Ecclejiam de Eajlry feu
Capellas gtta/cunqtie ad eadem dependentes qtialitercunque provenientes and y*-'
ufage for the Vicar to take y^ Tith of Canary feed and other feeds that y*" Vicar is
intitled to y^ Tith of Canary feed Clover feed and other feeds, Canary feed
Clover feed and other feeds being unquftionably fmall Tithes and not great
Tiths.
^' J. Knowler
" 26 Oaober 1745."
end." The fa6l that it was only difcoverable " after diligent fearch" nearly a 100
years ago, fhews us how long it muft have been difufed and ruined.
* In the poffeffion of the Vicar.
224 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
Inventories of the XVII Century.
The following Inventories of Goods, extracted from the MSS. notes of
William Boteler, Efqre., of Brook Street, in this Parifh, give us a very-
good idea of the furniture and wardrobe of a private gentleman of Eaft
Kent in the beginning of the xvii century : —
" A true inventory of the goods & chattels of Richard Boteler,'" gent, late
of Eaftrie deceafed made & prized the xix day of March in the year of o' Lord
Chrifte one thoufand fix hundreth & of the Raigne of o'' Souaigne Lady Elizabeth
the Queen's ma''* y' now is the xliij by John Golder, Richard Auften Nicholas
Squire & John Caftell the writer hereof all of Eaftry.
Imprimis his Girdle his purfe & reddy money . . . iiij''
Ite his apparel one Saten doblett One filke ralh doblett w'^ filii buttons
One fuftian doblett One payer of velvett breeches three payer
of broadcloth breeches Two clokes One cloth gownef Two
hatts lyned w'*" velvett Two cloth Jerkins Three Devonfhiere &
cotten night weftcotes Two payer of Jerfey (lockings & fower
payer of cloth ftockings Two ryding hoodes fix fiiirts eight
bandesf . . . . . . . x
" Ite in the litle chamber whear he died called the middle chamber
One joynde (landing bedd One fether bedd one bowlder one
payer of blancketts One rugg covertledd five curtens w"" curten
rodds One Truckle bedd One cheft One liuery cubberd One
chayer w'^ other lumber there prized at . . . iiij x
'^ Ite in the beft chamber called the great chamber One fayer (landing
Bedfteddle one fether bedd one blanckett one covertleed five fey
curtaines & curtaine rodds one Truckle bedftedle w'*" a quilt bedd
* Richard Boteler, of Eaftry, Gent., whofe will was proved 27 Ap., 1601, wills to
be buried in Eaftry Church, as does alfo Katherine Boteler his widow, whofe will
proved 29 July, 1617. William Boteler, of Rochefter, will proved 11 May, 1615, in
London.
t In former days the goivn and bands were no mark of an ecclcfiaftic, for the
gown was worn by every one, from the rank of sovereign to that of tradesman, as the
outer garment ; gradations in rank being marked by the material of which the gown
was made, and the way in which it was " faced " or trimmed.
MEMORIALS OF BASTRY. 225
One payer of millen [?] fuftian underclothes two cheftes one table
'^ a carpett thereon half a dowfon of high joynd ftooles fower
low joynd cufhian ftooles two chayers One court cubberd One
joynd box One payer of ftanding cob yrons Three window cur-
taines \^ the hanging about the chamber prized at . . x''
Ite in the chamb'' ou"" the litle Hall one ftanding bedfteddle one fether
bedd theron a payer of blancketts one Covertleed five curtaines
of cloth one truckle bedftedle one flockbedd one payre of
blancketts and one covertleed thereon one cypres cheft one joynd
box \^ hangings to the faid chamber prized at . . . iij"
Ite in the maydes chamber one bourded beddfteddle '^ a flock bedd
theron one covertleed one blanckett one cheft two childrens
cradles '^ other lumber ther ..... xx''
Ite in the litle chamber one ftanding beddftedle one fether bedd a
payer of blancketts one Covertleede one Court cubberd one
truckle beddftedle prized at . . . . . iij''
It in Jonathan Botelers chamb' fower cheftes \!|J certain furniture for
the warrs viz two corfletts one Jack two mufketts fur One
Horfemans piec fur one cafe of daggs two caliu" fur \1; fwords
and daggers prized at ..... iiij''
It in the great parlo"" One table half a dowftn of high joind ftooles
fower cuftiion ftooles one court cubberd one chayer two table
carpetts Two cubberd carpetts halfe a dowftn of cuftiions fower
window cuftiions viz. two of filke and filu"" and two of filke only
one payer of cob irons or brand yrons prized at . . iiij''
Ite in the lower chamber behinde the entrie one ftanding beddftedle
one fetherbedd a payer of blancketts two covertleeds one cub-
berd ^^ other Lumber ther prized at . . . . iiij'' x
Ite in the folkes chamb"" three boarded bedfteddles Two flock bedds
one mattrefs \1) covertleeds and blancketts furniflied prized at . xl*
Ite in the chamb"" ou"" the buntting houfe two boarded beddftedles, one
flock bed one blanckett one undercloth and one covertleed
prized at . . . - . . . xx^
Ite in the litle Hall one Table fower joyned ftooles and one payer of
cobbyrons prized at . . . . . . xiij'' iiij''
Ite in the great hall Two tables one cubberd one fourme a payer of
H H
226 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
cob yrons a payer of yron rackes one Jack to turn a fpitt \'J other
lumber ther prized at . . . . . xP
Ite in the Buttry of the beft pewter one dowfin of platters one dowfin
of Pewter difhes one dowfin of fruite difhes, one dowfin of
plates, half a dowfin of porrindgers half a dowfin of fawcers
two bafens and an ewer fower pewter candlefliickes two doufin
of wearing pewter five chamber potts .... iij'' xiij^ iiij'
Ite in the faid Buttry one cheft one payer cubberd \^ other lumber
ther prized at . . . . . • vj' viij'^
Ite in the Kitchin feaven brafs kettells thre brafs potts one brafs pann
a warming pann two chafing difiies fower ftuppuetts five brafs
candlefliicks five fpitts two greedyrons one Trivett \^ other lumber
ther prized at ...... iij^'
Ite in the mylke houfe A Bryne ftock a table two dowfin of bowles
and Truggs three milk keelers two charnes a Mufi:ard quearne '.^
other lumber ther prized at . . . , . xx^
Ite in the buntting houfe one Bunting hutch Two kneding fiiowles a
a meale tubb \lj other lumber ther prized at . . . vj' viij'
Ite in the cheefe howfe One cheefe prefTe ',^ his furniture two payer of
Ripps five payells \^ other lumber prized at . . . xiij' iiij'
Ite in the Brewhowfe Two great brueng tonnes one Corlefatt Two
furnaces fower Tubbs '^ other lumber ther prized at . . v^'
Ite in the well howfe 8 Bucketts and two roppes "% other lumber ther
prized at . . . . . . . Vf viij'
Ite in the Wheat loft iij quarters of Wheat five quarters of Otes . vj'' x*
Ite forty payer of fheetes twelve table clothes ix dowfin of table nap-
kins viij payer of pillow coates fix payer of pillowes One dowfin
of hand towells prized at .... . xx''
Item in his fliuddy diils and fundry books prized at . . xl*
Ite one filii and gilt fait one filii pcell gilt cupp and one filu cupp
prized at . . . . . . . v''
Ite xiiij horfe beafl:s one wagon and wagon harnefle three plowes three
courts fower harrowes \|j all furniture belonging prized at . li''
Ite one couple of working bullocks prized at . . . vj''
Ite vij kine iij towyering beafts and fower twelve monthings prised at xxij''xiij'iiij'
Ite vj fcore old weathers ewes and young fiieep prifed at . . xxxvj'
;d
;:d
;d
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 227
It xxij hoggs prized at . . . . , . vj'' xiij' ilij'*
Ite xviij'""^ hennes capons and cocks xvij Duckes and drakes five
G^^io. and ganders prized at . . . . . xx*
Ite xx'''' quarters of Wheat by eftimac in the Barne to threfh prized at xlvj''
Ite Hey fodwar and otes in the Barnes and upp ftable prized at . x''
Ite Ixx acres of wheat fowen in the fields prifyed at . . . cxl''
Ite xxxvij acres of Tares and Peafe prifzed at . . . xxxvij''
Ite xij acres of Oates prized at xx^ the acre . . . xij^'
Ite certain wood in wope [ ?] felled % all ftuff and lumber before for-
gotten by the prizers prized at ... . iij''
Su"^ Totle ccccc'' x^
" A treue Invetory of the goods and Chattels of M'"'- Katherin Buttler Gentell
woman of Eaftry late deceafed made & prized the xix'*" of January and in the
year of our Lord Chrift one thoufand fyx hundreth and feauenteene by Thomas
Whytfeld, Thomas Hugbon, and Alexander Mockett.
Imprimis her Purfe and girdell . . . . . v''
Item all her weareinge apparell ..... xvij''
Item in the Create Hall two tables one Cup boorde one forme a paver
of Cobirons a payer of Iron rackes one Jacke to turne fpytt '^'
other lumber. . . . . . . xP
Item the greate Parler one greate table & halfe a duzen of high
Joyned ftooles, two Cufhen ftooles one Courte Cubbard one greate
chayer one fquare table two table Carpets two Cubbard carpets
halfe one duzen of cufhens fowre window cufhens one payer of
cobirons one fire fhovell one payer of tongs & one payer of
bellowes . . . . . . . v''
Item in the littell Hall one table to joyned ftooles . . . xij'
Item in the Kitchen two tables one drefter borde one brafs pann one
warmeing pann one Chaffinge difh, two gridirons one fire fhovell
one payer of bellowes one payer of tongs one fire forke of Iron,
fower fpytts feaven Kettells fowr brafs potts three brafs ftupens
one payer of potthangers fyxe brafs candellfticks \'j other lumber v''
Item in the Buttery two BafTons one Eward fyx pewter Candellfticks
fower dozen and a halfe of pewter platters greate & fmall
five pewter plates three dozen & a halfe of fmall pewter, fower
porringers of pewter one Voyder of pewter one dozen and a
228 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
halfe of weareing pewter one dozen of fpoones thre falts one
pewter pott & viij Chamber potts . . . . v'' xlij^
Item in the fame Buttery beforefayd one Chift one heare Cubard three
driping panns one frying pann \^ other lumber . . . xxvij^
Item in the Milke houfs one brineftocke two dozen of trugs ix bowles
three milke keelers one Charne & one table . , . xx^
Item in the Buntingehoufs one boultinge \!j one Kneadinge trofe & one
meale tub . . . . . . . v
Item in the Cheafe houfs one Cheafeprefs \lj his ffurniture one payer
of ripps five payles and one fope boule . . . xx^
Item in the Brewhoufs two brewinge tonns one Coole backe two for-
nifles fower tubes '^ other lumber .... vj'' xiiij'
Item in the fame Wellhoufs two bucketts one rope one water ftocke . xx^
Item in the Laderhoufs one brineftock one table '^ other lumber . vj^ viij"^
Item in the great chamber on ftandinge beadfteadell one featherbead
one blankett one coverlyd five faye curtaynes ^\ foe many roods
of Iron two pillows and one boulefter one truckell beadftedle "%
a quilt bead one payer of millan* [?] fuftian under clothes two
Chiftes one table ^^ one carpett halfe a dozen of high joyned
ftooles fower low joyned cuffhen ftooles two chayers one court
cubbard one joyned box one payer of Cobbiarns three window
curtaynes and one window cufhen .... xij''
Item in the midell Chamber one ftandinge beadfteadell one feather-
bead one boulfter one payer of Blanketts one coverlyd one
truckellbead one Chift one flocke bead \|) a blankett a coverlyd
& boulfter & a prefs . . . . . • vj'' xiij""
Item in the Chamber over the littell Hall one ftandinge beadfteadell
one feather bead one payer of blanketts one coverlyd five cur-
taynes of claoth one truckell bead one fypersf Chift one box '^
cartayne hanginges about the chamber . . . v'' xiij^
Item in the Maydes chamber two horded beadfteadells one old feather-
bead one boulfter one blankett two Chiftes & one cradell . liij^ iiij'*
Item in the buckeinge chamber one playne beadfteadle '^ a featherbead
and one boulfter one payer of blanketts one coverlyd '^J curtaynes
* What is this word " millan ?" does it mean Milan ?
i* " Sypers " = •' cypres," ante, for cyprefs.
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 229
to the bead two Chlftes and one Courte Cubbard . . iiij'' xiii*
Item in the Chamber wheare Mr. Buttlers lyeth one ftandinge bead-
fteadle % a feather bead one boulfter one pillow one payer ot
blanketts one Coverlyd \1; curtaynes & roods to the bead be-
longeinge one Courte Cubbard two Chiftes ^^ certayne furniture
for the warrs ... v''
Item in the lower Chamber one ftandinge beadfteadle % a flock bead
one boulfter a payer blanketts and one truckell bead . . xxvj'' viij''
Item in the greate Chamber xxi payer of Sheets fyx payer of pil-
lowbes fyx cubbard claothes one large ftieete to cover the bead
xij table claothes, table napkins xij dozen viij towells . . xx''
Item in the fame greate Chamber one duble falte of fylver to fylver
bowles one dozen of fylver fpoones .... ix^' yC
Item in the buckinge chamber five payer of ftieetes one payer cover-
lyd two pillowes xvj payer of ftieets ordinaryly goeinge about
the Houfs feaven table claothes one dozen of Napkins x towells
and fyx pillow coots . . . . . . xj'' v''
Item in the Servants Chamxber fower horded beadfteadles \!j fower
flocke beads fower boulfters fower coverlyds and fower
blanketts . . . . . . -iiij''
Item in the Chamber behinde the Chymney two beadfteadles \'j two
flocke beads to boulfters to coverlyds to blanketts one old cub-
bard and an old paynted claoth .... liij^
Item in the Chamber over the great Hall one payer of Stowcards one
payer of wollen cards two wollen whiles two linen whiles one
oaft cloath '^ other lumber ..... xxiij'^
Item in the littell clofett two payer of fcales \^ the wayghts belongings
to them an old payer of tables tenn cuftiens \y other lumber . xP
Item in the fyller five hodgftieads fower barrells to put beire in and one
virkin ....... xx*
Item in the Studdye divers bookes . ' . . . xl^
Item in the Ky tchen loft one fery one buftiell one mould to make can-
dell mould one bridell a fadell a pillan & pillian claoth % all
other ftufF & lumber before gotten by the prizers . . xP
The mark of Thomas Whyttfield.
Thomas Hugbone.
Alexander Mockett. Sm Cxlix'' xiiij' ix'*
230 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
It may be interefting to compare the following inventory of the effects
of a poor widow, in the neighbouring town of Sandwich, taken only
three years before the iirft of the foregoing, with thofe of the gentry of
our parifli, given above. I am indebted to the kindnefs of the Rev. H.
M. Maugham, late curate in charge of S. Peter's, for permiffion to make
this extrad: from the veftry books of that parifh : —
" The Goodes of fravnceis walker a wydow in the paryfhe of S'. Peters was
Prayfeyd the xviij''' daye of Julye A°. dom 1597 by Chryftoffer Clarke myghell
Allyxander Samwell hooke and Thomas Godifrye.
ffirfte one littyll olde table of ij bordes . . . • iiij'^
one olde littill fforme ...... viij*^
one bafket beade [bedj ...... xx*^
one olde Coverlet — xx*^ the childe had it to wrape it in.
one lyttyll olde Defke ...... inj*^
vj ftone potes and crockes . . . . . • vj"^
ij woodden Dyfheis iij wodden platters iiij olde Trenchers . . iiij'^
one Olde Hamper . . . . . . . ij
one olde wyckear chere — ij'^ the chylde had yt.
Twoo lyttyll old Tobes j olde peale j peare of olde bellos . . iij'^
;;d
s :d »>
Su . . nij^— J
The fummation 4^. \d. probably reprefents the money value of the
goods a(flually y^/^, the others being given to "the child " here men-
tioned.
Extracts from Wills
Proved in the Confiftory Court of Canterbury (taken from the Boteler
MSS., vol. A.):—
1 45 1. In the firft volume of Wills regiftered in the Archbifbop's Court
at Canterbury (folio 52), is recorded the will of Wm. Bryan, of
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 231
Canterbury, in which he dired:s his Feoffees to fell his Tenement
in Eaftry with its appurtenances, formerly belonging to Adam
Carpenter, immediately after his Death, and with the money
arifing therefrom to provide a Chaplain tofay maffes in Eaftry Church
for the fpace of one year for the health of his foul, Sec, &c. The
Priefts to have ten marks (= 13^. \d. x 10 = ^6 10^. \d. which
X 12, on account of the difference in value of money, would
bring it to ^78 of our prefent money) for his flipend. The refidue
of the money arifing from the fale he directs to be applied to the
reparation of Eaflry Church. He gives to Margaret, his wife, his
tenement in Eaftry called Stapinbreghe, with all the lands and
appurtenances for the term of 5 years, and after the expiration of
the fame dired:s his Feoffees to fell the eftate, and with the money
arifing from the fame to provide a Priefh to celebrate in Eaflry
Church religious rites for his foul, the fouls of his anceftors, and
all the faithful deceafed for the fpace of two years, for which he is
to receive xx marks. From the money likewife arifing from the
fale he bequeaths to the repairs of Eaflry Church ^os. (this would
be equivalent in value to about £2\ of our money). Alfo that a
Priefl fhall be provided to celebrate in S. Andrew's Church, Can-
terbury, for the fpace of three years, to have ten marks each year
for his llipend, but not to be allowed to celebrate anywhere elfe
during that term ; gives alfo to his wife Margaret ^20 from the
fame money. Gives alfo from the fame to the Church of Faver-
fham, 1 3^. \d. — to the Church of Worth, 1 35. \d, — to the Church
of Chiflet, 1 35. 4^^.— to the Church of Woodnefborough, 1 3^. \d.
— to the reparation of the road leading from Eaflry to Sandwich
X marks. The refidue of the money he gives to his wife Mar-
212 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
■J
garet, to whom likewife he bequeaths all his Lands and Tenements
in the Parifli of Chiflet to her and her heirs for ever.
Dated at Canterbury, 6 061., 1451.
1464. William Sutton to be buried in Eaftry Church.
Will proved, 12 Sep., 1464. •
1484. Richard Atchurch, of Eaftry — wife Agnes — fons Thomas and
John — daughter Alice. To his fon John his tenement fometyme
called Brooke Place w'^ one acre of land at Wendefton [Venfon]
called Brookeaker in the faid Parilh. Wendefton in y*" Lordfhip
of Mafter Langeleygh. Dated 4 Sep. 1484.
1487 Extra6t from the will of Johannes Broker de Eaftry, given in
Arch, Cant. vol. vi., p. 289: "Corpus meum iepeliend' in
cimiterio beati Marie de Eaftrie. Lego Alicie uxori mee. Joh'i
Broker filio meo. Alicie uxori mee et Thome at Welle quos
facio executores etc.'*
1487. Dns.* Wm. Craller "pencionarius Eccliepoch de Eftrie" dire6tsto
be buried in y^ Chancel of E. Church — Thos. Aihow ppetual
Vicar of y*" faid Church.
Will dated 14 March, 1487. Proved 9 June, 1488.
1489. Thos. Frynne of Walton in Eaftry to be buried in Eaftry Church.
Will proved 27 Od:., 1489.
1492. Thomas Oore of Eaftry diredls his body to be buried in Eaftry
Church near his father.
Will dated 31 Jany., 1491. Proved 21 May, 1492.
1 497. Peter Darby of Eaftry— to be buried in the body of Eaftry Church
" before y' Autar of St. John the Baptift"— to wife Julian his place
* Dns. = Dominus, i.e., " Sir," the ufual title of parifh priefts in thofe days.
o
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 23
called Godderds in Pariih of Eaftry — his place in Eaftry towards
the Butts call'd the nether place w"' all lands belonging — Place
called Woohope at Heronden — all thefe to her for life — remainder
of all the aforefaid Premes to fon Thos. and his heirs for ever.
Dated 16 Od:ob. 1496. Proved 26 May, 1497.
1497. J°^^ Frynne fenr. of Walton — to be buried in Body of Eaftry
Church.
1499. Thos. Elware of Eaftry — to Roger Frynne his executor his Tene-
ment at Selvefton [Selfon] w'*" all the lands belonging which he
late bought of Harry Baxe fenr. to faid Roger his Heirs and
afligns for ever on condition he pays yearly to Churchwardens of
Eaftry 3^. \d. towards the repairs of y"" faid Church.
Dated 5th Aug. 1499. Proved 2nd Deer, following.
1 504. Julian Rogers of Eaftry — to be buried in the faid Church near her
late Huft^and Peter Darby.
1507. Will. Andrew of Eaftry — mentions our Lady's Chapel in Eaftry
Churchyard. Dated 25 Nov. 1507.
Mem. In another will, of prior date, mention is made of our Lady's
Chapel in Eaftry Church.
1 507. John Whitefelde of Eaftry — to be buried in the Church — men-
tions Mafter Thos. Aftie Vicar of Eaftry.
Dated 21 Jany., 1507.
1524. Jane Afchowe of St. Bartholomew's near Sandwich— to be buried
in the Chancel of Eaftry Church near her deceafed uncle Sr.
Thos. Afchowe— wills a ftone to be laid upon her faid uncle.
1529. Wm. Paramour of Eaftry— to be buried in the Churchyard there
—wife Catherine daur. Conftance— fons Saffery [Sapphire], Robert,
Henry, and Thomas— Witnefs M. Robert Cooper Dodlor of
Mufick. Will dated Odtr. 24, 1529.
I I
234 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
1532. John Owre of Eaflry — to be buried in Eaftree Church.
1 540. Willm. Benger of Herenden in Eaftry — wife Joan — Sons Wm.
and Oliver.
1 541. Willm. Owre of Eaftry wills, &c., to be buried in the Aisle of
Eaftry Church where his father and mother John and Eliz. lie —
wife Joan— fons Richard, William, John, Thos., Alexandr. and
Stephen — Brother Thos. Hamond of Nonnington^devifes Lands
in Eaftry Woodh. Word Sholden and Deale — to fon Richard prin-
cipal MeiTuage in which he dwelt w^^ the lands, &c., in Eaftry
and Woodnefbro' called Gore, and alfo his Lands called Statten-
borough in Worde and other Lands in thofe Parillies and in Shol-
den and Deale. — Gives his Meffuage called Siflifton [Selvefton or
Selfon] w''' all its Lands & Appurts. in Eaftry to fon Willm. &
his Heirs for ever. — Wills his Meft': or Place called Syllefton
w'"" its Lands and Apps. in Eaftry and Woodnefbro' to Son John
(w'=^ he lately purchafed of Thos. Mayhewe of Lincolnfhire Efqre.)
Proved 15 Dec. 1541.
1543. Richd. Champyon Prieft and Prebendary of Canty, (of Chr.
Ch.) Wills, b^c, inter alia — to Niece Margery Champion his
Stuff" at Eaftry — fpeaks of his Parifti of Eaftry.
Proved 20 June, 1543.
1 55 1. Chriftopher Nevynfon of Adefham Dr. of Civil Law — born at
Wederell in Cumberland — wife Ann — Son Thos. — Daur. Jane —
Uncle Richard — Cozens Alexr. and John (Brothers) — cozn. Ste-
phen of Cambridge A.M. — Brothers Rogers, John and Richard
— Cozns. James & Thomas — ^To Servt. Robt. Stamp Leafe of
Henford after his mother Monings death; to Son Thos. his leafe of
Hedcorn Parfonage, Leafes of y Parfonage of Adefham and
Chapel of Staple, his Leafe of Keyt Marfh parcel of the Manor
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 235
of Wingham Barton, his Leafe of Parfonage of Goldftanton, his
Leafe of Bonington, his Leafe of Parfonage of Goodneftone,
his Leafe of Parfonage of Nonington & his Leafe of the
Portion of Well in y'' Parifli of Adefham his Leafe of
the Manor Place at Wingham & of the Lands belonging to it —
and of the Scite of the Manor of Eaftry w"' the Lands belonging
to it — his Leafe of the Manor of Ratlynge— the Marfh in Wing-
ham Valley — his Leafe of the Lands belonging to St. Stephens
Chapel in New Romney in Romney Marfh belonging to Magd :
College in Oxford — his Leafe of the Scite of the Manor of
Tenham & of the Lands belonging — Wills to Brother John
Nevyfon his Leafe of Tyknes [Tickenfhurft] in Northbourn — to
his brother Richd. his Leafe of Mayo in Heron & to his Brother
Roger & to Umphrey & Roland his Sons his Leafe of Maifon
Dieu Broke in Romney Marfh in Parifh ofRokinge.. — Alfo to fon
Thos. garden at Sandwich, 2 acres of Land at SteUing & all the
Tythes of Nonington & the late Chapel Wemingfwold and the
Parifh of Goodneflone near Wingham.
Pr. 12 Sep. 1 55 1. Jno. Orgraver a witnefs.
1553. Willm. Wollet of Eflrye — wife Alice— to his son Robt. all his
Lands in Romney Marfh, &c. &c. Pro : 9 June— 5th Edw. VL
1566. John Paramour of Eaflry— his wife— fon John, Drs. Willmill &
Martha. Pr. Mar. 1566.
1568. Thos. Whitfield the Elder of Eflry— Dr. Elizabeth wife of Henry
Pyfinge— Dr. Phillippa— Dr. Barborough— Son Wm.— wife Alys
— to Son John his MefT: at Selflon wherein he then dwelt with
the lands in fee of Adefham, Lands in Streetinge, &c.— to fon
Marke his Tenement called Nether Knowle in Eaflry Street and
other lands. Pr. 22 Nov., 1568.
236 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
1574. Chriftian Goddard of Eaftry, widow of Oliver Goddard wills,
&c. to her Cozen Jno. Fynche of Feverfham and Elizth. his
wife all her Lands in the Town and Port of Sandwich and her Marfh
Land in Romney and Walland Marfhes for Life, Remainder to
their 3 daurs. Mary, Frances and Martha all in Tail general re-
mainder to Anthy. and William Sons of faid John and Elizth.
and their Heirs for ever. She wills to the Churchwardens of
Eaftry and their fucceffors one Tenement w'^ a Garden and appur-
tenances in Eaftry aforefaid over againft the vicarage to the ufe of
the Poor people there for ever. To the faid Churchwardens like-
wife one other Tenement and a Garden in Eaftry Street to hold
to the ufe of the Clark of Eaftry for ever fo that the fame Clark
for the time being do teach and inftrud; in Learning one of the
pooreft Mens children of the Parifti being a Man child from time
to time for ever. She wills to Anne Fynche widow the late wife
of Thos. Manwood of Sandwch. deceafed all her Lands and
Tenements unbequeathed in Eaftry, Ham, and Worth, and her
heirs for ever, dying without Iftlie remainder to Anthy. and
Wm. Fynche aforefaid for ever. Pr. 1 1 March, 1574.
1580. Peter Lenniter Vicar of Eaftry wills to be buried in Chancel of
fd. Church. Pr. nth Feb., 1580.
1580. Henry Boteler, of Hardenden, Gent. Wills his Body to be buried
in Eaftry Church— to repair of the Church 10^. — to the Poor of
Eaftry 20^. many other Legacies &c. — Wife Elizth. — Son Richd.
— Urfula Green his Sifter's Daughter— SIbell Symes and Dorothy
Web his Wife's Sifters— Sifter Elizth. Lee wife of Jno. Lee jurat
of Sandw.— Sifter Margt. Salftanftol Wife of Jno. Saltl.— Sarah
their Dr. and Elizth. Green another Dr.— Direds his Perfonals to
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 237
be inventoried by Mr. Thos. Boys Mr. Vincent Boys & Mr. Thos.
Nevynfon — His new built Houfe at Harnden — To Son Richd. all
the Lands &c. which he had by his i ft wife mother of fd. Richd.
in St. Clements Sandwh. and in Eaftry" and other eftates in
Sandwh. — to him likewife in Tail male the Manlion Houfe at
Hardenden and Lands belonging in Eaftry and Northbn. — Re-
mainder to fon Wm. remainder to fon John — to faid Richd. Barn,
Dovehoufe, Lands, &c. in Word w"" like remainders — to Son Wm'
and Male iftlie Houfe & Manor of Poulton in Woodnefbro' alfo his
new Houfe in St. Marys Sandwh., alfo 14 a in Woodh. on north
fide of the caufey [caufeway]. To Son John and male ilTue
Houfe, &c., and Lands at Hacklinge in Word : alfo feveral Houfes
in Sandh. particularly principal meftuage in Strand Street : alfo 9
a of Land on Sth. fide the caufey Woodh. — to fon Willm. a Houfe
at Sandh. occupied by his Brother Jno. Saltanftole — to fon Richd.
two fmall pieces of Pafture on Sth. fide the caufey.
Pr. 4 Aug., 1580.
1585. Richd. Auften of Eaftry Yeoman wills to be bur. in Eaftry Church
Dr. Mary — Dr. Margt. wife of Jno. Dod — Dr. Elizth. married —
fon John — wife Alice — his Houfe at Harnden — Jno. Hilde of Den
C. — to fon Vincent (his Exor.) his Tents, and Lands in Quyledge
of Harnden in fee of Adifham — fon Jno. — to fon Richard his Lands
at Tykenhurft in Northbourne but w"' this condition that they
fhall be Vincent's provided he pays Richd. ^100 for them.
Pr. 17 July, 1585.
1 59 1. Saphire Paramour of Stattenborow, Yeoman, to be buried in y"
Ch. Yard — to the Poor of Eaftry 40i'. — to the Churchwardens
* This refers to the farm at the corner of the Mill Lane.
2 -.8 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
■J
Poors Fund 40^". — Son in law Walter Nower — wife Jone Exr. —
witnefles Saml. Nichols Vicar, Wm. Paramr. Pr. 1591.
1593. Thomas Appleton of Eaftry yeoman — gives £^ for the perpetual
benefit of the Poor of Eaftry to be either laid out in Lands or the
Intereft in Cloaths &c. to be beftowed at the difcretion of 6 of
the principal Inhabitants, the Profits to be received yearly by the
Church Wardens — bequeaths in the fame manner ^5 to Wood-
nefbro' — £^ to Goodneftone and ^5 to Mynfter. He wills to
Thos. eldeft ion of his brother John, for 10 years, his Poffeftion
for divers Years to come in certain Lands call'd Hardiles in Parifh
Woodnefboro', he paying to the Queen 3^'. \d. annually and the
fd. yearly fums of £^ at the terms ftated in his will. Mentions
his two Daurs. — Whereas he was indebted to Danl. Wollet
Gent. ^430 for a Purchafe, wills that faid Thos. and John
Appleton fhall iatisfy him for it by fufficient fecurities fo as to
procure his full releafe, in confideration of which he gives to faid
Thos. and his Heirs for ever his Leafe of Manor and Parfonage
of Woodnefbo' and all his goods and furniture in faid Manor and
Parfonage Houfe, all Corn, &c., in the Barnes Granarys, &.c., &c.
Pr. 13 Nov., 1593.
1 60 1 . Richd. Boteler of Eaftry Gent, to be buried in Eaftry Church —
Daurs. Elizth. and Katharine — 2nd fon Henry — Matthew 3rd
Son — Thos. 4th fon — Richard youngeft fon — to poor of Eaftry
40^. — wife Catharine Exr. — To eldeft fon Jonathan all the lands
he purchafed of Vincent Auften in Eaftry or elfewhere — alfo 9
acres of Marfti Land in Woodnefborough that came to him by
the death of Brother Jno. — alfo his houfe at Chilham — alfo cer-
tain Houfes in Sandwich that came to him by his Brother John's
death — alfo his now Dwelling Houfe Lands &c. in Eaftry [He-
MEMORIALS OF EASTRY. 239
ronden] and Northbourn in fee, alfo Houfe Lands Barn and Stables
in Eaftry Street [y" corner farm in y*" Street, now in the occupa-
tion of Mr. W. PittockJ — Tofon Henry 12 acres of Garden Land
in St. Clements, Sandwich — to his fons Mathw. Thos. and Richd.
Houfes in Sandwich and Lands near them. Pr. 27 Ap. 1601.
1 607. John Whitfeild of Eaftry yeoman — Daughter Elizth. wife of John
Mantill — Sons Richd. Michael, John, Andrew — Daurs. Margt.
Alice, Kath., Dorothy, Fortune and Elizabeth — wife Amy — Son
Thos. Exor — to fon Andrew a tenement in Eaftry Street — to
fon Michl. 2 a nearly of Brook Land at Hacklinge and the Old
Orchard of \ -an acre lying at Eaftry at Selftone againft the Street
gate of his (the Teftators) Dwelling Houfe — to Son Thos. his
dwelling Houfe or Mancyon at Selfton w''' the Lands &c. unbe-
queathed in Eaftry in the fee of Adifham, and all lands in Street-
ing and Woodh. and 14 acres of Marih Land in Word call'd
Butler's Marfhe — wife to have her living and dwelling in the
Parlor at the South Hedd of the Houfe and chamber over the
fame w'^ fundry allowances, &c. Pr. 1607.
1 607. Chriftopher Fynche of Faverfham (inter alia) wills to fon Thos.
his tenement or MefT. called Copers w"" its Lands and Appurte-
nances in Eaftry — to his 3 fons Thos. Richd. and Mark one
Tenemt. or MelT: Barnes Buildings and Apps. and 42 a in Eaftry
and Ham, and a Tenemt. or Parcel of Land in the Occ. of Sr.
Roger Nevinibn Knt. and another Tenemt. or Parcel of Land in
Eaftry for ever — his wife Margt. — his lands at a place in Eaftry
call'd Butts. 1607.
161 1. Nicholas Squier of Eaftry Yeoman, to be bur. in Eaftry Church
— 4 Daurs. 2 Sons. Pr. 3 Feb., 161 1.
161 3. Jane Appleton of Eaftry Widow — Dr. Mary wife of Thos. Kingf-
240 MEMORIALS OF EASTRY.
ford — Dr. Bettris [Beatrice] wife of Nichs. Towne — fons John
and Thos. Hild — to fon John Hild her tent, and Lands in Eaftry
or Word near a place called Felderland, remainder to fon Wm.,
remainder to fon Thos. — wills her Tent, in Eaftry Street to Elizth.
Appleton her Daur. — her other lands in Eaftry.
Pr. oar. 1613.
1 6 1 6. Willm. Man of Canterbury Efqre. (inter alia) wills 1 9 a. in Eaftry
which he purchafed of Sr. Peter Manwood.
Pr. 17 May, 16 16.
16 1 7. Katherine Boteler of Eaftry widow wills &c. to be buried in
Eaftry Church near the grave of her deceafed Huft)and Richd,
Boteler — youngeft fon Thos. — God-daughter Katherine Rigden
daur. of Richd. Rigden of Chilham and Elizth. his wife, daughter
to Teftatrix. God-daur. Katherine Whitfield one of the Daurs.
of Thos. Whitfield of Eaftry and Katherine his wife the daur.
likewife of the Teftx. —Brothers Henry and Peter Hawker — fifter
Mildred Steele widow — Jane Idley widow — to Ch. Wardens of
Eaftry 50^. to remain in a Stock for the ufe of the poor — to the
Poor of the faid Parifti 50^. likewife Eldeft fon Jonathan Exor.
Pr. 29 July 1 6 17.
241
CI)ronoIoiiifal Cable of 6bfnts,
Murder of Ethelbert and Etheldred at Eaftry Court
Palace and Manor at Eaftry given to Chrift Church, Canterbur}'
Thomas a Becket concealed at Eaftry Court
A Survey of Lands in Eaftry Hundred made for repair of banks
Bounds of Parifti fought out, in confequence of difpute .
The Vicarage of Eaftry conftituted and endowed
Henry VI. granted a yearly Fair and Weekly Market at Eaftry
Parifti Regifters firft ordered to be kept
The Eaftry Regifters were commenced
Eaftry Regifters newly copied out by order of Convocation
Survey made of the Redtorial property by order of Parliament
The Veftry of S. Mary, Sandwich reafterted their right to Put-
tockfdown .....
The Roof of the Nave rebuilt, the "pitch" being lowered
Difpute between Mr. Creftener and the Pariftiioners
Communion Plate given to the Church by Vicar Creftener
The foundations of the old Chapel of Shrinkling difcovered
The Vicarage rebuilt by Mr. Randolph .
The Chapelry of Worth feparated from Eaftry
The Parifh of Worth conftituted a Vicarage
The Roof of the Nave of the Church reftored
Buttfole pond cleared out after long drought
A.D.
66s
978
1 164
1289
1367
1450
1559
1598
1650
1676
1687
1708
1718
1784
1821
1854
1867
1869
1870
KK
242
5J It t» f |r .
Anselm, of Eaftry, p. 25.
Appletons Charity, p. 192.
Assessment for repair of banks, p. 14 ; of Parifh to the poor, p. 38.
Aumbry ; or, Parfonage, pp. 48, 49, 52 ; in Church, p. 75.
Becket, Thomas a, pp. 11, 12.
Bells, Church, pp. 145 — 151 ; School Bell, pp. 188, 189.
Bellfingers, Rules of, pp. 151 — 157.
Boroughs, names of, in Eaftry, p. 21'
Boteler Charity, p. 192.
Bounds of Parifh, in 1356, pp. 28—33 5 walking of, pp. 35 — 37.
Brook Street, pp. ^c^, 56.
Bull Inn, the, pp. 44, 45, 51.
Buttsole, pp. 6r, 241.
Cavern in Woodnefborough lane, p. 67.
Chantries, pp. 171, 172 ; names of Chaplains of, p. {'j^-
Chapels, of Worth, p. 33; of Shrinkling, p. 222 ; in Church, p. 172.
Charities, Parochial, pp. 190 — 204.
Christ Church, Canterbury, pp. 7, 8, 13, 16, 23, 25.
Church, defcription of, pp. 70 — 75 ; dimenfions of, p. 87 ; reftoratlons effeded
in, pp. 204 — 21 1.
Clerks, Parifti ; lift of, p. 175 ; houfe belonging to, p. 176,
Cross, the, pp. 45, 46 ; Farm, pp. 46, 68, 69.
Curates, pp. 172, 173.
Dispute between Redlor of Eaftry and Vicar of S. Mary's Sandwich, pp. 15, 163.
Dominical Circle, pp. j^ — 77.
Doomsday Book, pp. 9, 10, 11.
Easter Sepulchre, p. j^.
Eastry, name, p. i ; extent of, p. 37 ; manor of, pp. 7, 16, 18, 2>7 \ Henry of
pp. 12, 13, 25.
INDEX, 243
Eastry Court, pp. 4, 5> 6, 1 1, 52, 55.
Eastry House, pp. 44, 45.
Elware Chanty, p. 190.
Ethelbert and Etheldred, murder of, pp. 5, 6.
Fair, pp. 19,60; F. field, p. 60.
Fector's Charity, p. 194.
Felderland, p. 69.
Firbank, p. 56.
Five Bells Inn, p. 2, 60.
Font, pp. 7 1 , 2 1 o.
Freind's bequefV, p. 193.
Free- warren, pp. 14, 18.
Gerard, Thomas, pp. 15, 25.
Goddard's Charity, pp. 43, 44, 48, 191.
Gore, pp. 66, 67.
Greville's Charity, pp. 195 — 203.
Ground plan of Church, reference to, pp. 88, 89,
Harnden or Heronden, pp. 63, 64, 65.
Harvey, Capt. John, account of, p. 65.
Hay, Great and Little, p. 59.
Hill's Charity, p. 194.
Inventories, of Church goods, pp. 85, '^6 \ private, pp. 224 — 230.
Laureston House, p. 42.
Lynch the, pp. 56, 57, 58.
Manor of Eaftry, pp. 7, 16, 18, 37 ; of ye Aumbry, pp. 49- 51.
Market, weekly, granted, p. 19.
Medallion Frescoes, defcribed, pp. 77 — 85 ; finding of, p. 208.
Monumental infcriptions, in Church, pp. 90 — 126 ; in Churchyard, pp. 1 17 — 145.
Nunneries, the, p. 43.
Palm or yew tree, pp. 38, 116.
Parliamentary Survey of Redory, pp. 23, 26.
Playing Close, pp. 43, 44, 51.
Population of Eaftry, pp. 11, 37, 38.
Quitreuts, pp. 49— 5Ij 55-
Rectors, lift of, pp. 158 — 162.
Registers, pp. 179 — 186,
244 INDEX.
Remains, ancient, pp. 2, 3, 4.
Schools, pp. 186 — 190; School Bell, p. 189.
Selson, p. 66,
Sextons, lift of, p. 177.
Shrinkling or Shingleton, pp. 33, 61, 62.
Soil of Eaftry, p. 38.
Sondes, Sir George, pp. 25, 26.
Southbank, p. 61.
St. Ivo's Well, p. 2.
Statenborough, pp. 39, 40.
Stocks, the, p. 46.
Streets, names of, p. 42.
Terriers, pp. 212 — 217.
Theodore, Archbifhop, p. 27.
Tower, view from, p. 1 46.
Tythes, commutation of, p. 1^'].
Union workhoufe, pp. 67,68.
Updown, p. 59.
Value of Manor, Redory, and Vicarage, at different times, p. 25.
Vaults in Church, pp. 115, 116; in Churchyard, p. 117.
Vicars, lift of, p. 159; longer notices of some, pp. 162 — ^171.
Visitation of Deanery of Sandwich in a.d. 151 2, pp. 19,20, 21.
Vicarage houfe, pp. 46, 47, 48 ; endowment of, pp. 217 — 223.
Walton, Great, pp. 40, 41 ; Little, p. 41 ; Houfe, pp. 41, 42,
Wants, p. 211.
Wells farm, p. 67.
Wenson, p. 61.
Wills, extrads from relating to Eaftry, pp. 230 — 240.
Windows, fubjefts of, in Church, pp. 73, 'j c^.
Witnesses, names of, to a deed in 1343, p. 14.
Word or Worth, pp. 1^1, 34.
S. & J. Brawn, Printers, 13, Gate Street, IIk.u Holborn.
i^
| liberestriaeorme00shawrich | OL14019969M | OL10714445W | 282 | 1,870 |
zh | N/A | N/A | 量方 卿 ■江翠平
多维视角下的书业企业诚信分析
出版
栏目主持
王
力
午来，由于我国社会主义市场经济体制正处丁建立近和完善之中，与市场经济相适应的社会诚信体系还没有建立起来，社会诚信缺失现象较为严重，作为我国重要产业的出版业也不例外。由丁书业自身的特点，且与人们生活密不可分，因而书业中的诚信问题备受关注，诚信是书业的重要行为准则和立足的根本，书业中诚信的缺失，扰乱了正常的市场经济秩序，阻碍了我因书业的健康发展。这种状况如果任其发展下去，其危害不仅限于书业领域，而月必然波及社会的方方面面，败坏社会风气，对市场经济和整个社会生活造成极大危害。尤其是加入WTO 以后，我国经济发展环境更加复杂，竞争更加激烈，要增强我国在国际图书市场上的竞争力，就必须下大气力解决书业中的诚信问题
一-
书业企业诚信缺失的表现
编
辑
之
友
L
书业企业诚信缺失，主要是指书业企业对读者或经营合作者作出遵循市场规则的承诺，但却无法实现或与原承诺大相径庭，违背民法中的诚实信用原则，造成读者或经营合作者的信赖利益损失。我国书业企业经营中的诚信缺失问题主要分为两类：一是书业企业对读者的诚信缺失，直接造成读者利益受损；二是书业企业问的诚信缺失，严重阻碍了书业企业之间的合作与发展，市场竞争规律的作用受到影响。
2009
(--)书业对读者的诚信缺失
年
第
号
期
鼎
月
刊
一是内容。当前图书市场上侵权书、盗版书屡禁不绝，平庸书为数不少，个别出版社还出伪书。出版社选题重复，跟风出版现象严重，抄袭的官可时有发生。据查，仅四人古典名著就有300多个版本，中小学教辅类图书网类同名者不计其数，几多是重复之作。这都是诚信缺失的表现。严格意义上讲，任何-本书如果内容上没有创新，形式上没有创新，它就不应当出版。因为我们书业最大的诚信，就是出版物的内容诚信、同时，些书店按非正规
渠道进货，为了牟取利益而卖一些质量低劣的盗印、盗版图书，严重扰乱了市场秩序，破坏了书店在读者心中的形象。
二是价格。些书业企业在定价的过程采用虚假定价、二次印刷价格与初次不同等方式来定价，从而谋取不当利益。-些出版社出的大码洋工具书、精装百科全书或文学名著套书，定价动辄标为数百甚至上千元，面在实际销售时，可以打较低的折扣，甚至有一折书；发行商为了获得更多的市场份额，在批发时极力压低折扣，导致了整个产业链条价格的恶性循环发展。这些书业企业忽视企业长远利益，误导了读者，破坏了书业的行业形象。
三是宣传。-·些书业企业利用广告或其他传媒，对图书产品做不真实的宣传欺骗读者。例如，---些评论家受到利益驱使.在书评宣传中随意褒贬图书，丧失了书评的客观立场，影响了读者对书业的信任度。一些出版社将印次、印数和销量盲目夸大以吸引读者的注意力；一些出版社为了延长销售时间，在版权页日期做假，如当年9月出的书，版权页上标为下-一年的2月。这样的行为，严重破坏了书业企业的形象。
(二)书业企业之间的诚信缺失
一是违约，违约是指作为书业企业之间由丁一些主客观原因，既没有按事先约定的数量和质量向购买方提供图书产品或劳务、也没有采取任何积极有效的措施来弥补，导致购买方的利益受损。这种违约行为在图书因畅销而货源紧俏时经常出现，造成书业企业之间的合作效率下降，合作成本增加，阻碍书业企业之间开展多种多样的合作活动。
是拖欠款。书业资金链条的健康循环与不拖欠货款，是书业诚信营销体系建设中最为关键的一环，而目前书业回款困难已成为行业顽疾。山于图书行业多年的货款赊欠制度，些单位白有资金不足，靠长期占用上游资金进行周转，更有一些单位恶意拖欠，有钱不还，使得行业资金周转缓慢，运营效率低。这些拖欠款行为，严重影响了行业诚信。
三是不正当竞争。品一一些书业企业在促销过程中，为了推销白己的图书，采取向交易对方的负责人、采购人员、代理人及其他有决定影响的人提供报酬和其他好处，以促成业务交易，挤掉别的竞争对手，从而占领市场的行为。目前，由于出版社发货折扣不透明，滋长了出版社内部的腐败。据近年的一项关丁企业经营者的道德调查显示，大部分企业经营者对于受贿现象持容忍的态度，没有意识到商业贿赂的危害性。商业贿赂破坏了公平竞争的市场环境，也损害了书业企业形象，对社会造成了重大危害。
书业企业诚信经营的必要性
书业企业诚信的缺失，违背了市场规则，干扰了市场的正常运转；同时，影响「我国书业的国际形象，不利于书业参与国际竞争。因此，在实践活动中，书业企业必须将诚信原则贯彻到生产经营活动的各个环节中，自觉地坚持诚信理念，在整个生产销售过程中顾及社会、企业、读者以及内部员工的利益，诚实守信，注重长远发展。
(一)诚信经营是市场经济发展的必然要求
市场关系中最本质的东西就是等价交换原则。没有诚信道德，就没有平等的交换，就没有市场秩序，经济活动就难以健康发展。市场经济愈发达，就愈需要诚信道德来规范，即使发达的资本主义市场经济也是如此。可以说市场经济必然是信用经济，市场经济愈发达愈要强化诚信道德，因此，作为构建社会主义市场经济体系的分子，书业企业有必要加强诚信道德建设。
在市场经济中，与信用直接相关的是交易成本，信用与交易成本成反比，信用度低意味着交易成本高，信用度高则交易成本低、效率高。诚信是保障市场经济正常运行的基础。在图书商品生产和交换的环节上，生产、运输、赊购、赊销等都存在委托代理关系，任何一个环节的非诚信行为都可能使交易链条中断。书业企业作为市场经济发展中的一分子，必须服从市场经济发展的客观要求。
书业诚信是书业企业发展壮大的基石。诚信是现代企业持续发展和持续融资的先决条件，是企业在市场经济条件下进行竞争的宝贵的无形资产。书业企业的信用状况关系到资源配置、经济运行和市场交易安全等问题，为此，书业企业在追求自我生存发展的同时，还要承担一定的社会责任，那就是诚信经营，自觉维护公平竞争，维护良好的经济秩序和社会秩序，以促进整个书业经济的持续增长。
(二)诚信经营是社会道德发展的客观要求
书业自身的双重属性，决定了书业在传承文化、建设文化中的特殊作用。出版业重要的使命是传播文化，这种使命感和责任感都要求我们要遵从以德经商、诚信为本
的美德。出版业最大的诚信在于内容的诚信，如果我们在社会公众当中是一个出伪书的形象，这个行业就无法在社会中立足。书业诚信缺失本身就预示着优良的民族文化受到挑战，造成社会风气败坏，道德水平滑坡，助长社会分配不公，影响社会稳定。在社会生活中，不守诚信的行为具有很强的负面诱导作用。当一种失信行为末受到应有惩罚反而获利时，就会起到负面的示范效应，将对社会道德体系形成强大冲击。书业企业诚信经营是社会主义思想道德体系的重要内容，我们应该以党的十六大报告提出的“以为人民服务为核心，以集体主义为原则，以诚实守信为重点，加强社会公德、职业道德和家庭美德教育”这一指导思想为标准，强化书业企业以诚实守信为重点的道德建设。
(三)诚信经营是书业法律发展的客观需要。
诚信是民法的一项基本法律原则。诚信原则既是市场活动中的重要道德规范，也是道德规范在法律上的表现。书业企业诚信经营是企业的一种商事行为，而我国未制定单独的商法典，可认为我国是民、商法合一的国家。因此，书业企业的从业人员在执业过程中应当遵守民法有关诚信原则的规定。书业企业诚信经营，首先要保障企业利益。为此，必须有一个法律体系，能够保护书业企业尤其是小企业的利益。法律体系之上，是监管体系，时刻监督市场上企业的日常操作，9一旦发现违法就及时处理。其次，才是企业的诚信。但我国诚信存在沙漠地带，同时法律体系、监管体系也都不完善。书业企业有关诚信的法律措施的实施缺乏诚信的社会背景，这严重影响着书业企业的诚信度。因此，我国应该在完善法律制度的同时，加强法律的严格实施。例如，盗版、盗印都成了书业的颜疾，但我们缺乏专业的法律人才队伍来处理这些不法行为，很少有人因此而提起刑事、民事诉讼，追究盗版者的责任。对于利用假破产、假倒闭逃避债务的，也往往采用私了的方式来解决，很少提起诉讼。这种法律意识的淡薄，在一定程度上助长了书业企业的不诚信行为。
三
如何有效地实现书业企业的诚信经营
如上所述，书业诚信不只是理论问题，更是实践问题。囚此要实现书业企业的诚信经营，必须从以下儿个层面加以努力。
1.加强教育力度，建立完善的社会信用体系，为重构书业诚信创造良好的道德环境。 ·是要加强诚信教育，使全社会的人们认识到诚信的重要性，不诚信的危害，形成全民尊重诚信的社会道德环境；；二是要打造信用政府，通过制度的建设，规范和维护诚信体系，严厉打击各种造假犯罪活动，提高政府的信誉度；三是要加强对书业企业员
工的诚信教育，提升企业经营者的商业道德素质和管理者的个人品德修养。在企业和全社会树立讲诚信的公德意识，通过制订明确的诚信经营准则，使企业和管理者明确知道自己的社会责任和社会使命，形成诚信光荣、失信可耻；信用就是财富的共识和理念，促使企业的诚信和管理者个体诚信的协调发展，促进企业的持久发展。
2.努力消除经济信息的不对称。信息的不对称为书业失信行为提供了滋生的温床，如果要使诚信真正成为书业经济主体的道德品质和行为规范，就应该努力消除信息的不对称，使图书商品交换主体双方拥有最大可能的对称性信息：因此，··方面，我们应以行业信息标准化建设为平台，做好相应的信息交换舰则和信息标准化建设；另-方面、我们要搭建全国统一的、贯通上下的出版发行业人才交换平台，建立及时有效的人才交流机制，营造公开透明的诚信经营环境，只有利用各种途径改善书业市场经济信息不对称的状态，才能使书业诚信真正成为商业经济主体的道德品质和行为规范。
3.改革产权制度，实现责权利的长期统一。产权制度的不合理，是书业企业诚信缺失的制度根源。因此，必须推进国有书业企业的改革，理顺产权关系，做到产权明晰，权责明确。而凡政府应通过人大疗法，制定保护书业民营企业长期稳定发展的法律法规，轻易不做修改，使民营企业对产权形成长期的，稳定的、可信的预期。这样，当企业的短期利益与长期利益发生冲突时，企业经营者会权衡两者之间的利弊关系，主动作出坚持诚信、牺牲眼前利益来追求长远利益、长远信誉的决策。因此，我们必须抓好产权制度改革，明确产权归属，使企业经营者拥有企业财产的支配权和剩余索取权，对出版企业进行股份制改造，采取上市融资、控股、购并其他目标企业的方式；引进产权激励机制，使对出版企业有突出贡献的人获得产权的激励，留住人才，阻止人才流失，出版产业才会有大的发展。
4.健全书业诚信相关的法制建设，为书业诚信提供有力的法律保障。首先，制定和完善《政府信用规则》《企业信用规则》等信用规则体系，运用规则约束和规范政府管理行为、市场主体行为，保证政府部门和书业企业主体诚信守信。例如，新闻出版总署正在推行出版业四大准入制度，同时修订《著作权法》、《出版管理条例》、《出版物市场管理规定》等法规和规章，完善和强化发行单位年检制度，使得书业诚信有法可依。其次，形成完善的信用服务体系和失信惩戒机制，建立出版发行企业诚信档案和数据库，只要发现违规行为，一律记录人档，从而满足发展市场信用经济的需求。对违法乱纪行为，加大处罚力度，使非诚信的成本大丁其收益。当违规付出的代价高于共收益时，违规行为自然会减少。
5.充分发挥行业协会的作用。书业诚信建设要按照
政府组织、协会运作、企业参与的原则米进行，除了政府部门要负责之外，版协、发协等非政府组织、民间协会、学会等在维扩社会运行当中也发挥着不可替代的作用。书业行业协会要做好政府和企业联系的桥梁与纽带，在行业自律、规范市场、建设诚信体系方面做实事。比如，继续搞好“三项教育活动”，建立行规行约，修改完善《出版工作者职业道德准则》，搞好出版发行单位的互评活动等。另外，书业行业协会在市场秩序和行业监督方面，也必须办实事。例如，在新闻出版总署的直接指导下，中国版协与中国发协、全国新华书店协会共同起草了《图书公平交易规则》，同时推广使用规范合同文本。这是我国第一个由行业协会组织制订的行业规则，因其有广泛的群众基础，刘整个行业都有普遍的约束力，
目前，我们许多书业企业是在外部力量的逼迫下采取的非企业自愿的诚信经营行为。如果书业企业内在地自觉地遵守诚信原则，完全以诚信的理念来指导企业的生产经营活动，从被动诚信经营向主动诚信经营转变，从“要不要诚信”转向“要诚信”，那么它一定能在经营活动中获得卡厚的长远利益。
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\[3\]沈东山.构建诚信促进机制规避经销商失信风险|J\].出版发行研究，2008，(1)，
\[4\]耿曙生，出版业诚信的缺失与重建\[J\].出版参考，2007，(15).
|5|甘碧群.企业营销道德\[M\].武汉：湖北人民出版社，1997.
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(作者单位：武汉大学信息管理学院) | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **农业银行海门市支行： 陆跃进**
**如何加快县域乡镇网点转型发展**
**一是思想理念转型。真正树立“以客户为中心，市场为导向，效益为目标”的经营理念。二是经营定位转型。将主要资源用于个人银行业务和中间业务拓展上，为客户提供全方位的金融服务。三是业务流程转型。加快乡镇网点的分区改造，加大 CRS、ATM、SST机的投入使用。四是服务层次转型。网点要标识清晰，环境优雅，便民设施齐全，使客户拥有“宾至如归”的感受。五是员工素质转型。要加强员工培训，鼓励岗位成才，要实行岗位轮换，培养多面手。六是风险管理转型。建立全面风险管理模式，完善各项规章制度，建设涵盖事前防范、事中控制、事后检查的全过程监控管理体系。**
**农业银行无锡惠山支行： 常 诚全面推进“扩面提质”工程三要点**
**一是抓重点。城镇地区，各商业银行网点竞争较为激烈，更多的重心是在维护高端客户以及产品服务创新吸引年轻客户上；而县域支行，乡镇网点是服务“三农”的主力军，需要进一步提升多功能、广覆盖、普惠制的金融服务能力，才能保持和扩大市场。二是抓特色。发展农村产业金融工作新特色，发掘潜在优质对公客户，江苏地区农村产业金融发展历史悠久，乡镇企业众多，维护龙头企业，发掘中小企业优质客户，是扩面提质工程的关键。三是抓产品。扩面提质的基础还是看产品结构和营销体系，必须坚持用发展的眼光审视产品与服务，积极创新，满足客户需求，扩大和维护客户资源。**
**农业银行南京浦口支行： 高 _媛_ 如何夯实“双基”**
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**成注重品行、崇尚实干、愿意奉献的用人导向。再者要勇于开拓，敢于创新。基层党员和党组织要牢固树立创新争优理念，服务争一流、业务争一流，把争先创优融人岗位职责，融入制度建设，努力使其成为服务群众的强大动力以及农行的重要品牌。第四要做好服务工作。将农行的服务理念融人到基层，密切联系群众，坚持群众满意的价值导向。第五要持续开展对新业务、新产品、新技能的学习。**
**农业银行无锡滨湖支行：秦 洁“四策”提升对公业务营销能力**
**\--是要深化转型，构建整体联动的营销体系。以支行公司业务部、国际业务部为营销平台，以重点网点为依托，组建专业的攻关团队，建立上下联动和内外联动机制。：二是要积极抢抓信息争项目。与区域内政府相关部门建立紧密合作关系，分层锁定各环节关键人员，把握源头营销的主动权。三是实行新产品快速传导机制。细分市场及时推广，落实专人负责，全程跟踪督导，定期反馈，及时沟通，营销情况直接列人个人及部门考核。四是以真诚、专业的服务锁定客户。采取推品牌、重服务、赋承诺等方式，做好银企互建共助，立足产品优势帮助企业解难题、办实事，赢得客户的信任与支持。**
**农业银行宝应县支行： 梁晓辉构建高效联动营销体系的有效途径**
**首先是广辟信息源泉，实现资源共享。搭建信息平台，加强信息收集和沟通，实现各条线间市场、客户、产品、政策制度乃至人脉关系等信息资源共享和精准营销。其次是加强机制建设，落实配套措施。成立内部联动营销工作组并明确其职能，建立动态的积分考核激励体系，完善适用于本行所有联动营销行为的工作流程。再者是创新营销手段。注重与行外相关系统、机构和单位进行沟通合作，开展联动营销。第四是善用周到服务，用巧劲打动客户。注意细节，关注客户喜好，及时了解客户及家属所想所需，在恰当时机给予客户最需要的帮助。** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **参加十四城市学校体育研究会单元式说课比赛的体会**
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**一、说课不同于上课**
**说课与上课既有相同点，又有不同之处。其相同点在于二者都是使用同一教材，不同之处在于：第一-，目的不同，上课的月的是将知识技能转化为学生技能，进而培养能力：说课的目的则是向听者介绍一节课的教学设想，使听者听懂，并可以直接使用该内容进行教学。第二内容不同，上课的主要内容在于教哪些知识技能，怎么教；说课则不仅要讲清上述的主要内容，而且要讲清为什么这样做。第三，对象不同，上课的对象是学生；说课的对象是专家、评委和同行。第四，方法不同，上课是教师与学生的双边活动，在教师的指导下，通过学练等形式完成；说课则是以教师自己的解说为主**
**二、课件的制作要实用**
**说课比赛比的是说而不是课件。课件是说课比赛中常用的辅助手段，一个精彩的课件能起到画龙点睛的作用，但是，课件绝对不是决定说课比赛的关键因素。因此，笔者建议，在制作课件时，一定要本着直观、明了、实用的原则，把说课的步骤、流程表示清楚就可以了，最好配上相关的图片、录像资料或者动态的flash动遮等以帮助听者更好地、更形象地了解说课的内容和练习的步骤与方法。在本次比赛中，有相当一部分民族体育和冷门的课题，如，板鞋踏踏、双节棍、竹铃球等，评委和听课教师对这些项目基本上比较阳生，参赛选手在课件制作中就聪明地选择了大量的图片和自己拍摄的示范录像，让听课教师快速直接地了解了说课的内容和练习方法，避免了参赛选手描述了很久但听课教师仍然不知所云的尴尬场面。但是，本次比赛**
**三是设计教学过程时，可以设置一个总导航菜单，方便说课时对每个环节进行说明，由于导航菜单的存在，不仅教学过程清晰、整体感强，而且.也方便说课者前后呼应地进行总体描述；四是尽量不用或者少用超链接，可以按照说课的顺序将幻灯片一张一张地设置**
**中也有些选手过于注重课件的制作，把每一个页面都做得美轮美奂，内含大量的链接和信息，但是，因为制作过于复杂、花哨，往往导致听课教师很吃力地在页面中寻找相关信息，给人一种杂乱的感觉，得不偿失。**
**三、说课流程的设置要合理**
**本次说课比赛的特别之处是单元式说课，而并非是传统的课时说课，在时间同样是15分钟的情况下，信息量大幅增加，这就需要参赛选手在设计时合理地安排单元内容和课时内容的比重。笔者认为，合理的比重为1：2即5分钟的单元内容、10分钟的课时内容，单元内容可以根据所选教材适当减少，且不宜超过5分钟。本届说课比赛中，有的参赛选手说课时没提到单元设计，有的参赛选手在说单元设计上用时过多，说课时教学过程反倒只用了2分钟就一带而过，这些都是说课流程设计重心不准确的体现。在此，笔者简单介绍自己的说课稿设计流程，仅供大家参考：第一，单元指导思想；第二，单元教学目标；第三，单元教材分析；第四，单元学情分析；第五，单元教学重难点；第六，单元课时分配；第七，课时教学内容；第八，课时指导思想；第九，课时教材分析；第十，课时学情分析；第十一，课时教学目标；第十二，课时教学重难点；第十三，课时教学过程：第十四，课时预计教学效果；第十五，课时场地器材；第\[六，课时教学亮点。**
**在说课时同样要有所侧重，应在全面介绍情况的基础上，紧紧抓住那些教师较为关心、渴望了解的重点问题，展示出解决和处理问题的办法，以充分发挥“说课”的交流作用。**
**下去，这样在说课过程中演示幻灯片时就可以尽量减少操作上的失误；五是课件制作好后，要反复操作至熟练，调整好课件的颜色和音乐的音量，最好是放到不同的电脑中反复演示，确定它操作时不会发生意外；六是为了方便示范动作和说课，使自己不局限于使**
**说课不同于教学基本功比赛，不同于教学技能表演，它必须立足下“课”本身，这重中之重就是说课时教学过程，一堂说课的优劣，80%取决于说课时教学过程的好坏。在说课时教学过程时，一定要本着一一个原则：阐述每个教学环节设计的日的是什么?为什么要这样设计?根据这一原则，说课教师可以从导入开始，清晰完整地逐步展开，围绕目标的体现和重难点如何解决，说明练习方法的因果关系。**
**四、细节决定成败**
**不管是课的设计还是说课流程，细节都非常重要。如，有的参赛选手把“篮球一体前变向换手运球”写成了“篮球--体前换手变向运球”，虽然只是顺序的颠倒，却出现了概念性错误；有的参赛选手在教学效果预计中把该次课的平均心率预计为80-110次/分，这是常识性错误；还有的选手在单元教学内容分配中，把篮球的传接球分开进行教学，第一次课只教传球，第第二次课则教如何接球，这就违背了运动规律。为了避免出现这些错误，就要求说课教师一定要下足工夫吃透教材和学情，在设计之初就设定好教学目标，且教学目标宜小不宜大、宜细不宜粗，再根据教学日标确定教学内容，根据学生情况确定教学重难点。紧紧围绕教学目标，科学、有序、合理地进行各教学环节的设计，这样就可以做到有的放矢、对症下药。**
**说课是谈教学设计的思路问题，对象是内行或权威，目的是让他们知道说课者自己是怎样教学的，为什么这样教。通过不同类型、不同形式的说课，学习说课者对教材的理解，探索提高课堂教学质量的思路和做法。总之，笔者认为，说课可以促进教师对教育教学理论的学习和掌握，促进教育教学理论与教学实践和结合，有利于课堂教学质量的提高。最后，用-位教育前辈曾给说课列出的六个不等式与大家共勉：说课不等于讲课，说课不等于演讲，说课不等于背课，说课不等于反思，多媒体不等于媒体多，用教材教不等于教教材。**
**用鼠标来演示课件，还可以配备一支课件遥控笔；七是体育说课不应过分依赖多媒体演示，体唷学科有区别于其他学科的特点，教师可以通过现场示范来代替过多的语言，因为动作本身就是无声的语言，是最好的“多媒体”。** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 文章编号：1005-6033(2008)24-0201-02 收稿日期：2008-06-10
人本管理——新建本科院校教育管理的有效途径
王声革，林伟荤
(泉州师范学院，福建泉州，362000)
摘 要：阐述了人本管理的内涵，针对目前新建本科学院教育管理工作的“人本位”缺失，提出了新建本科院校的教育管理以人为本的具体措施，
关键词：人本管理；新建本科院校；教育管理
中图分类号：G647 文献标识码：A
1 新建本科院校教育管理工作上的“人本位”缺失
伴随着我国高等教育大众化进程的加快，在我国高等教育系统中，新建木科院校呈异军突起之势。许多高职高专学校通过加强自身建设，提高了学校的硬件及软件水平，积累了较为半富的办学经验，逐步达到了本科院校的办学条件，从而升格为本科院校，这类本科院校称为新建本科院校。在全国701所本科院校之中，新建本科院校有198所。这些新建本科院校的办学历史不长，由于办学层次、人才培养的要求及质量等与高职高专学校有很大的区别，这就要求新建本科院校应尽快由高职高专教育向本科教育转变，达到本科教育工作要求。在这个转变过程中，也暴露出了新建本科院校在教育管理工作上一些问题。
(1)管理观念落后，跟不上时代的变化。新建本科院校多是在高职高专学校的基础上升格而来的。在升格成功后，在管理模式上新建本科院校习惯沿用以前的管理方式。这种管理方式的最大不足是忽视了人的作用而过分突出管理者的主导作用。这种以经验式占据主导地位的管理模式导致了教育管理工作整体上处于一个比较低的层次。
<·■·
年教师尽快掌握教学规律和方法。
(2)开展形式多样的活动，提高教师水平。高校可开展青年教师上课比赛、多媒体上课比赛、教案比赛等一系列的教学比赛活动；举办学术活动，鼓励教师参加各种学术交流；请著名专家来校讲学等。通过这些活动，使教师不断更新知识，扩大知识面，提高专业理论水平和业务工作能力。
(3)参加社会实践，深人到生产实际中去。高校教师只有植根于中国实际，扎根于群众中间，才能有取之不尽的力量源泉。教师从社会实践中也将提高和半富思想认识，同时，教师将现代化建设的实践知识充实到教学内容去，也会提高教学水平和教学质量。
3.3 强化管理
俗话说得好，管理出效益。高校要建立公平合理的评价和激励机制，加强管理，科学地评价教师，这也是更好提升教师素质的关键。首先，要加强师德教育。教师对学生的教育，不但要言传而且要身教，教师的一言一行都会对学生产生重大影响。因此，高校要明确教师的职业道德规范，制定教师行为规范，并纳人职业素质的评定和业绩考核中，加强对教师
(2)管理制度米健全。新建本科院校由于是刚升格的，本科院校的管理经验相对缺乏，现行的管理制度是沿用以前的制度，尚未形成相对完善的教育管理制度。所以，很多新建本科院校的管理者在制定管理制度和实施管理活动过程中缺少对学生的了解，缺少可行性调研，自以为是、独断专行。这样的管理模式在对学生进行管理时存在着制约因素过多、教育疏导过少的问题，不利于调动学生的自觉性和主动性，而对教师的管理则存在着对教材、教学内容、教学方法以及教学效果的考核和评估体系不健全的问题，未形成以学生为主体的自主学习的教学机制。
(3)管理者的整体素质亟待提高。当前，新建本科院校的教育管理人员多为高职高专时期的管理人员所构成，而这些人员当中普遍存在着专业或学历结构参差不齐、业务能力不高的现象，可以说，是综合整体素质不高。而高校教育管理人员是教与学活动的直接组织者和管理者，管理水平的高低直接影响到该学校水平的高低。这些都严重影响了教育管理工作，甚至教学工作。
{4)管理的方式亟待更新。高校的教育管理涉及面比较广，包括学生管理、教务管理、人事管理、资产管理等，而新建本科院校在教育管理中采用的方法习惯沿用以前的，相对来说，比较陈旧、落后，这种严重影响
队伍的管理。其次，要强化高校的教育教学管理，建立各种规章制度、结合高校和教师的实际，制定相应的条例和规章，使管理工作规范化，避免随意性和盲目性。最后，加强教师责任机制建设和校风建设。根据《教师法》《教育法》高等教育法》对教师的明确要求，强化教师的责任意识、法律意识，树立正确的教育观、质量观、人才观，形成环境律人机制。
参考文献
\[1
1\]
谢礼光，刘宏业，吴丁亚，素质教育探索\[M\].北京：气象出版社，1998：215-217.
\[2\]黄梅芳，张多来.提高高校教师素质的若十思考\[J\]湘潮：理论版，2005(10)：123-125.
\[3\]蔡中宏.论新时期高校教师的素质及其修养\[J\].西北民族大学学报：哲学社会科学版，2006(5)：131-134.
(责任编辑：李
敏)
第一作者简介：于瑶瑶，女，1981年10月生，2003年毕业于山东科技大学，助教，枣庄学院人事处，山东省枣庄市，277160.
Discussion on the Cultivation and Improvement of College Teachers’ Quality in 21st Century
YU Yao-yao
ABSTRACT： This paper briefly expounds the basic qualities that the college teachers should have， analyzes the new requirements of the knowledge economy times for the college teachers， and puts forward some measures for strengthening the cultivation and improvement of the qualities of the college teachers.
KEY WORDS： college teachers； basic qualities； knowledge economy times
国家哲学社会科学学 术期刊数据库
工作效率的管理方式只能在管理中疲于应付。
通过分析、综合、归纳上述问题，我们可以发现这么一种情况，就是这些新建本科院校的管理焦点集中于管理者身上，忽视了对教师与学生的关注。也就是说，这种旧式的管理模式缺乏“人本位"的关怀，是新建本科院校的教育管理诸多问题产生的根源。
2
人本管理的内涵
人本管理是20世纪80年代引进西方的一种新型管理模式，它是把人作为核心和组织的最重要的一种资源，强调人是有思想、有感情、有主观能动性和创造力的一个群体。简单地讲，人本管理就是"以人为本”的管理，充分激发人的主体性、积极性、能动性、创造性。
党的十六届三中全会明确提出树立科学发展观的思想，强调“坚持以人为本，树立全面、协调、可持续的发展观，促进经济社会和人的全面发展。"党的十七大进一步指出，科学发展观的核心是以人为本。也就是说，以人为本的核心是尊重人、理解人、关心人，激发人的热情，满足人的合理要求，完善人的个性。重视高校人本管理工作，高校教育管理的以人为本应包括：要在高校的各项工作中重视人的因素，正确认识人的价值，发挥人的主观能动作用；学校教育的本质是一个人文过程.是一个以人(教师和学生)为中心的过程；在所有资源中，人才是最重要的资源；不但要在学术上发挥专家、教授的积极作用，在管理上也要发挥他们的作用，要确立教授在治校过程中的核心地位。
科学发展观强调的是“以人为本”。“人”，是人民群众，“以人为本”强调的是人民群众的根本利益。新建本科院校的改革发展必须坚持以人为本。以人为本是发展的目的，改革建设是达到这个目的的手段。高等教育管理的本质是“人本化"，教育管理人性化的趋势是大学发展的内在体现和要求。因此，以人为本是高等教育管理的核心，只有实现了其管理的“人本化”，才能真正提高高等教育的人才培养质量。
3 新建本科院校的教育管理必须以人为本
高校的根本任务是培养人才，即全体教职T在学校管理者的引导与激励下开展教育和培养学生的活动，所涉及的3个方面是：学校管理者一教职工一学生，是一个由“人一人一人”构成的管理系统，人是在管理系统中最为活跃的因素，只有实现了“人本管理”，才能显示出它所具有的独特的生命力和凝聚力。而教育管理工作是高校各项工作的主要组成部分，它体现着一个学校的校风校貌，是一个学校管理水平高低的重要标志。管理水平高低已成为衡量学校综合水平的一个标准。教育管理T作是核心，是学校管理正常运作的关键所在。新建本科院校现阶段的教育管理工作是在以往高职高专教育管理工作的基础上发展而来的，必然存在着与本科教育管理不相适应的矛盾。为了解决这些矛盾，适应本科教学的要求，新建本科院校的教育管理工作必须处理好其所存在的问题。
3.1 转变管理观念
随着新建本科院校的发展，教育管理的问题越来越多。为了更好地适应时代的发展需要，教育管理者必须积极转变管理观念，必须话“以人为本”的观念深入到每一位教育管理工作者的心中，使每位管理人员在实施管理活动的时候能够自觉地从“人“的角度出发来考虑和解决问题，摒弃高职高专时单一的经验管理模式和行政管理模式。这两种管理正在某些局
部、某些时段也能起某些作用，但终究难以持久，其一系列消极作用也不容忽视，如造成管理和教育的脱节，管理不能促进学生的发展，甚至阻碍学生身心的健康成长。因此，新建本科院校应在"人本位"原则的指导下，建立以科学管理模式为主、经验管理模式和行政管理模式相结合的现代管理模式，做到彼此扬长避短，教育管理才能收到良好的效果。特别是管理者要更新思想观念.强化人的主体意识，牢固树立"以人为本"的教育思想，努力摆脱陈旧的管理理念的束缚，有效地提高管理工作的科学化。
3.2 建立健全制度
制度既是提高管理效率的重要手段，又是教育管理法制化、现代化的重要标志。允善各项规章制度是教育管理的一项重要工作，是保障学校各项工作有序进行的前提条件。因此，新建本科院校要实施以人为本的发展策略，关键在于建立健全各项管理制度。高校教育管理的规章制度涉及很多方面，包括行政管理制度、教学管理制度、考核评价制度、分配奖励制度、教育科研制度、师资队伍建设制度、学生管理制度、财务管理制度、后勤保障制度等在内的整个管理体系都要作出合理的制度安排。在制定和健全各项制度时，要处处渗透“以生为本”和“以师为本”的理念，在教学中要强调“以生为本”，一切教学活动必须从培养学生成为社会经济发展需要的高素质人才为出发点。高等院校的办学质量主要由师资队伍的水平决定，在办学中必须强调“以师为本”，形成尊重知识、尊重人才的良好校园氛围，使一切教学活动必须从培养学生成为社会经济发展需要的高素质人才为出发点，形成尊重知识，尊重人才的良好氛围。
3.3 加强管理队伍建设
针对高校教育管理人员素质参差不齐的情况，新建本科院校要坚持“以人为本”，加强管理队伍的建设。一方面要优化管理队伍结构，通过引进教育管理硕士等，提高硕士学位教师的比例，改善管理队伍的学历结构；另一方面，鼓励和支持管理人员在职攻读硕十学位。要充分发挥高校的优势，举办教育管理进修班和继续教育班，提高整个管理队伍的素质。
3.4 改进管理方法和手段
管理方法是人们为了达到某种管理目的、遵循一定的原则所采取的手段、措施和途径。由于新建本科院校存在着管理方法相对落后、手段相对陈旧的局面，因此，就要求管理者对现行的教育管理方法进行改革，在合理继承传统管理方法的基础上，借鉴其他高校的先进管理方式，运用系统理论、信息理论和控制理等现代化的管理方法，实现教育管理方法现代化。
总之，以人为本是教育管理过程中必须坚持的理念，只有在教育管理实践巾不断探索，才能达到新建本科院校培养全面、和谐、发展的人的根本目的。
参考文献
陈克敏.人本管理—21世纪图书馆的管理趋势\[J1科技情报开发与经济，2006，16(10)：55-56.
：2
王大中.关于在中国建设世界一流大学的若干问题\[\]中国大学教学，2000(1)：10-13.
(责任编辑：戚米莎)
第一作者简介：王声革，男，1968年4月生，2003年毕业于福建师范大学教育管理专业，助理研究员，泉州师范学院资产管理处，福建省泉州市东海大街，362000.
Humanistic Management—-the Effective Way for the Education Management of Newly-built Undergraduate University
WANG Sheng-ge， LIN Wei-luo
ABSTRACT： This paper expounds the connotation of humanistic management， and in the light of the deficiency of the people's standard in education management of newly-built undergraduate university， advances some concrete measures for the humanistic education management of newly-built undergraduate university.
KEY WORDS： humanistic management； newly-built undergraduate university； education management
国家哲学社会科学学 数据库 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 基于 AHP-EWM-TOPSIS的儿童农耕玩具车设计评价研究
周祺，李晓锋
(湖北工业大学工业设计学院，湖北武汉430068)
摘要：为解决儿童农耕教育匮乏的问题，文章提出三款儿童农耕玩具车设计方案，并构建基于AHP-EWM-TOPSIS 法的评价模型，结合设计案例对其进行检验。首先，根据现有理论研究构建由安全性、农业知识普及、易玩性等5个一级指标和18个二级指标构成的评价体系；其次，采用 AHP和EWM 进行组合赋权；最后，运用TOPSIS 法得到最优设计方案，为解决方案评选中多目标的决策问题提供新思路。
关键词：儿童农耕玩具车； AHP； EWM；TOPSIS 法；评价研究
中图分类号：TS958.7 文献标识码：A 文章编号：：1004-9436(2022)16-0006-03
农耕教育的目的在于使儿童认识到农业种植与大自然的联系，使其亲身体验播种的乐趣。但随着城市化进程的加快，出现了儿童农耕教育匮乏的问题121。在儿童农耕玩具车市场中，功能互动形式单一、缺乏农耕情景感受等成为亟待解决的问题。文章采用 AHP-EWM-TOPSIS 法作为研究方法， AHP-EWM组合赋权对三款设计方案展开综合评价研究，根据TOPSIS 法确定三款设计方案中的最优设计方案。
**儿童农耕玩具车评价体系构建**
**1.1 背景研究**
在对儿童农耕玩具车开始评估之前，首先应建立有效的评价指标体系。影响农耕玩具车评估的因素较多，通过理论研究，其中文献\[3\]指出儿童农业科普类产品设计须全面考虑使用的安全性，如材料安全、零部件尺寸合适等。文献\[4\]和文献\[5\]表示，安全性是农业科普类产品设计的第一要素，易玩性、情感体验等是其核心部分。从中整理出38个初步指标，结合5名专家学者的意见，最终确定安全性、农业知识普及性、易玩性、交互性、农耕情景感受性这5个一级评估指标，零部件尺寸、造型、农业知识学习、观察植物生长、实践种植学习等18个二级评估指标。
整个玩具车评价流程首先根据前期理论研究，结合专家意见确定一级和二级评估指标；其次邀请专家对三款玩具车设计方案打分，借助 AHP得到主观权重，采用 EWM 获得客观权重，经专家和相关技术人员建议，主客观权重按照3：7划分，从而获得综合权重，并结合 TOPSIS 法确定正负理想解，计算得到三款方
**案与理想解的贴合度；最后选定最优设计方案。**
_1.2_ 构建评价指标体系
_1.2.1_ AHP 算法步骤
AHP(层次分析法)是一种将定性与定量结合，进行综合分析评价的方法61，具有简单、方便等特点，步骤如下：
(1)根据农耕玩具车的一级、、二级指标，两两 _\[a1_ ain比较建立判断矩阵Y=(yij)nxn (1)，其Lani 0mn中y表示i因素与j因素两两比较所得评分的均值。
_yij_ (2)由式(2)Bij=三2动=V，ii将矩阵y粉的指标归一化处理。
(3)由式(3) 7max=-0)计算最大特征Wi值，并检验一致性。
_1.2.2_ 熵权法算法步骤
熵权法7分析指标的离散程度，进而计算各属性权重值，过程如下所述。
(1)设方案数量为m， 指标数量为n， 决策矩阵为式(4)A=(ay)xm，其中， ag表示第i项所对应的第Ⅰ项指标的标准数值。
(2)将其转化为标准化评估矩阵R=(n)xm(5)。
(3)借助式(6)e：=-21RgInRij计算指标i的熵值。
**_l一ei_**
(4)再次计算其客观权重“i=；22(1eci))(7)。
通过 AHP 获得的 Wi 和EWM计算的Wi，借助式(8)w=0.3w；+0.7ω；得到综合权重向量。
基金项目：本论文为2019年度湖北工业大学教育部人文社会科学研究项目“基于Q-sort 方法的民间游戏文化产品创新设计研 **究”成果，项目编号：19YJCZH273**
1.2.3 TOPSIS 法计算
TOPSIS 法依据评价方案与理想解的距离进行排序\[8\]，在获得综合权重的基础上，利用 TOPSIS 法对其排序，具体步骤如下所示：
(1)利用式(9)构建评估矩阵A=(aij)nxm?其中，ag代表第i款玩具车对应的第Ⅰ项指标值。
(2)通过综合权重向量u和标准化评估矩阵R=(rj)nxm，构建加权标准化评估矩阵。
(3)确定正理想解z\*=(zz.…z)和负理想解Z-=(Z，Z5，…Z-)
(4)通过式(10)d=241zy-2\*|和式(10) d，=2-1Zij二石计算玩具车的d，和d，。
(5)通过式(11)ci=ar+a.确定与理想解的贴近度。
最后依据ci大小对玩具车进行优劣排序，其中， ci值越大，该玩具车方案越优，从而得到三款玩具车设计方案的综合排序结果。
**_2_ 实例评估**
2.1 儿童农耕玩具车设计
借助该方法评估三款农耕玩具车设计方案中的最优设计，其中三款设计方案如图1所示。
**图1方案设计**
**2.2 各级指标计算**
_2.2.1_ 层次分析法(AHP)主观权重求解
邀请15名专家学者分别对三款方案进行测评打分，将三款玩具车设计方案分别命名为 S1、S2、S3，另外，一级指标命名为A1、A2等，二级指标命名为B1、B2等，借助 AHP的式(1)~(3)计算主观权重，见表1。
_2.2.2_ 熵权法(EWM)客观权重计算
邀请20名儿童参与测试，假设20名儿童打分的重要性相同，将打分值作规范化处理，可以得出三款玩具车设计方案的平均指标值。通过熵权法的式(9)，计算出其信息熵： E(0.733，0.496，0.674， 0.487，0.684，0.637，0.812，0.612，0.708，0.658，0.584，0.817，0.507，0.495， 0.635，0.632，0.576，0.787)，在此基础上，得到三款玩具车设计方案的加权规范化平均指标值，见表2。
**表1最终主观权重计算**
| **评价对象** | **一2级指标** | **\-级指标权重** | **二级指标** | **二级指标权重** | **最终主观权重** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **安全性A1** | **0.4149** | **农机车材料B1** | **0.2098** | **0.0871** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **安全性A1** | **0.4149** | **零部件尺寸B2** | **0.2402** | **0.0997** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **安全性A1** | **0.4149** | **农机车造型B3** | **0.5499** | **0.2281** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **农业知识普及A2** | **0.1687** | **播种耕种知识B4** | **0.309** | **0.0521** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **农业知识普及A2** | **0.1687** | **观察植物生长B5** | **0.1095** | **0.0185** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **农业知识普及A2** | **0.1687** | **实践种植学习B6** | **0.5816** | **0.0981** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **易玩性 A3** | **0.2618** | **学习成本B7** | **0.6483** | **0.1697** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **易玩性 A3** | **0.2618** | **可用性B8** | **0.122** | **0.0319** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **易玩性 A3** | **0.2618** | **产品自我表达B9** | **0.2297** | **0.0602** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **交互性 A4** | **0.0969** | **农作物播种耕种B10** | **0.3334** | **0.0323** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **交互性 A4** | **0.0969** | **农作物培育B11** | **0.3334** | **0.0323** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **交互性 A4** | **0.0969** | **一机多用 B12** | **0.0946** | **0.0092** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **交互性 A4** | **0.0969** | **遥控操作B13** | **0.1311** | **0.0127** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **交互性 A4** | **0.0969** | **灯光呼应B14** | **0.0425** | **0.0041** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **交互性 A4** | **0.0969** | **多关节可活动B15** | **0.0651** | **0.0063** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **农耕情景感受性A5** | **0.0577** | **农耕场景模拟B16** | **0.625** | **0.0361** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **农耕情景感受性A5** | **0.0577** | **营造故事情节B17** | **0.1365** | **0.0079** |
| **儿童农耕玩具车** | **农耕情景感受性A5** | **0.0577** | **系统性实践感受 B18** | **0.2385** | **0.0137** |
**表2加权规范化平均指标值**
| **方案** | **B\]** | **B2** | **B3** | **B4** | **B5** | **B6** | **B7** | **B8** | **B9** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **S\]** | **0.045** | **0.05** | **0.051** | **0.051** | **0.054** | **0.062** | **0.037** | **0.07** | **0.036** |
| **S2** | **0.049** | **0.05** | **0.035** | **0.041** | **0.049** | **0.082** | **0.047** | **0.079** | **0.067** |
| **S3** | **0.033** | **0.035** | **0.066** | **0.04** | **0.054** | **0.073** | **0.053** | **0.047** | **0.074** |
| **方案** | **B10** | **B11** | **B12** | **B13** | **B14** | **B15** | **B16** | **B\]7** | **B18** |
| **S1** | **0.095** | **0.069** | **0.056** | **0.036** | **0.063** | **0.05** | **0.064** | **0.069** | **0.04** |
| **S2** | **0.067** | **0.049** | **0.068** | **0.034** | **0.041** | **0.055** | **0.072** | **0.044** | **0.069** |
| **S3** | **0.08** | **0.058** | **0.04** | **0.031** | **0.033** | **0.067** | **0.075** | **0.063** | **0.079** |
**表3综合权重结果**
| **\-级指标** | **二级指标** | **S1** | **S2** | **S3** |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **安全性A1** | **农机车材料B1** | **0.0576** | **0.0604** | **0.0492** |
| **安全性A1** | **零部件尺寸B2** | **0.0649** | **0.0649** | **0.0544** |
| **安全性A1** | **农机车造型B3** | **0.1041** | **0.0929** | **0.1146** |
| **农业知识普及A2** | **播种耕种知识B4** | **0.0513** | **0.0443** | **0.0436** |
| **农业知识普及A2** | **观察植物生长B5** | **0.0434** | **0.0399** | **0.0434** |
| **农业知识普及A2** | **实践种植学习B6** | **0.0728** | **0.0868** | **0.0805** |
| **易玩性A3** | **学习成本B7** | **0.0768** | **0.0838** | **0.088** |
| **易玩性A3** | **可用性 B8** | **0.0586** | **0.0649** | **0.0425** |
| **易玩性A3** | **产品自我表达B9** | **0.0433** | **0.065** | **0.0699** |
| **交互性A4** | **农作物播种耕种B10** | **0.0762** | **0.0566** | **0.0657** |
| **交互性A4** | **农作物培育B11** | **0.058** | **0.044** | **0.0503** |
| **交互性A4** | **一机多用B12** | **0.042** | **0.0504** | **0.0308** |
| **交互性A4** | **遥控操作B13** | **0.029** | **0.0276** | **0.0255** |
| **交互性A4** | **灯光呼应B14** | **0.0453** | **0.0299** | **0.0243** |
| **交互性A4** | **多关节可活动B15** | **0.0369** | **0.0404** | **0.0488** |
| **农耕情景感受性A5** | **农耕场景模拟B16** | **0.0556** | **0.0612** | **0.0633** |
| **农耕情景感受性A5** | **营造故事情节B17** | **0.0507** | **0.0332** | **0.0465** |
| **农耕情景感受性A5** | **系统性实践感受 B18** | **0.0332** | **0.0524** | **0.0594** |
通过 AHP 计算的主观权重和 EWM获得的客观权重，借助式(10)得到三款方案的综合权重结果，见表3。
_2.2.3_ TOPSIS 求解
根据评价模型中理想解的计算方法，通过式(11)建立初始矩阵，并对其作规范化和加权处理，得到加权规范化矩阵Z。
确定玩具车的正、负理想解，其中，正理想解为z=(0.7991， 0.7071，0.8878，0.9947， 0.7069，0.875，0.9346，0.9618，0.7746，0.9061，0.9106，0.8674，
0.853，0.9654，0.9578，0.8073，0.7956， 0.8062)，负理想解为z=(0.0071，0.0067，0.0041，0.0128，0.0196，0.0062，0.0083， 0.0043，0.0029，0.0046，0.0065，0.0044，0.0237，0.0046，0.008，0.0104，0.0045，0.00307)。在此基础上，得到三款方案到正理想解的距离：d\*=0.4906， d\*=0.6424， d\*=0.6011；到负理想解的距离： d；=0.6659， d；=0.4613，d?=0.5688。
_2.2.4_ 评价结果分析
通过 TOPSIS 求解步骤中的式(20)，计算各设计方案与理想解的贴合度： c=0.5758，cz=0.418， cq=0.4862，按照其大小进行排序，三款儿童农耕玩具车设计方案评估结果为S>S>S， (下转第13页)
以图像的形式在社交网络上传播。随着动漫 IP 人气和资金的积累，这些场所又可以为动漫续作的取景地选址提供参考。如此周而复始，就像成为上千部动漫舞台的日本东京首都圈一样，以作品群加“圣地”群的方式，最终将整个江海文化的“小世界”卷人动漫幻视的空间。
**_4_ 结语**
“圣地巡礼”作为一种特殊的观光形式，既具有跨地域文化“内”与“外”的越境本质，又具有连接动漫虚构世界和现实世界、联通传统和现代的特征。“巡礼者”作为在现实空间和动漫空间进行多重观光的游客，既具有当代游客的“邮件性”，会以出乎意料的方式解读或介人观光地的文化；又具有动漫爱好者创新动漫意义的本能，会超越原作品的叙事，将动漫“圣地”本身转化为进行二次创作的场所。这一过程中的“圣地”不再只是地域物理版图的一部分，它的构筑也不再依赖传统景点和旅行社，转而需要动漫 IP 的创造、社交网络的赋能和地域文化的回应。
多元包容的江海文化特质与“圣地巡礼”具有一定的天然亲和性。此类地域文化的“小世界”是半开放的，有利于成为“圣地”的容器，容纳“巡礼者”
(上接第8页)即第一款儿童农耕玩具车设计方案为最佳方案。
**3 结语**
本文构建了基于 AHP-EWM-TOPSIS 的评价模型，建立了包含5个一级指标和18个二级指标的农耕玩具车评价体系，可以得出以下结论。
第一，运用 AHP-EWM 进行主客观赋权，避免了AHP 和 EWM 过于主观或片面的影响，组合赋权保留了专家的主观建议，也有客观数据分析，为现有农业科普玩具的评价提供了新思路。
**第二，结合逼近理想解的方法，确定方案的优劣，即S>S>S，保证了评价结果的科学性。**
第三，整个评价流程清晰直观，具有较强的可移植性和适用性，也可应用于其他多属性的决策问题中。
**参考文献：**
\[1\]祁广梅.农耕种植游戏为视角开展幼儿社会实践探索 玩具设计。
共情和幻视的平行空间，使通过“邮件性”的解释创新推进“圣地巡礼”与地域文化互相卷人、相互融合成为可能。实现这种融合，一方面有助于地域文化从“小世界”走向多元化，面向数字孪生、元宇宙等虚拟现实空间的未来发展趋势，进行自我更新；另一方面，有助于动漫文化爱好者对地域文化有更深人的了解和更广泛的认可，为开发动漫 IP并综合利用其文化影响力提供新的思路。
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zh | N/A | N/A | **电视剧《平凡的世界》中的爱情悲剧浅析**
**◆周 坤**
**电视剧《平凡的世界》是根据路遥的同名小说改编而成。小说《平凡的世界》是上世纪80年代的经典之作，它以现实主义的创作手法和曲折的故事情节打动了一代又一代的读者。主人公孙少安、孙少平向命运抗争，他们一次次地跌倒，又一次次地爬起，在挫折中不断地改造着自我。他们的成长史，以及在他们的成长过程中所饱含的励志精神，都是今天的年轻人所需要的。**
**电视剧《平凡的世界》自今年2月26日开播以来，就引发了各种热议。据悉，互联网上的点击率已经接近了20亿，讨论《平凡的世界》已经成为了一种文化现象。笔者认为该剧是对原著精神的真实反映，在风格和人物塑造上都做到了对原著很好地还原，看着电视剧《平凡的世界》仿佛自己也回到了那个峥嵘岁月，感受着主人公们的喜怒哀乐。无论是读原著还是看电视剧，我们都会从中发现两个关键词一“艰难”与“美”：作品真实地表现了普通人的饥饿、贫困、辛劳以及挫折、失败，同时又积极地寻找、发现甚至张扬着生活中的人性之美和人情之美，这种美尤其在与爱情有关的情节中表现得淋漓尽致。鲁迅曾经说过，，“悲剧就是把最美好的东西毁灭给人看。”电视剧《平凡的世界》中的爱情悲剧就是如此。爱情原本是美好而又甜蜜的，但电视剧《平凡的世界》中的爱情充满着苦涩，男女主人公们演绎出的是一段段催人泪下又感人肺腑的爱情悲歌。**
**一、造成爱情悲剧的社会因素**
**在现实生活中，我们都向往着美好的爱情，都希望能和自己爱的人一起慢慢变老。梦想是美好的，但现实是骨感的。在《平凡的世界》这部史诗般壮阔的长卷中，爱情充满了芬芳的气味，使人为之倾倒，留恋不已。该剧主要描述了黄土高原城乡交叉地带的青年男女的爱情生活，让人们在情感的漩涡中凸现个性，通过内心深处的挣扎和纠结来展现人性的张力和悲凉的美丽，让人久久不能释怀。**
**1.阶级差异**
**孙少安是农民的儿子，他的骨子里有着农民的烙印。他在黄土地上长大，与润叶青梅竹马，在很小的时候就彼此心意相通。随着年龄的增长，他们的爱也在慢慢加深。孙少安从13岁起就开始在黄上地上奋斗，为改变自己的命运、改变家庭的生存状况、提高家庭的名声而努力。因为**
**一直生长在农村，孙少安的身上有着一般农民所具有的保守。他爱润叶，但是他们两家的家庭背景阻碍了他们的结合，两个人家庭条件的差异和身份的悬殊，使得孙少安在面对爱情的时候不得不退缩。最后，他选择了与跟自己身份差不多的秀莲结合。在他婚后的日子里，秀莲一直在背后默默地支持着他，在他事业的几个关键阶段给了他极大的帮助。秀莲的纯朴以及炽热的爱温暖了少安那颗受伤的心。**
**田润叶善良、纯朴，是吃公家饭的人民教师，父亲是村文部书记，家庭条件优越，吃穿不用愁。润叶有着城里女孩的气质，思想开放，敢丁大肌追求自己的爱情，但是她的大胆与农村的保守观念格格不人，她大胆追求爱情的行为被认为是“伤风败俗”。最后她嫁给了自己并不喜欢的汽车司机李向前。她的婚姻成了爱情的坟墓。**
**润叶与少安从小就两小无猜，对彼此的感情都心知肚明，就是没有敞开心扉地去交谈。他们之间的感情在双水村已经成了人们茶余饭后的热门话题。但是田润叶的父亲田福常阻止他们俩在一起，而且极力地撮合润叶与李向前。为此，在润叶不知情的情况下，他在整个村里发喜糖，告诉大家润叶快要与李向前订婚的消息。少安听后倍感失落，再加上父亲的极力反对，他除了祝福润叶之外别无选择，因为他觉得自己给不了润叶幸福。为了消除少安的误会，润叶还挨家挨户地去回收已发出去的喜糖，并跑到东拉河畔来找少安。经过开诚布公的交谈之后，两人确定了彼此的感情。但是由于田福堂的挑峻，少安那颗坚定的心动摇了。当润叶再次来找他的时候，他刻意回避，**
**《平凡的世界》剧照**
**这让润叶伤透了心。少安为了进一步断绝他与润叶的关系，亲泊带着田福堂来到了饭馆，重新表明了自己的态度，并要与润叶划清关系。润叶陷人了极大的痛苦之中，这种痛苫直到婚后李向前发生车祸时才慢慢消减。当他们都有了各自的家庭，对感情、对生活有了更深刻的理解之后，当他们再次见面时，心里再也不会掀起感情的惊涛骇浪，有的只是温热的涟漪。**
**2.个人理想与社会现实的差异**
**孙少安与孙少平虽然都是农民的典型代表，出生卑微，但孙少平与孙少安的性格迥异。他不像哥哥那样思想保守，敢于冲破传统的藩篱，是一位热血青年。他纯朴而又倔强，举止中让人感到铁骨铮铮，眉宁间能让人感觉到他内心的坚毅；他热情助人，嫉恶如仇，对工作有着高度的责任感、忠于职守。在电视剧中孙少平说了一句这样的话：“我现在认识到，我是一个普普通通的人，应该按照普通人的条件正常生活，而不要有太多的非分之想，当然普通人并不等于庸俗。”是的，我们可能一辈子都是个普通人，但普通人并不平庸。孙少平的一生体现了平凡人生的辉煌意义。**
**田晓霞，省委书记的女儿，省报的记者，漂亮、善良。她很年轻，长得小巧，但她可爱的外表下隐藏着一颗成熟的心，她看问题的方式以及思考问题的态度都是那么的成熟。在旁人看来，她与孙少平的爱情是那么的天方夜谭，残酷的现实会将其击得粉碎。当孙少平的感情在郝红梅那里受挫之后，他曾一度变得消沉，就在这时他结识了田晓霞，在不断的交流中加深了对彼此的了解。少平陪晓霞打篮球，一起跟她参加舞会，在古塔山一起谈天说地聊理想，回忆高中生活的美好。高朗的出现，使得少平有了危机感，但当晓霞亲身体验和观察了少平的工作环境之后，更坚定了她对少平的感情。但是最后，意外夺去了晓霞年轻的生命，他们的爱情之花尚未结果便已天折。**
**孙少平和田晓霞的爱情悲剧归根到底是个人理想与社会现实的原因。孙少平是个有理想有抱负的青年，但无论是家庭背景还是工作，他和田晓霞之间都有很大的差距。在当时的社会，他们的爱情是惊世骇俗的，是注定走不到一起的。学生时代的孙少平过得十分清苦，这对他有着深刻的阴影，尤其是郝红梅的感情背叛，更是给孙少平重重一击。这时，田晓霞出现了，她就像一盏指路的灯塔，照亮了孙少平前行的道路，给孙少平的生活带来了全关重要的影响。事实上，如果田晓霞没有死，她和孙少平的爱情也不会得到亲人的祝福，因为他们之间始终存在着无法跨越的鸿沟。**
**二、造成爱情悲剧的个人因素**
**1.相似的阶级不同的爱情结果**
**孙兰香，是孙家最小的孩子，孙少安与孙少平的妹**
**妹，一个天才般的美少女，但家庭的贫困使她早早地饱尝了生活的艰辛。但是人穷志不穷，她的智慧令人震惊，从小学习成绩就非常好，后来考上了全国闻名的北方工业大学，靠知识改变了命运，最后获得了甜蜜而完美的爱情。同是农民出身，但是妹妹孙兰香的爱情与哥哥孙少安的爱情却有着截然不同的结局。孙兰香虽然出身农民，但是她有着另一种身份-——人学生。她有知识，她在城里读书时受到了城市文化的熏陶，汲取了城市文化的营养，摒弃了农村文化保守、自卑和狭隘的缺点，变得从容、沉着和白信，脱胎换骨。她接受了城市文化，城市文化也接受了她。她的大学生身份容易被吴仲平的父母接受，也正是她的大学生身份使得她与吴仲平走到了一起。**
**孙少安是地地道道的农民，骨了里深深地刻着农民的烙印，与城市文化有着深深的隔阂，这注定了他只能属于农村。他和田润叶身份、家庭上的悬殊，更加使他自卑。笔者认为，孙少安与田润叶、孙兰香与吴仲平这两对有着相似的阶级，但最终爱情结果不同的原因主要在于孙少安与孙兰香对待城市文化的不同态度以及他们知识水平的差异。**
**2.相同的阶级没有爱情的婚姻**
**田润叶与李向前阶级相同，没有农村人与城里人的隔阂，但他们的婚姻仍然不幸福。田润叶心里一直爱着少安，即使少安结婚了，她仍不能从爱情的痛苦中走出来。在李向前父母的积极撮合之下，她不得不妥协，她的婚姻成了家庭的牺牲品。在他们结婚后的儿年里，润叶一直和李向前分开睡，家更像是一个旅馆。她被动地选择了自己的婚姻，使得自己踏入了矛盾和失意的世界。在李向前发生车祸之后，她才抛弃了那份青春的痴情，默默地回到了丈夫的身边，过起了平淡幸福的生活。在发生车祸后，李向前和田润叶才有了共同的家，一起过上了正常的夫妻生活。他们一起体会了人生的辛酸，最终找到了人生的幸福。笔者认为，在爱情中，哪怕没有阶级的差异，个人对爱情的态度和付出都会影响到爱情的结局。**
**电视剧《平凡的世界》展现了各种各样的爱情悲剧，这些爱情悲剧的背后有着各种各样的原因。如阶级差异、个人理想与社会现实的差异、个人因素等。爱情是人类的永恒话题。在那个时期，爱情都遵循着“门当户对”的宗旨，人们无法跨越铜墙铁壁般的等级观念，导致了幕幕影响一生的爱情悲剧的发生。随着社会的发展，城乡差距在不断缩小，城乡文化在不断地交融。然通，现如今男女交往中的这种阶级差异、门第观念虽不如上世纪80年代那么浓厚，但仍然存在。电视剧《平凡的世界》中的爱情悲剧放在当下的礼会环境下仍有巨大的现实意义，不得不引人深思。** | null | null | null | null | null |
en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | The festival book : May-day pastime and the May-pole : dances, revels and musical games for the playground, school and college
author: Lincoln, Jennette Emeline Carpenter, 1862-1946
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TILDEN FOUNDATIONS.
THE FESTIVAL BOOK
MA^ DAY PASTIME AND
THE MA\-POLE
DANCES, REVELS AND MUSICAL GAMES FOR THE
PLAYGROUND. SCHOOL AND COLLEGE
BY
JENNETTE EMELINE CARPENTER LINCOLN
fORMKK DIRKCTOR Oh' I'HVSICAI, TRAINING FOR WOMEN
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
NEW YORK
THE A. S. BARNES COMPANY
1912
THE NEW Y9RK
PUBLIC LIBRARY]
7397
ASTOR, LS^lOX AND
TILDEN FOUNDATIONS.
Copyright, 1912,
BY
THE A. S. BARNES COMPANY
Stanbope ipress
H.GILSON COMPANY
BOSTON, U.S.A.
r
!2(a
ALL THOSE WHO ARE INTERESTED IN FRESH AIR,
SUNSHINE, AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF PLAY
AND THE CHILD SPIRIT AS A MEANS OF
BETTERING THE HEALTH OF OUR
WOMEN AND CHILDREN
OF AMERICA
Wc\\& Uolumr
IS MOST CORDLiLLY DEDICATED
INTRODUCTION.
Through tlu' playground inovenient, within recent years, there has been
a revival of fresh-air entertainment. Many of the old-time revels and games
have been renewed with marked success. They have become an interesting
feature of gymnasium work in colleges and schools, and well adapted for play-
ground festivals. The simple country dances, which may properly be called
musical games, are gaining i)opularity, and it is good to see the young and the
old alike enter into this invigorating pastime with new life and vigor on the
Spring May Day.
The May-day Festival is becoming an established anniversary event in our
country. In colleges and schools it supplies a long-felt need for playground
pastime and gives opportunity for a great number of children and "grown-ups"
to engage in the spirit and merriment of the day. Owing to the average conven-
tional cold tlrst day of May, which has long been known as May Day, the middle
or latter part of May is a better time for the celebration of the revivification of
grass, leaves, and blossoms. The evening at six o'clock, near sunset, is the ideal
time.
One charm of the May-day entertainment is that it never grows old, for
year after year, with the garlanded and beribboned May-pole as a centre, many
and varied are the possibilities around it, so that the spectacular effect of life,
rhythm, and beauty is beneficial, inspiring, and entertaining to both audience
and participant.
The May-pole may be so simple in its preparation, and at the same time
so charming, that it appeals to everyone, howsoever untrained in dancing, games,
and pageantry. Its very rusticity adds to its ease, simplicity, and general effect.
It is a most attractive and refined entertainment, full of essential child spirit and
animation, and young and old in any number, in field or park, in the school-
room, church, or parlor, may erect a pole of suitable size, with a convenient
number of streamers of selected color, and to an appropriate "catchy" air plait
and unplait the ribbons while dancing through the figures, varying the step with
the time of the music, making merry with laughter, while drinking in new life in
high glee as in the old days of "Merrie England."
Twelve years of research in this form of fresh-air recreation and its grow-
vii
viii INTEODUCTION.
ing popularity in various large educational institutions, as a beneficial and enter-
taining pageant on the playground, has proved its lasting quality.
The adaptation of all manner of games, dances, and physical exercises
arranged in figures and form in relation to the May-pole, by the ingenuity and
originality of the teacher in charge, makes the old and the new, combined for a
noble purpose, more valuable as a pastime, and at the same time gives the
teacher the benefit of educational research in the highest form of artistic exercise
and pageantry.
In response to the many inquiries from schools and colleges from various
parts of the country, relative to the May-j^ole and the May-day programs, and the
desire to aid in perpetuating this beautiful annual custom, prompts the writing
of this volume.
I wish to express my profound gratitude to President Edmund Janes
James, of the University of Illinois, through whose help and interest in the out-
of-door life of the students I have had the opportunity to accomplish this work.
For valuable assistance in working out the practical May-pole problems, I
desire to thank my associates. Miss Mary Edith Williams, Miss Gertrude Evelyn
Moulton, Miss Verna Brooks; and I feel deeply indebted to Miss Rosa-Lee Gaut
for her inspiring music, to Miss Alice Faye Seller for her artistic pen sketches,
and to Mr. Krannert for his skillful drawings.
J. E. C. L.
CONTENTS.
Chapter I.
INTRODUCTION p„^^g
EARLY MAY-DAY CUSTOMS
HlSTORICAI I
The Mummers 3
The Morris Dances 4
The Hobbyhorse 7 ,
The Early American May-pole 8
Chapter II.
SUCCESSFUL MAY-DAY PAGEANT
The Pageant March 10
The Queen's Dance 13
The Wreath Dance 13
Peasant May Queen Dance 18
Chapter III.
MAY-POLE DANCES WITH THE USE OF STREAMERS.
Milkmaids' Garland on May Day 19
Milkmaids' Dance 21
Milkmaids' Revel 21
The Milkmaids' Pantomime Drill 23
The May-pole Waltz • 23
The Three Strand May-pole-ka 24
A Five Pole Dance 26
The Spider Web Dance 26
Dutch Windmill Dance 28
Peasants' Dance 31
Comin' Thro' the Rye 31
Chapter IV.
MAY-POLE REVELS.
Shepherdess Dance 36
The Foresters' Dance 41
Japanese Dance 44
A Mass Free Hand Drill 45
ix
X CONTENTS.
Chapter V.
SELECTED NATIONAL FOLK DANCES ADAPTED EOR MAY-POLE FESTIVALS.
The Weaving Dance ( Vafva Vadmal ) 47
Klappdans 52
Hopp MoRR Annika 53
How Do You Do 54
The Highland Fling 55
Earlv Engllsh Minuet • . 61
A Roman Dance. I 62
The Roman May Dance. II 63
Chapter VI.
MECHANICAL CONSTRUCTION OF THE MAY-POLE AND ACCESSORIES AND APPRO-
PRIATE COSTUMING FOR MAY-DAY PAGEANTRY
The May-pole 65
Appropriate Costumes for May-day Pageantry 68
BIBLIOGRAPHY . 73
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Ctjowxtvi; Tin; >r\\ (}iee\ Frontispiece
plate Pa(je
The Mummehs. An Old Print from Tlie Abbott 3
The Betly Window 6
I. (JlEEN AXD CkoWN-BeARER 12
II. The Wreath Dancers 14
III. The Queen's Coach IG
IV. Peasant May Queen Dance 18
V. The Milkmaids 20
VT. Milkmaids' Revel 22
\1I. niirii Windmill Dance 29
VIll. TiiK Foresters 41
IX. Little Juiix. Jack u' the Gueex, and Will Scarlet 44
X. The Weaving 48
XI. The Shuttle 49
XII. Tying the Knots ;J0
XIII. May-Day Hkihlanders 57
XIV. The Peasants' Dance. Crowning the Queen . 68
XV. HoBBYIIOKSE AND JesTER 70
FIGURES AND DIAGRAMS.
Figure
1. Morris Dancer 5
2. Maid Marian 6
3. The Hobbyhorse 7
4. DiAciUAM OK the Hobbyhorse 8
5. Jester 8
6. Diagrams for Pageant March 10,11
7. Diagrams for Three Strand May'-pole-ka 24
8. Spider Web. Four Circles 27
9. SciioTTiscHE Position 27
10. Dia(;ram for Peasants' Dance 31
11. Diagrams for the Highland Fling 58,59
12. Diagrams for the Roman May Dance 63,64
13. Diagrams for May-pole Construction 65
14. Canopy Frame and Top 67
15. WisTERi.v Blossom Pattern 67
16. Wisteria Leaf Pattern 68
17. The Dragon 72
LIST OF MUSIC
Page
1. Peasant May-Queen Dance 17
2. London Biudges 25
3. Pop Goes the Weasel 25
4. Gretchen Mine 30
5. Comix' Thko' the Rye 31
6. Shepherdess Dance . 37
7. The Fouesters' Dance 40
8. See-Saw 42
9. The Weavin(; Dan( e 47
10. Klappdans 51
11. Hopp MoRR Annika 52
12. Hkjhland Flinc 54
13. Menuet 60
THE FESTIVAL BOOK
A PURITAN'S MAY-DAY VERSE.
" Good morning, lads and lassies, it is the first of May ;
I hope you'll view the garland for it looks so very gay ;
Now take the Bible in your hand, and read a chapter througli
And when the day of judgment comes, the Lord will tliiuk of you."
CHAPTER I.
EARLY MAY-DAY CUSTOMS.
Historical.
May Day of the olden times was celebrated in many and various ways.
Druids celebrated the modified feast of Bel on the first of May, and in later years
the Irish and Scotch Highlanders continued the custom. Some rites of Moloch
worship still survive in certain Highland districts. It is Koman paganism
that has left its indelible traces upon the May-day celebration in Anglo-Saxon
regions. There the occasion is rather a feast of flowers than of sacrifices, a
reminiscence of Flora rather than of Baal and Molocli.
In the 'Romance of Kyng Alisaunder " in the thirteenth century, we read
that in Cheltenham the chimney sweeps hold high revel on May Day. The danc-
ers have their faces blacked, and their musical band consists of a fiddle and the
whistle, with a bush in the center, and they are dressed in red, blue, and yellow.
They dance around the bush. The leader is a clown who wears a tall hat with a
flapping crown and a fantastical dress. There is also a man with a fool's cap,
and black figures fastened in his white pinafore, the representation of a grid-
iron. Two boys complete the group, one wearing a girl's hat adorned with flow-
ers. They hold out ladles and spoons and strike the bystanders with bladders
fastened to a stick. This performance consists of dancing and singing.
The May dolls which were once common throughout England are still
seen on May Day in Devonshire, Cornwall, and parts of Wales. The May doll
is remotely a survival from the images of Flora which is the Floralia. Some-
times the girls dress a doll with a small doll in its lap, and many ribbons
and flowers, and carry it about in a small chair as a representation of the Virgin
and Child.
At Cambridge the children went about swinging a doll in a hoop of
t lowers sinaiino;:
"The first of May is garland day
And chimney sweepers' dancing day;
Curl your locks as I do mine,
One before and one behind."
St. George and the Dragon were, too,, frequently impersonated at the May games
in England.
1
At York, in 1483, Richard III was met by the clergy and city fathers,
when his son was made Prince of Wales, and the city Guild performed one of
its renowned plays and the children joined in a merry dance.
At the Historical Pageant at Bath, 1909, there was a representation of
Qneen Elizabeth's visit to Bath, Avherein a band of fair maidens and children,
dressed in white, danced before the Queen. A May-pole twenty-five feet high
was set up, at the top of which was a crown of flowers, from which radiated long
floral streamers decorated at intervals with small colored pennants, and held at
distances in various directions, in canopy effect, over thirty-six narrow, gaily-col-
ored streamers plaited by children, while nuinerous other groups in characteristic
costumes joined in folk dances, which were as correct as possible from the his-
torical standpoint. The minuet and Roman dance were also features of the
pageants at both York and Bath in 1909.
A short time before the Revolution in France, the May games and Morris
dance were celebrated in many parts of the country, accompanied by a fool and
a hobbyhorse.
In Sweden fires are built the night before May Day and old Winter is
burned in effigy and his ashes strewn over his grave. This was at one time a
custom in England also.
Sir Walter Scott tells of a May Day which gives a clear idea of the spirit
and custom of the times.*
"The amusement with which Elizabeth and her court were next day to
be regaled, was an exhibition by the true-hearted men of Coventry who were to
represent the strife between the English and the Danes in the year 1012,
agreeably to a custom long preserved in their ancient Borough and warranted
for truth by old histories and chronicles. In this pageant one part of the towns-
folk represented the Saxons and the other the Danes. This sport which had
long been a favorite pastime with the men of Coventry had, it seems, been put
down by the influence of some zealous clergymen of the more precise cast, Avho
chanced to have considerable influence with the magistrates. But the generality
of the inhabitants had petitioned the Queen that they might have their play
again and be honored with permission to represent it before her highness. And
when the matter was canvassed in the little council which usually attended the
Queen for dispatch of business, the proposal, although opposed by some of the
stricter sort, found favor in the eyes of Elizabeth who said that such toys
occupied without offence the minds of many who, lacking them, might find worse
subjects of pastime, and that their pastors, however commendable for learning
and godliness, were somewhat too sour in preaching against the pastimes of their
flocks, and so the pageant was permitted to proceed.
" The English and the Danes came foot and horse, in fantastic dresses imi-
* Kenilworth, chap, xxxix
3
tating knights, in order to vesemLIc the cliivalry of the two different nations.
To i)revent accidents tiiey were not permitted to a[)|>ear on real horses, l)ut had
only license to accontre themselves with tiiose hobbyhorses which anciently
formed the chief delight of a Morrice Dance.
" Captain Coxe, that celebrated hnmorist of Coventry, rode valiant on his
hobbyhorse before the bands of English, high trussed and brandishing his long
sword as became an experienced man of wai-. This chieftain was the first to
enter. He kissed the hilt of his sword to the Queen, and executed at the same
time a gambade, the Hke whereof had never been i)racticed by two-legged hobby-
horse. Worthy he was to be rendered immortal by the pen of lien Jonson, who,
fifty years afterward, deemed that a Mascpie exhibited at Kenilworth couUl be
ushered in by none with so much propriety as by the ghost of Captain Coxe,
mounted upon his redoul)ted hobbyhorse."
The Mummers.
Among the hereditary pastimes of old England are the performances of
the strolling mummers or maskers. As early as 1170 the mummeries and
disguisings were introduced at Christmas time and fre(iuently they engaged in
the May-day festivities as they did in most of the holiday celebrations.
The Mummers — From "TAe Aljfxitt."
These maskers, hand in hand, sltjod in u wild throng around the pole,
- — many Avere in the guise of wild animals, — a monster ring. Others were gaily
dressed, Avith head dresses that were Avonderfully made, high and ])lumed, made of
pasteboard covered witli flowers, bugles, and colored streamers. The dresses
were of figured material, with many ribbons highly colored, pointed breeches and
gaudy hose, shoulder knots and sashes.
4
There were the sword dancers in gay finery, carrying blunt swords, ready
to enter into a series of combats resembling at times the sharpening of knives,
while passing through various dance steps.
The yoeman called out,* "Tune up your pipes, my boys." "The music
struck up and way they went, up the middle and down again, change sides, criss
crossy, heads bobbing and feet stamping. . . . They mostly ignored the music,
their steps too were original. If there was little grace there was much fun. It
was very muscular mirth, which delighted to find vent in strong exercise. It
was a loud-voiced, noisy, hob-nailed mirth, which delighted in shouts and
laughter, and snapping fingers and stamping with the heel."
t"The appearance of the crowd was grotesque in the extreme. It was
composed of men, women, and children, ludicrously disguised in various habits,
and ])resenting groups equally diversified and grotes(pie. Here one fellow with
a horse's head painted before him and a tail behind him and the whole covered
with a long foot cloth (Fig. 3) which was supposed to hide the body of the
animal, ambled, caracoled, pranced, and plunged, as he performed the celebrated
part of the hobbyhorse, . . . St. George and the Dragon appear in action. A
bear, a wolf, and one or two other wild animals . . . There was a group of out-
laws with Eobin Hood and Little John at their head . . . men disguised as
women, women as men . . . children wore the dress of aged people and tottered
with crutch sticks in their hands, . . . while grandsires assumed the infantine
tone as well as the dress of children. Besides these many had their faces
painted, and wore their shirts over the rest of their dress, while colored paste-
board and ribbons furnished out decorations for others."
Bishop Latimer, in his sixth sermon before King Edward, gives a
humorous account of how he was obliged to give i^lace to Eobin Hood on one
occasion: He sent word one night into the town that he would preach there in
the morning, because it was a holiday, and "methought it was a holydayes
work ... I thought I should have found a great company in the church, and
when I came there the church doore was fast locked, .... and one of the par-
ish comes to me and said, 'Sir, this is a busie day with us; we cannot hear you;
it is Robin Hood's day and we must gather for Robin Hood.'" The Bishop felt
injured that the Protestants should honor an outlaw in preferance to the divine
word. History tells us that John Knox backed by the Magistrates of Edinburg
sought to deprive them of the custom.
The Morris Dances.
The following description of the Morris dancers was given by a puritani-
cal writer in the time of Queen Elizabeth's reign:
* The Wassail Cup, Hamley.
t " The Abbott," Sir Walter Scott, chap. xiv.
5
"Then every one of the nicn, he investetli with li\eries of green, yeHow, or
some other lii;lit colour. 'I'lu-y l)e«lecke(l themselves witli scarves, ribbons, and
laces hanged all omt uiili udid liiiLis. ])recious stones, and other jewels; this done
they tie about either legge twentie or foinlic bells, with rich handkerchiefs in
their liands, and sometimes laid a cioss over their shoulders and neckes. They
have their hobJDyhorses, theii- dragons, and other anli([ues, together with their
bandie |)y])ers and thundering drummers, then maich this heathen companv,
their pyjters ])yi)ing, their stunqjcs a dancing, their l)ells ingling, their handker-
chiefs fluttering al)out their heads like uiaddc; men." *
Very much may be said in behalf of the theory that the terms Moors,
Morisco, and Morris or Moorish ha\e probably been applied in a innnber of cases
to gypsies. More than one reference could be added which seems to indicate tlie
Morris dance was ke[)t up in England till the present century notably l)y the
gypsies, and this association seems to ha\c been distinctly recognized in
Scotland.
The woi'd Moor, fixmi the Latin viaurus, signified any person of dark'
com})lexion. The English settlers spoke of the American Indians as Moors ; in
some parts of England the Moors or Saracens w^re styled gypsies and the
gypsies were styled Moors.
"It has been supposed that the Morris dance was first bronglit into Eng-
land in the time of Edward III when John of Gannt retnrned fiom Spain." It
is said too that it came fiom Gaul or even from the Flemings. It is possible
that the dance mav have originated from the Moors, as
the name Morris from "Morisco" signifies.
The May games of I{ol)in Hood were nothing
more than tlie Morris dance. Uowever, it is more likely
that the Robin Hood people were acconn)anied by the
Morris dancers, and all together entered into the spirit
of the forest revel. There were, beside the dances. May
games of a more sim])le nature, being merely lively steps
around a May-pole. The lads and lassies of the village
also engaged in these games in lively measure.
In the reign of Henrv VIII the Morris dancers
were dressed in gilt leather and silver paper and some-
times in coats of wdiite-spangled fustian. They had
purses at their girdles, and wore garters to which bells
were attached. The bells were always ^vorn by the
more active characters, and tlie use of them is of great anti(piity. They often
wore these tinkling ornaments on their feet (Fig. 1). The nnnd>er of bells were
from twenty to forty. Thev were known as the fore-bell, the treble, the tenor,
Fig. 1. Morris Dancer.
* From Strutt's " SjJorts and Pastimes."
t)
the base, and the donble-bell. Sometimes bells were jingled by the hands, or
attached to the arms and wrists. Scarves, ribbons, and laces were hung with
golden bells. Handkerchiefs were held in the hands or tied to the shoulders.
Authorities differ as to the number of Morris dancers. In Israel's print
there are nine; in the antique Betly window, eleven; Strutt's illustration shows
five.
The Betly Window.
Fig. 2. Maid Marian.
The Morris dancers were annually seen in Norfolk and Lancashire in the
characters of Kobin Hood and his band. Strutt holds the opinion that the intro-
duction of Eobin Hood into the celebration of May Day, probably suggested the
addition of a "King," or "Lord of May."
Maid Marian figures as the sweetheart of Robin Hood, and the Queen, or
Lady of the May, representative of the Goddess Flora, in the Roman Festival.
"Tuck" the merry Friar, Little John, Jack o' the Green and other merry mem-
bers appeared in the same mummeries.
From illustrations and historical description we learn that Maid Marian
" wore kirtle and petticoat alike, a fancy coronet, a flower in her hand, as Queen
of the May." In one illustration (Fig. 2) from an ancient Morris dance, she
holds an apple in one hand, and a flower in the other, and on her head a steeple
headdress as was worn in the middle of the fifteenth century, by queens and
ladies of high rank.
The Hohhyiiorse.
Room! Room! for my horse will wince
If he comes within so many of a ])iincc;
For to tell you true and in rhyme
He was foiled in Queen Elizabeth's time;
When the great Earl of Lester
In his castle did feast her.
''Masque of Owk." — Ben Jonson.
This indisi)ensable, im]iortant May-day character, indescribably funny
and eccentric, was called by the Puritans "an imi)i(ms and pagan sui)erstition."
The hol)byhorse costumed and ecjuipiJcd as described by Scott, (Fig. 3) was a
principle performer, and exerted all his skill in burlesque horsemanship.
Fig. 3. The Hobbyhorse.
The hobbyhorse, I observed, at the spectacular Historical Pageant at Bath,
was made of a framework the length of a good-sized hobbyhorse (Fig. 4, A & B)
having a wooden head, covered with a brown cloth or mantle, leaving the
feet exposed, representing a most laughable sight as he capered about. Two
of these impersonations make much merriment, especially in a speed test by
racing.
8
Fig. 4.
"Trip and go, heave and hoe,
Up and downe to and fro,
From the towne to the grove,
Two and two let us rove,
A Maying, a playing
Love hath no gain saying;
So merily trip and goe."
Fig. 5. Jester.
The Jester. — There was a variety of
fools and jesters in ancient times. He was an
eccentric character, generally introduced in the
Morris dances for stage effect in any peculiar
highly-colored costume. Sometimes with a cap
or hood with long ears or horns, decorated -with
rows of bells, and carried a bauble. (Fig. 5.)
Sometimes over his right arm hung a cloth or
handkerchief. He often tumbled and barked
like a dog, or mimicked the dancers, jesting
and sporting about for the amusement of all.
The Piper. — "Those who dance must
pay the Piper." The piper wears the sword
and feather and blows his pipes and tries to
make music, though it is not the best.
The Early American May-pole.
In early American history we read of the "Rise and Fall" of the May-pole.
Hawthorne in his "Twice Told Tales" tells us that they who danced round the
9
Mtiy-pole were to pour sunshine over New Enghmd's rugged liills und seutter
tlower seed throughout the soil.
"Never hud tlie May-])ole been so gayly decked as at sunset on niidsuni-
nier eve. The venerated emblem was a h)tty pine tree bedecked with brilliant
hues and ribbands, golden tlowers of the wilderness. The wreath of roses on the
lowest green bough was later to be hung over the heads of the lord and l:id\ of
the May as a symbol of their Howery union, who at this merry making were to
become partners for the "dance of life." " Voteries of the May-pole" cried the
flower-decked ])riest, "all day long have the woods echoed to your mirth. Be this
your happiest, U]) with your uiuible si)ii-its, ye morris dancers, green men and
shy maidens, bears and wohcs and horned gentlemen! Come, a chorus now
rich with the old mirth oC merry Kngland, and the wild glee of this fresh forest,
and then a dance to show the youthful pair what life is made of, and how airily
they should -o through it. All ye that love the May-pole, lend your voices to
the nuptial song of the Lord and Lady of the May." ....
"Immediately a prelude of pipe, cithern and viol touched with practiced
minstrelsy, began to i)lay from the thicket in such a mirthful cadence that the
boughs of the May-i)ole quivered to the sound. Then down came a shower of
leaves from the May-i)ole, and lingering the mascpiers sjjoi't round till the last
sunbeam was withdrawn from the summit and the shadows of the trees mingled
gloomily in the dance. Thus each alternate season did homage to the May-pole
and paid it a tribute to its own richest splendor. Its votaries danced round
it at least once in every month ; sometimes they called it their religion or their
altar."
The downfall of the early American May-pole, 1628, is thus vividly i)or-
trayed by Hawthorne :
Not far from Merry Mount was a settlement of Puritans. Life for them
was dismal. They went together not to keep u]) the old English miith, but to
listen to sernu)ns hours and hours long. As they toiled through the forests they
observed the silken colonists sporting round the May-pole, some in skins of deer
and wolves, playing blind man's bluff. Some sang ballads and told tales, and it
is to be remembered did afhrm that when a psalm was pealing from their place
of worship, the echo often came back with a chorus of ' jolly-catch ' and a roar of
laughter," and so we read on how the "Puritan of Puritans," Endicott, Avith his
keen sword assaulted the hallowed May-pole, and down it fell. " Amen" echoed
his followers, but "the May-pole worshipers groaned for their idol." The tale
relates "that the sky grew darker and the woods took on a more somber
shadow ."
CHAPTEE 11.
A SUCCESSFUL MAY-DAY PAGEANT.
At six o'clock ill tlie evening, just about sundown, the processional pageant
of all the players, two and two, carrying their ornamental accessories proceed in
their march to the May-pole, heralded by the forester's bugle horn. There are
groups of various national dancers in the characteristic costume of their countries
including the little milkmaids with cap, apron, and pail ; the Scotch Highlanders
with plaid cap and feather ; the English shepherdesses with their crooks, looking
like a band of veritable Bopeeps ; the graceful Eoiiian maidens, with their mus-
ical pipes and garlands; some Japanese girls with their parasols, waddling and
tiptoeing. Rollicking and wild with glee come Robin Hood and his merry men,
for the Morris dances, not forgetting the hobbyhorse (Fig. 3) with spirited "false
trots, smooth ambles and Canterbury paces." The inimitable jester with his
pranks, and the little black-faced cliimney-sweej)S. The pageant procession ap-
proaching the May-pole, the centre of the scene, is led by the May Queen and her
retinue, half of the attendants on each side of the queen, partners on opposite
sides. Each attendant holds a garland of the canopy in her hands.
THE PAGEANT MARCH.
1. Enter single file. When directly back of the pole, divide, the odd
A
s
s
i ~~\
I \
1 V
1 /
s
\
\ \
\\
\ \
\ s
\ s
V
/
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FIG. 6, I, FIG. 6, 2.
numbers follow the dotted line, the even numbers follow the full line. When the
lines meet in the centre of the front they go toward the pole in twos. ( Fig. 6, 1.)
2. When near the pole, divide, one couple going diagonally to the right,
10
11
and the next to the left, and so on. At the corners turn and march down the
sides to the front. (I'' it:. •>. -.)
3. March to the opposite corners of the field, the lines crossing in front
of the pole, couple 1 going in front of couple 2, etc. At the corners, turn, and
march once more down the sides to the front. (Fig. t}, 3.)
4. When about eight feet from the centre, front, the leaders stop, and mark
time. The coni)le back of tlie leaders march foiward, and down the centre with
the corresponding couple Iroia the other side. As soon as the thii'd and fourth
couples have passed the first and second coui)les, they fall in beside tlie fii'st and
second cou]des, and the fifth and sixth couples fall in beside the tliiid and fourth,
N. /
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FIG. 6,
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FIG. 6, 3.
4.
and so on until the whole com])any is in two straight lines, one on each side of
the pole and facing centre. (Fig. 6, 4.)
At this point the columns widen to allow tlic queen and her retinue to
pass through, courtesying to her as she passes.
FIG. 6. 5. FIG. 6, 6.
5. Then the couples 1 and 2 pass down the centre, followed by couples
3 and 4 and all successive couples. At a designated point, one couple turns to the
right and the other to the left. (Fig. 6, 5.)
12
6. The leaders march only to a point at the sides opposite the pole.
The last couple in each line stops when it reaches the centre of the back of the tield.
The intervening couples should keep the same distance from the couple ahead
of them, that they are from the couple behind them. From the position shown
in Fig. 6 the leaders of the dotted lines run forward in a semicircle, and the two
circles, joining hands, continue running in opposite directions until they reach
their original places. (Fig. 6, 6.)
The queen and her retinue are outside, in front of the circles. The at-
tendants still holding the canopy garlands take their places in a semicircle about
the queen.
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I'late I. Queen and Crown-bearer.
While the queen and her attendants are taking their positions, the peas-
ants, or the milkmaids, or any preferred group of dancers surround the pole
13
and take up tlie streamers, the other frrnujjs foi-in in circles, or any effective ar-
ran<ienient on the tureen, abont this central liiiiue.
At the tirst beat of thedrnni or other prearranged signal, all coine to posi-
tion. At the second beat the crown-bearer ])lace8 the Horal crown on the Queen's
head (Frontispiece), and all Ik r subjects on the green, with significant attitudes
and deep courtesies pa \ hoiiiagc to their • Lady of the .Nhiy." Then to the strains
of an inspiring air the Pageant Revel begins, and all dance at the same time, the
various group-dances.
THE QUEEN'S DANCE.
WALTZ TUNE, BLUE DANUBE.
The canopy held stationary, the tirst partners followed by tlie attendants
back of them, (while the last partners, back of the (^ueen, remain in place, bal-
ancing in waltz time) move toward each other to com[>lete the circle with the
following step.
I. Stej) inside foot forward (I).
Point outside foot to the side (2, 8). Simultaneously turning the body,
looking over the outside foot, holdini;- the sarland looselv in the hands, inside
hand high, outside hand low.
Reverse this step and repeat until meeting, the circle is formed.
All face in one direction, and with graceful Avaltz step go around once.
II. The tirst partners face each other while those back of them face corre-
sj)ondingly, and Avitli the first described step move backward till again in the
semicircle.
All pirouette, by placing the outside foot around the inside foot, rise on
toes, turn comi)letely around in place (pivoting), courtesy.
T(t })rol()ng the dance these steps may be repeated, or nu)re circles added,
with a variety of simjile steps.
The canojiy streamers or garlands do not plait, but revolve.
The (^ueen and lier ('rown-l)earer remain inside the circle dancing and
assuming graceful attitudes, while the attendants are in semicircle, leaving
the space in front of them open, so they can execute special solo dancing to
advantage.
THE ^A/^REATH DANCE.
MUSlCi WALTZ TIME.
These simple rhythmical ste})s may be danced by the groups ensemble
on the green, with or without wreaths, or with any other properties, or the dance
may be used in drill formation as a single number.
14
The floral wreathes are wooden grace-hoops, or hoops or arches made of
twisted galvanized telegraph wire decorated with flowers and vines.
Plate II. The Wreath Dancers.
1. Courtesy twice, as described in "Maypole Waltz," looking through the
hoop,
Place right foot forward (1).
Bring up the left foot to flfth position (2).
Balance (3).
Tip wreath diagonally upward in front.
Place left foot back (1).
Bring right foot back to left (2).
Balance (3).
Swing the wreath diagonally back to left.
Walk three steps forward (1, 2, 3). Point left foot to left side, and hold
position in attitude (1, 2, 3).
Bending body to left, tip hoop to left, right hand on top of hooj).
Repeat, starting with the left foot.
15
2. Sto]) back with riglit foot (1).
Point left forward, in fourth position (2, 3).
Step back with left foot (1).
Point right forward (2, 8).
Walk backward three stei)s (1, 2, 3).
Point left foot to left side (1, 2, 3).
Wreath on shoulders back of head, held bv both hands, during the en-
lire step. Bending the body to the left on last (1, 2, 3).
Repeat, beginning witli the left foot.
3. Walk diagonally forward three steps (1, 2, 3) beginning with the right.
Point left forward (1, 2, 3) in graceful attitude, look tlii(tnt:li lioop.
AVhile left foot is forward, i)ivot to the right (1).
Walk back three ste])S (1, 2, 3) to starting point. Pirouette (1, 2, 3) as
described in "The Queen's Dance" Page 13.
Walk diagonally forward left (1, 2, 3) beginning with right foot.
Point left forAvard (1, 2, 3), look throngh the hoo]).
While the left foot is forward, pivot to the right (1).
Walk back three steps (1, 2, 3), pirouette (1, 2, 3).
Re])eat to right and left.
4. Place right foot to side (1). Bring left foot to right (2).
Balance (3).
Rei)eat left, right, and pirouette to left (1, 2, 3).
Rei)eat all, and after the last pirouette make a deep courtesy, hold, look-
ing through wreath, head tii)ped to the side.
The ensemble, or Pageant dance at an end, the Queen's attendants still
retaining the garlands, fall in, two and two, double file, and with a "pawing
step" (gallop time, or the rhythm of "Captin Jinks,") represent prancing steeds.
The step. Weight on the left foot, right knee flexed, the step forward is
made by a pawing movement with the right foot, the Aveight each
time on the left foot, quickly and heavily. The ball of the right
foot strikes the ground lightly.
The Coach. A group of forty girls, all dressed in white, (Plate III) fall in
fours compactly back of the attendants, forming the coach. Four
girls with white parasols, trimmed with ])ink ruffles to represent
wheels, take their j^laces, two on each side of the coach.
The little "Crown-bearer" with one long garland, stei)S some distance
ahead of the rest, acts as leader pony.
The coach moves slowly, with long walking steps.
16
The Queen is speedily mounted upon the shoulders * of two front inside
persons, who should be tall and strong, her canopy held over her by the
"Canopy-bearer" who stands conveniently near her, fitting in as a part of the
coach. The garlands of the canopy serve as lines.
Little John in green and yellow, with a queer cocked hat (costume not
shown in the illustration), as footman, mounted upon the shoulders at the rear
of the coach, blows his horn, the steeds prance in quick rhythmic time, the
wheels rotate, the coach moves slowly and stately, and oif they go, followed by
all the revelers, and the Lady of the May is borne away to Fairy Land ; a
most pleasing and fascinating picture.
Plale III. The Queen's Coach.
^ Tlie Lady of the May was sometimes carried in procession on men's shoulders.'" Donee.
17
PEASANT MAY QUEEN DANCE.
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18
PEASANT MAY QUEEN DANCE
1. The Peasant May Queen dance, (Plate IV) is conducted similarly to the
May Queen dance described on page 13. The dancers back of the Queen's group
remain in the two large circles (Fig. 6, 6) and all engage in a lively Folk dance,
to the music of the Peasant May Queen Dance, which takes the place of the
"Wreath" dance in the Pageant. "Hopp Morr Annika" and "How Do You
Do," may be given with this dance, and are quite appropriate when adapted.
The Swedish and Danish dances offer a great variety for selection, for this
purpose.
Plate IV. Peasant May Queen Dance.
After the "May Queen (Assemble) dance" and the Coach has borne the
Lady of the May from the scene, the program continues.
2. The Morris Dances, in groups, with the Hobbyhorse and Jester to
enliven the scene.
3. The Milkmaids' Kevel, and Pantomime Drill.
4. The Shepherdesses dance enacting a scene.
The Waltz May-pole.
The Foresters' Pantomime Dance.
The Spider Web Dance.
All gather around the May-pole in one grand assemble, dancing the
last merry revel in groups, circles and sets.
The lovers of the glorious old May-pole linger in the joyous revel of May-
day pastime till the shadows fall, and night drops her mantle over the scene,
when the votaries paying their last tribute to the flower-decked idol, reluctantly
depart. The echoes of mirth and music dying away in a cadence remain in the
soul till the beloved May Day shall come again.
5.
6.
7.
8.
CIIAl'TEH HI.
MAY-POLE DANCES WITH THE USE OF STREAMERS.
••The tall Mav-[>()lc loniK'tl tlie |triiirii>al attraction (if May Day. It is
covered with tlowersaiid liearbes, aiulboiiiulc witii striiii-sof ditterent cohmrs. and
often two or tliree Imndred men, women and children follow it with Lircat devo-
tion, and wiien it is raisi'd antl lhc\ ha\e feasted, tliey begin t(j leaj* and daunee
al»oiit it — ."
MILKMAIDS' GARLAND ON MAY DAY.
The Milkmaids' (iarland was a ]iyraniidal frame, covered with (Uimask,
glittering on each side with polished silver plate and adorned with knots of gay
colored ribbons, and posies of fresh flowers, snrmonnted by a silver urn or tank-
ard (borrowed of the pawn-brokers, on security). 'The garland" was carried Ity
two men, preceded by a pi])e and tabor, or a violin. The Mill<maids" followed
the music, dancing.
In London, thirty years ago,
AVhen pretty mill^uiaids went about.
It Avas a goodly sight to see
Their May-day Pageant all drawn out : —
Themselves in comely colours drest.
Their shining garland in the middle,
A pipe and tabor on before.
Or else the foot inspiring tiddle.
They stoi)t at houses, where it was
Their custom to cry "milk below!"
And. while the music played, with smiles
Join'd hands, and pointed toe to toe.
Thus they trippVl on, till — from the door I
The hop'd-for annual i)resent sent —
A signal came to curtsy low.
And at that door cease merriment.
Such scenes, and sounds, once blest my eyes,
And cliarm'd ray ears — but all have vanished!
On May Day, now, no garlands go.
For milkmaids, and their dance, are banish'd.
19
20
My recollections of these sights
"Annihilate both time and space;"
I'm boy enough to wish them back,
And think their absence — out of place.
" Every Day BoohT Hone.
It was customary with milk-people of less profitable walks to make a dis-
play of another kind, less gaudy in appearance, but better bespeaking their occu-
pation, and more appropriate to the festival. This was an exhibition of them-
selves in their best apparel and the useful animal which produced the fluid they
retailed.
A beautiful country girl "drest all in her best," with floral ornaments in
her neat little hat and on her bosom, led her cow by a rope tied to its horns,
garlanded with flowers and knots of ribbons ; the head, neck and horns of the
cow Avere decorated in like manner : a fine net, tastefully stuck with flowers cov-
ered Bess's back, and even lier tail was ornamented with blossoms and silken
knots. The proprietress of the cow, a neat brisk little matron, followed on one
side, in holiday attire, witli a sprig in her country bonnet, a blooming posey in
her handkerchief, and ril)bons on her stomacher.
I'late V. The Milkmaids.
21
THE MILKMAIDS' DANCE.
MUSIC: A LIVKI-V T\vo-.sTi;r.
Participants: Twenty-four young woinan all in white dresses, tissue-
paper bonnets tied under tliccliin, small rod apions. and small pails on the arms.
All skip merrily with peals of lauiihter to the pole, and Iwelve take up the
orange streamers and twelve the blue streamers. Partners face toward each other.
The inside twelve, right face, and the outside twelve, left face.
Drop maid's courtesy to the right and left.* Then dance skipi)ing step
around once, tlie orange and blue going in opposite directions. All in lively time.
Second time avomid, all take liands and sidc-stc]). The outside circle
crowd the inner circle lo ihc pole, and side-step around them, once around the
l)olc, the inner girls bobbing their heads and all laughing. The inner girls then
dil) under the arms of the outside circle. All side-step to right, around once.
The inside circle again in place, the outside girls then dip under the arms of the
inner circle and all side-step to the right once' around. Then the outer circle to
l)lace again. The two circles then run in opposite directions, running, skii)])ing
and hopping they Avind and unwind the streamers and at the end, hand in hand,
leave theinde, skipinng lia])])ily away fiom the scene Avith laughter.
This may be prolonged by the introduction of any fancy steps, or the Sail-
ors' Hornpipe, and more ceremony if desired.
MILKMAIDS' REVEL.
MLSIC 4-4, OR POLKA TIME.
As the pole is generally decorated with twenty-four streamers, of two colors,
this necessitates the same number of dancers.
University colors, orange and blue.
Costume — Simple white dress. Tissue paper sun-bonnets, twelve light
blue, and twelve pink. Small aprons to match. Milk-pails decorated with flow-
ers, in the right hands.
Catching hands all form one straight line, facing front, some distance from
the pole. All run or skip forward and surround the pole. Take up the stream-
ers. The twelve with the blue streamers form the inside circle, the twelve with
the orange streamers form the outside circle. All face outward toward the pole,
and coui-tesy (1) with right foot back. (2) AVith left foot back. Twice to audi-
ence. Twice to partners.
The lowly courtesy — Place one foot directly back of the other and bend the
knees with quick action.
1. Going in opposite directions, the outside circle to the right, the inside to
the left, all run once around the pole. Swing pails.
1 1. Going in opposite directions, skip once around the pole. Swing pails.
* Description of Maids' courtesij : Place right foot back of left and bend both knees in the drop coiirtesy
The same with the left foot.
22
III. Inside circle fall in with the ontside circle, making one large circle
around the pole. All face the pole and with a hopping step dance to the ])ole,
face outward, and dance back to place. The pails in the right hands.
IV. Inside circle close in around the pole and balance in place while the out-
side circle join hands and side-step once around, facing the pole. Pails down at
side.
Plate VI. Milkmaids' Revel.
V. Inside circle take hands and dip under the arms of the outside circle and
all side-step once around. Pails down at side.
VI. All fall in single tile in one large circle, and two-step once around. Swing
]»ails back and forth in rhythm.
Yll. Face outward. Balance in place. (Place right foot to the side (1), cross
right (2), tip head from side to side with balance movement.) Hold pails on
top of heads with both hands.
VIII. Courtesy to audience, to partners, and to opposites, inner circle take a side-
step toward the pole and prepare to unwind the streamers.
IX. Skip twice around the pole. Pail held on the head with one hand.
X. The inside circle goes in the opposite direction, and all iinish by running
and skipping till the streamers are unwound.
23
XI. Drop courtesy, twice. Di-op tlie streanieis mikI run forward i'orniiujj; ii
straight line in I'ldiit of tlie ])oI(' t'oi' I lie A[ill<in:ii(ls" drill.
THE MILKMAIDS' PANTOMIME DRILL.
I. Swing ]iails high to riglit (1) to left (2). — 8 counts.
II. Hohl ])ails forward iii Ixitli liands. — 4 counts.
III. Stoop and phue jiails on the ground. — 4 counts.
IV. Imitate act of niilkina;. — 8 counts.
Y. Rise, i)iace i)ails on the head. — 8 counts.
VI. Uold the jiails on the head, riglit hand holding the })ail. the left hand at
the waist. — 8 counts.
^'ll. Stoop, place pail on the grountl to the right and pretend to churn, in
happy mood.
VIII. Rise, half face right and half to the left, holding the i)ails in both hands,
or invert them on the head, skip from the scene.
THE MAY-POLE WALTZ.
I. Take up the streamers of two colors, green and red. All face outward
toward the spectators. Two courtesies.
The Courtesy : (slow time)
Right foot back — 3 counts
Bend back knee — 3 counts
Slowly rise — 3 counts
To position — 3 counts
Repeat to the left — 12 counts
II. Face opposites ; backs to partners. Courtesy 12 counts, turning on the
10th, 11th, and 12th counts to face partners. Courtesy to partners, 12 counts,
on the 10th, litli. and 12th counts step to the side. Those holding the green
steamers step outside with right arm toward the pole. Those ^\ itli the red stej)
inside with the left arm toward the pole. All sway ; place right foot to the side
(1), cross left foot in front, touch toe to ground, (2, 3), rise slightly on 3, place
left foot to side (1), cross right foot in front, touch toe (3) and re])eat 12 counts.
With this movement the body should sway gently in harmony with the step, from
right to left.
On the next count, partners ]>ass. All go in and out passing each other,
as in "Grand right and left," until the streamers are plaited in a i)attern,
douTi the pole. When plaited sufhciently hold the streamers at rest through six
counts. Courtesy 12 counts to partners. On 10th, 11th, 12th counts turn to
face oi)i)Osites. Courtesy 12 counts, or if the length of the streamer in the
hands will permit, waltz with partners 24 counts, round and round, before
24
this courtsey. Now facing opposites, s^A^ay as before, 12 counts with cross step
and unplait the streamers. When back to original places, courtesy twice right
and left, drop the streamers, and run gracefully from the pole.
THE THREE STRAND MAY-POLE-KA.
MUSIC: POLKA.
With a skipping polka step the dancers take their places around the May-
pole, in a circle of groups of three, each holding a streamer. Nos. 1, 2, 3. No.
1 on the left. No. 2 center. No. 3 on the right. (Fig. 7, 1.)
No. 3 passes across in front of No. 2 and back of No. 1.
No. 2 passes in front of No. 1 and back of No. 3.
No. 1 passes in front of No. 3 and back of No. 2.
Kepeat until the strands are braided.
There will be eight braids in all. (Fig. 7, 2.)
Fig. 7, 2.
The one holding strand No. 2 takes the braid while 1 and 3 are free to
dance in and out between the braids in grand right and left once around. Form-
ing a circle they may dance with a cross step to the pole and back. By using a
little ingenuity various steps and figures may be introduced at this point, to com-
plete the windings.
Forming in groups of three again unplait the braids by reversing the
order. Retaining the streamers all take hands and in a circle run forward 16
steps, reverse and run in the opposite direction 16 counts, break the circle at one
place and run from the scene.
While plaiting the eight braids — Pop Goes the Weasel, or London Bridges
may be introduced — No. 2 passing under the arms of 1 and 3.
25
LONDON BRIDGES.
Very rIow.
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Set of three couples. Partners facing each otlier. First couples are those
on the outside.
First couple Avalks or skips down outside of line, 8 steps down and 8
steps back. Take partner's hands and side-step down between lines 8 counts and
back 4 counts. Join hands with one of the second couple and side-step around
in circle 12 counts, then open hands and i)usli her through (piickly, " poj)."
Next, with circle No. 2 of second couple, same.
Down the outside 8 steps, back 4 steps, side-step between lines 8 counts
and back and circle in same way with third couple. As soon as first couple has
finished, they stop where tliird coui)le stood before, and second couple continues
the dance. Keep on until each couple has danced it all.
26
A FIVE POLE DANCE.
Twenty-four around the pole in the centre. Sixteen on the four corners.
All run to their places. Each corner group has a leader who carries a small pole
with streamers attached to it, held close to the pole. She goes to the centre and
the sixteen take up the streamers and form a circle about her winding the stream-
ers in a simple manner.
This dance is especially suited for children, where a great number are tak-
ing part. As many poles may be added as desirable.
THE SPIDER WEB DANCE.
The " Spider Web," a dance of four circles, is so called because of its ap-
parently intricate movement, although taken in its preparation of single circles
it is very simple, and appears difficult in its complexity. It was originated to
accomodate large classes in a spirited May-pole exercise. It is especially rhythmi-
cal and fascinating, and always enjoyed by participants and spectators, though it
be given year after year without a change.
The simple white dress, and head decoration of white wreath is extremely
effective, and should be kept free from all color or costuming.
There may be a laborynthian march to the ])laces in the four circles
around the pole, if time will permit, or the participants may run or skip to their
places to expedite matters.
One hundred and twenty participants.
Twenty-four in the first circle nearest the pole.
Twenty-eight in the second circle.
Thirty-two in the third circle.
Thirty-six in the fourth circle.
(More circles may be added, but a larger number rather detracts from the
general rhythmical effect.)
Circle No. 1 takes \\\) the streamers, and stands the full distance of the
length of the streamers from the pole. The other three circles stand a comfort-
able distance from each other.
Each of the four circles takes hands and faces the audience.
I. All courtesy, 16 counts.
Eight foot back (feet wide apart). 4 counts.
Bend back knee (keejiing ball of front foot on the ground. 4 counts, dip-
ping low).
Straighten back knee, rising slowly. 4 counts.
Bring back foot slowly to position. 4 counts.
Repeat, with left foot back. 16 counts.
Sway or balance ;
27
11. Phicc riiilit loot to tlic riiiht side (I), cross left loot (2), tip the ixuly tfoiii
fiii'lit to Irl't, w iili ilic stops. IG counts.
III. Ciiclc 1, li-lit face; circle 2. left face; circle :}, riuiil face; circle I. left
face. I coll II ts.
Schottische step, liLilit and jiTaeefiil. with tlie hands hchl easily at the waist.
Go aidiiiid I he pole once.
Rest, I counts, in picpanition hn- llie next fcvolntion.
IV. Pfeparation : l-'ifst cifcle with streamers stands at rest, holdinu the streain-
ers in a canopy.
Second circle forms in twos. taciiiLi each other, holding both hands.
Third and foiiith circles form in
fours together, holding hands in circles. As
there are four more persons in the foiiith circle,
than in the third they form one small circle by
themselves, as shown l»y the arrows in Fig. 8.
The twos and fours then either side-step
or two-step around to the right 8 counts, rest 4
counts, then around to the left 8 counts.
The lirst circle holding the streamers
balance in place, during this movement.
V, The four circles facing again as in 111, 4
counts.
Holding the folds of the dress with
outside hand, the inside hand held high, with a light springing cake-
walk step go around once.
VI. Circles form as in IV. Twos join right hands.
Fours form wind-mill or star, i)artners .join-
ing right hands across opposites' hands, left
hands at the waist.
Around to the right 8 counts.
Change hands I counts.
Around to the left 8 counts.
First circle balance in place, holding .streamers
in a canopy.
VII. All facing in one direction, the three large circles
fall into two circles, or one large double
circle, jiartners taking hands go around once
with Barn dance stejis. The first circle
wind the streamers without making the
^'^■®' turns in dancing.
The following steps may be used effectively here.
°t"
Fig. 8. Spider Web. Four Circles.
28
Schottisclie time, position as in Fig. 9.
1. Beginning Avith outside foot, run forward three steps, extend inside foot
and hop on the other foot. 4 counts.
Repeat, beginning with the inside foot. 4 counts.
Step right foot to the side, bring up the left foot, step right foot to the
side, point left foot to the left.
Repeat to the left.
2. Forward as in 1. Two measures.
The one on the right turn under uplifted arms, while the one on the left,
hop on right, hop on left, hop on right and point left.
Any steps or concerted figures may be introduced in the execution of this
dance.
VII may be simplitied by taking the positions as described in III. Alter-
nate facings, and comjilete the winding by running or skipping.
VIII. When the winding is completed, all face outward, and courtesy as in I.
Reverse the facings and repeat the order in unwinding the streamers.
Courtesy. Drop the streamers and run from the scene.
The beauty of this figure is the complete harmony and rhythm of move-
ment throughout.
DUTCH WINDMILL DANCE
Costume. Girl, Dutch blue short skirt, tiowered Avaist, Avhite cap, apron,
Avooden shoes.
Boy, black bloomers and blouse, or a flowered vest, round black cap with
an immitation of flaxon hair, Avooden shoes.
For correct Dutch costume see the costumes of Holland, particularly those
of the Island of Marken, Monnikendam, Volendam.
I. Going toward the pole, arms extended at sides, bending left and right
Avitli the steps.
Stamp forward Avith the right foot (1).
Kick left foot forAvard striking the heel (2).
Hop on the right foot Avith the left up (3).
Repeat, alternately left and right until the pole is surrounded.
11. Boy makes a stiff bow, girl drops a bob com-tesy.
Pantomime. Boy places his hand on his heart and extends his other
hand toward girl, feelingly.
Girl in a shy manner turns her head away looking doAvn, hands clasped.
Boy points to pole, and bows; as if to invite her to assist in Avinding the
May-pole.
Girl readily accepts Avith courtesy, pleased.
Boy catches up two streamers, hands girl one.
29
HI. Partners face eadi oilier, join riiilit liaiuls, left anus iijilifted liolding
streamers, make llic windinill.
Stamp right foot (1, '_' ). strike left heel and swing the left foot forward
across (:>. I), (ionioimd Iwisting streamers, S counts. I^ntwist, 8
counts.
1\'. Partners standing side liy side, locked arms, inside hands liolding stream-
ers, outside arms u])lifted, facing oii])osite i)artners. ])ass them on the
side, the nc\l partners on the U'ft li:iiid side. :ind so on :is in grand
right and left. Continue mil 11 the streamers aiv plaited on the pole.
Step same as ill.
V. Repeat windmill as in 111. hoy and girl liolding streamers.
Stamp the feet alternately going around and around, K) measures.
A'l. Face, and unwind the streamers in the same order as IV.
After untwisting the streamers (111), clasp arms as in Plate Ml,
still holdinii the streamers.
Plate VII. Dutch Windmill Dance.
AIT. Stamp right foot (1. 2). cross left foot in the back (8, \).
Repeat to left.
(Plate AIT.)
30
VIII. Stamp right foot (1, 2).
Strike left heel and draw the left foot to the right (3, 4).
Swaying the body slightly right and left with the steps.
Repeat four measures in all.
Repeat YII and VIII several times.
Finish with the bow and courtesy, leave the scene in merry mood, arms
extended at side, swinging the body. Step I.
The following words may be sung with appropriate pantomime, during
the dance.
GRETCHEN MINE.
Liebes Madchen, Schones Madchen,
How your bright eyes do shine
The're lots of Dutch Madchen
In Amsterdam, Rotterdam,
And other such places, are fine.
But you're so schweet, you've got 'em all beat
You are almosht define.
I loofve you so mutch,
You dear leetle Dutch,
Gretchen Madchen mine.
GRETCHEN MINE.
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31
PEASANTS' DANCE.
Twenty-four form a sciuaro al)out tlie pole as in the old-time (juadrille,
only double the number at heads and sides, nuiUins ci!i;ht couples. This leaves
eight to stand outside, one at each of the four sides and
one at each corner. All hold streamers. All couples
courtesy to partners and to corners. The sides and
corners courtesy to the audience, right and left. Head
couples cross right, then side couples cross right.
Head couples return to places, left. Side cou])les re-
turn to i)laces, left, (always careful to observe the
changes in the same line). Re])eat. Heads and sides
cross and recross until the streamers are plaited sufti-
ciently on the i)ole. Those holding the streamers on
the outside corners and sides wait until the heads and
sides have crossed once, and then dance around winding the streamers, being
carefid to keep the same distance from each other through the entire dance.
When the (piadrille figure is finished, all courtesy and after head and side couples
have crossed once in the unwinding, the corners and sides reverse and
unwind.
To unwind the streamers, the last couples who crossed, must cross back
again, and all be sure to travel in the same ])ath at the same side as when weav-
ing the pattern, in order to prevent confusion.
When the streamers are all free, repeat courtesies to i)artners, corners, and
to audience. All take hands and joined by the four corner groups, in steps or
revolutions, leave the scene.
This makes a very attractive figure for the Milkmaid Folk Dancers.
Fig. 10.
Con spirito.
COMIN' THRO' THE RYE.
PANTOMIME DAXCE FOR GIRLS.
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All take up streamers, hold full length from the pole. Partners face each
other. Odd numbers in outside circle, even numbers in inside circle, standing
about four steps apart.
Pantomime : On first note after the prelude.
I. Place right foot to right side. (If)
Place left foot back of right, (a body)
Bend knees in " bob courtesy." (meet a body)
(Partners courtesy to each other, tipping heads to side.)
II. Take hold of skirt daintily with free hand, the Aveight now on the back
foot.
33
Starting ^-ith i-ight foot, walk three steps, on the balls of the feet, point-
ing the right foi)t on the last step, and hold. (Coniin' thro' the Rye.)
III. Step left foot to side. (If)
Bring up right foot to left, (a body)
Partners throw arms about each other, heads together, (kiss a body)
IV. Separate, standing side by side, place outside foot to side, (need)
Step the inside foot and turn tlie body back to partner, (a body)
Hands to face as if crying, (cry)
V. Straighten up, extend arms lorward, liands supine, (every lassie)
Look sad and bring hands to cliest. (has her laddie)
Bow head, shake head negatively, (nane they sae)
Clasped hands, drop arms down full length and licnd body forward in des-
pair, (ha'e I)
VI. Straighten up, brightly and triumi)liantly extend hands forward. (Yet a'
the lads)
Bend slightly forward, point to chest, toss head, (smile on me)
VII. Catch up dress in free hand, streamer held in the other. (When)
Three side steps to the side, (comin' thro' the Rye.)
Partners now stand facing preparatory to winding the steamers.
Go around the pole in circles with skipping step, opposite directions,
partners bow or courtesy each time they meet till the streamers
are wound sufficiently.
The mood is spirited.
By varying the time of the music and steps with occasional pantomime
and singing the words, adds to the merriment.
When the streamers are wound all courtesy and passing in the opposite
directions unwind with gaiety and end with the pantomime I- VII.
>
MAY-POLE REVELS
" I have seen the Lady of the May
Set in an Arbour (on a holiday)
Built by the May-pole, where the
Jocund swains
Dance with the Maidens
To the Bagpipe strains."
Bruwiie's Fastoreh
CHAPTER IV
DANCE OF THE SHEPHERDESSES.
From the Slieiiheards Caleuder, dedicated to Maister Philip Sidney.
" Is not thilke the meiy month of May,
When love-lad masken in fresh array ?
How falles it, then, wee no merrier beene,
Ylike as others, girt in gandy greene?
Our bloncket liveries beene all too sadde
For thilke same season , when all is yecladde
With pleasaunce ; the ground with grasse, the woods
With greene leaves, the bushes bloosming buds.
Youngthes folke now tlocken in every where,
To gather May-buskets and smelling brere ;
And home they hasten the postes to dight,
And all the kirk-pillours eare daylight.
With hawthorne buds, and sweey eglantine,
And girlonds of roses, and soppes in wine.
Such merimake holy saints doth queme.
But wee here sitten as drownde in dreme.
Sicker this morowe, no lenger agoe,
I sawe a shole of shepheardes outgoe
With singing, and shouting, and jolly chere;
Before them yode a lustie tabrere,
That to the many the horn-pype played.
Whereto they dauncen eache one with his mayd.
To see those folks make such iovysaunce.
Made my heart after the pype to daunce :
Tho to the greene wood they speeden hem all.
To fetchen home May with their musicall ;
And home they bringen in a royal throne,
Crowned as king; and his queene attone
Notes Explanatory.
Thilke, this same month. It is applied to the season of the month " when all men
delight themselves with pleasaunce of fields, and gardens, and garments."
Bloncket liveries, gray coats.
Teclacl. arrayed. Kirke. cluirch. Queme, please. Yode, went. Swiiick, labor.
In every ivhere, a strange, jet proper kind of speaking.
Buskets, a diminutive, s, little bushes of hawtliorne.
36
37
Was huly Flora, ou wiioiu did attend
A fayre Ihjcke of faeries, and a fresh hen* I
Of lovely nyni])lies. (O that I were there,
To hclpcn the hidies to thi-ir M;iyl)nsh beare!)
All! I'icrs. 1)(MU' iKil tli\ Icctli on cdjit', to thinko
How jireat si)ort they gaynien with little swinck?"
Herbert Sjiencer.
SHEPHERDESS DANCE.
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The little shepherdesses in rollicking mood' have forgotten their sheep, on
May Day. As they dance about the May-pole in spirited measure, a chorus of
sheep-bells is heard in the distance, in time with the music ; now loud, now soft,
now impatiently, in imitation of straying sheep. This chorus of bells^ may be
rung in time with the music by a number of persons at a distance from the
dancers.
Costume. Like the Bopeep pictures, either pannier effect, or a graceful
empire slip. Colors, light blue and yellow.
A jaunty stiff rimmed hat, medium size, brightly colored flowers, tied un-
der the chin.
The crook, a most important adjunct, is made of a curved handle staff" or
cane, covered Avith silver paper and entwined with flowers and vines.
A cane three feet long will suggest a staff and can be used to better
advantage in the figures of the dance.
1 The shepherdesses should enter into the spirit of the revel with gleeful self abandonment. This is the
charm of the dance.
2 The small sheep-bells can be secured at nominal cost.
39
I. Sixteen or twenty-four players lull in line, single tile, the eruuk in the
right lumd.
The step.
Step right foot (1).
Hop on right and at the same time extend the left foot forward (2).
Continue the liopping step, alternating light and left through the strain
t\\ ice, moving in a straight line to a central position.
II. Foiin a cir(de, i)artners face, join I'ight hands passing the ciook to the
left. Pass to the next ])ersons, joining left hands, crook in tlic right.
Continue grand right and left around the circle, meet partner and bow.
Moving again in straight line as in (I) through two strains, all face front
for a short drill with the crooks.
I. Partners cross crooks. The one on the right, holding the crook in the
left hand. The one on the left holding the crook in the right hand.
Tipping heads to the side, look toward each other. Hopping and
crossing the feet ( 4 measures).
II. All change crooks to oj)posite hands and cross them with the next person.
Tipping heads to the o[tposite side. Hopping step (-1 measures).
III. Repeat right and left (8 measures).
IV. All left face, following each other with the same hop step, take hands
forming a circle, crook in the right hand, once around and reverse.
YI. Single tile as in I.
VII. First partners, standing opposite each other, form an ai'chway by crossing
crooks. Second couple pass under single tile and form the archway
next to the first coui)le. All ])ass under and do thfe same, rei)eat the
arch, and again in single tile as in I move ser])entinely and then wind
as in the laborynth nuirch. At this point the chorus of bells imi)a-
tiently dance forward with the hop and skip step and surround the
shepherdesses, leaving space so that they may dance out and sur-
rounding their " sheep," with their crooks drive them from the scene
with laughter and song.
Another very interesting act may take place about the pole.
After driving the "sheep" away, the shepherdesses return and ])lant their
crooks in a circle around the pole, they then take up the streamers and jjjait any
preferred pattern, while the "sheep," tinkling their bells and with gi-aceful body
and arm movement dance in and out around the crooks.
When the streamers are free, the sheiierdesses take up their crooks and
drive the "sheep" while they shout "baa, baa, baa."
40
THE FORESTERS' DANCE.
( BY ROBIN HOOD'S BAND.)
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41
THE FORESTERS' DANCE.
l;V KUIUN HOOD'S HANI).
The Foresters i-aiiy green boughs and garlaiids of leaves and flowers.
Plate VIII. The Foresters.
Characters in Phite YIII. - Jieginniiig at the left. Village Maid, Little
Joliii, Maid, ]\ul)iii J loud, Peasant Maid Attendant, Maid Marian, Jester or Fool,
Jack o' the Green, Friar Tuck, Will Scarlet, Maids.
The Dance.
All in a rollicking merry mood with a Morris step, dance to the front,
either surrounding the May-pole, or in a circle independent of the pole. Adai)ted
to circumstances.
The number of dancers should be divisible by three.
I. Step right foot to the right side (1, 2).
Place left foot across behind tlie right, lifth position (3, 4). Look over
riaht slionlder, all holdinu; liands in the circle, raise them high.
Repeat this step and action to the left (1, 2).
Slide right foot to the right (1).
Bring up left foot to the right (2).
Repeat 3, 4, to the right.
42
II.
Stamp, lightly and quickly , right (I) left (2) and point right to the right
(3, 4) and hold. Looking over right foot, arms held high.
Repeat, all continuing to the right in a circle until once around.
Run ten counts, and tag the one in front on the eleventh.
The scale may be sung here, or laughing up and down the scale with the
syllable "Ha," ending with turn and jump on the last four counts.
SEE-SAW.
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III. Form in groups of three either in the circle or in straight line or any suit-
able etfective arangenient.
The middle i^erson of the three, No. 2, stands still, Nos. 1 and 3 on each
side of her hold one of her hands with both hands.
No. 3 on the right stoops bending knees, drawing No. 2 over to the right
(slowly) (1,2).
No. 1 on the left stoops bending knees, as No. 2 rises on the opposite side
(3, 4). Slowly, in imitation of "See-saw."
Repeat through the strain.
Repeat I.
Music — The Foresters' Dance.
Gather up the boughs, flowers, and other properties, waving boughs,
place Maid Marian in the centre (See Plate Vlll), and leave the
scene with the Morris stop.
Before, or during the revel Maid Marian may be crowned, with a rustic
wreath of leaves.
The Morris Step — Raise one foot to the knee, extend it forward and bring
it down as in a walking step, lioi)ping on the other foot at the same time. The
arms raised to shoulders' lieight, in easy flexed ])osition.
* "The Morris Dancers " by Josephine Brower and " The Morris Book " by Cecil Sharp, contain a great
variety ofthrstr dances.
IV.
Y.
44
The Morris Polka Step. — Left, right, left, hop left ; right, left, right, hop
right. ( Plate IX, Little John, Jack o' the Green, and Will Scarlet.)
Plate IX. Little John, Jack o' the Green, and Will Scarlet.
JAPANESE DANCE.
MUSIC FROM "MME. BUTTERFLY" OR "JAPANESE LOVE SONG."
The Japanese dancers form a picturesque background in the May-day
Pageant during the Crowning and the " May Queen " Dance.
The dance as given here will be most enthusiastically received.
Japanese dancing is mainly posturing, posing and pantomime. In one
form of dancing they will hold certain poses for a short time and then move slowly
swaying from side to side. Pantomime is an art with the Japanese. Familiar
scenes are frequently portrayed in action. It seems there are no definite steps and
the music does not appear in any particular time. Tlie fan and parasol are
used with fine effect.
In presenting these dances the costume effect is exceedingly simjde, made
of tissue paper. I have observed that the cheap kimonos sometimes worn in fes-
tivals by young people have a loose, careless appearance, distasteful to the specta-
45
tor, and detracting; from the general effect, wliich especially on such occasions
should be pleasing to the eye.
The kimono sleeves of white, or light colored tissue papei' triuiined with a
hand ot a plain darker color, can be fastened to the to\)oi the sleeve of a white waist.
The sash is a length strip of the same paj^er tied in a huge bow in the back.
Large white or any be( oming colored crysanthemuuis in the hair above
the ears.
Holding the parasol im lioth hands, the Ja|)enese dancers run on tii)toe
forward with mincing step. When at a proper distance from the audience, rest.
Standing on tiptoe,
1. All ti}) to right, posing, I counts.
All tip to left, ])osing, 1 counts.
3, 4. Repeat to right and left, 8 counts.
1. All ])irouette* to right, 4 counts, twirlling the parasol.
All i)irouette to left, 4 counts, twirlling the parasol.
All liend forward and drop on knees, kneeling with the head nearly to
the ground behind the parasol, 8 counts.
2. Kneeling, raise the head, look around the parasol at right side, 4 counts.
3. Look around the left side of the parasol, 4 counts.
1. Standing, half right face from the center, and half left face from the
centei'. The ends leading, all with mincing step on tijjtoes i-un wad-
dlinp; from the scene.
A MASS FREE HAND DRILL.f
MUSIC: FOUR-FOUR TIME.
Take each exercise twice each way 16 counts in all.
L a. Touch ste]i sideward left — arms sideward.
6. Touch step cross backward left, bend knees slightly — arms u])ward in
circle over head.
c. Same as position a.
d. l^sition.
IL a. T(«ich step forward left — arms forward.
b. Touch step sideward left — left arm sideward, right arm in circle overhead.
c. Same as a.
d. Position.
IIL a. Touch step obliquely forward left — left arm forward, right arm in circle
over head.
b. Touch step backward left — bend trunk slightly backward right, left arm
in circle over head, right arm sideward.
♦Pirouette — Weight on one foot, (1) throw the other foot around it as far as possible, rise on the toes
and pivot in the direction of the weight (2). Either quickly or slowly, according to the time,
t With garlands in the hands, this Mass Drill makes an artistic exercise.
46
c. Same as a.
d. Position.
IV. a. Touch step forward left — arms sideward.
b. Touch step sideward left — bend trunk sideward left — arms in circle over
head.
c. Same as a.
d. Position.
V. a. Touch step forward left — arms forward.
6. Swing right arm in complete circle downward, backward and upward
to the reach position again.
c. Return swinging arm upward, backward and downward up to the reach
position again.
d. Position.
VI. a. Touch step forward left — arms diagonally forward upward.
b. Touch step backward left arms sideward, ])alms turned forward.
c. Same as a.
d. Position.
VII. Repeat VI twice to the left and tinish with deep courtesy, 12 counts.
CHAPTER V
SELECTED NATIONAL FOLK DANCES ADAPTED FOR
MAY-POLE FESTIVALS.
THE WEAVING DANCE. ( Vafva Vadmal.)
The "Weaving Dance" is so named because it re{)resents the different ma-
nipulations in the ohl-fashioned way of weavino-. Thus the advancing of the lines
toward each other shows the beating of the threads together; linking arms repre-
sents the pulling of the threads together; passing under the arches shows the
darning process ; the tigure where the string is pulled through the arches repre-
sents the tossing of the shuttle.
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THE WEAVING DANCE.*
(VAFVA VADMAL.)
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47
48
D.C. aJ Fine.
Front Hands joined in line. Lines approach each other witli six
rnnning steps, 2 nieasnres, and retnrn backward to place, 2 measures.
Eepeat -1 measures (8 measures in all).
G 1 takes L 1 by the left hand, with his right hand, and they
run to the front with twelve short running steps, 4 measures. Then
let go hands, and turn toward each other, join hands, and run back to
centre, 2 measures. Hook right arms and dance aroiund each other,
2 measures. Then G 1 runs to L 6, and L 1 runs to G 2, hook left
arms, and dance around each other, 2 measures, then run to centre and
hook right arms with partner. Then G 1 runs to L 5, and L 1 runs to
G 3, then back to centre, etc., until G 1 has danced with all the L's and L 1
has danced with all the G's.
G
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G 1 then takes L 1 by her left hand, mid they run to back. They form
an arcli willi llicir liaiids, ( L \\\\\\ lici' h'I'l. (i with liis right) and run to the front,
the \j inside, the (r outside tlir line of G's. Meantime all stamp, bow, and clap
their hands. The couple then runs from the front to the back, making an arch
over the left line. Then between the lines they run to the front, and take their
places, the L I beside L (i. and G 1 beside G 0.
Plate XI. The Shuttle.
Lines then approach each other with three running steps, and an
a|)pel,* 2 measures. The odd numbered couples then tnrn to the back,
and the even con]iles to the front, witli inside hands joined. The odd
cou^des form arches, and the even number couples creep under them.
Then, going in the same direction, even coui)les form the arches, and
odd couples creep under them, etc. When a couple come to either of
the end ])laces they remain in place one measure, turning about, in-
ward, and joining inside hands again. This continues until all are
once more in the formation they started from, viz :
* A ^-igo^ous stamp.
Front
G
L
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1
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3
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Back
50
Then partners face, and join both hands. The G's of the odd couples
draw their L's with them, and take three short running steps obliquely backward
to the Gr's right, and the G's of the even couples take three short running steps
forward, to their left, pushing their L's ahead of them, to formation in figure.
Then G's of odd couples go forward obliquely to their right, and G's of the even
couples go backward, to their left, and this continues twelve times or until the
dancers are in their starting position. When a couple comes to either end it
must wait in place six counts before going on.
G's keep their L's left hand in their right, and with their left hands they
take the right hands of the lady next to the right of their partner. L's now have
their hands crossed, with the right under the left. G's have their hands uncrossed.
Then L 2 creeps under the arch formed by the upraised hands, and draws all
after her in continuous line, without letting go of hands. She runs in a half
Plate Xn. Tying the Knots.
circle, back to her starting place, then stops, while her G, still holding her hand,
turns under her arm, and takes his place opposite her, leading forward the L he
51
holds witli liis left liand to lier position beside his own T^ etc, milil nil aic in the
starting i)ositions again.
Touples again laisc tlieir liands to form an ai'ch, and L 2 again creei)s
through, (hawing all after her, this time turning to the left, and running to the
rear, forms a circle. Then (I I, or the last one to be drawn out, runs to the mid-
dle of the circle, and tlie leading L draws tlie line about him, nnlil the whole line
has been wound up. Then the (i in the centre creei)S thi'ough, drawing all after
him, turns to the right, and they all form another circle, joining luimls. They
run around, with hands joined, to the right, to the end of the music.
Partners then hook right arms, (Plate XII) and dance once around, then
hook left arms with the next ])artner, (Grand right and left) etc., until they
reach their own partners again, when they join both hands with their ])artners,
and dance once around in place. A strong appel should be given at the begin-
ning of each measure.
KLAPPDANS.
(CLAP DA^'CE.)
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52
KLAPPDANS. (Swedish.)
Beginning with joyous mood and ending with vigorous action.
All steps and action should be light and quick.
Couples form a circle. Partners holding inside hands. Free hand on hip.
I. Couples following each other dance around the circle. The dance begins
with outside foot. Take three running steps and on the fourth count
hop on outside foot and extend the inside leg forward, (1 measure).
Beginning with inside foot take three running steps, hop on the out-
side foot, (1 measure) (same as schottisch step). Continue 8 measures
in all. Tlien dance the |)olka step around the circle, (8 measures).
II. Partners with hands at hips. G bows. L courtesies. Clap own hands
three times. Repeat bow and courtesy, partners clap each others
right hands, their own hands, partner's left hand, their own hands,
partnei"'s right hand, and turn around completely to left, stamping
the feet while turning. In all 8 measures. Eepeat.
III. Repeat I.
IV. Same as Figure II, but substitute shaking the finger, bending the body
from right to left with the action.
V. Eepeat I.
VI. Same as Figure II, but substitute a vigorous striking movement as if
boxing the partner's cheek, but do not touch the person.
PRINCE OF ORANGE. (Scottish.)
HIGHLAND FLING.
All advance and retire twice.
Clap the hands three times, and beat the heel of one foot, three times.
Swing partners round and pass on to next couple.
Bow.
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HOPP MORR ANNIKA.
Walk and skip.
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HOPP MORR ANNIKA. (Swedish.)
All siiiTOiind tlie pole in a lurge double circle, partners standing side by
side, inside hands joined. Kollicking mood.
Bow to each other, tirst two measures.
"Walk forward eight steps, swinging hands, 2 measures.
Skip forward eight steps, swinging hands, 2 measures.
Partners face each other.
Each clap his own hands, clap partner's right, clap his own, both of his
partner's, his own, both of partner's. Stamp right foot when striking right hands ;
left foot when striking left hands.
Continue clapping and stam])ing through 8 measures.
Partners standing side by side, inside hands joined.
Sliding inside feet forward diagonally, bringing partners lace to face.
54
Hop on inside foot, rear foot up. Joined hands high, outside hand extended
outward from the shoukler, 2 measures.
Kepeat, slide and hop to the outside, turning the body and face away from
partner, hokling the head high.
Continue, alternating from right to left, progressing forward through 12
measures.
Repeat all from beginning as many times as desirable.
The whole dance should be characterized with happiness expressed in light
and elastic movement.
HOW DO YOU DO
A GILBERT AMERICAN DANCE ADAPTED. MUSIC: PEASANT MAT-QUEEN DANCE.'^Page 17.
Foi'in in sets of four in a large circle around the group of dancers who are
to wind the streamers, on the May-jwle.
Two couples facing each other, slide to the left, — 4 counts.
Two couples facing each other, slide to the right, — 4 counts.
Two couples take hands, in a circle, and skip around to the left, — 8 counts.
Two couples forward, — 4 counts.
Two couples backward, — 4 counts.
Two couples forward, — 4 counts.
Join right hands with the one opposite, raise the hands (1).
Bring the hands down (2). (Shake hands, "How do you do") (2). Join
left hands still keeping right hands joined (1). Raise hands, make a downward
movement (2). (Both movements vigorous.)
All slide toward the centre of the circle, — 8 counts.
All slide back from the centre of the circle, — 8 counts.
All couples facing in one direction, partners with joined hands, skip for-
ward,— 8 counts.
Turn and skip back, — 8 counts.
Take partner's right hand, walk around three steps, courtesy, — 4 counts.
Take partner's left hand, walk around three steps, courtesy, — 4 counts.
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THE HIGHLAND FLING.
The step peculiar to tju; Highlands and known as the genuine Highland
Fling was usually performed to the music of the Strathspey, which derives its name
from the valley of Spey. It is much like the Eeel, slower, yet it calls for more
exertion, and is full of (piick body motions.
Many Highland dance airs were originally Avritten for the liarp accompani-
ment, later the Jews-harp was used to accompany rough Highland reels. The bag-
pipe was afterward popular, but in many ])arts of Scotland the violin has now taken
the place of the bagpipe for the i)laying of reels and Strathsi)eys. The bagi)ipe
however seems to be the only instrument that gives the Scottish dances the i)roper
flavor for us.
The word "fling" is due to the tling or kick of the leg alternately before
and behind.
For full information concerning the correct Highland costume representing
the Clan Tartans, see the little book, "The Scottish Clans and their Tartans," pub-
lished by W. and A. K. Jolmston, Edinburg, Scotland.
56
HIGHLAND FLING.
The Highland Fling as danced in Scotland is here given.
First Step.
1. Spring apart on both feet, then npon left foot, raising right foot behind,
then again with right foot before and behind.
2. Repeat springing npon right foot, bringing left foot behind.
3. Eepeat No. 1.
4. Kepeat, turning to right hand with left foot behind.
Sp:coni) Step.
1. Spring apart upon both feet, then upon left foot, raising right foot behind,
again npon left foot, bringing right foot into position, and behind.
2. Repeat with the other foot.
3. Repeat No. 1.
4. Turn to right hand with first part of lirst step.
Third Step.
1. Spring apart upon both feet, again into fifth position with right foot, then
fifth position with left foot, then right foot.
2, 3, and 4. Repeat as in former steps.
Fourth Step.
1. Spring apart upon both feet, then upon left foot, raising right foot behind,
then again with right foot before and behind.
2. Repeat springing upon right foot, bringing left foot behind, etc.
3. Repeat turning to left hand.
4. Repeat turning to right hand.
Fifth Step.
1. Spring apart upon both feet, then upon left foot, bringing right foot behind,
again upon left foot, pointing toe and heel of right foot in fourth po-
sition before.
2. Repeat with left foot.
3. Eepeat with right foot.
4. Repeat No. 4 of first stej).
Sixth Step.
1. Repeat No. 1 of first step, adding springing into fourth position before,
with right foot up to left knee, and again into fourth position, and
back to knee.
2. Repeat with left foot.
3. Repeat Nos. 1 and 4 of first step.
57
Skvkntii Stki*.
1. Spring apart upon Wotli I'cet, tlien winm the Icl't foot, raising riglit foot be-
hind, again ui)on left foot, pointing toe of right foot into fourth po-
sition before, then \i\) to left knee.
2. Repeat with left foot.
'A. Ke])eat with riglit foot.
-i. Repeat Xo. 4 of Hrst step.
Euui'Jii Sri:i'.
1. Repeat No. I of lirst slej) to riglit hand and left liand alternately four times.
In the foi'egoing, great care must be taken each time to bring the foot well
up to the knee. Each step is repeated, commencing with left foot.
Plate Xni. May-day Highlanders.
THE HIGHLAND FLING.
(AllAl'TED.)
In order to present the Highland Fling in a picturesfiue and pleasing
manner at the May-day Pageant, it has been necessary to adapt the steps to the
58
purpose and the surroundings. The energetic action of the dance is too strenuous
for the participants who are to take part in other exercises. In order to modify
the action, "rest steps" have been introduced between the Fling steps. These
furnish not only a satisfactory change physically, but are of added interest and
quite pleasing to the audience.
^ . ^ o o 9 o A s ^ Costume. —
,bH^ ? 9 ' ^ simple suggestive costume is de-
Q^^ ^ p scribed on page 71.
The Dance. —
Sixteen dancers stand in a semi-
circle, two leaders Nos. 8 in the centre
'^ and two leaders Nos. 1 at the right
Fig. 11, 1. and left, as in Fig. 11. Left arm raised,
curved at the elbow, finger tips drooping toward head.
Step I.
1. Bending the knees in preparation on the first short note, quickly spring
the feet apart, weight on left foot, touch right foot to right side (1).
Hop on left foot, swing right foot back of left knee (2).
Hop on left foot, touch right foot at the right side (3).
Hop on left foot, swing right foot in front of knee (4).
2. Change weight to the right foot and reverse the position of arms,
(1) above.
Hop on right foot, same as (2), (3), (4) above.
3. Kepeat No. 1.
4. Hop on right foot, swing left foot behind (1), turn one-fourth to L.
Hop on right foot, swing left foot in front (2), turn one-fourth to L.'
Hop on right foot, swing left foot behind (3), turn one-fourth to L.
Hop on right foot, swing left foot in front (4), turn one-fourth to L.
Rest Step.
All fold arms high on chest, elbows
high, follow leaders No. 1.
(Nos. 8 are now standing with [ ; \ \
backs to each other, as others ^, '\^ / J
on each side are following "^^J""--^.^^ ^^^-^^y
No. 1.) ^^--.-.,^jj~~*--c-^— "'',-'-''
Slide right foot diagonally right '~r^l't{^l''
forward (1).
Hop on right foot (2), (left knee bent, foot raised in the back).
Eepeat to the left, bending body to the right and left with the step.
Continue this step until Nos. 1 passing in front in the circle (Fig. 11, 2)
59
meet in the position where Nos. 8 stood. The onlei- of positions is
now reversed und Nos. h! slmid in fioiit rij^ht and left.
Sto]. TT.
Anus down lull leugtli in front witli lingers interlaced, paluis downward,
i. Bend knees in prei)aration, give a slight si)ring.
Hop on left foot, touch right toe to right side (1), (Turning the foot so
that the heel is up in grotesque position).
Ho]) nn Icit loot, idiicli rigiit heel to right side (2), (Pointing toe upward).
Hop tin left tudi and set light foot down in front of left (heel to left, toe
l)ointing to right side) bend knee (3), (I).
2. Repeat, hopping on the right foot. , • a 9 9 P * .
'A. lie])eat, hopi)ing on the left foot. » ^'^n 'n V 7 ^^ /^ 9 n
1. Sauie as Step I. 4. q\\''xX'^ C'''// /p
During this step partners face each \ '\ ^"^s ^"-.° t,-'' / / /
other ami progress in the step toward \^ ^"-^"^"--o o-''' y /
each other as shown l>y the dotted lines ^^^^-^ ""^V 9" ' '''^'
Fig. 11, 3, until tliev are in two parallel 9 o o o o b'~-po cs.'6'o o o o o o
lines facing each other as shown in Fig. Fig. ii, 3.
11,3. All face forward and continue the stei) through eight measures. Then
with the "Rest Step" turn to the right and left following Nos. 1 take up the
tinal ])osition as shown in Fig. 11, 3.
Step 111.
1. l^end knees and with slight spring.
llo[) on left foot, touch right foot at side (I).
Ho^) on left foot, swing right foot back of left knee (2),
Hop on left foot, point toe in front (3).
Hoj) on left foot, set heel in front (4).
2. Repeat hopping on right foot.
3. Repeat hopping on left foot.
4. Same as Step T. I.
Rest Step.
Nund)er ones lead back, and down the front again following the parallel
lines.
Step IV.
1. Bend with slight spring.
H()|» on left foot, touch right toe to right (I).
Hoj) on left foot, set heel to I'ight side (2).
]Iop on U'ft side, loucli right toe to right side (3).
Hop on left foot, swing right foot back of left knee (4).
(In (1), (2), (3), turn the toe and heel upward grotesquely.)
2. Repeat, hopping on riglit foot.
60
Change Step.
Hands closed resting at the hips, move backward in semicircle position.
1. Hop on outside foot, bring inside foot to knee (1).
Hop on outside foot, touch toe of inside foot in front (2).
Hop on inside foot, and reverse the movement (3), (4).
2. Repeat, alternating until back in place.
Step Y.
From the final positions as in front line, Fig. 11, 3. Number ones lead ,
in a diagonal line forward. Inside arm uplifted, outside arm bent with
hand closed resting at hip, body bent to the side over the front foot.
1. Stamp the leading outside foot forward (1).
Cut, with the other foot, sending the outside foot in a swing forward (2).
Sw4ng outside foot across in front of the knee, liop on the inside foot (3).
SAving outside foot back on the opposite side of the knee, hop on the
inside foot (4).
2, 3. Repeat twice.
•4. Same as Step I, 4.
In leaving, fall in line, single file, and move backward.
Arms in position as in illustration, Plate XIII.
Final Step.
Hop on the foot away from the audience continuously, touching toe of
the other foot in front, alternating Hop (1), Touch (2).
Move laterally back and away from tlie scene.
MENUET.
Mozart.
f^r^^^^^^^^&a
1
■^
r-
^
61
EARLY ENGLISH MINUET.
As danceil un .May Day before Queen Elizabeth.
Costume. —
Ladies in powdered wig, gown of the period.
Gentlemen in wigs, three cornered hats, and carry swords.
Eight in each set. By twos, couples form in column back of each other.
The step. —
1. Walk slowly forward, 6 counts.
2. Couples face, ladies courtesy deeply, bending the knees. A court courtesy,
6 counts. Gentlemen bow. Place heels together, bend forward in
low bow. hat in riglit hand at the side, carry the hat to the chest.
3. Couples walk slowly back, 6 counts.
Taking inside hands, looking at each other, tipping heads.
4. Give partiu'i' iii:lit liaiid. lady turns under gentleman's arm and courtesies,
gentleman bows.
62
1. Gentleman on inside, lady on outside, Avith backs to each other holding
partners' hands, 3 counts.
2. Tip to right holding left hand high, rise on toes, 3 counts.
3. Tip to left holding right hands high, 3 counts.
4. Down, 3 counts.
1. Taking inside hands Avalk forward, turn heads looking toAvard partner, 3
counts.
Looking aAA- ay from partner, 3 counts.
Courtesy and bow, 12 counts.
2. Men cross swords making arcliAvay, " Arch of Triumpli, " ladies Avalk under
6 counts.
Ladies Avalk doAvn the outside, joining partners again, 6 counts.
3. Gentlemen taking partners' right hand, AA^alk around ladies, 6 counts.
Ladies courtesy, gentlemen boAv, 12 counts.
A ROMAN DANCE. I.
In very early times the youths and maidens of Kome danced on May Day
in celebration of Floralia, or Flora, the goddess of floAvers.
Their moA enients yveve for the most part sIoaa'^ and gliding, not unlike the
Greek dancing, rhythmical and exceedingly graceful. Much of their dancing aa^s
simple pantomime, expressiAC of emotions.
Many of their dancing positions are still seen on the old friezes, Abases, and
marbles in Italy, and elsewhere.
The dance here giA^en is similar to the one danced at the Historical Pag-
eant at Bath before Queen Elizabeth, representatiA^e of the scenes of 1590. It
was given, 1909, at Bath as historically correct.
Costume — White loosely floAving Eoman gowns with blue togas draped
around the body and over the shoulders, the ends hanging free.
The hair hanging down over the shoulders. On the head, Avide sih^er
bands or fillets.
Some of the dancers carried garlands of green leaA^es, one yard and a
half long, high overhead, Avhile others carried the long double pipes (a musical
instrument) in their hands. The pipes Avere held to the mouth, pointing obliquely
upAvard, in imitation of blowing them. The dancers move very sloAvly, two and
tAvo, in a procession SAvaying from right to left in diagonal lines, continuing the
same step from start to finish. The procession is supposed to be going to the
temple to service.
The partners bearing the garlands are in the lead. Those Avitli the musical
pipes are the last in the procession.
Music, four-four time.
f>8
The step —
I. Take three h)ng gliding steps (1, 2, 3).
Point left foot to the left (I) bending the body to the left, liolding the gar-
huids higli in both hands, witli long sweeping curved arm movements,
ti|i them to tlie left.
II, Kei)eat I. I'oiiit tlio right foot (1).
Continue ilie .step until the procession disapi)ears througli tlie trees or into
a building.
THE ROMAN MAY DANCE. II.
(A representatiuii, as ilaiKcd bcluKi the Kmpfioi bevenis, A. U. axj, led by Fulvia.)
MUSIC: FOUR-KOKK TIME.
Costume — Loosely flowing Roman gowns with togas of all colors. Among
the most prominent shades are green, white, blue, yellow and iiiiich |iiir|>le.
The hail' falling loosely over the shoulders. Wreaths of green leaves and colored
flowers.
Lyres and timl)rels are carried high, full lengtli of arms. The dancers
tirst form a circle around the pole, then a flgure the shape of a cross "couped"
(cut ofl^'), twelve in each of the four directions, and end in a large double circle
and processional march.
The step. Very slow.
In a circle all facing one direction.
1
i-
ro
err
*o
V
<f^^
"^
^D"
y
d'
■^^
V
J 9
\^\
— *o p
r.
^
Q O*- — ^— ^^— — —
\
yrJ
cf (^
^— — *-0 o
■^
Ox
^
ji.
5-
^
*o«
„ _J
f
^ ^
Fig.
12,
1.
I. One long gliding step with right foot (1).
One long gliding step with left foot (2).
Step right foot to right side (3).
64
Place left foot back of right foot (4). Bending the body to the right,
tipping the head, look back over the right shoulder, dipping the gar-
lands, and striking the timbrels. Repeat to left and to right through
three measures and pirouette slowly on the fourth measure, holding
the garlands and striking timbrels, high over head.
Continue the same step throughout the figures.
II. All face. Twelve in each of the four directions. As in Fig. 12, 1.
1 and 2 lead out in the four sides of the cross.
III. Pass into a large circle. Fig. 12, 2, ending with the processional and disap-
pear between columns as if passing into a temple or among the trees.
4
6 I
5 <-0 ^
<-o --o
2
3
4
\
? ?
♦O-Kl-KD^O-
gQ 0*0*0«3*0 •-0 (>»
o»o-K»o->a S'
/
2> ^ ^ i
I 6
Fig. 11, 2.
CHAPTER VI.
MECHANICAL CONSTRUCTION OF THE MAY-POLE AND ACCESSORIES AND
APPROPRIATE COSTUMING FOR MAY-DAY PAGEANTRY.
THE MAY-POLE.
The more pretentious May-pole is generally made of a tree from twelve to
eighteen feet high. A wooden disc with a niched hole in the centre, as seen in
Fig. 13, 1, made to fit over the top of the pole as in Fig. 13, 2. To this disc
attach the streamers before putting it on the pole. The streamers are three
yai'ds longer than the distance from the base of the pole to the disc at the toj).
First divide the disc with a pencil into quarters, then into eighths, allowing
three streamers of alternate color to each eighth division. (Fig. 13, 3.) Secure
the streamers with a great many small substantial nails, nailing from the centre
to the outer edge. Draw the streamers down over the edge and nail again to
prevent any possible chance of pulling off. This adjustable disc facilitates the
removal of the streamers in case of rain, and gives the pole a more attractive
appearance. The top of the pole may be length
tional piece of wood three feet long for floral dec
of the pole may be a scpiare standard made of
13, 4), fastened to the jiole by supports so that
ried about and placed at will, or it may be planted
May Day is an annual affair it is well to have a
in the ground, (Fig. 13, 5), permanently, so that
ily put in and removed. If it is desirable to
poles for a great number of children, the poles
held by persons, according to the purpose and
ened by an addi-
oration. The base
wooden strips, (Fig.
the pole may be ear-
in the ground. If
cement box made
the pole can be eas-
have a number of
may be carried and
effect desired.
Fig. 13, 1.
Fig. 13, 2
Fig. 13, 3.
Fig. 13, 4.
Fig. 13, 5.
65
66
May-pole Dimensions.
Disc. Outside diameter, 15^ inches.
Thickness, 2 inches. Fig. 13, 3.
Diameter of inner recess, 3^ inches.
Keyway, i x | inches.
The disc is made of two circular boards, each one inch in thickness, placed
so as to cross the grain in order to add strength and prevent warping. The disc
is subdivided as shown in the Fig. 13, 1, and the ribbons are securely tacked
to it, Fig. 13, 3.
Pole. Height, 15-18 feet.
Diameter at base, 5 inches.
Diameter at top, 3 inches.
Outside diameter of supporting disc, 9 inches.
Base. Outside dimensions of square, o feet, -1 inches.
The base is made as shown in Fig. 12, 4; the boards used are
about 10 inches x 1^ inches in section.
The braces used are of I2- x 2 inch stock, and are about 4 feet
4 inches long.
A pole with two sets of streamers has proved interesting but rather more
complicated than is generally advisable, although as an experiment it proved
quite satisfactory, and the effect spectacular.
A wooden disc of the regular dimensions is nailed to the pole, for sixteen
lower streamers, live feet below the twenty-four top streamers.
Sixteen i^easants in the square "Peasants Dance," (without the eight out-
side dancers as described), plait the lower streamers, while the Milkmaids wind
the upper streamers in revolutions.
A practice May-pole, 12 feet high, with 24 streamers, should be provided
for use in gymnasium. It may be made an important feature of the early Spring
in-door exercise preparatory for May Day.
The pole can be fastened firmly to the floor, by a base made of two cross
pieces of wood, held down by four ir6n pins, inserted through holes slanting
toward the pole at an angle of 45°.
The Queen's Canopy.
The Queen's Canopy is a simple contrivance made of a stick, the length
suitable for the canopy-bearer, and iron wire circles. The wire is the ordinary
galvanized iron telephone wire of the size known as B. and S. Gauge No. 8.
The knob and first small disc at the top of Fig. 14, 1, is separate and adjusted
after Fig. 14, 2, is set in place and thus leaving the frame free to revolve. An
67
old iiiiibrclla frauiu or a large Japanese muWrclla as in ilie L'ajieaiit illustration
in tlie author's ''May-pole Possibilities^^ may be conveniently and effectively used
for children. ■
CA^■ol' Y i > 1 -M ]■: -N sioA- s.
The frame (Fig 1 1, 2).
Inside (liiiiciisioiis of the ui)i)er ring, 8^ inches.
Inside dimensions of the inner ring, 2.V inches.
Diameter of tlic loiigci- lower ring, 26.V inches.
Height of canopy, 7 inches.
Diameter of the wire in rings, No. 8 B. and
S. Gauge.
Diameter of the wire in laterals, No. II B.
and S. Gauge.
The lateral wire's are twisted two or three
times about the rings at connecting parts
and soldered fast.
RON WIRE
B.&.S.SAUGE NO. 8
Canopy Top. Fig. 14, 2.
Canopy Fi-ame, I"ig. 14, 1.
The supporting stick.
Height to upper ring of frame, o feet.
Diameter, 1^ inches.
Diameter for circular bearing foi- frame, 4f inches.
Height of top piece, 7 inches.
The garland streamers of the cano])y are
made of white or light green cheese cloth twined
with vines and flowers made of tissue paper
Avith a touch of tinsel. (Frontispiece.)
The flowers shown in this illustration are
Wisteria blossoms made of tissue paper shading
from pui"])le into lavender with tips of pale
green, white and pale pink.
It is advisable for general effect and as a
matter of cultivation when giving a pageant to
carry out a certain color scheme. The colors em-
ployed in one Pageant were the Wisteria shades wistena. Fig. 15.
over the foundation of white, and in another the only colors used in manufac-
68
tured
ciallv
(Fig.
apart
floral decoration were pink with white and green. The latter was espe-
satisfactory.
Wisteria blossoms are very easily made. Fold
a piece of tissue paper eight inches square, four times
and cut as pattern Fig. 15. String about twenty on
one piece of wire for one blossom.
The green leaf, for the vine, is four inches long
16); crush in the middle and twist the wire about it, placing at 2^ inches
on spool wire.
Fit'. 10. Leaf.
Appropriate Costumes for May-day Pageantry.
The May -day costuming may be simple or elaborate, as circumstances will
permit. For playground- and park use, where it is generally necessary to econo-
mize, a bit of ribbon, a colored sash, and paper cap may give a very pretty sig-
nificant touch. Paper and inexpensive muslin are effectively used for this
display.
Plate XIV. The Peasants' Dance. Crowning the Queen.
Children derive much pleasure and instruction from making their own costumes
and properties.
69
American May Qikex. (Plate I.)
Wliitc dress of thin iiiiiterial ; loiiii white veil of tarhitan attached to a
crown (it llowers, leaves and tinsel. Garlands across the shoulder.
A sceptre made of a wand tipped with a large silver star.
Ckown-I'.kaukr.
White dress with pink liodice and paniers ; short piidv veil; siiajjle
wreath of pink and white (lowers and leaves : piidv lacing over white hosiery.
Attexdaxts.
In white suits, hats made of a Manilla paper shape covered with white
crinkle tissue ])ai)er, decorated with ])ink and lavender tissue paper crysanthe-
mums. (Frontispiece.)
Canopy-bearer.
Plain white dress, white wreath. Supports stick of canopy by a pocket,
as worn by a tlag-bearer. (Frontis[)iece.)
Peasants.
Sliort skirts of cream white cheese cloth trimmed with red, green, yellow
and pur[)le ribbons (green muslin strips in these shades will look quite as attrac-
tive as nl)b()n). Sliort aprons like the skirt; half-wreaths of highly colored
flowers, and ribbons to match, jjcndant from the wreaths, at the sides of the head.
This is a most picturescpie costume. (Plate XIV.)
A ])easant's working costume is of red or blue sack, with overskirt of any
color tucked up over a plain petticoat.
Mii.K>[Air)s.
Half in blue, half in pink, bonnets and aprons.
All carry pails. (Plates \, VI.)
Swedish Folk Dancers. (Plates X, XI, XII.)
Girls, — Short skirts of decided color, green, red, brown, or indigo blue.
Pointed cai)s, light or dark, bound with another color. Black laced bodice over
the ordinary shirt waist. Striped aprons. Red hose.
Boys, — Gymnasium bloomers (if parts are taken by girls) ; highly colored
vests ; collar and tie. Small round cap to match the vest in color. White hose.
Japanese.
Is very simple. To give the kimono effect, make kimono sleeves of crinkle
tissue pajier, ti-immed with a band of plain color, and fasten them to the shoulder
of the white dress. The sash nuiy be a length strip of the same paper, tied in a
huge bow in the back. Large crysanthemums, of white or any becoming color, in
the hair, above the ears.
* o <
70
Shepherdess.
Bo-peep costume of blue and white, or yellow and brown.
A crook made of a cane, wound with garlands and tinsel.
A white empire gown with a colored sash and a broad -brimmed hat tied
under the chin is a picturesque costume.
Robin Hood Characters.
May all be represented by men. High hats, colored ribbons, and bands.
Colored coats. "Forty or fifty bells" around the knees, on the leggings, and
Plate XV. Hobbyhorse and Jester.
elbows. (Fig. 1.) Handkerchiefs, sticks, and other paraphernalia are carried
and used in the dances. They herald their approach with horns.
Their dress is fantastic; green and red, and yellow are favorite colors.
Robin Hood in bloomers, red coat and cape, plumed hat, leggings, gilt or tinsel
trimmings. Bow and quiver nmy be re]U"esented.
Maid Marian, the Rustic Queen, in high ]iointed hat, with veil falling
from the i)eak, "her sur-coat blue, cuft's white, the skirts of her robe yellow, the
sleeves of a carnation color, and her stomacher red,, with a yellow lace in cross-
bars." (Fig. 2.)
71
Jack o' the Green. — A rustic dancer. Always can-ied a lono; walking
stick with tloral wreaths ; he whisked it about in the dance, and afterwards walked
with it in high estate like a lord mayor's footman. His knee breeches, blouse
coat and hat were of green decorated with ribbons and flowers. A jovial and
pleasant character. (Plate IX.)
The Hobbyhorse, — made of wooden or pasteboard head, and frame-work,
to whicli is fastened a tail. A ch)th or mantle, reddish white, brown or spotted,
draped around the frame, hides tlie one inside of it, leaving only the waist, head,
and feet visible. The rider's coat is red, and he wears a jaunty hat wliilc lie
prances and dis])lays tricks. Fig. 3 and Plate XV.
The Jester, — wears a coxcomb hood, with asses' ears, the l)aul)le in his
iiand.* (Fig. 5.) The broad cape of the hood is scallo])ped, with yeUow edge.
His doublet is red. edged with yellow. His left side hose, yellow, and his right
side hose blue. Ked shoes. (IMate XY.)
Friar Tuck, — is solemn in black gown, and black pointed hood, with a gilt
gii-dle. (Plate Till.)
The musical instruments employed may be the drum, fiddle, flute, piano,
brass band, or if possible, any old-time instruments, in keeping with the character
of the dance.
Highlanders.
A simple suggestive costume is made in three pieces.
1. A kilt skirt of inexpensive plaid gingham.
2. Sash of plaid like the skirt, worn across a white waist.
3. Cap or tam o' shanter of same plaid, trimmed with a band of dark coloi-
and a feather or cockade.
Large silver buckles used for fastening the sash on the shoulder can be
made of pasteboard covered with tin foil, or silver paper.
To give the effect of Scottish hosiery, sew a five inch bias band of plaid on
the hose, below the knee. (Plate XIII.)
A simple and economical Highland costume effect for children of the parks,
is the plaid sash worn over a wiiite dress, with plaid caj) and feather.
The Dragon.
Wears a green or brown loose garment, ending in the semblance of a
long tail, which may be carried over the arm wdien walking. Kutiles of scarlet
down the back and at the breast with white jabot. The sleeves and sides of
the coat are trimmed with gilt to look like wings with scales. The hands and
feet have a covering of gold made to look like jiaws and claws. A i)asteboard
head witli a red mouth and tongue. The Dragon is imitated by menacing ap-
proaches, and shaking of wings with wonderful ingenuity.
* Douce's Illustrations of Shakespeare.
72
Six Foresters — Equipped in green tunics with hoods and hose of the
same color. Each carries a bugle horn attached to a baldrick of silk, and sounds
it frequently to announce the approaching pageant.
Fig. 17. The Pragon.
73
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
May-pole Possibilities, with Dances and Drills for Modern Pastime.
J. E. C. Lincoln.
The History of Dancinti;, from tlie Kai'liest Ages to Our Own Times, from
the French. Gaston \'uillier.
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74
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zh | N/A | N/A | 成长成本研究
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选题创意、策划主持/王珑玲
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青年成长成本的时代特征及其辩证认识
当代青年教育成本及其承担机制研究
当代青年的就业成本分析
当代青年社会交往及成本研究
当代青年的婚姻成本研究
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中国青年研究→04/2007
青年成长成本一 的 二一时代特征及其辩证认识
口李广文 邓希泉
要：
青年成长成本研究是探讨和解决青年社会问题的新视角。在社会急剧变迁和国家政策重大调整过程中，青年成长成本具有了新的时代特征。如何辩证认识这些时代特征，有效扬弃，找出针对性措施，将是青年研究的一个新的时代课题。
关键词：青年；成长成本；时代特征；辩证认识
青年成长，即青年的社会化。从成本和收益角度来说，青年成长就是青年不断付出各方面的成本，去实现社会、家庭和青年自身对其社会角色的定位和预期目标的过程。因此，青年成长在很大程度上受制于青年成长成本的内在机制与成长收益的预期。也就是说，青年能否正常社会化，与青年成长成本的构成状况、负担机制、成本与收益比较等有紧密联系。所谓青年成长成本，就是指青年在社会化过程中发生的各种耗费，主要包括生活成本、教育成本、就业成本、恋爱成本、交际成本等。当前，青年成长成本发生了重大变化，具有了鲜明的时代特征，对青年个体发展和群体作用的影响越来越大，总结并辩证认识青年成长成本的时代特征，成为了青年研究的时代课题，也是解决青年社会问题新的视角。
1.从成本增长上看，青年成长各项成本和总成本激增
目前青年成长成本最外在、最明显、人们感受最深的特征是青年成长各项成本的普遍上涨，从而导致总成本激增。生活成本、教育成本和就业成本，是青年成长成本的主要组成部分，也是青年成长成本中增长最为迅速的。
首先，生活成本的上涨表现为传统的衣食住行成本的不断增加。随着住房的商品化、货币化，成年子
女尤其是儿子的结婚住房成本也成为不少父母新的焦虑和沉重负担。生活成本的上涨又表现为因信息技术迅猛发展而新增的信息化成本显剧增加。青少年从购买游戏机、BP机到电脑、手机、上网等信息产品和信息通信费以几何级数增加。生活成本的上涨还表现为社会福利成本的显著上涨。社会福利制度的改革使人们的保险意识日渐增强，生活成本中又新增了保险成本。
其次，教育成本全面上涨。1989年，全国开始对高等教育进行收费。1997年全面并轨后，学费一直徘徊在3000元左右。2000年，各地高校收费标准猛涨，学费超过4000元。与此同时，中小学的择校费也在上涨。近20年来，公民承担的教育成本的增长量是同期收人增长量的数倍之多，教育成本不断加速度地累积。：：
：第三，就业成本上涨。在青年就业的国家分配体制下，青年的就业成本几乎为零。在就业市场化和就业竞争日趋激烈的条件下，就业过程中的面试成本、交通成本、面试材料制作成本、获得资历证书成本等直接成本、机会成本和风险成本都在不断猛涨。 “为元”面试服、面试材料做成写真集、求职过程中天南海北地应聘等现象，已成为青年就业中的一种常态。
所有分项成本的显著增加，使青年成长成本总量激增。2004年，徐安琪以上海市徐汇区的家庭为对象，在《孩子的经济成本：转型期的结构变化和优化》的报告中指出，0至16岁的直接经济总成本为
25万元左右，青年接受高等教育的家庭支出为48万元，30岁前的未婚不在读的青年成长总成本则达到49万元。
2.从青年成长成本的分担机制看，国家、社会、家庭(个人)等承担方在不断地进行博弈，家族作为负担主体基本退出，家庭(个人)处在最不利的位置
青年成长是国家、社会和家庭共同作用下的过程，其负担主体应由国家、社会和家庭共同组成，三个主体要针对不同的分项成本和不同的成长阶段，分担不同的责任。但是，作为利益主体均有使白身利益最大化的内在冲动，必然会对社会资源的配置进行利益博弈。这种博弈又会根据社会经济发展程度、社会结构、社会政策、利益主体在社会资源配置中的地位等方面来动态进行。从历史变迁的角度看，国家责任经历了弱一重—转嫁的过程，社会责任经历了弱一强一转嫁的过程，家庭责任经历了重一轻一重的循环过程，家族在承担青年成长成本的过程中逐渐退隐。
由于国家、社会的强势地位，青年成长成本负担机制中国家和社会将责任转嫁，家庭(个人)负担过重。在我国，教育投资的主要承担者是家庭、家长。据原国家教委副主任柳斌2006年在接受南方周末》采访时指出：我们的20年义务教育是以加重农民负担为代价取得的成就，农民和企业成为社会主义中国义务教育的承担者。在农村是农民教育农民办来缓解经费矛盾，在城市则是鼓励企业办学，几乎占城市教育规模的40%。他还表示，在农村筹措的义务教育资金大概有几千亿。与我国形成鲜明对照的是，绝大多数国家教育的主要投资者是以政府为主，特别是初等、中等教育，社会公众负担比例在世界范围内平均不到8%
3.从成本形式的变化看，从长期成本为主短期成本为辅，到长短期成本兼顾；从外露成本(物质成本)为主内隐成本(心理、精神成本)为辅，到外露与内隐成本的双重快速增长
以时间跨度来区分，成本可以划分为长期成本与短期成本。长期成本是指必须花费长期的经济成本、时间、体力和智力等方面的付出才能获得的某些收益，如青年的人力资本含量、社会实践技能等方面的素质和能力。短期成本是指为了在成长过程中增加当前急需的潜在收益的获取可能性的短时期内超常规投人，如青年就业过程中面试服装费、面试材料制作费、各种短时期内为获取以资证明某些技能的证书而投入的相关费用等，都属于短期成本。长期成本是一
直存在并占据主导地位，起着决定性作用；短期成本只是以辅助的形式发挥着补充作用。随着教育制度和就业制度改革，短期成本不断兴起并蓬勃发展，其作用和地位也日益提升。正是这种变化，使部分青年在短期成本上存在认识误区，过分追求面试服装的高档和过分讲究面试材料的精美与豪华，就是典型的高估短期成本作用的事例。
以显现形式来区分，成本可以划分为外露成本和内隐成本。外露成本主要是指物质成本，是指青年在成长过程中所消耗的直接或间接的物质成本，是可以通过金钱来衡量或可以交易的物化成本。内隐成本主要是指心理或精神成本，是指青年在成长过程中一种以内在的心理压力、精神压力为代价的难以物化的间接成本。在此之前，由于国家和社会承担了大量的青年成长的生活成本、教育成本和就业成本，家庭(个人)主要承担的也只是外露成本。当前，外露成本的增加是显而易见的事实。随着成本总量的迅速增加，国家和社会责任的转嫁，致使家庭(个人)的承担能力难以承受青年成长成本的分担责任。因此，在外露成本显著增加的同时，使内隐成本也急剧膨胀，主要表现为青年心理压力、学习压力、就业压力的增大和心理问题、精神健康等问题的日益突出。据中科院心理研究所2004年12月公布的国人压力调查显示，20-30岁的青年是当前社会转型期压力最大的人群，其压力均值为71分。而 31-40岁、41-50岁、51-60岁的压力均值分别为67分、66分和68分。
4.从间接成本看，机会成本由弱到强，风险成本不断增加，沉没成本现象日益突出
间接成本日益显性化，是青年成长成本的又一突出时代特征，主要表现在三个方面。
第一，机会成本由弱到强。机会成本又称择一成本，是指在选取某一方案而放弃另一(些)方案所付出的代价或丧失的潜在收益。选择机会越多，那么机会成本就越大。经济发展和科学技术进步加快，社会开放程度提升，青年流动机会和途径越来越多，青年面临的选择机会越来越多。青年在作出每一个选择的同时，便意味着失去了其他选择的机会。因此，在青年选择机会不断增多的情形下，机会成本由弱到强的特点也日益凸显。机会成本是一次性的，但会影响着人们的后续选择。为了减少或尽量避免由于机会成本所造成的损失，人们会通过后续的现实成本的投入来减少或补偿先前机会成本的付出。例如，许多家长在对青少年进行钢琴能力培训时，有可能丧失未进行书
法培训而带来的机会成本的利益。因此，为了尽可能减少机会成本的损失，许多家长要求自己的孩子同时报名多个兴趣班或特长班，其原因就是尽可能减少机，会成本带来的潜在损失，但同时无疑也加大了降低机会成本带来损失的现实成本。
第二，风险成本不断增加。风险在现实生活中广泛存在，风险成本就是可能发生的损失。青年成长的风险成本主要体现为教育风险和创业风险。成本与收益能够较好地契合和稳定预期，那么风险成本就较小；反之则风险成本较大。教育曾经作为青年获得社会流动机会，提高自身社会地位、声望和收人的重要载体，教育成本与教育收益成正比，教育预期稳定且明晰。但是，由于教育成本不合理的增长和就业市场的不景气，使现在的教育预期不稳定而且模糊，教育成本与教育收益也一定程度上偏离了正比关系，使风险成本加大。正是风险成本扩大和收益预期降低，使“新读书无用论”在我国局部地区尤其是不发达地区出现和蔓延。
第三，沉没成本现象日益突出。沉没成本又称沉淀成本或积淀成本，是指已经投入的人力资源成本，因某种原因没有加以有效地使用而闲置起来造成的损失，也不能由现在或将来的任何决策加以改变。青年成长过程中，各项成本都能获得收益，那么沉没成本就非常少或者趋于零。但由于青年成长是一个连续性、受社会环境支配和难以准确预测将来的社会化过程，因此成长成本的付出是多方面的，而一些成长成本必然会成为沉没成本。例如，青少年参加许多兴趣班、特长班，其目的只是获得相关证书来进人更好一点的学校学习，但在往后的日子里却很少用到，未能发挥作用，这些成本的投人就基本成为了沉没成本。
二、对青年成长成本的辩证认识
1.青年成长成本的增加是经济社会发展的必然产物，是青年人力资本含量增加的内在要求，同时必须保持适度合理的增长
青年成长成本的增加是一种不可逆转的发展趋势，有其内在的必然性和必要性。首先，青年成长成本的增加是经济社会发展的必然产物。经济社会发展背景下更多地物质投人是青年成长的物质环境和文化环境不断改善的基础和前提，也就意味着青年成长成本的不断增加。其次，青年成长成本的增加是人力资本含
量不断增多的必然要求。人力资本与社会经济发展正相关，是劳动生产效率的基本条件与有效保证。人力资本的形成主要以教育成本的付出为前提。人力资本含量与教育年限、教育内容、教育方式、教育设施和教育环境等方面有很强的相关性，而这些都需要以加大资本投入为基础，即以增加青年成长成本为基础。
当然，青年成长成本的增加并不是越多越好，也不是无限地不顾条件地堆积就好，而是有其外在条件的限制和内在因素的制约，主要表现为增长速度与增长质量的合理、合适与合目的。具体来说，青年成长成本的增长要充分考虑到国家、社会、家庭(个人)的发展状况及其三方对青年成长成本的承受能力的合理范围。
2.青年成长成本分担机制应该是国家、社会或家庭(个人)三方成本动态、合理和互补的结合
青年成长成本是国家、社会或家庭(个人)三方的成本“共谋”，青年成长成本分担机制理应是三方分担。但是，在利益需求、收益判断、利益分享和现实结果上，国家、社会或家庭(个人)三方的认识和判断存在矛盾、冲突与差距，需要合理的制度构架来平衡三方关系。通过建立和完善科学合理的分啦机制，使青年成长成本的投人和产出、收益与分享尽可能达到最优化状态，使三方在享有青年成本带来收益的同时承担应有的成本承担责任。
由于青年成长成本的构成复杂，青年成长阶段又是分化与不间断的结合，使青年成长成本的分担呈现出非常复杂的局面。那么，我们就不可能从总成本上给国家、社会或家庭(个人)三方划定一个固定的承担比例，而应该根据不同内容和不同阶段来划定三方的责任，建立动态、合理、互补的分担机制。以教育成本为例，义务教育阶段的教育成本应该主要由国家承担；高中和大学阶段的教育成本应该由国家和家庭(个人)为主承担；职业教育和技能教育则要根据不同情况分别由社会(企业)和家庭(个人)，或者国家和家庭(个人)为主来承担。值得注意的是，在青年成长成本分担机制中，国家应该发挥基础性作用，主要体现为国家经费对青年成长所需资金的合理划拔、政策和相关法律的制定和完善，以及国家行政力量和国家强制机器的有效保障。目前，国家正在发挥对青年成长成本分担机制建设的主导作用，使之尽可能朝着合理的方向在发展，主要表现在国家加大了对青少年成长的资金投人和设施建设，不断加大对教育的投人，国家承担起更多的教育成本责任。 (下转60页)
维护学生的权利。三是完善申诉程序，确立申诉与诉讼之间的合理联系。现代法治观念认为，一道合理的程序优于一打至善的实体规则。因为再好的实体规则如果不能解决实现途径问题，也只能是种空气的震荡。内地申诉制度应该借鉴台湾的经验，完善申诉程序的配套规定，处理好申诉同诉讼的关系，从而妥善地保护学生权益。四是授予申诉委员会以“有限变更权”。可想而知，如果申诉委员会无权变更原处分单位的决定，申诉制度就会形同虚设。而变更权之“有限”，我们强调的是，申诉委员会在作出处理决定时，原则上不能将申请人置于较申请前更加不利的境地。
这是因为、我国高校学生申制度刚刚起步，在具体的实践过程中面临诸多问题，如果缺少“禁止不利变更”，申请申诉可能导致对自己更为不利的裁决，当事人很可能会因害怕申诉机关加重责任而不敢提出申请；而一旦在申诉中确立了该原则，就可以消除申申请人的顾虑，为申请人有效地行使申诉申请权提供了保障。
张学亮，任广志：中国石油大学人文社会科学学院讲师责任编辑/方奕
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\[5\]尹力，黄传慧.高校学生申诉制度存在的问题与解决对策\[\].高教探索，2006(1)：41、
(上接7页)
3.青年成长成本负担机制不完善和成本构成不合理，是青年社会问题产生的社会结构要素和经济因素
在青年社会问题中，原发性青年社会问题较少，绝大多数青年社会问题是社会问题的衍生物，是社会结构规定下的产物，在很大程度上是青年成长成本与青年成长收益之间矛盾与冲突直接或间接的反映。因此，青年成长成本分担是否合理，是青年社会问题及其相关社会问题能否减少、缓解和消弥的重要影响因素。青年教育费用问题和青年就业问题之所以凸显，是社会变迁下社会结构和社会资源配置不完善的必然产物。从青年成长成本负担机制来看，国家、社会(企业)和家庭.(个人)对于青年成长成本负担的比例不合理，负担机制不完善，导致了家庭(个人)负担过重。
从另一个方面看，成本构成合理才能保证有效收益。由于青年成长成本的现实情况是重智力投资轻德育投资，重理论学习的成本投人而忽略实践能力的成本投人，导致重智轻德、重物质轻精神、重理论知识轻实践素质的问题比较明显，使部分青年的能力结构、素质结构和社会适应性结构未能达到优化状态，相反存在着偏废状态，也就使青年难以全面有效地社会化，也就难以达到预期社会化的目标。因此，从经济因素来分析青年社会问题之所以产生，青年成长成本构成不合理就是其隐藏其后的重要原因。
、4.青年成长成本投入和承受能力的群体差异，是青年群体分化和社会差距拉大的重要原因
经济基础决定上层建设，成本决定收益。由于成本投入能力的差异和成本承受能力的不同，青年在社会化过程中，所受到的社会化的环境、机遇、能力的提升和就业等方面都存在较大的差异。可以说，由于青年成长成本的差异，是青年群体分化的重要经济原因。而青年成长成本之所以有很大的差异，是因为青年生活和成长的社会结构安排，如城乡制度安排下的诸多不平衡，家庭的社会地位、社会声望与经济收人的差异导致的不平衡，而这一切会在青年成长成本上集中体现出来，即青年成长成本是社会各方面的差距在青年身上的集中体现，成长成本是一个集中的载体。
当前，青年群体分化逐渐明显，青年群体之间的经济差距、教育公平、就业公平、收人公平、社会地位等方面的不合理现象不断凸显，其深刻原因无不与青年成长成本投人和承受能力的差距不断拉大紧密相关。因此，如何有效地消减青年成长成本投入和承受能力之间因差距而带来的青年群体的社会问题，将是一段时间青年研究的重要课题。
李广文：：中国青少年研究会办公室副主任
邓希泉：中国青少年研究中心青年研究所副所长 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **SAC Vice-Administrator Yin Minghan met the delegation of SAE International led by its President Cuneyt L. Oge on December 5，2016.**
**The two sides introduced their work on standardization respectively，and held extensive discussions and communi-cations for further cooperation.**
**First China-South Asia Standardization Cooperation Working Conference Held**
**To promote the communication and cooperation on standardization and facilitate economic and trade develop-ment with South Asian countries， the first China-South Asia Standardization Cooperation Working Conference was held in Chengdu， capital of Southwestern Sichuan province from November 4 to 5，2016.**
**ISO President Zhang Xiaogang， SAC Administrator Tian Shihong， SARSO Secretary General Syed Humayun Kabir as well as Chengdu Acting Mayor Luo Qiang addressed the conference chaired by SAC Vice-Administrator Guo Hui. Rep-resentatives from Maldives， Nepal， Pakistan， Sri Lanka， India， Bangladesh and so on also attended the event.**
**ization cooperation， the experts on both sides held extensive communication in the fields with common interests，such as "Belt and Road"Initiative，technical barriers to trade and standards system in South Asian region.**
**Tian Shihong reiterated the importance of the conference， and gave his suggestions for the cooperation between China and South Asian countries， including strengthening practical cooperation and facilitating connectivity， broadening cooperation fields and promoting deep integration as well as enhancing capability building and realizing mutual trust and win-win.**
**During the event， Tian Shihong and Syed Humayun Kabir reached a consensus on signing standardization cooperation agreement and driving bilateral cooperation.** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | ocial Sciences Database
**对推广精密播种技术的研究**
**刘秀华**
**(吉林省双辽市那木乡农机管理服务站，吉林双辽 136400)**
**\[摘 要 随着农业经济的快速发展，农业种植也逐渐走向科学化、合理化，进一步促进了种植户的增产增收。本文中主要介绍了根据种植的条件进行科学的播种。**
**\[关键词\] 精密播种技术**
**\[中图分类号\] S223.2 \[文献标识码\] _A_ \[文章编号1 1003-1650 (2013)12-0162-01**
**长期以来，农作物播种这一环节，主要的弊病是用种量大，浪费严重。随着农业产品商品经进程的加快，农业产品已由单纯产量型向综合效益型转变，广大农民对应用精密播种技术也产生了强烈渴求，加之，整地技术，种籽精选处理技术，机械装备技术的不断提高，在主要农业物中大面积推广精密播种技术已成熟，并以其直接的较高经济效益和广泛的社会效益呈现出广阔的推广前景。**
**一、推广精密播种技术的必要性**
**1.可以降低成本。随着经济的发展，农业产品实现了商品化，农业生产者在进行粮食生产的过程，既要考虑以农作物产品的产量和价格也要考虑降低生产成本，通过价值工程分析，在农业生产中实行精密播种，减少播种环节的用种量，是降低生产成本的重要途径之一。因为投种量的大小是由单位面积保茁株数决定的，在保证单位面积内保苗株数的基础上，通过改善种籽发芽，生长条件，提高每粒种籽生长的可靠性，可以大大减少用种量，实行精密播种是降低生产成本最直接、最有效的办法。**
**2.农民认识的提高。过去传统的意识：“有钱买种，没钱买前”。意思是可以花钱多买种籽，以得到全苗，如果下种量少了，没有出齐苗，花钱也是买不到苗的。目前这种意识随着农业生产手段的进步在逐渐改变。据调查.在机械水平较高的地区已有百分之七十的农户实行精密播种，在机械化水平一般的地区农民对精密播种也有了一定的认识。**
**3.可以增加粮食产量。由于精密播种是等距点播，在株距、行距、播深方面都能准确的定位，从而有利于改善作物生长的环境，对培养壮苗提高作物产量有着积极的作用。**
**二、推广精密播种技术的可行性**
**1.土壤环境的改善。实行机械化耕整地，使土壤细碎，地表平整，增加了土壤肥力，提高了抗旱保墙效果。在大多数地方，利用现有的机械设备都能达到这一标准。**
**2.种籽品质的提高。随着育种、选种技术的提高，种籽的纯度、净度、发芽率已达到或超过国家规定的标准。种籽处理方面，一般采用磁化处理化学剂包衣，进一步提高种籽自身的理化性能和防病、出、鼠害侵蚀的能力，增强种籽发芽、出苗能力，是推广这一技术的保障。**
**3.机械装备的成熟。实现精密播种必须有机械来完工，目前在旱田大作物中使用的精密播种机主要是有两种形式：(1)气力式。这包括两种，一种是气吸式，另一种是气吹式。这两种气力式播种结构复杂，对播种者的操作技术要求较高。(2)机械式。这种形式的播种机以勺轮式精密排种器为代表机型，结构简单，易操作，可以达到国家对精密播种要求，比较适应现阶段生产发展水平，是目前推广的首选机型：有了性能可靠的精密播种机，是推广这一技术的关键。**
**4.操作者技能的提高。由于儿十年的农业机械化的运作，造就了千百万农机人，积累了丰富的经验，提高了操作水平，为推**
**广精密播种技术奠定了基础，是推广这一技术的原动力。**
**5.农民观念的转变。广大农民在长期的生产实践逐渐地认识到精密播种带来的好处，使有”钱买籽，无钱买苗”的观念淡化。调查发现，越来越多的农民要求购买和使用精密播种机。有了认识上转变，精密播种这一技术被广泛应用是时代发展的必然。**
**三、推广精密播种技术的经济效益和社会效益**
**1.直接的经济效益。一是省种，由于精密播种减少了种量二是省工，由于种籽单籽下地，在田间管理上不用间苗。三是培育壮苗，提高产量。由于作物单株生长所以更加茁壮，可以提高产量和品质，-般提高百分之三以上的产量。以上三项每油可获取直接经济效益三十点七元：**
**2.广泛的社会效益。首先，它能大大节省田间的工具。第二由于用种量大幅度减少，必然减少能育种量，使制种田的种植面积要相应减少，减少的制种田可以进行其它商品粮食生产，减少的人力可以从事其它的工作。减少的育种费用可以用于其它社会化服务，可见这一社会效益是相当可观的。第三，由于用种量减少，缩小了种籽在流通环节的规模.第四，精密播种技术的应用可以促进农机化的发展，特别是为药剂灭草、中耕、机收获等多种农机作业创造了有利条件。**
**四、在推广中应注意的几个问题**
**1.先积累经验，条件成熟再行推广。由于各地生产条件，技术水平，机械化程度的不同，要因地制宜，不能一刀切，条件不具备的地方不要强行推广**
**2.采用循序渐进的推广方式。通过小区试验、示范，逐渐扩大。在试验、示范的过程中，要积极培养具有实际操作能力的操作人员，避免在推广过程出现失误。同时要广泛的宣传，让农民对这项技术从心底里认可。**
**3.技术补偿措施。在配套技术有差距时，在农民认识没有到位时，可将株距缩小一倍，即播种时增加一倍的储备，出苗后通过间苗取舍。**
**4.强化组织领导。农机推工作是硬任务，必须加强领导。在地方政府的领导下，按照技术规程，有序的进行。**
**5.建立完善的技术监督机制。农机管理部门、技术监督部门可以委托农机推广部门制定技术管理规章，对精密播种的推广实行定量管理。把“技术管理规章”发放到乡村千部、农民手中，形成多层次的监督机制。实行跟踪管理，对问题早发现，早解决。作业中做好记录，留好种籽样本，以便有问题时进行仲裁。**
**参考文献**
**\[1\]姚杰.浅谈玉米精密播种技术的推广与发展前景Il.玉米科学，2004，02：89-91.**
**\[2\]谌涛.夏玉米机械化精密播种技术研究\[D\]河南农业大学，2010.**
**\[3\]林伟.基于精密播种技术的可变力镇压器应用研究D小吉林农业大学，2013.** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **浅议公路的绿化与养护**
**刘杰**
(吉林交通职业技术学院，吉林 长春 130012)
**\[摘 要\]公路绿化有利于保护公路沿线环境，提高行车安全性。本文探讨了公路绿化的范围、设计原则、作用及其养护管理工作。**
**\[关键词\]公路绿化；养护管理；环境保护；养护管理；美化**
**\[中图分类号\]U41 \[文献标识码\]A \[文章编号\]1005-6432(2014)18-0130-02**
**公路绿化是国土绿化的重要组成部分，是公路建设中不可缺少的内容。搞好公路绿化工作对于国家绿色大通道建设战略决策的实施具有非常重要的意义。公路绿化主要有两大目的：：一是防治水土流失，保护生态环境；二是改善视觉质量，保障行车安全。公路绿化不仅可以美化路容、净化空气、降低噪声、改善环境条件，而且有利于行车安全，为司乘人员诱导视线、减轻眼睛疲劳，从而减少交通事故的发生。通过绿化还可以养护公路，稳固路基，保护路面，延长公路寿命。因此，公路绿化工作是公路规划、建设、养护工作的重要组成部分。本文主要对公路绿化的作用，以及如何开展公路绿化的养护管理工作等方面进行初步探讨。**
**1 公路绿化的范围**
**公路的绿化包括立交区绿化、中央分隔带绿化、边坡绿化和防护带绿化，四部分紧密结合形成了道路绿化系统中点、线、面、片有机整体。**
**立交区绿化应乔灌结合、草木结合。按视觉诱导、通视要求和景观需要等，可将植树按诱导树、矮树和主树三种类型进行合理布置。**
**公路中央分隔带有整体式和分离式两种。一般路段多采用整体式，隧道前后等部分路段多采用分离式。整体式分隔带的营造效果比较弱，绿化的主要目的在于遮挡迎面来车的大灯眩光。尤其是弯道竖曲线及组合段落的中央分隔带应尽量减弱夜间行车大灯眩光的影响。因此，中央分隔带用于防眩的植物必须是浓密、多细枝的品种，其高度应足以胜任其功能。**
**边坡是最易水土流失的区域，因此，对存在水土流失的区域或可能绿化的区域，应尽可能绿化。边坡绿化主要目的是防止流水冲刷、风蚀，保护路基，降低噪声，吸收有害气体，创造优美的行车环境。**
**在公路的边沟和封闭设施外侧往往还有防护带，防护带树种经常选用抗风性强的树种和乡土树种，防护带应以乔木、灌木和草地相结合，形成一个连续、密集的林带，从而达到防风、隔音的绿化效果。**
**_2_ 公路绿化的设计原则**
**公路绿化比城市园林、街道绿化气魄要大，比荒山造林或农田网要求标准高、技术性强。公路绿化的特点利风格应该是：交融自然、简洁明快、气势壮观、舒适优美、方便交通。公路绿化应遵循以下原则：**
**(1)符合国家关于环境保护“三同时”的原则。即环境保护实施必须与主体工程同时设计、同时施工、同时投产使用。**
**(2)对生态环境敏感保护目标采取避绕的原则。生态环境敏感点指各类自然保护区、野生动植物及栖息生长地、基本农田保护区、森林公园等。**
**(3)因地制宜的原则。应根据其功能及植物各肖不同优势来设计护坡道及土质边坡，宜栽植多年生耐旱、耐瘠薄的草本植物与适应性强的低矮灌木相结合；挖方路蜇段的石质边坡选用阳性、抗性强的攀缘植物垂直绿化以增加美观；边沟外侧绿地的绿化以生态防护为主兼顾美化，可栽浅根性的花灌木等。**
**(4)绿化经费预先落实的原则。绿化经费除包括边坡、中央隔离带、立交桥、沿线附属设施等处的绿化费用外，还包含为补偿因道路建设所占原有地面的绿化费用，如弃土绿化费用，如弃土场植被的恢复与防护措施的费用。**
**3 公路绿化的作用**
**公路绿化一个显著的作用就是改善公路沿线环境。公路绿化能使本来生硬、单调的公路线形变得丰富多彩，创造出许多优美的景观，使裸露的岩石边坡披上绿装，使新建公路对周围环境景观的负面影响降低，使公路两侧的白然及人文景观资源与环境景观有机结合、协调，使公路构造物巧妙地融入到周围的环境之中，给公路的使用者提供优美宜人、舒适和谐的行车环境，同时防止公路范围内的水土流失。**
**另外，一个重要作用是提高道路行车安全性。公路绿化在改善公路沿线环境的同时还提高了公路的交通安全**
**性，大大降低行车肇事的发生频率，减轻了事故的危害。本文重点探讨公路绿化对道路行车安全的作用，其主要表现在以下几个方面：**
**(1)视线诱导功能。公路绿化是司机和游客视野范围内的主要视觉对象，规整亮丽的树木花草，不仅可以给人以优美、舒适的享受，而且可以提示高速公路路线线形的变化，使行驶于高速公路上的车辆能更安全。**
**(2)防眩光功能。在夜间，对向行驶的车辆之间会因车前灯光造成日眩，给交通安全带来极大的隐患，但是在高等级公路中央分隔带内栽植一定高度和冠幅的花、灌木，能够有效地起到防眩遮光的作用，保障行车安全。**
**(3)缓冲功能。公路两侧栽植较密的乔、灌木，，可以缓和驶离车道汽车的冲击，将事故限制在较小规模，可以减轻事故的危害，减少生命财产损失。**
**(4)遮蔽功能。用于遮蔽不利于行车的不协调的构造物，从而改善公路景观，提高行车安全。遮蔽的对象一般有墓地、垃圾焚烧场、公路外刺眼的建筑物、广告、构造物等。**
**_4_ 公路绿化的养护管理**
**公路绿化的日常养护主要是及时检查、灌水、除草、松土、施肥、修剪、防治病虫害和补植等。**
**(1)干旱季节，应及时进行人工灌溉，灌水量应随**
**树苗的大小和土壤气候情况确定。**
**(2)锄草和松土应结合进行，在植物生长最旺盛的春季和夏季，松土深度5~6cm， 应除掉杂草根系，注意不能损伤树木根系；风沙较大的地区，可不松土。**
**(3)对土壤瘠薄、生长不良的树木，尤其是果树和经济苗，应予以施肥，促进其生长。**
**(4)各种树木如栽后枯死，要及时补植。补植的树苗，应与原来应植的树苗的种类相同；苗木规格，须大于原植树木规格，并合乎植树技术要求；对于已经基本成材的行道树，除株行距较大、补植后不影响生长外，一般不可补植。**
5 结 论
**公路绿化工作在公路发展过程中越来越受到重视，它既美化公路沿线环境，又能提高道路行车安全，公路绿化作用显著。在进行公路绿化设计时要坚持“因地制宜，因路制宜”的原则，坚持人工造景与自然景观相结合的方针，以展示其原野自然风光，达到绿化美化的目的。**
**参考文献：**
**\[1\]赵德龙，刘万共，赵风良.道路绿化 \[M\].北京：人民交通出版社，2005.**
**\[2\]王金芬.公路绿化的探讨\[J.北方交通，2008(2).** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 高职定格动画课程教学方法改革初探
**刘 凯**
(湖北科技职业学院，湖北武汉 430073)
**\[内容提要\] 定格动画起源于古老的电影艺术，发展至今至少已有百余年的历史。其独特的艺术表现手段，和对光影、质感的追求与表现力是其区别于其他动画表现形式的独特魅力所在，定格动画制作难度低，周期短，尤其适合高职院校动画专业学生的学习与掌握，在动画教学过程中，融入定格动画的创作环节，对开发学生对动画艺术的学习兴趣、创新思维、动手能力都具有极其重要的作用。**
**\[关键词\]定格动画；高职教学；学习兴趣；创新**
\[中图分类号\]G71 \[文献标识码1A 「文章编号1 1008-7427(2014)03-0041-01
**1.定格动画的历史溯源**
**定格动画是由黏土偶、木偶或混合材料的各类角色来进行拍摄的。同时，定格动画的创作者们为了达到特定的美感与效果，在材料运用时可以说是无所限制的，剪纸、折纸、泥土、陶瓷、铁丝、沙子、盐、布片等各种物品都有可能成为动画制作的材料和工具。定格动画艺术起源于传统的电影摄影技术，发展至今虽有百余年的历史却魅力不减。随着科技的发展与时代的进步，定格动画在角色设计、材料制作技术、拍摄方法、镜头运用、灯光布景、后期电脑技术运用等方面不断走向成熟，渐渐地形成了其独特的艺术魅力。**
**1993年定格动画《圣诞夜惊魂》为定格动画视觉语言的发展大大地推进了一步，无论是对材料制作、拍摄技术还是镜头的运用上都更趋于完美。在电脑动画满天飞的动画行业内和处于机器复制时代的当下，一部定格动画的制作完成虽然费时费力、拍摄时间漫长，但做工精致、造型独特、视觉效果惊人的定格动画片更显得弥足珍贵，为数不多的几部定格动画已经紧紧地抓住了人们的情感神经反映出人们对传统手工艺和材料质感呈现的自然亲和力的情感依赖。在定格动画的创作中，依据影片主题指导材料的选择和应用始终是影片视觉效果呈现的最重要因素是区别于其他两类动画门类的重要特点和独特魅力。从简单材料的直接摆拍到综合材料的细致制作，可以说定格动画就是由各种各样材料精良制作的一件动态艺术品，集影像、实体、音乐于一体，使观众获得一种审美愉悦感。**
**从产生到现在，定格动画历经近百年的发展，其材料种类及其在影片中的艺术处理和应用类型也随着时代与科技的进步而改变，艺术家为了营造影片所渲染的气氛和风格，对材料的选择与使用是几乎不受限制的，除了黏土、木偶、剪纸等传统材料以外还包括自然现象、金属、沙子、水、真人、垃圾等现实生活中的所有事物，广泛的材料应用不仅是定格动画的优势，也提高了动画初学者的创作兴趣和创意思维的启发。**
**2.国内外定格动画现状对比分析**
**中国的定格动画发展曾经有过一段辉煌的时期，中国也曾经有过 20世纪50年代的《孔雀公主》《神笔马良》到80年代《阿凡提的故事》等许多优秀作品让许多70、80后的观众记忆犹新。90年代以前的中国定格动画处于一个百家争鸣，百花齐放的时期，这一时期涌现出众多优秀的动画作品，给整整一代中国人留下了不可磨灭的回忆。**
**西方国家是定格动画的发源地，在电影技术创立之初，定格动画就处于发展的萌芽阶段。在20世纪20-30年代，米老鼠和白雪公主等卡通形象风靡全世界的时候定格动画就一直在些探索者和先驱者手中进行不断的尝试和摸索，特级先驱者威尔斯·奥布莱恩创作了一部不朽的经典之作《金**
**刚》，让定格动画在荧幕前大放异彩，此后，定格动画的表现手法应用在了许多经典电影之中，如《星球大战》，《帝国反击战》等，在影视电脑特技技术普及之前，定格动画是最为有效的实现幻想世界视觉表现的技术手段。**
3.高职开设定格动画课程的必要性
**现如今，定格动画的发展越来越受到人们的重视与喜爱，无论是国内，还是国外越来越多的动画公司和动画爱好者都开始重新将注意力投入到这一领域之中来，因此。我们高职院校更应该以市场需求为导向，与时俱进，有针对性的研究和探索定格动画的教学与市场的衔接问题。**
**而且由于定格动画的技术要求低场地和设备要求都不高，十分适合硬件条件有限的高职院校。而且其制作的主要方式为手工制作，对于学生的绘画能力的要求相对较低，容易激起学生的学习兴趣，这对于绘画基础较差的学生尤其具有良好的学习兴趣激励作用，同时对于开拓学生的眼界，增强其综合审美和制作能力具有无可替代的重要作用。**
**4.专业课程融合性教学法**
**在传统的高职动画专业教学流程之中，为了保证学生对于动画制作过程中各个专业技能环节的知识的掌握和理解，往往采取的是，将各门专业课程如：编剧、角色造型设计、场景设计、分镜头设计、构图、构成设计、摄影、后期软件等诸多专门课程逐个的来进行教学。虽然从教学逻辑上来讲不存在任何问题，但从高职学生的学习特点来进行教学实践，就会发现诸多不合理的地方。**
**如高职高专学生的学习兴趣持续时间短，耐挫折度低，美术基础较差。在进行传统的顺序式的教学过程中，学生对于所学课程的实际意义往往存在着很大的疑惑和不理解，不知道自己所学的东西有什么使用价值，从而失去对课程学习的耐心和兴趣。**
**其直接的影响就是，知识的连贯性不佳，无法将各门课程的知识较好地衔接与运用，从而直接导致在最后的定格动画制作过程中，教学效果不佳。**
**因此，在”专业课程融合性教学法”的实施过程中，彻底地改变了以课程来划分技能教学的传统思路，在定格动画课程教学的一开始，就将教学安排和计划告知学生，让学生了解，为何而学，学为何用。有针对性的，按照定格动画短片制作的需要来循序渐进地进行各个技能课程的有选择性教学吗这样一来学生始终知道自己所学知识的所用之地，也能很好的理解每个技能和知识点之间的衔接处所在。**
**\[参考文献\]**
**\[l\]陈迈.逐格动画技法\[M\].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2005.\[2\]吴垚瑶.定格动画艺术语言与动画教学之研究\[\].北京城市学院学报，2009，(2).** | null | null | null | null | null |
en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | Select Treatises of St. Athanasius in Controversy with the Arians
author: Athanasius
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C (oi(. S I. S'
HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY
if •
SELECT TREATISES
OF
ST. ATHANA8ITJS
IN CONTROVERSY WITH THE ARIANS.
FREELY TRANSLATED
{ •
BY
JOHN HENRY CARDINAL NEWMAN,
Honorary Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford,
and late Fellow of Oriel.
VOL. II.
BEING AN APPENDIX OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
FIFTH EDITION.
LONDON
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
AND NEW YORK: 16, EAST 16'»» STREET
1890.
All rights reserved.
C Cy/, S/. 5"
r '
I HARVARD
I UNIVERSITY
I LIBRARY
PRINTED BY
KELLY AND CO., MIDDLE MILL, KINOSTON-OV-THAMBS;
AND OATB 8TRBBT, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS, W.O.
CONTENTS.
1. iTidex of AnnotatioTis on Theological Subjects
in the foregoing Treatises alphabetically
ai^unged page vii
2. Index of Annotations on Thex)logioal Terms
in the foregoing Treatises alphabetically
aiTanged page 344
APPENDIX
vii
Index of AuTiotations on Theological Subjects in the
foregoing Treatises cdphabeMcally arranged,
PAGB
Adam 1
Alexander's Encyclical 3
Angels 7
Antichrist . 13
Apostle 16
Arius 17
The Arians. — 1. Their Ethical Characteristics . . 21
2. The Arian Leaders 26
3. Arian Tenets and Reasonings .... 34
4. Historical Course of Arianism ... 46
Asterins 48
Athanasius 51
The Vicarious Atonement 60
Catechising 63
Catholic : the Name and the Claim 65
Chameleons 71
The Coinherence 72
Cursus Publicus 80
Definitions 82
Deification 88
Economical Language 91
Ecumenical 96
Eusebius * 97
The Father Almighty 107
Flesh 120
Use of Force in Religion 123
Freedom of our Moral Nature 127
Grace of God 136
Hand 142
Heresies 143
Heretics 160
Hieracas 155
Homousion, Homoeusion 155
Hypocrisy, Hypocrites 156
Hypostasis 168
Idolatry of Arianism 159
VUl
PAGE
Ignorance assumed economically by our Lord .... 161
Illustrations 173
Image 178
Imperial Titles and Honours 184
The Incarnation. — 1. Considered in its purpose . . . 187
2. Considered in itself 191
The Divine In-Dwelling 193
Marcellus . • 196
The Blessed Mary.— i. Mary Ever-Virgin .... 204
2. Mary Theotocus 210
Mediation 216
Melitius 222
The Two Natures 223
The Nicene Tests 226
Omnipresence of GK)d 236
Paul of Samosata 237
Personal Acts and Offices of our Lord 240
Philosophy 243
Priesthood of Christ 245
Private Judgment 247
The Eule of Faith 250
Sabellius 254
Sanctiflcation 267
Scripture.— 1. Canon 260
2. Authority 261
3, Passages 266
Semi-Arians 282
SonofGk)d 287
Special Characteristics of our Lord's Manhood .... 293
Spirit of God 304
Theognostus 310
Tradition .-311
The Holy Trinity in Unity 315
Unity of the Incarnate Son 326
Vapour '^
Two Wills in Christ 331
Wisdom 334
The Word 337
AnmotatioTia on Theological Subjects in tlie foregoing
Treatises^ alphabetipally arranged.
ADAM.
Though the Fathers, in accordance with Scripture,
hold that Adam was created sinless, they also hold
that he could not have persevered in his state of
innocence and uprightness without a special grace,
which he lost upon his fall, and which is regained for
us, (and that in far greater measure,) by our Lord's
sufferings and merits.
f The Catholic doctrine is, that Adam innocent was
mortal, yet in fact would not have died; that he had
no principle of eternal life within his body naturally,
but was sustained continually by divine power till
such time as immortality should have been given him.
Vid. Incam. 4. "If God accorded to the garments
and shoes of the Israelites," says S. Augustine, "that
they should not wear out during so many years, how is
it strange that to man obedient should by His power
be accorded, that, whereas his body was animal and
moi-tal, it was so constituted as to become aged without
decay, and at such time as Grod willed might pass
without the intervention of death from mortality to
VOL. II. B
2 ADAM.
immortality? For as the flesh itself, which we now
bear, is not therefore invulnerable, because it may be
preserved from wounding, so Adam's was not therefore
not mortal, because he was not bound to die. Such a
habit even of their present animal and mortal body I
suppose was granted also to them who have been
translated hence without death; for Enoch and Elias
too have through so long a time been preserved from
the decay of age." De Pecc. Mer. i. 3. Adam's body,
he says elsewhere, was "mortale quia poterat mori,
immortale quia poterat non mori;" and he goes on to
say that immortality was given him "de ligno vitsD,
non de constitutione naturae." Gren. ad Lit. vi. 36.
This doctrine came into the controversy with Baius,
and Pope S. Pius V. condemned the assertion, "Im-
mortalitas primi hominis non erat gratiae beneficium,
sed naturalis conditio."
Then, as to his soul, S. Augustine says, "An aid
was [given to the first Adam], but a more powerful,
grace L > ^iven to the Second. The first is that by
which a man has justice if he will; the second does
more, for by it he also wills, and wills so strongly, and
loves so ardently, as to overcome the will of the flesh
lusting contrariwise to the will of the spirit," &c.
De Corr. et Grrat. 31. And S. Cyril, "Our forefather
Adam seems to have gained wisdom. Hot in time, as
we, but appears perfect in understanding from the very
first moment of his formation, preserving in himself
the illumination, given him by nature from Grod, as
yet untroubled and pure, and leaving the dignity of
his nature unpractised on," &c. In Joan. p. 75.
ALBXAin)EB.
ALEXANDER'S ENCYCLICAL.
Vid. supr. vol. i. p. 1, Prefatory Notice.
I HEBE set down the internal evidence in favour of
this Letter having been written by Athanasius.
A long letter on Arius and his tenets, addressed
by Alexander to his namesake at Constantinople, has
been preserved for us by Theodoret, and we can com-
pare the Encyclical on the one hand with this Letter,
and with the acknowledged writings of Athanasius on
the other, and thereby determine for ourselves whether
the Encyclical does not resemble in style what
Athanasius has written, and does not dififer from the
style of Theodoret's Alexander. Athanasius is a great
writer, simple in his diction, clear, unstudied, direct,
vigorous, elastic, and above all characteristic; but
iUexander writes with an effort, and is elaborate and
exquisite in his vocabulary and structure of sentences.
Thus, the Encyclical before us, after S. Athanasius's
manner in treating of sacred subjects, has hardly one
scientific term; its words, when not Arius's own, are
for the most part from Scripture, such as Xoyoc* cro^fa,
/liovo76vi)cj €t»cwv, avairfaafia^ just as they are found in
Athanasius's controversial Treatises; whereas, in Alex-
wder's letter in Theodoret, phrases are found, certainly
not from Scripture, perhaps of Alexandrian theology,
b2
ALEXANDER.
perhaps peculiar to the writer, for instance, axtopi<rra
Trf^ayfiara Svo* 6 vIoq ty\v Kara iravra o/dOiwrriTa avrov
BK (jiVfTBtog aTTOfia^ojJLBVOQ* Si itroTTTpov aicriXiSdjTov Koi
ljx^v\ov Ouag bIkovoq* fiemrivovtra t^vtriQ fiovoyevrig' ra^
ry vwofTTCKTei Bvo (jitKreig. And, instead of the ovma of
the Father, of the Son, of the Word, which is one of
the few, as well as familiar, scientific terms of Athana-
sius (Orat. i. § 45, ii. 7, 9, 11, 12, 13, 18, 22, 47, 56), and
which the Encyclical uses too, we read in the Letter of
Alexander, preserved by Theodoret, vir6aTa(Tigi and that
again and again; e.g., rrjv iSiSrpoTrov aifrov vTrocrratriv*
rnc VTr6<rra<TBwg avrov airspiepyaarov' vccorc/oav rijc
virotrratTewg yivsmv' r) rov fwvoyevovg avBKSiriyriTog
mroiTTatTig' rfjv rov \6yov v7ro<rra(riv, phrases quite out
of keeping with the style of the Encyclical. Nor is it
only in the expression of theological ideas that the
style of the Letter in Theodoret differs from the style of
the Encyclical ; thus, when the latter speaks of ipOopiag
Twv \pvx(»>Vi the former uses the compound <^Q6powoi6gy
Such, too, are 17 ipiXapxog koi tfuXapyvpog irpoB^mg*
XpitTTefiTTOpiav' 0/ocvoj3Xaj3ovc* iSiorpoirov* bno(Trol\oig
trvWafidig* Oertyopovg airoaroXovg' avriSiaaToXfjv' rfig
Trarpiicng fiauvtntjg* ^iXodcoc (ra^i^vem* avotriovpylag*
^Xijva^oiv iuLv0u)v. It is very difficult to suppose that
the same hand wrote this Letter to the Bishop of Con-
stantinople and the Encyclical which is the subject of
this note.
On the other hand, that Athanasius wrote the latter
becomes almost certain when, in addition to what has
been observed in Vol. i., supr., in the Prefatory Notice,
the following coincidence of words and phrases is
ALEXANDER.
6
considered, on comparing the Encyclical with Athana-
sius's acknowledged writings : —
Enoyolical, ap. Socr.
Hist. i. § 6. (Ozf. Ed. 1844.)
1. p. 6, 1. 2, k^riXeov,
1 John ii. 19.
2. ibid, dvdpeg irapdvo-'
ftOl,
3. ibid. 1. 4, mj\9ov
didd<neovrsg airo-
araciav, wpodpofiov
TOV *AVTlXpf^TOV,
4. ibid, Kal ipovXSfiijv
fikv (Tuoiry • .
CTTCl^j) dk, &c.
5. ibid, 1. 6, pvinaay.
G. ibid, rdg aKooQ.
7. ibid. &Kepaifav,
8. ibid. 1. 14, prifidria.
9.
ibid. 1. 15, KaKovoiav.
9.
10.
ibid. I 22, &c. The
enumeration o f
Anus's tenets.
10.
11.
p. 7, 1. 1, dvaurx^v-
11.
12.
ibid. 1. 7, Tig ydp
12.
iJKOvtre, &c.
13. ibid. 1. 8, KeviKercu.
Atban. 0pp. (Ed. Benedict. Paris.)
1. aipEtng vvv i^eXOoviraj Orat. i. § 1.
2. jrapdvoftoif &c. Orat. iii. § 2; Ep,
Mg. 16 ; Hist. Ar. 71, 76, 79.
3. rvv ^eXBomaf wpodpOfAog tov 'Avri-
XpiffTOVy Orat. i. § 7
4. This form of apology, introductory
to the treatment of a subject, is
usual with Athan., e.g. Orat. i.
§ 23, init,^ ii. 1, init., iii. 1, init. ;
Apol. c, Ar. 1, init, ; Deer. § 5 ;
Serap. i. 1 and 16, ii. 1, init., in. 1,
init., iv. 8 ; Mon. 2 ; Epict. 3 fin. ;
Max. 1 ; ApoU. i. 1, init,
b. Orat. i. § 10; Deer. § 2; Hist. Ar.
3; Ep. ^g. 11.
6. Orat. i. § 7 and 35; Hist. Ar. 66;
Ep. iEg. 13.
7. Orat. i. § 8, ii. 34 ; iii. 16 ; Syn. § 20,
32, and 45 ; Ap. c. Ar. 1 ; Ep. JEg.
18 ; Epict. 1 ; Adelph. 2.
8. Orat. i. § 10; Deer. § 8 and 18;
Sent. Dion. 23.
Deer. § 1 ; Hist. Ar. § 76.
runs with Orat, i. | 6; Deer. § 6;
Ep. JEg. 12, more closely than with
the Letter to Constantinople.
11. Deer. § 20.
Vid. similar form in Orat. i. § 8;
Ep. ^g. 7 ; Epiet. 2 ; Ap. c. Ar.
^b; Hist. Ar. 46, 73, 74, &e.
13. Orat. i. § 35 and 42, ii. 34, 73, and
80, iii. 30,48; Deer. § 22.
6 ALSXAI^BEB.
Encyclical, ap. Soor. Atban. 0pp. (BcL Benedict Paris.)
Hist. i. § 6. (Ozf. Ed. 1844.)
14. p. 8, 1. 27. The apo- 14. almost verbatim with that found in
logy here made Orat. i. § 36,
for the use of
Mai. iii. 6, is
l/>. p. 8, 1. 12. The text 16. applied to Arians by Athan. also
1 Tim. iv. 1 in Orat. i. § 8. By whom besides ?
this place, is
ANGELS.
ANGELS.
Angels were actually worshipped, in the proper sense
of the word, by Crnostics and other heretics, who even
ascribed to them a creative power; and certainly, to
consider them the source of any good to man, and
the acceptable channel intrinsically of approaching
Grod, in derogation of our Lord's sole mediation, is
idolatry. However, their presence in and about the
Church, and with all of us individually, is an inestim-
able blessing, never to be slighted or forgotten ; for, as
by our prayers and our kind deeds we can serve each
other, so Angels, but in a far higher way, serve us, and
are channels of grace to us, as the Sacraments also are.
All this would doubtless have been maintained by
Athanasius had there been occasion for saying it. For
instance, in commenting on Psalm 49, Deua Deorum,
he says so in substance : —
" * He shall summon the heaven from above.' When
the Saviour manifested Himself, He kindled in us the
light of true religious knowledge: He converted that
which had wandered; He bound up that which was
ailing; as being the Good Shepherd, He chased away
the wild beasts from the sheepfold ; He gave His people
sanctification of the Spirit, and the protection of Angelic
Powers, and He set those over them through the whole
world who should be holy mystagogues. *He will
8 ANGELS.
summon/ He says, * the Angels who are in heaven and
the men on earth chosen for the Apostolate, to judge
His people.' . . . That with those mystagogues and their
disciples Angels co-operate, Paul makes clear when he
says, Heb. i. 14," &c., &c.
t If it be asked why, such being his substantial teach-
ing, his language in particular passages of his Orations
tends to discourage such cultus Angelorum as the Church
has since his time sanctioned, I answer first that he is
led by his subject to contrast the Angelic creation with
our Lord the Creator ; and thus, while extolling Him as
Supreme, he comes to speak with disparagement of
those who were no more than works of His hands. And
secondly, the idolatrous honour paid to Angels by the
heretical bodies at that time made unadvisable, or
created a prepossession against, what in itself was
allowable. Moreover, the Church, as divinely guided,
has not formulated her doctrines all at once, but has
taken in hand, first one, and then another. As to S.
Athanasius, if he seemingly disparages the Angels, it
is in order to exalt our Lord. He is arguing against
the Arians somewhat in this manner : " You yourselves
allow that the Son is the Creator, and, as such, the
object of worship ; but, if He be the Creator, how can
He be a creature ? how can He be only a higher kind
of Angel, if it was He who created Angels ? If so. He
must have created Himself. Why, it is the very
enormity of the Grnostics, that they ascribe creative
power and pay divine honours to Angels; how are you
not as bad as they ? " Athanasius does not touch the
question whether, as Angels and Saints according to
ANaELS. 9
him are (improprie) gods (vid. next paragraph), so in a
corresponding sense worship may (improprie) be paid
to them.
If " The sacred writer, with us in view, says, * Grod,
who is like unto Thee ? ' and though he calls those
creatures who are partakers (/teroxovc) of the Word
gods, still those who partake are not the same as, or
like. Him who is partaken. For works are made, and
make nothing," ad Afros 7. " Not one of things which
come-to-be is an efficient cause," iroirjriKov a?r(ov, Orat.
ii. § 21; ibid. § 2, iii. 14, and contr. Ghent. 9 init.
"Our reason rejects the idea that the Creator should
be a creature, for creation is by the Creator." Hil.
Trin. xii. 5. ttwc Bvvarai to ktiZ6ij,svov ktIZhv ; rj iriog 6
KTiZijjv KTiZ^rai; Athan. ad Afros, 4 fin. Vid. also
Serap. i. 24, 6, iii. 4 ; Orat. ii. 21.
If As to Angels, vid. August, de Civ. Dei xii. 24 ; de
Trin. iii. 13 — 18 ; Damasc. F. 0. ii. 3 ; Cyril in Julian,
ii. p. 62. "For neither would the Angels," says
Athan., Orat. ii. § 21, "since they too are creatures,
be able to frame, though Valentinus, and Marcion,
and Basilides think so, and you are their copyists;
nor will the sun, as being a creature, ever make
what is not into what is ; nor will man fashion man,
nor stone devise stone, nor wood give growth to wood."
The Grnostics who attributed creation to Angels are
alluded to in Orat. iii. 12; Epiph. Hser. 52^ 53,
62, &c. ; Theodor. Hser. i. 1 and 3. They considered
the Angels consubstantial with our Lord, as the
Manichees after them, seemingly from holding the
doctrine of emanation. Vid. Bull. D. F. N. ii. 1, § 2, and
10 ANGELS.
Beausobre, Manich. lii. 8. "If, from S. Paul saying
bHt'c7^ than the AngelSy they should therefore insist
that his language is that of comparison, and that
comparison in consequence implies oneness of kind, so
that the Son is of the nature of Angels, they will in
the first place incur the disgrace of rivalling and repeat-
ing what Valentinus held, and Carpocrates, and those
other heretics, of whom the former said that the Angels
were one in kind with the Christ, and Carpocrates that
Angels are framers of the world." Orat. i. § 56.
If As to the sins incident to created natures, all
creatures, says Athanasius, depend for their abidance
in good upon the Word, and without Him have no
stay. Thus, ad Afros 7, after, as in Orat. i. § 49,
speaking of ayyiXwv fiiv 7ra/oa)3avT(ov, rov St 'ASa/i
Trapaicov(TavTo^y he says, "no one would deny that
things which are made are open to change (Cyril, in
Joan. V. 2), and since the Angels and Adam trans-
gressed, and all showed their need of the grace of the
Word, what is thus mutable cannot be like to the im-
mutable Ghod, nor the creature to the Creator." On the
subject of the sins of Angels, vid. Huet. Origen. ii. 5 ;
Petav. Dogm. t. iii. p. 73; Dissert. Bened. in Cyr.
Hier. iii. 5 ; Nat. Alex. Hist. -^v. i. Dissert. 7.
f So far Athanasius says nothing which the Church
has not taught up to this day ; but he goes further.
"No one," he says, Orat. iii. § 12, "would pray
to receive aught from * God and the Angels,' or from
any other creature, nor would he say * May God and
the Angel give thee.'" Vid. Basil de Sp. S. c. 13
(t. ii. p. 585). Also, "There were men," says
AN&BLS. 11
Chrysostom on Col. ii., "who said, We ought not to
have access to God through Christ, but through Angels,
for the former is beyond our power. Hence the Apostle
everywhere insists on his teaching concerning Christ,
* through the blood of the Cross,'" &c. And Theo-
doret on Col. iii. 17, says: "Following this rule, the
Synod of Laodicea, with a view to cure this ancient
disorder, passed a decree against the praying to
Angels, and leaving our Lord Jesus Christ." "All
supplication, prayer, intercession, and thanksgiving
is to be addressed to the Supreme Grod, through the
High Priest who is above all Angels, the Living Word
and God. . . . But Angels we may not fitly call upon,
since we have not obtained a knowledge of them more
than human." Origen. contr. Cels. v. 4, 5. Vid. also
for similar statements Voss. de Idolatr. i. 9. These
extracts are here made in illustration of the particular
passage of Athan. to which they are appended, not as if
they contain the whole doctrine of Origen, Theodoret,
or S. Chrysostom, on the cultus Angelorv/m. Of course
they are not really inconsistent with such texts as
1 Tim. V. 21, Eccl. v. 4.
IF Elsewhere Athan. says that " the Angel who deli-
vered Jacob from all evil," from whom he asked a
blessing, was not a created Angel, but the Angel of
great Counsel, the Word of God Himself, Orat. iii. § 12 ;
but he says shortly afterwards that the Angel that
appeared to Moses in the Bush "was not the God of
Abraham, but what was seen was an Angel, and in the
Angel God spoke," § 14 ; vid. Monitum Bened. in Hilar.
Trin. lib. iv. .Thus Athan. does not differ from Augus-
tine, vid. infr. art. Scripture Passages, No. i., p. 266.
12 ANGELS.
t As to the word " worship," as denoting the cultua
Angehrum^ worship is a very wide term, and has
obviously more senses than one. Thus we read in one
passage of Scripture that "all the congregation . . .
worshipped the Lord, and the king " [David]. S. Augus-
tine, as S. Athanasius, Orat. ii. § 23, makes the charac-
teristic of divine worship to consist in sacrifice. " No
one would venture to say that sacrifice was due to any
but God. Many are the things taken from divine
worship and transferred to human honours, either
through excessive humility or mischievous adulation;
yet without giving us the notion that those to whom
they were transferred were not men. And these are
said to be honoured and venerated ; or were worshipped,
if much is heaped upon them; but whoever thought
that sacrifice was to be offered, except to Him whom
the sacrificer knew or thought or pretended to be Grod ? "
August, de Civ. Dei, x. 4. " Whereas you have called so
many dead men gods, why are ye indignant with us, who
do but honour, not deify the martyrs, as being God's
martyrs and loving servants? . . . That they even
offered libations to the dead, ye certainly know, who
venture on the use of them by night contrary to the
laws. . . . But we, men, assign neither sacrifices nor
even libations to the martyrs, but we honour theim as
men divine and divinely beloved." Theodor. contr.
Gent. viii. pp. 908 — 910. It is observable that incense
was burnt before the Imperial Statues, vid. art. /m-
perial Titles, Nebuchadnezzar offered an oblation to
Daniel, after the interpretation of his dream.
ANTICHRIST. 13
ANTICHEIST.
As the early Christians, in obedience to our Lord's
words, were ever looking out for His second coming,
and for the signs of it, they associated it with every
prominent disturbance, external or internal, which
interfered with the peace of the Church ; with every
successive persecution, heretical outbreak, or schism
which befell it. In this, too, they were only following
the guidance of our Lord and His Apostles, who told
them that "great tribulation," "false prophets," dis-
union, and " apostasy " and at length " Antichrist,"
should be His forerunners. Also, they recollected
S. John's words, "Omnis Spiritus qui solvit Jesum,
ex Deo non est, et hie est Antichristus de quo
audistis, quoniam, venit," &c. Hence " forerunner of
Antichrist" was the received epithet employed by
them to designate the successive calamities and
threatenings of evil, which one after another spread
over the face of the orbis terrarum.
f Thus we have found S. Athanasius calling Arian-
ism " the forerunner of Antichrist," Syn. § 5, tt/ooS/oo/aoc^
praecursor ; vid. also Orat. i. § § 1 and 7 ; Ap. c. Ar. fin. ;
Hist. Ar. 77 ; Cyr. Cat. xv. 9 ; Basil. Ep. 264 ; Hilar.
Aux. 5, no distinction being carefully drawn between
the apostasy and the Antichrist. Constantius is called
Antichrist by Athan, Hist. Arian. 67 ; his acts are the
TTpoolfiiov KOI Trapa(TKivri of Antichrist, Hist. Arian. 70,
14 ANTICHRIST.
fin., 71 and 80. Constantius is the image, cikcuv, of
Antichrist, 74 and 80, and shows the likeness, o/iotwfia,
of the malignity of Antichrist, 75. Vid. also 77,
" Let Christ be expected, for Antichrist is in posses-
sion." Hilar, contr. Const, init., also 5. Speaking of
Auxentius, the Arian Bishop of Milan, he says, "Of
one thing I warn you, beware of Antichrist; it is ill
that • . . your veneration for God's Church lies in
houses and edifices. ... Is there any doubt that Anti-
christ is to sit in these? Mountains, and woods, and
lakes, and prisons, and pits are to me more safe," &c.,
Contr. Auxent. 12. Lucifer, calls Constantius "prae-
cursor Antichristi," p. 89 ; possessed with the spirit of
Antichrist, p. 219 ; friend of Antichrist, p. 259. Vid.
also Basil, Ep. 264. Again, S. Jerome, writing against
Jovinian, says that he who teaches that there are no
dififerences of rewards is Antichrist, ii. 21. S. Leo,
alluding to 1 John iv. 10, calls Nestorius and Eutyches,
"Antichristi praecursores," Ep. 75, p. 1022; again,
Antichrist is whoever withstood what the Church has
once settled, with an allusion to opposition to the see
of S. Peter, Ep. 156, c. 2. Anastasius speaks of the
ten horns of Monophysitism, Hodeg. 8 and 24 ; and
calls Severus Antichrist, for usurping the judicial
powers of the Church, ibid. p. 92. Vid. also Grreg. I.
Ep. vii. 33.
% The great passage of S. Paul about the airofrratrlai
1 Tim. iv. 1, 2, is taken to apply to the Arians in Orat.
i. § 8, cf. ad ^gypt. § 20, 21 ; but the Fathers more
commonly refer it to the Oriental sects of the early
centuries, who fulfilled one or other of those con-
ANTICHRIST. 15
ditions which it specifies. It is predicated of the
Marcionists by Clement, Strom, iii. 6. Of the Valen-
tinians, Epiph. Haer. 31, 34. Of the Montanists and
others, ibid. 48, 8. Of the Satumilians (according
to Huet), Origen in Matt. xiv. 16. Of apostolic
heretics, Cyril. Cat. iv. 27. Of Marcionites, Valen-
tinians, and Manichees, Chrysost. de Virg. 5. Of
Gfnostics and Manichees, Theod. Haer. ii. prsef. Of
Encratites, ibid. v. fin. Of Eutyches, Ep. Anon. 190
(apud Garner. Diss. v. Theod. p. 901). Pseudo-Justin
seems to consider it fulfilled in the Catholics of the
fifth century, as being Anti-pelagians, Quaest. 22;
vid. Bened. note in loc. Besides Athanasius, no early
author by whom it is referred to the Arians, occurs
to the writer of this, except S. Alexander's Letter ap.
Socr. i. 6; and, if he may hazard the conjecture, there
is much in that letter like Athan.'s own writing. Vid.
supr. art. Alexander.
16 APOSTLE.
APOSTLE.
"The Apostle" is the usual title of S. Paul in
antiquity, as "the Philosopher" at a later date is
appropriated to Aristotle. "When *the Apostle' is
mentioned," says S. Augustine, "if it is not specified
which, Paul only is understood, because he is more
celebrated from the number of his Epistles, and
laboured more abundantly than all the rest," ad
Bonifac. iii. 3. E.g. " And this is what Peter has said,
* that ye may be partakers in a divine nature ; ' as says
also the Apostle, * know ye not that ye are the Temple
of God,'" &c. Orat. i. § 16. Vid. also Enc. supr.
vol. i. p. 6; Deer. §§ 15 and 17. "The Apostle
himself, the Doctor of the Gentiles," Syn. §§ 28 and 39,
" John saying and the Apostle," Orat. i. § 47.
However, S. Peter also is called the Apostle,
Orat. i. § 47.
ABIUS. 17
AEIUS.
It is very difficult to gain a clear idea of the cha-
racter of Arius. Athanasius speaks as if his theological
song, or Thalia, was but a token of his personal laxity ;
and certainly the mere fact of his having written it
seems incompatible with any remarkable seriousness and
strictness. " He drew up his heresy on paper," Athan.
says, " and imitating, as if on a festive occasion (d»c iv
OaXiq) no grave writer, but the Egyptian Sotades, in
the character of his music, he writes at great length,"
&c. De Syn. § 15. Again, Orat. i. §§ 2 — 5, he
calls him the Sotadean Arius; and speaks of the
** dissolute manners," and "the effeminate tone,"
and the "jests " of the Thalia ; a poem which, he
says shortly before, "is not even found among the
more respectable Greeks, but among those only who
sing songs over their wine, with noise and revel." Vid.
also de Sent. D. 6. Constantine also, after the ^'A/occ
"A/occf, proceeds, hntTxirb) 8c tre ri yovv 'A^/ooSfrijc ojULiXia*
Epiph. Hser. 69, 9 fin. Socrates too says that "the
character of the bck)k was gross and dissolute." Hist,
i. 9. The Arian Philostorgius tells us that " Arius wrote
songs for the sea, and for the mill, and for the road, and
set them to suitable music," Hist. ii. 2. It is remark-
able that Athanasius should say the Egyptian Sotades,
as again in Sent. D. 6. There were two Poets of the
VOL. II. c
18 , ABmfi.
fi&,m6j one a writer of the Middle Comedy, Athefi*
Deipn. vii. 11; but the other, who is here spoken of,
was a native of Maronea in Crete, according to Suidas
(in voc), under the successors of Alexander, Athen.
xiv. 4. He wrote in Ionic metre, which was of infamous
name from the subjects to which he and others applied
it. Vid. Suid. ibid. Some read "Sotadicos" for
" Socraticos," Juv. Satir. ii. 10. Vid. also Martial,
Ep. ii. 86. The characteristic of the metre was the
recurrence of the same cadence, which virtually
destroyed the division into verses, Tumeb. in Quinct.
i. 8, and thus gave the composition that lax and
slovenly air to which Athanasius alludes. Horace's^
Ode, " Miserarum est neque amori," &c., is a specimen of
this metre, and some have called it Sotadic ; but Bentley
shows in loc. that Sotades wrote in the Ionic a majore,
and that his verse had somewhat more of system than
is found in the Ode of Horace. Athenseus implies that-
all Ionic metres were called Sotadic, or that Sotades
wrote in various Ionic metres. The Church adopted
the Doric music, and forbade the Ionic and Lydian^
The name "Thalia" commonly belonged to convivial
songs; Martial contrasts the "lasciva Thalia" with
" carmina sanctiora," Epigr. vii. 17. Vid. Thaliarchus,
" the master of the feast," Horat. Od. i. 9. This would
be the more ofifensive among Christians in Athan.'s day,
in proportion to the keener sensibilities of the South,
and the more definite ideas which music seems to have
conveyed to their minds ; and more especially in a case
where the metre Arius employed had obtained so
shocking a reputation, and was associated in the minds>
ABIUS. 19
of Christians with the deeds of darkness, in the midst
of which in those heathen times the Church lived and
bore her witness.
Such is Athan.'s report, but Constantine and Epi-
phanius speak of Anus in very dififerent terms, yet each
in his own way, as the following extracts show. It is pos-
sible that Constantine is only declaiming, for his whole
invective is like a school exercise or fancy composition.
Constantine too had not seen Arius at the time of this
invective, which was prior to the Nicene Council, and
his account of him is inconsistent with itself, for he
also uses the very strong and broad language about
Arius quoted above. " Look then," he says, " look all
men, what words of lament he is now professing, being
held with the bite of the serpent; how his veins and
flesh are possessed with poison, and are in a ferment of
severe pain; how his whole body is wasted, and is all
withered and sad and pale and shaking, and fearfully
emaciated. How hateful to see, how filthy is his mass
of hair, how he is half dead all over, with failing eyes,
and bloodless coimtenance, and woe-begone ! so that
all these things combining in him at once, frenzy,
madness, and folly, for the continuance of the com-
plaint, have made . thee wild and savage. But not
having any sense what bad plight he is in, he cries
out, *I am transported with delight, and I leap and
skip for joy, and I fly:* and again, with boyish im-
petuosity, * Be it so,* he says, * we are lost.' " Harduin.
Cone. t. i. p. 457. Perhaps this strange account may
be taken to illustrate the words "mania" and "Ario-
maniacs." S. Alexander too speaks of Arius's melan-
c2
20 ARIUS.
cholic temperament, fieXayxoXiicoXg rtpfioafievTig So^iy^
iccvfjc Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 741. S. Basil also speaks
of the Eunomians as elg Xafiirpav fiBXayxoXiav irapE"
vexOivrag. Contr. Eun. ii. 24. Elsewhere he speaks of
the Pneumatomachists as worse than fieXayxoXCjvTBg.
De Sp. S. 41.
Epiphanius's account of Arius is as follows : — " From
elation of mind the old man swerved from the mark.
He was in stature very tall, downcast in visage, with
manners like a wily serpent, captivating to every guile-
less heart by that same crafty bearing. For ever habited
in cloak and vest, he was pleasant of address, ever
persuading souls and flattering; wherefore what was
his very first work but to withdraw from the Church in
one body as many as seven hundred women who pro-
fessed virginity ? " Haer. 69, 3. Arius is here said to
have been tall ; Athanasius, on the other hand, would
appear to have been short, if we may so interpret
Julian's indignant description of him, jurjSc avripi aXX'
dv0p(»)Trl<TKog evreXrigi "not even a man, but a common
little fellow." Ep. 51. Yet S. Gregory Nazianzen
speaks of him as "high in prowess and humble in
spirit, mild, meek, full of sympathy, pleasant in speech,
more pleasant in manners, angelical in person^ more
angelical in mind, serene in his rebukes, instructive in
his praises," &c. &c. Orat. 21. 9. There is no proof
that Sfc Gregory had ever seen him.
THE ASIANS, 21
THE ASIANS.
1. Their Ethical Gharacteristics,
When we consider how grave and reverent was the
temper of the Ante-Nicene Church, how it concealed
its sacred mysteries from the world at large, how
writers such as Tertullian make the absence of such a
strict discipline the very mark of heresy, and that a
vulgar ostentation and profaneness was the prominent
charge brought against the heretic Paul of Samosata,
Bishop of Antioch, we need no more ready evidence
or note against the Arian party than our finding that
the ethical character, which is in history so intimately
associated with Paul and the heretics generally of the
first three centuries, is the badge of Arianism also.
1. Athan. in various passages of his Theological
Treatises refers to it, and it is one of the reasons why
he speaks so familiarly of their "madness.'* "What
pressed on us so much," he says of the Councils of
Seleucia and Ariminum, "was that the whole world
should be thrown into confusion, and those who then
bore the profession of ecclesiastics should run about far
and near, seeking forsooth how best to learn to believe
in our Lord Jesus Christ. Certainly, if they were
believers already, they would not have been seeking,
as though they were not. And to the catechumens,
this was no small scandal; but to the heathen, it was
22 THE ABIANS.
something more than common, and even furnished
broad merriment, that Christians, as if waking out of
sleep at this time of day, should be making out how
they were to believe concerning Christ, while their
professed clergy, though claiming deference from their
flocks, as teachers, were unbelievers on their own show-
ing, in that they were seeking what they had not."
Syn. § 2.
The heathen Ammianus supports this complaint in
the well-known passage which tells of "the troops of
Bishops hurrying to and fro at the public expense,"
and "the Synods, in their efforts to bring over the
religion everywhere to their side, being the ruin of the
posting establishments." Hist. xxi. 16. Again, " The
spectacle proceeded to that pitch of indecency," says
Eusebius, "that at length, in the very midst of the
theatres of the unbelievers, the solemn matters of
divine teaching were subjected to the basest mockery."
In Vit. Const, ii. 61.
Also Athan., after speaking of the Arian tenet that
our Lord was once on His probation and might have
fallen, says, " This is what they do not shrink from con-
versing about in full market." Orat. i. § 37. And again,
" When they commenced this heresy, they used to go
about with dishonest crafty phrases which they had got
together ; nay, up to this time some of them, when they
fall in with boys in the market-place, question them,
not out of divine Scripture, but thus, as if bursting out
with the aba/ndance of their heart : — * He who is, did
He, from Him who is, make him who was not, or him
who was?'" Orat. i. § 22.
THB ASIANS. 28
Alexander speaks of the interference, even by legal
process, against himself, of disobedient women, &'
ivTV\lag yvvaucaptwv araicrtov a i^irarijaav, and of the
busy and indecent gadding about of the younger, lie
Tov irepirpoxaK^iv ircKxav ayviav a(riJ.iv(og. Ap, Theod.
Hist. i. 3, p. 730 ; also p. 747 ; also of the men's buffoon
conversation, p. 731. Socrates says that "in the
Imperial Coiirt the officers of the bedchamber held
disputes with the women, and in the city in every
house there was a war of dialectics." Hist. ii. 2. This
mania raged especially in Constantinople ; and S. Gre-
gory Nazianzen speaks of these women as "Jezebels
in as thick a crop as hemlock in a field." Orat. 35. 3.
He speaks of the heretics as "aiming at one thing
only, how to make good or refute points of argument,"
making " every market-place resound with their words,
and spoiling every entertainment with their trifling
and offensiYe talk." Orat. 27. 2. The most remarkable
testimony of the kind, though not concerning Constan-
tinople, is given by S. Gregory Nyssen, and often
quoted, " Men of yesterday and the day before, mere
mechanics, off-hand dogmatists in theology, servants
too and slaves that have been flogged, runaways from
servile work, are solemn with us and philosophical
about things incomprehensible. . . . With such the
whole city is full; its smaller gates, forums, squares,
thoroughfares ; the clothes-venders, the money-lenders,
the victuallers. Ask about pence, and he will discuss
the Generate and Ingenerate; inquire the price of
bread, he answers, Greater is the Father, and the Son
is subject; say that a bath would suit you, and he
24 THE ABIANS.
defines that the Son is made out of nothing." t. 2, p.
898. (de Deitate Fil. &c.)
Arius set the example of all this in his Thalia;
Leontius, Eudoxius, and Aetius, in various ways,
followed it faithfully.
2. Another characteristic of the Arian party was
their changeableness, insincerity, and want of prin-
ciple (vid. Ghameleons). This was owing to their fear
of the Emperor and of the Christian populations, which
hindered them speaking out; also, to the difficulty of
keeping their body together in opinion, and the neces*
sity they were in to deceive one party and to please
another, if they were to maintain their hold upon the
Church. Athanasius observes on their reluctance to
speak out, challenging them to present "the heresy
naked," de Sent. Dionys. 2, init. " No one," he says
elsewhere, " puts a light under a bushel ; let them show
the world their heresy naked." Ad. Ep. ^Eg. 18. Vid.
ibid. 10. In like manner, Basil says that though Arius
was, in faith, really like Eunomius (contr. Eunom.
i. 4), Aetius his master was the first to teach openly
(^ai/c/owc) that the Father's substance was unlike,
avo/ioeoC) the Son's. Ibid. i. 1. Epiphanius too, Hser.
76, p. 949, seems to say that the elder Arians held
the divine generation in a sense in which Aetius did
not ; that is, they were not boldly consistent and definite
as he was. Athan. de Decret. § 7, enumerates some of
the attempts of the Arians to find some theory short of
orthodoxy, yet short of that extreme heresy, on the
other hand, which they felt ashamed to avow.
The Treatise De Synodis^ above translated, supplies
THE ARIAKS. 25
abundant proof of their artifices and shuffling. (Vid.
art. Hypocrites.)
3. Cruelty, as in the instance of George of Gappadocia
and Macedonius of Constantinople, is another charge
which falls heavily on both Arians and Semi-Arians,
" In no long time," Athan. says, anticipating their
known practice, de Decret. § 2, "they will be turning
to outrage." As to the Council of Tyre, a.d. 335, he
asks, Apol. contr. Arian. § 8, "How venture they to
call that a Council in which a Count presided, and an
executioner was present, and a registrar [or jailer]
introduced us instead of the deacons of the Church ? "
Vid. also § 10 and 45 ; Orat. ii. § 43 ; Ep. Encycl. § 5.
Against employing violence in religious matters, vid.
Hist. Arian. § 33, 67. (Hil. ad Const, i. 2.) On the
other hand, he observes, that at Nicsea, "it was not
necessity which drove the judges to" their decision,
** but all vindicated the truth from deliberate purpose."
Ad Ep. Mg. 13.
4. They who did not scruple to use force were
consistent in their use of bribes also. S. Athanasius
speaks of them as Sa>poSoKde, and of the kI/oSoc r?}c
ipiXoxpwariag which influenced them, and of the
irpoaraaiag fjtiXwv. Orat. i. §§ 8, 10, and 53 ; also
ii. § 43.
And so S. Hilary speaks of the exemptions from
taxes which Constantius granted to the Clergy as a
bribe for them to Arianize: "You concede taxes as
Caesar, thereby to invite Christians to a denial; you
remit what is your own, that we may lose what is
God's," contr. Const. 10. Again, he speaks of
26 THE ABUKS.
Constantius as "hostem blandientem, qui non dorsa
ceedit, sed ventrem palpat, non proscribit ad vitam, sed
ditat in mortem, non caput gladio desecat, sed animam
auro occidit." Ibid. 5. Vid, Constant, in loe. Liberius
says the same, Theod. Hist. ii. 13. And S. Gregory
Naz. speaks of ^iXoxpwovc /xaXXov i} ^iXoxpttrrovg.
Orat. 21. 21. It is true that, Ep. ^g. 22, Athan.
contrasts the Arians with the Meletians in this respect,
as if, unlike the latter, the Arians were not influenced
by secular views. But there were, as was natural, two
classes of men in the heretical party: — the fanatical
class who began the heresy and were its real life, such
as Alius, and afterwards the Anomoeans, in whom mis-
belief was a " mania ; " and the Eusebians, who cared
little for a theory of doctrine or consistency of profession,
compared with their own aggrandizement. With these
must be included numbers who conformed to Arianism
lest they should suffer temporal loss.
Athan. says, that after Eusebius (Nicomed.) had
taken up the patronage of the heresy, " he made no pro-
gress till he had gained the Court," Hist. Arian. 66,
showing that it was an act of external power by which
Arianism grew, not an inward movement in the Church,
which indeed loudly protested against the Emperor's
proceeding, &c. (Vid. Catholic Church.)
2. The Arian Leaders.
Arius himself refers his heresy to the teaching of
Lucian, a presbyter of Antioch (Theod. Hist, i, 4 and
THE ABIANS. 27
5), who seems to have been, the head of a theological
party, and a friend of Paulus the heretical Bishop, and
out of communion during the time of three Bishops who
followed. Eusebius of Nicomedia, who seems to have
held the Arian tenets to their full extent, is claimed by
Arius'as his " fellow-Lucianist." Pronounced Arians
also were the Lucianists Leontius and Eudoxius.
Asterius, another of his pupils, did not go further than
Semi-Arianism, without perhaps perfect consistency;
nor did Lucian himself, if the Creed of the Dedication
(a.d. 341) comes from him, as many critics have held.
He died a martyr's death. (Vid. supr. vol. i. p. 96,
Syn. § 23, and notes.)
Asterius is the foremost writer on the Arian side, on
its start. He was by profession a sophist; he lapsed
and sacrificed, as Athan. tells us, in the persecution of
Maximian. His work in defence of the heresy was
answered by Marcellus of Ancyra, to whom Eusebius of
Csesarea in turn replied. Athan. quotes or refers to it
frequently in the treatises translated supr. Vid. Deer.
§ 8, 20 ; Syn. § 18—20; Orat. i. § 30, 31 ; ii. § 24. fin.,
28, 37, 40; iii. § 2, 60; Nicen. 13, 2^; Arrni. 23
and 24; Disc. 47, 58, 60, 135, 139, 151, 155, 226,
according to Bened. Ed., and according to this trans-
lation respectively. Asterius and Eusebius of .Caesarea
seem to be Semi- Arians of the same level.
We must be on our guard against confusing the one
Eusebius with the other. He of Nicomedia was an
Arian, a man of the world, the head of the Arian
party; he of Caesarea was the historian to whom we
are so much indebted — ^learned, moderate, liberal, the
28 THE ARIANS.
private friend of Constantine, a Semi-Arian. (Vid,
infr., art. Semi-Arianism and Eusebius.)
The leading Arians at the time of the Nicene Council,
besides Eusebius Nicom., were Narcissus, Patrophilus,
Maris, Paulinus, Theodotus, Athanasius of Nazarba,
and G-eorge (Syn. § 17).
Most of these original Arians were attacked in the
work of Marcellus which Eusebius (Csesar.) answers.
"Now," says the Csesarean Eusebius, "he replies to
Asterius, now to the great Eusebius," [of Nicomedia,]
" and then he turns upon that man of Grod, that indeed
thrice blessed person, Paulinus (of Tyre). Then he goes
to war with Origen. . . . Next he marches out against
Narcissus, and pursues the other Eusebius," i.e. himself.
" In a word, he counts for nothing all the Ecclesiastical
Fathers, being satisfied with no one but himself."
Contr. Marc. i. 4. Vid. art. Marcellus. There is little
to be said of Maris and Theodotus. Nazarba is more
commonly called Anazarbus, and is in Cilicia.
As is observed elsewhere, there were three parties
among the Arians from the first: — the Arians proper,
afterwards called Anomoeans; the Semi-Arian reaction
from them ; and the Court party, called Eusebians or
Acacians, from their leaders, Eusebius of Nicomedia
and Acacius of Caesarea, which sometimes sided with
the Semi-Arians, sometimes with the Arians proper,
sometimes attempted a compromise of Scripture terms.
The six named by Athanasius as the chief movers in
the Bipartite Council of Seleucia and Ariminum, were
Ursacius, Valens, Grerminius, Acacius, Eudoxius, and
Patrophilus, He numbers also among the Bishops at
THE ARIANS. 29
Ariminum, Auxentius, Demophilus, and Caius. And at
Seleucia, Uranius, Leontius, Theodotus, Evagrius, and
Greorge. Eusebius of Nicomedia was a kinsman of the
Imperial family and tutor to Julian. He was, as has
been already said, a fellow-disciple with Arius of Lucian.
He was Bishop, iSrst of Berytus, then of Nicomedia,
and at length of Constantinople, He received Arius
with open arms, on his expulsion from the Alexandrian
Church, put himself at the head of his followers, cor-
rected their polemical language, and used his great
influence with Constantino and Constantius to secure
the triumph of the heresy. He died about the year
343, and was succeeded in the political leadership of
the Eusebians by Acacius and Valens.
George, whom Athanasius, Gregory Naz., and So-
crates, call a Cappadocian, was bom, according to Am-
mianus, in Epiphania of Cilicia, at a fuller's mill. He
was appointed pork-contractor to the army, Syn. § 12,
Hist. Arian. 75, Naz. Orat. 21. 16, and, being detected in
defrauding the government, he fled to Egypt. Naz. Orat*
21. 16. How he became acquainted with the Eusebian
party does not appear. Sozomen says he recommended
himself to the see of Alexandria instead of Athan. by his
zeal for Arianism and his to Spa<TTripiov ; and Gregory
calls him the hand of the heresy, as Acacius (?) was the
tongue. Orat. 21. 21. He made himself so obnoxious
to the Alexandrians, that in the reign of Julian he
was torn to pieces in a rising of the heathen populace.
He had laid capital informations against many persons
of the place, and he tried to persuade Constantius that,
as the successor of Alexander its founder, he was pro-
30 THE AHiAKg.
prietor of the soil and had a claim upon the houses
built on it. Ammian. xxii. 11. Epiphanius tells us,
Hser. 76, 1, that he made a monopoly of the nitre of
Egypt, farmed the beds of papyrus, and the salt lakes,
and even contrived a profit from the [undertakers. His
atrocious cruelties to the Catholics are well known.
Yet he seems to have collected a choice library of
philosophers and poets and Christian writers, which
Julian seized on. Vid; Pithaeus in loc. Ammian. ; also
Gibbon, ch. 23.
Acacius was a pupil of Eusebius of Csesarea, and
succeeded him in the see of Csesarea in Palestine. He
inherited his library, and is ranked by S. Jerome among
the most learned commentators on Scripture. Both
Sozomen and Philostorgius speak, though in dififerent
ways, of his great talents. He seems to have taken up,
as his weapon in controversy, the objection that the
6fioov(riov was not a word of Scripture, which is in-
directly suggested by Eusebius (Csesar.) in his letter to
his people, supr. vol. i. p. 59. His formula was the
vague ofioiov (like), as the Anomoean was avo/iocov
(unlike), as the Semi-Arian was ojuloioxxtiov (like in sub-
stance), and the orthodox ofioovmov (one in substance).
However, like most of his party, his changes of opinion
were considerable. At one time, after professing the
Kara iravra o/ioeov, and even the r?}c avrijc oxxrlagi Soz.
iv, 22^ he at length avowed the Anomoean doctrine.
Ultimately, after Constantius's death, he subscribed
the Nicene formula. Vid. " Arians of the Fourth
Century," p. 275, 4th ed.
Valens, Bishop of Mursa, and Ursacius, Bishop of
IrpB AiaiAKS. 81
Singidoii, ate generally mentioned together. They
were pupils of Arius, and, as such, are called young by
Athan. ad Episc. -^g. 7; and in ApoL contr. Arian.
§ 13, "young in years and mind;" by Hilary, ad
Const, i. 5, "imperitis et improbis duobus adolescentv-
bus ; " and by the Council of Sardica, ap. Hilar. Fragm.
ii. 12. They first appear at the Council of Tyre, a.d.
335. The Council of Sardica deposed them; in 349
they publicly retracted their charges against Atha-
nasius, who has preserved their letters. Apol. contr.
Arian. 6^* Valens was the more prominent of the
two; he was a favourite Bishop of Constantius, an
extreme Arian in his opinions, and the chief agent at
Ariminum in effecting the lapse of the Latin Fathers.
Germinius was made Bishop of Sirmium by the
Eusebians in 351, instead of Photinus, whom they
deposed for a kind of Sabellianism. However, in spite
of his Arianism, he was obliged in 358 to sign the
Semi-Arian formula of Ancyra; yet he was an active
Eusebian again at Ariminum. At a later date he
approached very nearly to Catholicism.
Eudoxius is said to have been a pupil of Lucian,
Arius's master, though the dates scarcely admit of it.
Eustathius, Catholic Bishop of Antioch, whom the
Eusebians subsequently deposed, refused to admit him
into orders. Afterwards he was made Bishop of Ger-
manicia in Syria, by his party. He was present at
the Council of Antioch in 341, the Dedication, vid.
not. supr. vol. i. p. 94, and he carried into the West,
in 345, the fifth Confession, called the Long, juaic/aoer-
tix^Cj Syn. § 26. He afterwards passed in succession
32 THE AEIANS.
to the sees of Antioch and Constantinople, and baptised
the Emperor Valens into the Arian confession.
Patrophilus was one of the original Arian party, and
took share in all their principal acts, but there is no-
thing very distinctive in his history. Sozomen assigns
to the above six Bishops, of whom he was one, the
scheme of dividing the Council into two. Hist. iv. 16 ;
Valens undertaking to manage the Latins, Acacius the
Greeks.
There were two Arian Bishops of Milan of the name
of Auxentius, but little is known of them besides. S.
Hilary wrote against the elder; the other came into
collision with S. Ambrose. Demophilus, Bishop of
Berea, was one of those who carried the " Long Confes-
sion" into the West, though Athan. only mentions
Eudoxius, Martyrius, and Macedonius, Syn. § 26. He
was afterwards claimed by Aetius, as agreeing with him.
Of Caius, an Illyrian Bishop, nothing is known except
that he sided throughout with the Arian party.
Euzoius was one of the Arian Bishops of Antioch,
and baptised Constantius before his death. He had
been excommunicated with Arius in Egypt and at
Nicaea, and was restored with him to the Church at the
Council of Jerusalem. He succeeded at Antioch S.
Meletius, who, on being placed in that see by the Arians,
professed orthodoxy, and was forthwith banished by
them.
The leaders of the Semi-Arians, if they are on the
rise of the heresy to be called a party, were in the first
instance Asterius and Eusebius of Caesarea, of whom I
have already spoken, and shall speak again. Semi-
THE ABIANS. 33
Arianism was at first a shelter and evasion for pure
Arianism, or at a later date it was a reaction from the
Anomoean enormities. The leading Semi-Arians of
the later date were Basil, Mark, Eustathius, Eleusius,
Meletius, and Macedonius. Basil, who is considered
their head, wrote against Marcellus, and was placed by
the Arians in his see ; he has little place in history till
the date of the Council of Sardica, which deposed him.
Constantius, however, stood his friend till the beginning
of the year 360, when Acacius supplanted him in the
Imperial favour, and he was banished into lUyricum.
This was a month or two later than the date at which
Athan. wrote his first draught or edition of his De Syno-
(lis. He was condemned upon charges of tyranny and
the like, but Theodoret speaks highly of his correctness
of life, and Sozomen of his learning and eloquence.
Vid. Theod. Hist. ii. 20; Soz. ii. 33. A very little
conscientiousness, or even decency of manners, would
put a man in strong relief with the great Arian party
which surrounded the Court, and a very great deal
would not have been enough to secure him against their
unscrupulous slanders. Athan. reckons him among
those who " are not far from accepting even the phrase,
* One in substance,' in what he has written concerning
the faith," vid. Syn. § 41. A favourable account of
him will be found in " The Arians," &c., ed. 4, p. 300,
&c», where vid. also a notice of the others. Of Mace-
donius little is known except his cruelties. Vid. " The
Arians," p. 311.
The Anomoeans, with whose history this work is
scjircely concerned, had for their leaders Aetius and
VOL. II. D
34 TfiLE AHIAKS.
Eunomiup. Of these Aetius was the first to carry out
Arianism in its pure logical form, as Eunomius was
its principal apologist. He was bom in humble life,
and was at first a practitioner in medicine. After a
time he became a pupil of the Arian Paulinus ; then
the guest of Athanasius of Nazarba ; then the pupil of
Leontius of Antioch, who ordained him deacon, and
afterwards deposed him. This was in 350. In 351 he
seems to have held a dispute with Basil of Ancyra, at
Sirmium, as did Photinus ; in the beginning of 360 he
was ^formally condemned in that Council of Constan-
tinople which confirmed the Creed of Ariminum, and
at the time when Eudoxius had been obliged to anathe-
matise his confession of faith. This was at the time
Athan. wrote the De Syn.
3. Avian Teifiete avd Reasonings.
IF The idea of Sonship includes in it two main rela-
tions viewed as regards paternity, non-priority of
existence and community of nature. As used in
theology, it is an analogous and indirect illustration
(vid. lUustrationa) of the Divine Truth which is the
cardinal doctrine of Revelation, and what has to be
determined is the special aspect under which we are
intended to view it. For instance, it may be argued
that, a son being junior in age to his father, and having
a beginning, our Lord is not eternal, but a creature;
or on the contrary, as the Catholic Church, as following
Scripture, has ever taught, that, as the Son belongs to
Grod's very essence and being, therefore, if Grod is
from eternity uncreate, so is He.
THE ABIANS. 35
f As Grod created the world out of nothing by an
external, so He gave birth to the Son out of Himself
by an internal ; and if this divine generation be, a3 it
is, incomprehensible, so also confessedly is the divine
creation.
IF The Arians refused to our Lord the name of Grod,
except in the sense in which they called Him Word
and Wisdom, not as denoting His nature and essence,
but as epithets really belonging to the Supreme Being
alone or to His attributes, though from grace or by
privilege transferred by Him in an improper sense to
the creature. In this sense the Son could claim to be
called Grod, but in no other.
[_ IF The main argument of the Arians was that our Lord
was a Son, and therefore was not eternal, but of a
substance which had a beginning. With this Arius
started in his dispute with Alexander. " Arius, a man
not without dialectic skill, thinking that the Bishop
was introducing the doctrine of Sabellius the Libyan,
out of contention fell off into the opinion diametrically
opposite, .... and he says, * If the Father begot the
Son, he that was begotten had a beginning of existence ;
and from this it is plain that once the Son was not ;
and it follows of necessity that He had His subsistence
out of nothing.' " Socr. i. 5. Accordingly, Athanasius
says (in substance) early in his Deer., " Having argued
with them as to the meaning of their own selected term,
* Son,' let us go on to others, which on their very) face
make for us, such as Word, Wisdom, &c."
If In what sense then was " Son " to be predicated of
the Divine Nature ? The Catholics said that the true
d2
86 THE AEIAirS.
meaning of the word was consubstantiality (co-essenti-
ality) with the Father, whereas the point of posteriority
to the Father depended on a condition, time^ which
could not exist in the instance of God.
f But the Arians persisted, maintaining that a son
has his origin of existence from his father; what has
an origin has a beginning; what has a beginning
is not from eternity; what is not from eternity is not
God ; forgetting, first, that origination and beginning
are not convertible terms, and that the idea of a begin-
ning is not bound up with the idea of an origin ; and
secondly, that a son not only has his origin of existence
from his father, but also his nature, and all that is
proper to his nature.
If The Arians went on to maintain that to suppose a
true Son, was to think of God irreverently, as imply-
ing division, change, composition, &c. The Catholics
replied that the notion of materiality was quite as
foreign from the Divine Essence as time, and as a
Divine Sonship could be eternal, in like manner
it implied neither composition nor development,
<7Vju/3fj3»jKOc> WEpi^oXri or irpo(io\ri»
f The Arians, moreover, argued in behalf of their
characteristic tenet from the inferiority necessarily
involved in the very idea of a Son. But since He was
distinct from His Father, and inferior. He was not God ;
and, if not God, then He was created, even though a
Son. Sonship was a mere quality or characteristic
bestowed upon a creature. The Catholics, in answer,
denied that a son was in his nature inferior to his father ;
just the reverse ; and the question here simply was about
THE ABIAKS^ 37
our Lord's nature, whether it was divine, whether He
was of one, of the same, nature with the Father,
If Though the Arians would not allow to Catholics
that our Lord was Son hy nature^ and maintained that
the word implied a beginning of existeTbce^ they were un-
willing to say that He was Son merely in the sense in
which we are sons, though, as Athan. contends, they
necessarily tended to this conclusion, as soon as they
receded from the Catholic view. Thus Arius said that
He was a creature, " but not as one of the creatures."
Orat. ii. § 19. Valens at Ariminum said the game.
Jerom. adv. Lucifer. 18. Hilary says, that, not daring
directly to deny that He was Grod, the Arians merely
asked " whether He was a Son." De Trin. viii. 3.
f If once they could be allowed to deny our Lord's
proper divinity, they cared not what high titles they
heaped upon Him in order to cloak over their heresy,
and to calm the indignation and alarm which it roused ;
nay, in the case of many of the Semi- Arians, in order
to hide the logical consequences of their misbelief from
themselves. They did not like to call our Lord barely
a creature ; certainly the political party did not, who
had to carry the Emperor with them, and, if possible,
the laity. Anyhow, in their preaching He was the
first of creatures ; more than a creature, because a son,
though they could not say what was meant by a son,
as distinct from a creature : and so far they did in fact
confess a mystery; that is, the Semi-Arians„ such as
Eusebius, as shown in a passage quoted in art. Son;
though Arius and Arians proper, and the Anomoeans,
who spoke out, and had no fear of the Imperial Court,
88 THE ARTAKS.
avowed their belief that our Lord, like other creatures,
was capable of falling. However, as represented by
their Councils and Creeds, they readily called Him ** a
creature not as other creatures, an oflFspring not as
other offsprings," the primeval and sole work of God,
the Creator, and created in order to create, the one
Mediator, the one Priest, Q-od of the world. Image of
the Most Perfect, the Mystical Word and Wisdom of
the Highest, and, as expressive of all this, the Only
begotten.
f " What use is it," says Athan., " to pretend that
He is a creature and not a creature? for though ye
shall say. Not as *one of the creatures,' I will prove
this sophism of yours to be a poor one. For still ye
pronounce Him to be one of the creatures ; and what-
ever a man might say of the other creatures, such ye
hold concerning the Son. For is any one of the crea-
tures just what another is, that ye should predicate
this of the Son as some prerogative?" Orat. ii. § 19.
And so S. Ambrose, "Quae enim creatura non sicut
alia creatura non est ? Homo non ut Angelus, terra
non ut coelum." De Fid. i. n. 130; and a similar
passage in Nyss. contr. Eun. iii. p. 132, 3.
f The question between Catholics and Arians was
whether our Lord was a true Son, or only called Son.
" Since they whisper something about Word and
Wisdom as only names of the Son," &c. bvojiara fiovov,
Deer. § 16. " The title of Image too is not a token of
a similar substance, but His name only," Orat. i. § 21 ;
and so ii. § 38, where toXq ovofiatri is synonymous with
Kar eirlvoiav, as Sent. D. 22, vid. also ibid. § 39 ; Orat.
THE ARIANS. 89
iii. § 11, 18; "not named Son, but ever Son," iv.
§ 24, fin. ; Ep. Mg. 16. " We call Him so, and mean
truly what we say ; they say it, but do not confess it."
Chrysost, in Act. Horn. 33, 4. Vid. also voOoig Sjawep
ovofcao-e, Cyril, de Trin. ii. p. 418. "Non hsec nuda
nomina," Ambros. de Fid. i. 17. Yet, though the
Arians denied the reality of the Sonship, so it was that
since Sabellianism went beyond them, as denying the
divine Sonship in any sense, Orat. iv. 2, they were able
to profess that they believed that our Lord was " true
Son." E.g., this is professed by Arius, Syn. § 16; by
Euseb. in Marc. pp. 19, 35, 161 ; by Asterius, Orat.
ii. § 37 ; by Palladius and Secundianus in the Cotincil
of Aquileia ap. Ambros. 0pp. t. 2, p. 791 (ed. Bened.);
by Maximinus ap. August, contr. Max. i. 6. As to
their sense of "real," it was no more than the sense
in which Athan. uses the word of us, when he says
vioTTOioviiiBOa aXriOiijg*
IF When the Nicene controversialists maintained, on
the contrary, that He was " true Grod," because He was
** of true Grod," as the Creed speaks (vid. art. Son) ; of
one nature with Grod as the offspring of man is of one
nature with man, and of one essence as well as of one
nature, because Grod is numerically one, the Arians in
answer denied that, by reason of His being true Son
therefore He was true Grod. They said that in order to
be a true Son it was sufficient to partake of the
Father's nature, that is, to have a certain portion of
divinity, /neTovaia; this all holy beings had, and
without it they could not be holy; of this S. Peter
speaks ; but as this participation of the divine nature
40 THE AETANS.
does not make holy beings who possess it Grod, neither
is the Son God, though He be Son Kvpiwg koI aXriSwc.
And it must be granted that the words Kvpiiog and
aXriOtjg are applied by the Fathers themselves to the
sonship conveyed in the gifts of regeneration and
santification, (Arts. Father and Grace,)
IF The Catholics would reply that it was not a ques-
tion of the use of terms : anyhow, to have a /utroviria
of divinity, as creatures have, is not to have the divine
oixTia, as our Lord has. No furovaia is a proper
gennesis. " When God is wftoUy partaken, this," says
Athanasius, and we may add, this only, " is equivalent
to saying He begets." In this sense Augustine says,
" ' As the Father has life in Himself, so hath He given
also to the Son to have life in Himself,' not by partid-
pating, but in Himself. For we men have not life in
ourselves, but in our God. But that Father, who has
life in Himself, begat a Son such, as to have life in
Himself, not to become partaker of life, but to be
Himself life ; and of that Ufe to make us partakers.^
Serm. 127, de Verb, Evang. 9. It was plain, then,
that, though the Arians professed to accept the word
" Son " in its first and true sense, they did not under-
stand it in its literal fulness, but in only a portion
or aspect of its tnie sense, that is, figuratively.
f Hence it stands in the Nicene Creed, "from the
Father, that is, from the substance of the Father."
Vid. Eusebius's Letter (Deer. App.). According to the
received doctrine of the Church, all rational beings, and
in one sense all beings whatever, are "from God,"
over and above the fact of their creation; and of this
THE AEIANS. 41
truth the Eusebians made use to deny our Lord's
proper divinity. Athan. lays down elsewhere that
nothing continues in consistence and life, except from
a participation of the Word, which is to be considered
a gift from Him, additional to that of creation, and
separable in idea from it. Vid. art. Qrace. Thus he
says that " the all-powerful and all-perfect. Holy Word
of the Father, pervading all things, and developing
everywhere His power, and illuminating all things
visible and invisible, gathers them within Himself and
knits them in one, leaving nothing destitute of His
power, but quickening and preserving all things and
through all, and each by itself, and the whole alto-
gether." Contr. Gent. 42. Again, " Grod not only made
us of nothing, hut also vouchsafed to us a life aocordtag
to Ghod, by the grace of the Word. But men, turning
from things eternal to the things of corruption at the
devil's counsel, have brought on themselves the corrup-
tion of death, who were, as I said, hy nature corrupted^
but by the grace of the participation (fierovaiag) of tJie
Word, would have escaped their natural state, had they
remained good." Incam. 5. Man thus considered is,
in his first estate, a son of God and bom of God, or, to
use the term which occurs so frequently in the Arian
controversy, in the number, not only of the creatures,
but of things generate, yevtira. This was the sense in
which the Arians said that our Lord was Son of God ;
whereas, as Athan. says, " things generate, bein^ works
(SrifJ-iovpyriiiiaTai) cannot be called generate, except so
far as, after their making, they partake of the begotten
Son, and are therefore said to have been generated
42 THE ARIANS.
also ; not at all in their own Tiature^ but because of their
participation of the Son in the Spirit." Orat. i. 56.
The question then was, as to the distinction of the
Son's divine generation over that of holy men ; and the
Catholics answered that He was 1^ ovmag, from the
substance of Grod ; not by participation of grace, not by
resemblance, not in any limited sense, but really and
simply from Him, and therefore by an internal divine
act. Vid. Deer. § 22.
If The Arians availed themselves of certain texts as
objections, argued keenly and plausibly from them, and
would not be driven from them. Orat. ii. § 18 ; Epiph.
HsBr. 69, 15. Or rather they took some words of
Scripture, and made their own deductions from them ;
viz., "Son," "made," "exalted," &c. "Making their
private impiety as if a rule, they misinterpret all the
divine oracles by it." Orat. i. § 52. Vid. also Epiph.
Hser. 76. 5, fin. Hence we hear so much of their
OpvWrtrai (JKjjvaty Xi^Big^ Ittti, /oirra, sayings in general
circulation, which were commonly founded on some
particular text; e.g., Orat. i. § 22^ "amply providing
themselves with words of craft, they used to go about,
&c." wepifipxovTo. Vid. vol. i. p. 29, note. Also avw
Ktti Kara) tripi^ipovr^Qy De Deer. § 13 ; rf pvT<^
TBOpv\\'{}Ka<Ti ra Travraxov, Orat. ii, § 18 ; to
TToXvOpiWriTov (ro^£(rjua, Basil, contr. Eunom. ii. 14;
rrjv TToXvOpiXkriTov SiaXBKTiKrjVi Nyssen contr. Eun. iii.
p. 125 ; TTjv OpvXXoviiiev'nv aTroppofiv, Cyril. Dial. iv. p.
505 ; TTjv woXvOpyXXrirbv 0wv?]v, Socr. ii. 43.
fEusebius's letter to Euphration, mentioned Syn.
§ 1 7, illustrates their sharp and shallow logic — " If they
THE ARTANS. 43
co-exist, how shall the Father be Pather and the Son
Son ; or how the One first, the Other second ? and the
One ingenerate and the Other generate ? " Acta Cone.
7, p. 1015, Ed. Ven. 1729. Hence Arius, in his Letter
to Eusebius Nic, complains that Alexander says, aei 6
Oebg, aei 6 viog' afia TraTTjpf ajia vtoc- Theod. Hist,
i. 4. " Then their profailfeness goes farther," says
Athan. ; Orat. i. § 14. " * H it never was, that the Son
was not,' say they, *but He is eternal, and co-exists
with the Father, call Him no more the Father's Son,
but brother.' " As the Arians here object that the
First and Second Persons of the Holy Trinity are
diekfpoXi so did they say the same in the course of the
controversy of the Second and Third. Vid. Athan.
Scrap, i. 15 ; iv. 2.
If " They contend that the Son and the Father are
not in such wise One or Like as the Church preaches,
but . . . they say, since what the Father wills, the
Son wills also, in all respects concordant, . • . there-
fore it is that He and the Father are one." Orat. iii. § 10.
IF " The Arians reply, * So are the Son and the Father
One, and so is the Father in the Son, and the Son in
the Father, as we too may become one in Him.' "
Orat. iii. § 17.
% In the Arian Creed of Potamius, Bishop of Lisbon,
our Lord is said "hominem suscepisse per quem
compasaua est," which seems to imply that He had no
soul distinct from His Divinity. " Non passibilis Deus
Spiritus," answers Phoebadius, "licet in homine suo
passus." The Sardican confession also seems to impute
this heresy to the Arians. Vid. supr. vol. i. note, p.
116, and infr. art. EuaebiuSy fin.
44 THE ARIANS.
IF They did not admit into their theology the notion
of mystery. In vain might Catholics urge the ne sutor
ultra crepidann. It was useless to urge upon them that
they were reasoning about matters upon which they
had no experimental knowledge ; that we had no means
of determining whether or how a spiritual being, really
trine, could be numerically one, and therefore can only
reason by means of our conceptions, and as if nothing
were a fact which was inconceivable. It is a matter of
faith that Father and Son are one, and reason does not
therefore contradict it, because experience does not
show us how to conceive of it. To us, poor creatures
of a day, — who are but just now bom out of nothing,
and have everything to learn even as regards human
knowledge, — that such truths are incomprehensible to
us, is no wonder.
f The Anomoean Arians, who arose latest and went
farthest, had no scruple in answering this consideration
by denying that God was incomprehensible. Arius
indeed says in his Thalia that the Son cannot know
the Father by comprehension, Kara KaraXrirpiy : "to
that which has origin, to conceive how the Unoriginate
is, is impossible." Syn. § 15; but on the other hand
the doctrine of the Anomoeans, who in most points
agreed with Arius, was, that all men could know God
as He knows Himself; according to Socrates, who
says, "Not to seem to be slandering, listen to
Eunomius himself, what words he dares to use in
sophistry concerning God; they run thus: — *God
knows not of His own substance more than we do;
nor is it known to Him more, to us less ; but whatso-
THE ABIA^S. 45
ever we may know of it, that He too knows ; and what
again He, that you will find without any difierence in
us/ " Hist. iv. 7.
If KaraXrixpiQ was' originally a Stoical word, and even
when the act was perfect, it was considered attribu-
table only to an imperfect being. For it is used in
contrast to the Platonic doctrine of JSlat, to express
the hold of things obtained by the mind through the
senses; it being a Stoical maxim, "nihil esse in
intellectu quod non fuerit prius in sensu." In this
sense it is also used by the Fathers, to mean real and
certain knowlege after inquiry, though it is also
ascribed to Almighty God. As to the position of
Arius, since we are told in Scripture that none
" knoweth the things of a man save the spirit of man
which is in him," if KaraXriipig be an exact and com-
plete knowledge of the object of contemplation, to
deny that the Son comprehended the Father, was
to deny that He was in the Father, that is, to deny
the doctrine of the iripixwpTnai^y — vid. in the Thalia,
Syn. § 15, the word avBirifiLKTOi ; or to maintain that
He was a distinct, and therefore a created, being.
On the other hand, Scripture asserts that, as the Holy
Spirit which is in God, " searcheth all things, yea, the
deep things," of God, so the Son, as being, "in the
bosom of the Father," alone "hath declared Him."
Vid. Clement. Strom, v. 12. And thus Athan., speaking
of Mark xiii. 32, " If the Son is in the Father, and the
Father in the Son, and the Father knows the day
and the hour, it is plain that the Son too, being in the
Father, and knowing the things in the Father, Himself
46 THE ABIANS.
also knows the day and the hour." Orat. iii. 44, viA
also Matt. xi. 27.
4. Historical Course of Arianiam.
There seems to have been a remarkable anticipation
of this heresy in the century before its rise; and it is
notable as showing in consequence the early date of a
formal development of Catholic theology, which we are
apt to assign to the fourth and fifth centuries. Vid.
note on p. 47 in the present work, ed. Oxf. The con-
troversy which called for this development arose in
the middle of the third century, and incurred the
vigilant protest of the Pope of the day as being the
issue of a dangerous opinion, founded apparently on
the Stoic distinction between the X070C evSiaSero^ and
irpoi^opiKOQy and looked on with favour in some Catholit
quarters, vid. Tracts Theol., &c., art. iii. p. 137. And
thus we are brought to Arianism.
f When this conclusion was reached by a number of
men sufficient in position and influence to constitute a
party, the first Ecumenical Council was held in A.D. 325
at Nicaea for its condemnation.
The Nicene Fathers, in the first place, defined the
proper divinity of the Son of God, introducing into
their creed the formulas 1^ oixriag and ofioovtriogy as
tests of orthodoxy, and next they anathematised the
heretical propositions : and this with the ready adhesion
of Constantine. He died in 337.
IF During his later years he had softened towards the
Arians, and on his death they gained his son Constan-
THE ABIANS. 47
tius, who tyrannised over Christendom, persecuting the
orthodox Bishops, and especially Athanasius, till his
immature death in 361.
If The Arians regained political power on the acces-
sion of Valens, in 364, who renewed the persecutions
of Constantius.
% They came to an end, as far as regards any
influence on the State, upon the accession of Theo-
dosius and the Second Ecumenical Council, 381.
In the controversies and troubles they occasioned,
while the orthodox formvlaa were, as has been said, the
1^ ovala^ and the o/ioovo-io^, (viz., that our Lord was
from and in the Divine Essence,) the Semi-Arians
maintained the ofioiovaiov, or that He was like the
Divine Essence, the political and worldly party of
Eusebius, Acacius, and Eudozius, professed vaguely
the Sfioiov Kara iravra, or that our Lord was like Grod in
all things, and the fanatical Anomoeans gained their
name because they denied any likeness in Him to G-od
at all*
48 ASTBBIUS.
ASTERIUS.
This writer, already noticed in art. Arian Leaders,
seems according to Athan. to have been hired to write
apon the Arian side, and argued on the hypothesis of
Semi-Arianism, He agrees very much in doctrine
with EusQbius, and in moderation of language, judging
by the extracts which Athan. has preserved. (Vid. also
Epiph. Haer. 72, 6.)
t Like Eusebius, he held (Orat. ii. § 24) that the God
of all created His Son as an instrument or organ, or
inrovpyogi of creation, by reason of the necessary inca-
pacity in the creature, as such, to endure the force
and immediate presence of a Divine Hand (vid. art.
aKparog), which, while It created, would have annihi-
lated. (Euseb. Demonstr. iv. 4; Eccl. Th. i. 8, 13;
Pr3Bp. vii. 15 ; Sabell. p. 9.)
IF But, says Athanasius, it is contrary to all our
notions of religion to suppose God is not sufficient for
Himself, and cannot create, enlighten, address, and
unite Himself to His creatures immediately. "The
Word has with His Father the oneness of Godhead
indivisible. Else, why does the Father through Him
create, and in Him reveal Himself to whom He will,
&c. ... If they say that the Father is not all-
sufficient, their answer is impious." Orat. ii. § 41.
And such an answer seems to be implied in saying that
ASTBEIUS. 49
the Son was created for creation, illumination, &c.,
&c. ; vid. art. Mediation.
% He considered that our Lord was taught to create,
and without teaching could not by His mere nature
have acquired the skill. "Though He is a creature,
and has been brought into being," Asterius writes, ^
"yet as from Master and Artificer has He learned to
frame things, and thus has ministered to God who
taught Him," Orat. ii. § 28, vid. art. Eusebius^ who
speaks of the Word in the poetical tone of Platonism.
1 Also he distinguishes after the manner of the
Semi-Arians, between the yevvriTiicfi and the Briixiovpyiicfi
^vvafiig. Again, the illustration of the Sun (Syn.
§ 19) is another point of agreement with Eusebiusj
vid. Demonstr. iv. 5.
If And he, like Eusebius, is convicted of Arianism
beyond mistake, in whatever words he might cloak
his heresy, by his rejection of the doctrine of the
irepixd^priffig. " He is in the Father," he says, " and the
Father again in Him, because neither the word on
which He is discoursing is His own, but the Father's,
nor the works, but the Father's who gave Him the
power." Orat. iii. § 2.
f He defined the ayivvnrog, or " Ingenerate, to mean
that which never came into being, but was always"
(Orat. i. § 30) ; and then he would argue, that God being
ayevvijrocj and a Son ycvvijroc* our Lord could not be
God.
K While, with the other Arians, he introduced philo-
sophical terms into theology, he with them explained
away Scripture. They were accustomed to interpret
VOL. II. E
50 ASTEMUS.
our Lord's titles, "Son," "Word," "Power," by the
secondary senses of such terms, as they belong to us,
Grod's children by adoption; and so Asterius, perhaps
flippantly, answered such arguments, as "Christ Grod's
Power and Wisdom," by objecting that the locust was
called by the prophet " Grod's great power." Syn. § 19.
f He argues, in behalf of our Lord's gennesia following
upon an act of Divine counsel and will, that we must
determine the point by inquiring whether it is more
worthy of Grod to act with deliberation or riot. Now
the Creator acted with such counsel and will in the
work of creation; therefore so to act is most worthy
of Him; it follows that will should precede the gev^
neais also. But in that case the Son is posterior to
the Father.
ATHANASIUS. 51
ATHANASIUS.
This renowned Father is in ecclesiastical history the
special doctor of the sacred truth which Arius denied,
bringing it out into shape and system so fully and
luminously that he may be said to have exhausted his
subject, as far as it lies open to the human intellect.
But, besides this, writing as a controversialist, not
primarily as a priest and teacher, he accompanies his
exposition of doctrine with manifestations of character
which are of great interest and value. Here some of
the more prominent of these traits shall be set down, as
they are seen in various of his Treatises.
1 . The fundamental idea with which he starts in the
controversy is a deep sense of the authority of Tradition,
which he considers to have a definitive jurisdiction
even in the interpretation of Scripture, though at the
same time he seems to consider that Scripture, thus
interpreted, is a document of final appeal in inquiry
and in disputation. Hence, in his view of religion, is
the magnitude of the evil which he is combating, and
which exists prior to that extreme aggravation of it
(about which no Catholic can doubt) involved in the
characteristic tenet of Arianism itself. According to
him, opposition to the witness of the Church, separation
from its communion, private judgment overbearing the
authorised catechetical teaching, the fact of a denomi-
nation, as men now speak, this is a self-condemnation ;
and the heretical tenet, whatever it may happen to be,
£2
52 ATHANASIUS.
which is its formal life, is a spiritual poison and nothing
else ; the sowing of the evil one upon the good seed, in
whatever age and place it is found; and he applies to
aU separatists the Apostle's words, "They went out
from us, for they were not of us." Accordingly, speak-
ing of one Ehetorius, an Egyptian, who, as S. Austin
tells us, taught that "all heresies were in the right
path and spoke truth," he says that "the impiety of
such doctrine is frightful to mention." ApoU. i. § 6.
This is the explanation of the fierceness of his
language, when speaking of the Arians, which to a
modem reader may seem superfluous and painful; the
heretics were simply, as Elymas, " full of all guile and
of all deceit, children of the devil, enemies of all
justice," Beofiaxoif — by court influence, by violent
persecution, by sophistry, seducing, unsettling, per-
verting, the people of God.
2. It was not his way to be fierce, as a matter of
course, with those who opposed him ; his treatment of
the Semi-Arians is a proof of this. Eusebius of
Caesarea indeed he did not favour, for he discerned in
that eminent man what, alas, was genuine Arianism ;
and Eusebius's conduct towards him, and his partisan-
ship with the heretics, and his antagonism to the Nicene
Council, confirmed his judgment; but with the Semi-
Arian body, who rose up against the pure Arians, he was
very gentle, considering them, or at least many of them,
of good promise,'^as the event' proved them to be. He
calls some of them "brethren" and ayaTnyroi (Syn.
§§ 41, 43), as Hilary calls them "Sanctissimi viri,"
(Syn. 80, vid. art. Semi-Arianism infr.) Nor is there
ATTHANASIUS. 58
any violence in his treatment of Marcellus, ApoUinaris,
Hosius, or Liberius. Vid. art. 'AXriOeia.
3. And so in the account he has left us of the death
of Arius (de Mort. Ar.), which he considers, and truly,
as an awful judgment of Grod, there is no triumph in his
tone, though he held him in holy horror; not those
fierce expressions, which certainly are to be found in
his Orations. " I was not at Constantinople," he says,
" when he died, but Macarius the Presbyter was, and I
heard the account of -it from him. Arius Jhad been
summoned by the Emperor Constantino, through the
interest of the Eusebians, and, when he entered the
presence, the Emperor inquired of him, whether he
held the faith of the Catholic Church, and he declared
upon oath that he held the right faith. . . The Emperoi
dismissed him'^saying, *If thy faith be right, thou hast
done well to swear; but if thy faith be impious, and
thou hast sworn, God judge thee according to thy oath.'
When he thus came from the presence of the Emperor,
the Eusebians, with their accustomed violence, desired
to bring him into the Church ; but Alexander the Bishop
.... was greatly distressed, and, entering into the
Church, he stretched forth his bands to Grod, and
bewailed himself; and, casting himself upon his face,
in the chancel, he prayed upon the pavement. Maca-
rius also was present and prayed with him, and heard
his words. And he sought these two things, saying,
* If Arius is broughtiVto communion to-morrow, let me
Thy servant ; depart, .... but, if Thou wilt spare
Thy ^Church . . . take off Arius, lest the heresy may
seem to enter with him.' ... A wonderful and extra-
S4 ATtiAlfASItJS.
ordinary circumstance took place. While the Eusebians
threatened, the Bishop prayed; but Arius, who had
great confidence in the Eusebians, and talked very
wildly, seized by indisposition withdrew, and suddenly,
in the language of Scripture, faUiiig headlong^ burst
asunder in the midstf and immediately expired as he lay,
and was deprived both of communion and of his life
together." Then he adds, "Such was the end of
Arius; and the Eusebians, overwhelmed with shame,
buried their accomplice, while the blessed Alexander,'
amid the rejoicing of the Church, celebrated the Synaxis
with piety and orthodoxy, praying with all the brethren
and greatly glorifying Grod; not as exulting in his
death (God forbid), for it is appointed unto all men once
to die, but . . . that the Lord Himself judged between
the threats of the Eusebians and the prayer of Alex-
ander, and condemned the Arian heresy."
4. His language, in speaking of Gonstantius, gives
opportunity for more words. Up to the year 356,
Athanasius had treated Gonstantius as a member of the
Church; but at that date the Eusebian or Court party
abandoned the Semi-Arians for the Anomoeans. George
of Cappadocia was placed as Bishop in Alexandria,
Athanasius was driven into the desert^ S. Hilary and
other Western Bishops were sent into banishment.
Hosius was persecuted into signing an Arian confession,
and Pope Liberius into communicating with the Arians.
Upon this Athanasius changed his tone, and considered
that he had to deal with an Antichrist. In his Apol.
contr. Arian. init. (a.d. 350), ad Ep. ^g. 5 (356),
and his Apol. ad Constant, passim. (356), he calls the
ATHANASIUS. 65
Emperor most pious, religious, &c. At the end of the
last-mentioned work, § 27, the news comes to him,
while in exile, of the persecution of the Western
Bishops and the measures against himself. He still in
the peroration calls Constantius "blessed and divinely
favoured Augustus," and urges on him that he is a
** Christian Emperor, (j^iXoxpkttoq.^^ In the works
which follow, Apol. de fuga, § 26 (357), he calls him
a heretic; and Hist, Arian, § 45, &c. (358), speaking
with indignation of the treatment of Hosius, &c., he
calls him "Ahab," « Belshazzar," "Saul," "Anti-
christ." The passage at the end of the Apol. contr.
Arian., in which he speaks of the " much violence and
tyrannical power of Constantius," is an addition of
Athan.'s at a later date. Vid. Montfaucon's note on § 88,
fin. This is worth mentioning, as it shows the unfair-
ness of the following passage in Gibbon, ch. xxi.
note 116: "As Athanasius dispersed secret invectives
against Constantius, see the Epistle to the monks " [i.e..
Hist. Arian. ad Monach. a.d. 358], "a^ the same time
that he assured him of his profound respect, we might
distrust the professions of the Archbishop, tom. i.
p. 677" [i.e., apparently Apol. ad Const. a.d. 356].
Again, in a later part of the chapter, "In his public
Apologies, which he addressed to the Emperor himself,
he sometimes affected the praise of moderation ; whilst
at the satne time in secret and vehement invectives he
exposed Constantius as a weak and wicked prince, the
executioner of his family, the tyrant of the republic,
and the Antichrist of the Church." He oflfers no proof
of this assertion. It may be added that S. Greg. Naz.
56 ATHANASIUS.
praises Constantius, but it is in contrast to Julian.
Orat. 4. 3, and 5. 6. And S. Ambrose, but it is for his
enmity to paganism. Ep. i. 18, n. 32.
5. It is the same prudent, temperate spirit and prac-
tical good sense, which leads Athanasius, though, the
prime champion of the Nicene Homoiision, to be so loth
to use that formula, much less abruptly to force it upon
his adversaries in the first instance, and to content
himself with urging and inculcating our Lord's Divinity
in other language and by casual explanations, when pre-
judice or party-spirit made it difficult to get a hearing
for the terms which the Church had determined.
Hence in his Three Orations he hardly names the
Homoiision, though the doctrine which it upholds is
never out of his thoughts. He accepted the Semi-Arian
Homoeiision, though he is so often represented by the
shallow ignorance of modem times to have waged war
with other theologians whose views did not differ from
his own except by a single letter. "Those," he says,
"who accept everything else that was determined at
Nicsea, and quarrel only with the Homoiision, must not
be received as enemies, nor do we here attack them as
Ariomaniacs, nor as opposers of the Fathers, but we
discuss the matter with them, as brothers with brothers,
who mean what we mean, and dispute only about the
word." Syn. § 41. {Arim. n. 47.) Vid. arts. S/xotoc,
Semi'Arians, &c.
1 6. It arises from the same temper of mind that he is
so self-distrustful and subdued in his comments on Scrip-
ture and in his controversial answers ; he, the foremost
doctor of the Divine Sonship, being the most modest as
ATHANASIUS. 57
well as the most authoritative of teachers. Thus,
** They had best have been silent," i.e., in so sacred
a matter, he says, " but since it is otherwise, after
many prayers that Grod would be gracious to us, thus
we might ask them in turn," <Ssc., Orat. i. § 25. (Disc.
n. 39.) "Against their profaneness I wish to urge a
farther question, bold indeed, but with a religious
intent, — be propitious, Lord! {Disc. n. 50, p. 197.)
** The unwearied habits of the religious man is to
worship the All (to ttSv) in silence, and to hymn God
Ms benefactor with thankful cries .... but since," &c.,
Apoll. i. init.
IT And especially in his letter to the Monks, "I
thought it needful to represent to your piety what
pains the writing of these things has cost me, in order
that you may understand thereby how truly the Blessed
Apostle has said, 0, the depth, &c., and may kindly bear
with a weak man, such as I am by nature. For the
more I desired to write and endeavoured to force myself
to understand the Divinity of the Word, so much the
more did the knowledge thereof withdraw itself from
me, and in proportion as I thought that I apprehended
it, in so much I perceived myself to fail of doing so.
Moreover, I was also unable to express in writing even
what I seemed to myself to understand, and that which
I wrote was unequal to the imperfect shadow of the
truth which existed in my conceptions," ad Monach. i.
Vid. also Scrap, i. 15 — 17, 20; ii. init., iv. 8, 14; Epict.
12 fin.; Max. init.; Ep. Mg. 11 fin. Once more: "It
is not safe for the writings of an individual to be pub-
lished, especially if they relate to the highest and chief
58 ATHANASIUS.
doctrines, lest whkt is imperfectly expressed, tlirough
infirmity or the obscurity of language, do hurt to the
reader," &c. Mort. Ar. § 5.
f He set the example of modesty to others. Vid. Basil.
in Eunom. ii. 17; Didym. Trin. iii. 3, p. 341; Ephr.
Syr. adv. Haer. Serm. 55 init. (t. 2, p. 557); Facund.
Tr. Cap. iii. 3 init.
f 7. And his repetitions of statements in these Trea-
tises are not without a place in the evidences of his re-
ligious caution. Often indeed they must be accounted
purely accidental, arising from forgetfulness, as he
wandered or travelled about, what it was that he had
written the day before; often, too, they may have
subserved the purpose of cathechetical instruction ; but
sometimes they would seem to be owing to his anxiety
to confine himself to words which had stood the test of
time or of readers, or at least were existing forms which
he could improve upon or at least reconsider and ap-
peal to, as after his time is instanced in S. Leo.
f 8. As to his acquirements, they were considerable.
Gregory only says that he had a knowledge rwv lyicvic-
Xto>v, but Sulpitius speaks of him as a jurisconsult (vid.
philosophy and ovcrla). His earliest works, written when
perhaps he was not more than twenty-one, give abun-
dant evidence of a liberal education. He had a know-
ledge of Homer and Plato, and his early style, though
it admits of pruning, is graceful and artistic. I cannot,
with Gibbon, talk of its " rude eloquence," though it
has not the refined and elaborate elegance of Basil.
And Gibbon grants that his writings are "clear, for-
cible, and persuasive." Erasmus seems to prefer him, as
ATHANASIUS. 59
a writer, to all the Fathers, and certainly, in my own
judgment, no one comes near him but Chrysostom and
Jerome. " Habebat," says Erasmus, " vere dotem illam
quam Paulus in Episcopo putat esse prsecipuam, to
SiSaKTiKov ; adeo dilucidus est, acutus, sobrius, adtentus,
breviter omnibus modis ad docendum appositus. Nihil
habet durum, quod offendit in Tertulliano, nihil iwiBeitc
TLK0V9 quod vidimus in Hieronymo, nihil operosum, quod
in Hilario, nihil laciniosum, quod est in Augustino,
atque etiam Chrysostomo, nihil Isocraticos numeros aut
Lysise compositionem redolens, quod est ia Grregorio
Nazianzeno, sed totus est in explicanda re." ap. Mont-
faucon, t. 1. p. xxi. ed. Patav.
Photius's praise of Athan.'s style and matter is
quoted supr. in the Notice prefixed to the Orations.
60 THE VICAEIOUS ATONEMENT.
THE VICARIOUS ATONEMENT.
f " Formerly the world, as guilty, was under judg-
ment from the Law; but now the Word has taken on
Himself the judgment, and, having suffered in the
body for all, has bestowed salvation on all." Orat.
i. §60.
f " When the Father willed that ransom should be
paid for all, and to all grace should be given, then truly
the Word . . . did take earthly flesh . . . that, as a
high priest ... He might offer Himself to the Father
and cleanse us all from sins in His own blood." Orat.
ii. § 7.
f The perfect Word of God puts around Him an
imperfect body, and is said to be created for the
creatures, that, paying the debt in our stead {av9 -n/uLwv
Ttjv 6(t>€iXfiv airoSi^ovg), He might by Himself perfect
what was wanting in man. Now immortality was
wanting to him, and the way to paradise." Orat. ii.
§ 66.
f " How, were the Word a creature, had He power
to undo God's sentence, and to remit sin ? " Orat. ii.
§ 67. Our Lord's death is Xvrpov iravrtjv, Incam. V. D.
25, et passim ; Xvrpov KaBapmov, Naz. Orat. 30, 20 fin.
1 " Therefore was He made man, that what was as
though given to Him, might be transferred to us; for
a mere man had not merited this, nor had the Word
THE VICABIOUS ATONEMENT. 61
Himself needed it. He was united therefore to us,''
&c. Orat, iv. § 6. Vid. . also iii. § 33 init. and In-
Illud Omma, § 2 fin,
if " There was need He should be both man and God ;
for unless He were man. He could not be slain ; unless
He were Grod, He would have been thought, (not, un-
willing to be what He could, but) unable to do what He
w^ould.^' August. Trin. xiii. 18. "Since Israel could
become sold under sin, he could not redeem himself
from iniquities. He only could redeem, who could not
sell Himself, who did no sin ; He is the redeemer from
sin." Id. in Psalm. 129, n. 12. "In this common
overthrow of all mankind, there was but one remedy,
the birth of some son of Adam, a stranger to the
original prevarication and innocent, to profit the rest
both by his pattern and his merit. Since natural
generation hindered this, . . the Lord of David became
his son." Leon. Serm. 28, n. 3. " Seek neither a
'brother' for thy redemption, but one who surpasses
thy nature ; nor a mere * man,' but a man who is Grod,
Jesus Christ, who alone is able to make propitiation for
us all ... One thing has been found suflScient for all
men at once, which was given as the price of ransom of
our soul, the holy arid most precious blood of our Lord
Jesus Christ, which He poured out for us all." Basil, in
Psalm. 48, n. 4. " One had not been sufficient instead
of all, had it been simply a man ; but if He be under-
stood as God made man, and suffering in His own
flesh, the whole creation together is small compared to
Him, and the death of one flesh is enough for the
ransom of all that is under heaven." Cyril, de rect.
62 THE VICABIOUS ATONEMENT.
fid. p. 132. Vid. also Theod. Eran. iii. pp. 196-8, &c.
Procl. Orat. i. p. 63 (ed. 1630); Vigil, contr. Eutych.
V. 9 fin. § 15, &c. ; Grreg. Moral, xxiv. init. ; Job. ap.
Phot. 222, p. 583.
If Pardon, however, could have been bestowed with-
out an Atonement such as our Lord made, though not
renovation of nature. Vid. art. Incarnation,
CATECHISING. 63
CATECHISING.
Athanasius lays much stress on this practice, as
in fact supplying the evidence of Tradition as to the
doctrine which Arius blasphemed.
E.g. " Let them tell us, by what teacher or by what
tradition they have derived these notions concerning
the Saviour?" de Deer. § 13 init.
** For who was ever yet a hearer of such a doctrine ?
or whence or from whom did the abettors and hire-
lings of the heresy gain it? who thus expounded to
them when they were at school? who told them,
* Abandon creature worship, and then draw near and
worship a creature and a work ? ' But if they them-
selves own that they have heard it now for the first
time, how can they deny that this heresy is foreign,
and not from our fathers ? But what is not from our
fathers, but has come to light in this day, how can
it be but that of which the blessed Paul has foretold,
that in the latter times some shall depart from the
sovmdfaithy^ &c. ? Orat. i. §.8.
" Who is there, who when he heard, upon his first
catechisings, that Grod had a Son, and had made all
things in His proper Word, did not understand it
in that sense which we now intend? who, when the
vile Arian heresy began, but at once, on hearing its
64 CATECHISING.
teachers, was startled, as if they taught strange
things?" Orat. ii.§ 34.
f Hence too Athan.'s phrases //adoty iStSao-iccy, de
Deer. § 7, Orat. iii. 9, epiorwvreg l//av0avoy, Orat. ii.
§ 1, after S. Paul, 1 Cor. xv. 3. And so " What Moses
taught, that Abraham observed, that Noe and Enoch
acknowledged," &c., de Deer. § 5. Vid. art.. Rule of
Faith.
CATflOLIC : TdE NAME AND THE CLAIM. 65
CATHOLIC: THE NAME AND THE CLAIM.
For the adoption into Christianity, and the sense and
force of the word " Catholic," not a very obvious word,
we must refer to the Creed. The articles of the Creed
are brief enunciations and specimens of some, and of
the chief, of the great mercies vouchsafed to man in the
Gospel. They are truths of pregnant significance, and
of direct practical bearing on Christian life and conduct.
Such, for instance, obviously [is "one Baptism for the
' remission of sins," and " the resurrection of the body."
Such then must be our profession of " catholicity." And,
thus considered, the two, "the Catholic Church" and
" the Communion of Saints," certainly suggest an expla-
nation of each other ; the one introducing us to our asso-
ciates and patrons in heaven, and the other pointing out
to us where to find the true teaching and the means of
grace on earth. Indeed; what else can be the meaning
of insisting on the " One Holy Catholic Apostolic
Church"? does it not imply a contrast to other so-
called Churches ? Now this plain sense of the Article,
this its obvious or rather its only sense, is abundantly
confirmed by such passages of the Fathers as the follow-
ing, taken in connection and illustration of each other.
Thus, to begin with what is implied and introduced
to us by the name " Christian." Orat. i. § § 2, 3.
** Though the blessed Apostles have become our teachers,
and have ministered the Saviour's Grospel, yet not from
VOL. II. F
66 CATHOLIC : THE NAMF! AND THE CLAIM.
them have we our titUf but from Christ we are and are
named Christians. But for those who derive the faith
which they profess from others, good reason is it they
should bear their Tiame^ whose property they have be-
come." Also, " Let us become His disciples and learn
to live according to Christianity; for whoso is called
by other name beside this, is not of Grod." Ignat. ad
Magn. 10. Hegesippus speaks of " Menandrians, and
Marcionites, and Carpocratians, and Valentinians, and
Basilidians, and Satumilians," who " each in his own way,
and that a different one, brought in his own doctrine."
Euseb. Hist. iv. 22. " There are, and there have been,
my friends, many who have taught atheistic and blas-
phemous words and deeds, coming in the Name of
Jesus ; and they are called by us from the appellation
of the men, whence each doctrine and opinion began.
.... Some are called Marcians, others Valentinians,
others Basilidians, others Satumilians," &c. Justin.
Tryph. 35. "They have a name from the author of
that most impious opinion, Simon, being called Simo-
nians." Iren. Hser. i. 23. " When men are called
Phrygians, or Novatians, or Valentinians, or Mar-
cionites, or Anthropians, or by any other name, they
cease to be Christians; for they have lost Christ's
name, and clothe themselves in human and foreign
titles." Lact. Inst. iv. 30. " A. How are you a Chris-
tian, to whom it is not even granted to bear the name
of Christian? for you are not called Christian, but
Marcionite. M. And you are called of the Catholic
Church ; therefore ye are not Christians either.
A, Did we profess man's name, you would have spoken
CATHOLIC : THE NAME AlO) THE CLAIM. 67
to the point, but, if we axe so called for being all over
the world, what is there bad in this ? " Adamant.
Dial. § 1, p. 809. "We never heard of Petrines, or
Paulines, or Bartholomeans, or Thaddeans, but from
the first there was 'one preaching of all the Apostles,
not preaching themselves, but Christ Jesus the Lord.
Wherefore also they all gave one TiaTYhe to the Church,
not their own, but that of their Lord Jesus Christ,
since they began to be called Christians first at
Antioch ; which is the sole Catholic Church, having
naught else but Christ's, being a Church of Christians,
not of Christs, but of Christians ; He being one, they
from that one being called Christians. After this
Church and her preachers, all others are no longer
of the same character, making show by their own
epithets, Manichseans, and Simonians, and Valentinians,
and Ebionites." Epiph. Haer. 42, p. 366. "This is
the fearful' thing, that they change the name of
Christians of the Holy Church, which hath no epithet
but the name of Christ alone, and of Christians, to be
called by the name of Audius," &c. Ibid. 70, 15. Vid.
also Haer. 75, 6 fin. " If you ever hear those who are
called Christians, earned, not from the Lord Jesus
Christ, but from some one else, say Marcionites,
Valentinians, Mountaineers, Campestrians, know that
it is not Christ's Church, but the synagogue of Anti-
christ." Jerom. adv. Lucif. fin.
If Having thus laid down the principle that the
name, given to a religious body, is a providential
or divine token, they go on to instance it in
the word "Catholic." "Since one might pro-
f2
68 CATHOLIC ; THE KAHE ABfD ^fHE OLAXM.
perly and truly say that there is a * Church of
evil doers/ I mean the meetings of the here-
tics, the Marcionists, and Manichees, and the rest,
the faith hath delivered to thee by way of security
the Article, * And in One Holy Catholic Church,* that
thou mayest avoid their wretched meetings; and ever
abide with the Holy Church Catholic, in which thou
wast regenerated. And if ever thou art sojourning in
any city, inquire not simply where the Lord's House
is, (for the sects of the profane also make an attempt
to call their own dens houses of the Lord,) nor merely
where the Church is, but where is the Catholic Church.
For this is the pecidiar name of this Holy Body," &c.
Cyril Cat. xviii. 26. " Were I by chance to enter a
populous city, I should in this day find Marcionit«s„
ApoUinarians, Cataphrygians, Novatians, and other-
such, who called themselves Christian ; by what sur-
name should I recognise the congregation* of my own.
people, were it not called Catholic? .... Certainly
that word * Catholic ' is not borrowed from man, which
has survived through so many ages, nor has the sound
of Marcion or Apelles or Montanus, nor takes heretics
for its authors . . Christian is my Tiame, Catholic my
sumam^e" Pacian. Ep. 1.
% Athan. seems to allude, Orat. i. § 2, to Catholics
being called Athanasians; supr., vol. i. p. 157. Two
distinctions are drawn between such a title in con-
troversy as applied to Catholics, and then again
to heretics, when they are taken by Ca,tholics as
a note against them. S. Augustine says, *' Ariana:
call Catholics Athanasians or HomoiisianSi Tiot other
OATHOLIO : THE NAME AlH) THE CLAIM. 69
heretics call theiYi so. But ye not only by Catholics
but also by heretics^ those who agree with you and those
who disagree are called Pelagians; as evem by heretics
are Arians called Arians. But ye, and ye only, call us
Traducianists, as Arians call us Homoiisians, as Dona-
tists Macarians, as Manichees Pharisees, and as the
other heretics use various titles." Op. imp. i. 75. It
may be added that the heretical name adheres^ the
Catholic dies away. S. Chrysostom draws a second
distinction, " Are we divided from the Church ? have
we heresiarchs ? are we called from man ? is there any
leader to us, as to one there is Marcion, to another
Manichseus, to another Arius, to another some other
author of heresy ? for if we too have the name of any,
still it is not those who began a heresy, but our
superiors and governors of the Church. We have not
* teachers upon earth,' " &c., in Act. Ap. Hom. 33 fin.
IF Athan. says that after Eusebius had taken up the
patronage of the heresy, he made no progress till he
had gained the Court, (Hist. Arian. 66,) showing that it
was an act of external power by which Arianism grew,
not an inward movement in the Church, which indeed
loudly protested against the Emperor's proceeding.
"If Bishops are to judge," he says, ibid. § 52,
" what has the Emperor to do with this matter ? if the
Emperor is to threaten, what need of men styled
Bishops? where in the world was such a thing heard
of? where had the Church's judgment its force from
the Emperor, or his sentence was at all recognised ? "
Vid. art. Heretics.
f " Many Councils have been before this, many judg-
70 CATHOLIC : THE NAME AKD THE CLAIM.
ments of the Church, but neither the Fathers ever argued
with the Emperor about them, nor the Emperor meddled
with the concerns of the Church. Paul the Apostle had
friends of Caesar's household, and in his Epistle he
saluted the Philippians in their name ; but he took them
not to him as partners in his judgments. But now a
new spectacle, and this the discovery of the Arian
heresy," &c. § 52. Again, " In what then is he behind
Antichrist ? What more will he do when he comes ? or
rather, on his coming will he not find the way pre-
pared for him by Constantius unto his deceiving
without effort ? for he is claiming to transfer causes to
the Court instead of the Churches, and presides at them
in person." Hist. Arian. § 76. And so also Hosius to
Constantius, " Cease, I charge thee, and remember that
thou art a mortal man. Fear the day of judgment ;
keep thyself clear against it. Interfere not with
things ecclesiastical, nor be the man to charge us in
a matter of the kind ; rather learn thou thyself from
us. Grod has put into thy hand the kingdom; to us
He hath entrusted the things of the Church, — and as
he who is traitorous to thy rule speaks against Grod
who has thus ordained, so fear thou, lest drawing to
thyself the things of the Church, thou fallest beneath
a great accusation." ap. Athan. ibid. 44.
CHAMELEONS. 71
CHAMELEONS.
The Allans were ever shifting their ground oi
changing their professions, in order to gain either the
favour of the State, or of local bishops, or of popula-
tions, or to perplex their opponents. Hence Athan. calls
them chameleons, as varying their colours according to
their company, Deer. § 1, and Alexander, Socr. i. 6.
Cyril, however, compares them to "the leopard which
cannot change his spots." Dial. ii. init.; vid. also Naz.
Orat. 28, 2. Athan. saySj "When confuted, they
are confused, and when questioned, they hesitate ; and
then they lose shame and betake themselves to eva-
sions." Deer. § 1. "What wonder that they fight
against their fathers, when they fight against them-
selves ? " Syn. § 37. " They have collisions with their
own principles, and conflict with each other, at one
time saying that there are many wisdoms, at another
maintaining one," &c. Orat. ii. § 40. He says, Mg. Ep.
6, that they treated creeds as yearly covenants, and as
State Edicts, Syn. § 3, 4. He calls also the Meletians
chameleons. Hist. Ar. § 79 ; indeed the Church alone
and her 'children are secure from change.
72 THE COINHERENCE.
THE COINHERENCE,
7repLX^pv<riQ9 circumincessio or coinherence of the
Divine Three with each other, is the test at once
against Arianism and Tritheism. Arius denies it
in his Thalia, avi7rifj.iicroi iavroig al vTro<TTa<reig,
It is the point of doctrine in which Eusebius so
seriously fails. Vid. art. Eusebius, When Gribbon
called this doctrine "perhaps the deepest and
darkest comer of the whole theological abyss," he
made as irrelevant and feeble a remark as could
fall from an able man ; as if any Catholic pretended
that it was on any side of it comprehensible, and as
if this was not the very enunciation in which the in-
comprehensibility lies; as we profess in the Creed,
"neque confundentes personas, neque substantiam
separantes." This doctrine is not the deepest part of
the whole, but it is the whole, other statements being
in fact this in other shapes. Each of the Three who
speak to us from heaven is simply, and in the full
sense of the word, Grod, yet there is but one Grod ; this
truth, as a statement, is enunciated most intelligibly
when we say the Father, Son, and Holy Grhost, being
one and the same Spirit and Being, are in each other,
which is the doctrine of the mpiyjSjpriGig,
If " They next proceed," says Athanasius, " to dis-
parage our Lord's words, / in the Fatlier and the Father
in Me, saying * How can the One be contained in the
THE COINHEREKCE. 73
Other and the Other in the One ? ' &c. ; and this state
of mind is consistent with their perverseness, who
think Grod to be material, and understand not what
is True Father and True Son. . . When it is said, / in
the Father aTid the Father in Me, They are not there-
fore, as these suppose, discharged into Each Other,
filling the One the Other, as in the case of empty
vessels, so that the Son fills the emptiness of the
Father and the Father that of the Son, and Each of
Them by Himself is not complete and perfect, (for
this is proper to bodies, and therefore the mere asser-
tion of it is full of impiety,) for the Father is full and
perfect, and the Son is the Fulness of Godhead. Nor
again, as God, by coming into the Saints, strengthens
them, is He also thus in the Son. For He is Himself
the Father's Power and Wisdom, and, by partaking
(fieToxy) of Himjj^ things generate are sanctified in the
Spirit; but the Son Himself is not Son by participa-
tion (fierovai^i vid. art. AHan Tenets, supr. pp. 39 — 42),
but is the Father's proper Offspring. Nor again is
the Son in the P'ather, in the sense of the passage. In
Him we live and move and have our being ; for He, as
being from the Fountain of the Father, is the Life, in
which all things are both quickened and consist ; for
the Life does not live in Life, else it would not be
Life, but rather He gives life to all things." Orat. iii.
§ 1. And again: "The Father is in the Son, since
the Son is what is from the Father and proper to Him,
as in the radiance the sun, and in the word the thought,
and in the stream the fountain : for whoso thus con-
templates the Son, contemplates what belongs to the
74 THE COINHERBNCE.
Father's Substance, and knows that the Father is
in the Son, For whereas the essential character
(eTSoc) and Godhead of the Father is the Being of the
Son, it follows that the Son is in the Father and the
Father in the Son." ibid. § 3.
If In accordance with the above, Thomassin ob-
serves that by the mutual coinherence or indwelling
of the Three Blessed Persons is meant "not a com-
mingling as of material liquids, nor as of soul with
body, nor as the union of our Lord's Godhead and
humanity, but it is such that the whole power, life,
substance, wisdom, essence, of the Father, should be
the very essence, substance, wisdom, life, and power of
the Son." de Trin. 28, 1. S. Cyril adopts Athan.'s
language to express this doctrine. "The Son in one
place says, that He is in the Father and has the Father
again in Him ; for what is simply proper (iSeoy) to the
Father's substance, by nature coming to the Son, shows
the Father in Him," in Joan. p. 105. "One is con-
templated in the other, and is truly, according to the
connatural and consubstantial." de Trin. vi. p. 621.
" He has in Him the Son, and again is in the Son,
because of the identity of substance." in Joan. p. 168.
Vid. art. Trinity ; also. Spirit of Ood.
If The iripix(i)pr](nQ is the test of orthodoxy, as
regards the Holy Trinity, against Arianism. This is
seen clearly in the case of Eusebius, whose language
approaches to Catholic more nearly than that of Arians
in general. After all his strong assertions, the ques-
tion recurs. Is our Lord a distinct being from God, as
we are, or not ? he answers in the affirmative, vid.
THE COINHEREKCE. . 75
infra, art. EusebiuSy whereas Catholics hold that He is
literally and numerically one with the Father, and
therefore His Person dwells in the Father's Person by
an ineffable unity. And hence the strong language of
Pope Dionysius, supr. vol. i. p. 45, "the Holy Ghost
must repose and dwell in God," l/u0£Xox<<>f>€<^i^ ^<t> Oe<^
KOI ivSiaiTCKTOai. And hence the strong figure of S.
Jerome (in which he is followed by S. Cyril, Thesaur.
p. 51), "Filius locus est Patris, sicut et Pater locus est
Filii." in Ezek. 3, 12. Hence Athan. contrasts crea-
tures, who are iv /uLefiepiajuLtvoig rowoig, with the Son.
vid. Scrap, iii. 4. Accordingly, one of the first symp-
toms of reviving orthodoxy in the second school of
Semi-Arians is the use, in the Macrostich Creed, of
language of this character, viz., "All the Father
embosoming the Son," they say, "and all the Son
hanging and adhering to the Father, and alone resting
on the Father's breast continually," supr. vol. i. p. 107.
IF St. Jerome's figure above might seem inconsistent
with S. Athanasius's disclaimer of material images;
but Athan. only means that such illustrations cannot
be taken literally, as if spoken of physical subjects.
The Father is the rowog or locus of the Son, because
when we contemplate the Son in His fulness as oXoc
Oeog, we only view the Father as Him in whom God
the Son is; our mind for the moment abstracting His
Substance which is the Son from Him, and regarding
Him merely as Father. Thus Athan. tyjv Oelav oixriav
Tov Xoyoif YivwjULivriv ^voret rtjJ kavrov warpL in illud Onm.
4. It is, however, but a mode of speaking in theology,
and not a real emptying of Godhead from the Father,
76 THE COINHERBNt!E.
if such words may be used. Father and Son are both
the same Grod, though really and eternally distinct from
each other ; and Each is full of the Other, that is, their
Substance is one and the same. This is insisted on by S.
Cyril : " We must not conceive that the Father is held in
the Son as body in body, or vessel in vessel ; . . • for
the One is in the Other." ijg iv raiVorijn rrig ovtriaQ
a7ra/oaXXaicr(j>, icat ry Kara (pvaiv Ivorijri re icai ojiotorriru
in Joan. p. 28. And by S. Hilary: "Material natures
do not admit of being mutually in each other, of having
a perfect unity of a nature which subsists, of the abid-
ing nativity of the Only-begotten being inseparable
from the verity of the Father's Grodhead. To Grod the
Only-begotten alone is this proper, and this faith
attaches to the mystery of a true nativity, and this is
the work of a spiritual power, that to be, and to be in,
differ nothing ; to be in, yet not to be one in another
as body in body, but so to be and to subsist, as to be
in the subsisting, and so to be in, as also to subsist,"
&c. Trin. vii. fin.; vid. also iii. 23. The following
quotation from S. Anselm is made by Petavius, de Trin.
iv. 16 fin.: "Though there be not many eternities,
yet if we say eternity in eternity, there is but one
eternity. . . And so whatever is said of God's Essence,
if repeated in itself, does not increase quantity, nor
admit number. . . Since there is nothing out of Grod,
when Grod is bom of Grod. . . He will not be bom out
of Grod, but remains in Grod."
f " There is but one Face (elSoc, character) of Grodhead,
which is also in the Word, and One God, the Father,
existing by Himself according as He is above all ; and
THE OOINHERBNOE. 77
appearing in the Son according as He pervades ail
things ; and in the Spirit according as in Him He acts
in all things through the Word. And thus we confess
God to be One through the Trinity." Orat. iii. § 15.
And so : " The Word is in the Father, and the Spirit is
given from the Word." iii. § 25. "That Spirit is in
us which is in the Word which is in the Father."
ibid. "The Father in the Son taketh the oversight
of all." § 36 fin. ; vid. art. The Father Almighty ^ 2.
*'The sanctification which takes place from Father
through Son in Holy Ghost." Scrap, i. § 20 ; vid. also
ibid. 28, 30, 31, iii. 1, 5 init. et fin., also Hil. Trin.
vii. 31. Eulogius says, "The Holy Ghost, proceeding
from the Father, having the Father as an Origin, and
proceeding through the Son unto the creation." ap.
Phot. cod. p. 865. Damascene speaks of the Holy
Spirit as ivvafiiv rov rrarpbg Trf>oip\ofiivr\v Ka\ Iv tc^
Xoji^ avairavofiivrivy F. 0. i. 7 ; and in the beginning of
the ch. he says that " the Word must have Its Breath
(Spirit) as our word is not without breath, though in
•our case the breath is distinct from our substance."
"The way to knowledge of God is from One Spirit
through the One Son to the One Father." Basil, de
Sp. S. 47. "We preach One God by One Son with
the Holy Ghost." Cyr. Cat. xvi. 4. "The Father
through the Son with the Holy Ghost bestows all
things." ibid. 24. "All things have been made from
Father through the Son in Holy Ghost." Pseudo-
^Bion. de Div. Nom. i. p. 403. " Through Son and in
Spirit God made all things consist, and contains and
preserves them." Pseudo-Athan. c. Sab. Greg. 10.
78 THE COINHERENCE.
f Since the Father and the Son are the numerically
One Grod, it is but expressing this in other words to
say that the Father is in the Son, and the Son in the
Father, for all They have and all They are is common
to Each, excepting their being Father and Son. A
TTtpiXfopjimg of Persons is implied in the Unity of
Substance. This is the connection of the two texts so
often quoted: "the Son is in the Father and the
Father in the Son," because " the Son and Father axe
one." And the cause of this unity and Tr^pix^pi\(ng is
the Divine yivvr\<ng. Thus S. Hilary: "The perfect
Son of a perfect Father, and of the Ingenerate Crod
the Only-generate Offspring, (who from Him who hath
all hath received all, Grod from Grod, Spirit from Spirit,
Light from Light,) says confidently *The Father in
Me and I in the Father,' for as the Father is Spirit so
is the Son, as the Father God so is the Son, as the
Father Light so is the Son. From those things there-
fore which are in the Father, are those in which is the
Son; that is, of the whole Father is born the whole
Son; not from other, &c. . . . not in part, for in the
Son is the fulness of Grodhead. What is in the Father,
that too is in the Son ; One from the Other and Both
One (unum) ; not Two One Person (* unus,' vid. how-
ever the language of the Athan. Creed, which expresses
itself differently after S. Austin,) but Either in Other,
because not Other in Either. The Father in the Son
because from Him the Son . . . the Only-begotten in
the Ingenerate, because from the Ingenerate the Only-
genemte," &c. Trin. iii. 4.
H And so epyaZofiivov rov 7rar/o6c> ipyaZtfrdai koX tqv
.J
'THE COINHEEENOE. 79
viov. in illud Omn. 1. "Cum luce nobis prodeat,
In Patre totus Filius, et totus in Verbo Pater." Hymn.
Brev. in fer. 2. Ath. argues from this oneness of
operation the oneness of substance. And thus S.
Chrysostom thinks it right to argue that if the
Father and Son are one Kara rrjv SvvafiiVi They are one
also in ovaia. in Joan. Hom. 61, 2. TertuUian in
Prax. 22, and S. Epiphanius, Haer. 57, p. 488, seem to
say the same on the same text. Vid. Lampe, Joan. x. 35.
And so S. Athan. rpiag aSiaiperog ry i^vtrUy Koi fiia
ravrrig fi evipyeia, Serap. i. 28 ; €v OiXrjiuLa irarpog
Kol viov KOL j3ouXryjua, Itth koi y\ i^vtng jULia, in illud
Omn. 5. Various passages of the Fathers to the same
effect, (e.g. of S. Ambrose, "si unius voluntatis et
operationis, unius est essentiae," de Sj). ii. 12 fin., and of
S. Basil, &v fxta Ivipyua^ tqvtwv koi ovcria fxta, of Grreg.
Nyss. and Cyril. Alex.) are brought together in the
Lateran Council. Concil. Hard. t. 3, p. 859, &c. The
subject is treated at length by Petavius, Trin. iv. 15, § 3.
As to the very word irspix^pritng, Petavius observes,
de Trin. iv. 16, § 4, that its first use in ecclesiastical
writers was one which Arianism would admit of; its
use to express the Catholic doctrine was later.
80 CUBSUS PUBLIOUa
CUKSUS PUBLICUS.
On the Cursus Publicus, vid. Grothofred, in Cod.
Theod, viii. tit. 5. It was provided for the journeys
of the Emperor, for parties whom he summoned, for
magistrates, ambassadors, and such private persons
as the Emperor indulged in the use of it. The use
was granted by Constantine to the Bishops summoned
to Nicsea, as far as it went. Euseb. Constant, iii. v.
6. The Cursus Publicus brought the Bishops to the
Council of Tyre, ibid. iv. 43. In the conference be-
tween Liberius and Constantius, Theod. Hist. ii. 13,
it is objected that the Cursus Publicus is not sufficient
to convey Bishops to the Council which Liberius con-
templates. Constantius answei s that the Churches are
rich enough to convey their Bishops as far as the sea.
Thus S. Hilary was compelled (" data evectionis copia,"
Snip. Hist. ii. 57) to attend at Seleucia, and Athan. at
Tyre. Julian complains of the abuse of the Cursus
Publicus, perhaps with an allusion to these Councils of
Constantius, vid. Cod. Theod. viii. 5, § 12, where
Grothofred quotes Libanius's Epitaph in Julian, t. i.
p. 569, ed. Eeize. Vid. the passage in Ammianus, who
speaks of the Councils being the ruin of the res
vehicularia, Hist.xxi. 16. The Eusebians at Philippopo-
lis say the same thing. Hil. fragm. iii. 25. The Emperor
provided board and perhaps lodging for the Bishops at
CUR8US PUBLICUS. 81
Ariminum,' which the Bishops of Aquitaine, Graul and
Britain declined, excepting three British by reason of
poverty, Sulp. ii. 56. Hunneric in Africa, after as-
sembling 466 Bishops at Carthage, dismissed them
without conveyances, provision or baggage. Vict.
Ut. iv. fin. In the Emperor's letter before the sixth
Ecumenical Council, a.d. 678 (Hard. Cone. t. 3, p. 1048
fin.), he says he has given orders for the convey-
ance and maintenance of its members. Pope John
VIII. (a.d. 876) reminds Ursus, Duke of Venice, of the
same duty of providing for the members of a Council,
" secundum pios principes, qui in talibus munific6
semper erant intenti." Colet. Concil. t. xi. p. 14,
Venet. 1730.
Gibbon says that by the Grovernment conveyances
"it was easy to travel 100 miles in a day," ch. ii. ;
but the stages were of different lengths, sometimes a
day's journey. Const, in Hilar. Psalm. 118, Lit. 5, 2
(as over the Delta to Pelusium, and then coasting all
the way to Antioch), sometimes half a day's journey,
Herman, ibid. Vid. also Ambros. in Psalm. 118, Serm.
5, 5. The halts were called fxovat or mansiones, and
properly meant the building where soldiers or other
public officials rested at night; hence applied to
monastic houses, a statement which, if correct, dis-
connects the word from fiovog. Such buildings included
granaries, stabling, &c. Vid. Cod. Theod. t. 1, p. 47,
t. 2, p. 507 ; Ducange, Grloss. t. 1, p. 426, col. 2.
VOL. II.
82 DEFINITIONS.
DEFINITIONS.
From the first the Church had the power, by its
divinely appointed representatives, to declare the truth
upon such matters in the revealed message or gospel-
tidings as from time to time came into controversy
(for, unless it had this power, how could it be the
"columna et firmamentum veritatis " ?) ; and these re-
presentatives, of course, were the Eulers of the Chris-
tian people who received, as a legacy, the depositum
of doctrine from the Apostles, and by means of it, as
need arose, exercised their office of teaching. Each
Bishop was in his own place the Doctor Ecclesise for
his people; there was an appeal, of course, from his
decision to higher courts ; to the Bishops of a province,
of a nation, of a partriarchate, to the Roman Church, to
the Holy See, as the case might be ; and thus at length
a final determination was arrived at, which in conse-
quence was the formal teaching of the Church, and as
far as it was direct and categorical, was, from the
reason of the case, the Word of Grod. And being such,
was certain, irreversible, obligatory on the inward belief
and reception of all subjects of the Church, or what is
called defide.
All this could not be otherwise if Christianity was
to teach divine truth in contrast to the vague opinions
and unstable conjectures of human philosophers and
DEFINITIONS. 83
moralists, and if, as a plain consequence, it must have
authoritative organs of teaching, and if true doctrines
never can be false, but what is once true is always
true. What the Church proclaims as true never can be
put aside or altered, and therefore such truths are
called 6pi<T0ivTa or o/oot, definitions^ as being boundaries
or landmarks. Vid. Athan. Decret. § 2.
f Decrees or definitions of Councils come to us as
formal notices or memoranda, setting forth in writing
what has ever been held orally or implicitly in the
Church. Hence the frequent use of such phrases as
eyypa<l>(og i^eriOri with reference to them. Thus
Damasus, Theod. Hist. v. 10, speaks of that "aposto-
lical faith, which was set forth in writing by the Fathers
in Nicsea." On the other hand, Ephrem of Antioch
speaks of the doctrine of our Lord's perfect humanity
being " inculcated by our Holy Fathers, but not as yet
[i.e. till the Council of Chalcedon] being confirmed by
the decree of an Ecumenical Council." Phot. 229, p.
801. {lyypa<pu)g^ however, sometimes relates to the act
of the Bishops in subscribing. Phot, ihhd.^ or to Scrip-
ture, Clement. Strom, i. init. p. 321.) Hence Athan.
says, ad Afros 1 and 2, that " the Word of the Lord,
which was given through the Ecumenical Council in
Nicsea remainHhfor ever; " and uses against its opposers
the texts, "Eemove not the ancient landmark which
thy fathers have set " (vid. also Dionysius in Eus. Hist,
vii. 7), and " He that curseth his father or his mother
shall surely be put to death." Prov. 22, 28, Ex. 21,
17; vid. also Athan. ad Epict. 1. And the Council of
Chalcedon professes to " drive away the doctrines of
g2
84 DEFINITIONS.
error by a common decree, and renew the unswerving
faith of the Fathers," Act. v. p. 452, "according as
from of old the prophets spoke of Christ, and He Him-
self instructed us, and the creed of the Fathers has
delivered to us," whereas "other faith it is not lawful
for any to bring forth, or to write, or to draw up, or
to hold, or to teach," p. 456.
1[ And so S. Leo passim concerning the Council of
Chalcedon, "Concord will be easily established, if the
hearts of all concur in that faith, which, &c., no discus-
sion being allowed whatever with a view to retracta-
tion," Ep. 94. He calls such an act "magnum
sacrilegium." Ep. 157, c. 3. "To be seeking for what
has been perfected, to tear up what has been laid down
(definita), what is this but .to be unthankful for what
we gained?" Ep. 162, vid. the whole of it. He says
that the attempt is l"^no mark of a peacemaker but a
rebel," Ep. 164, c. 1 fin.; vid. also Epp. 145 and 156,
where he says, none can assail what is once determined,
but " aut antichristus aut diabolus," c. 2.
t When at Seleucia Acacius said, " If the Nicene
faith has been altered once and many times since, no
reason why we should not dictate another faith now,"
Eleusius the Semi-Arian answered, "This Council is
convoked, not to learn what it does not know, not to
receive a faith which it does not possess, but walking
in the faith of the Fathers," (meaning the Semi-Arian
Council of the Dedication, a.d. 341, vid. supr. vol. i. p. 96),
" it swerves not from it in life or death." On this Socrates
(Hist. ii. 40) observes, " How call you those, who met
at Antioch, Fathers, Eleusius, you who deny thAr
DEFINITIONS. 85
Fathers ? for those who met at Nicaea, and who unani-
mously professed the Consubstantial, might more
properly .receive the name, &c. But if the Bishops at
Antioch set at nought their own fathers, those who
come after are blindly following parricides; and how
did they receive a valid ordination from them, whose
faith they set at nought as reprobate ? But if those
had not the Holy Grhost, which cometh through laying
on of hands, neither did these receive the priesthood ;
for did they receive from those who have not where-
with to give ? "
f This reconsideration of points once settled Athan.
all through his works strenuously resists, and with
more consistency than the Semi-Arians at Seleucia.
And so in their Letter the Fathers at Ariminum ob-
serve that the Emperor had commanded them " to treat
of the faith," to which ambiguous phrase they reply that
they mean rather to "adhere" to the faith, and to
reject all novelties. At Sardica indeed the Council
writes to Pope Julius, that [the Emperors Constantius
and Gonstans had proposed three subjects for its con-
sideration: first, "that all points in discussion should
be debated afresh (de integro), and above all concerning
the holy faith and the integrity of the truth which [the
Arians] had violated." Hil. Fragm. ii. 11. Enemies of
the Arians too seem to have wished this as well as
themselves ; but the Council got into difficulty in con-
sequence. Hosius the president and Protogenes
Bishop of the place wrote to the Pope to explain,
"from fear," says Sozomen, "lest some might think
that there was any innovation upon the Nicene de-
86 DEFINITIONS.
crees." iii. 12. However, from his way of stating the
matter, Sozomen seems to have himself believed that
the Council did publish a creed. And, in fact, a
remarkable confession, and a confession attributed to
the Council, does exist. Accordingly Athanasius,
Eusebius of Vercellse, and the Council of Alexandria,
A.D. 362, protest against the idea of a treatment de
integro. "It is true," they say, "that certain persons
wished to add to the Nicene Council as if there was
something wanting, but the Holy Council was dis-
pleased," &c. Tom. ad Antioch. § 5. However,
Vigilius of Thapsus repeats the report, contr. Eutych.
V. init.
f This, however, did not interfere with their adding
without undoing. "For," says Vigilius, "if it were
unlawful to receive aught further after the Nicene
statutes, on what authority venture we to assert that
the Holy Grhost is of one substance with the Father,
which it is notorious was there omitted?" contr.
Eutych. V. init. He gives other instances, some in
point, others not; vid. also Eulogius, apud Phot. Cod.
23, pp. 829, 853. Yet to add to the confession of the
Church is not to add to the faith^ since nothing can be
added to the faith. Leo, Ep. 124, p. 1237. Nay, Athan.
says that the Nicene faith is sufficient to refute every
heresy, ad Max. 5, fin., also Leo, Ep. 54, p. 956, and
Naz. Ep. 102 init., excepting , however, the doctrine of
the Holy Spirit; which explains his meaning. The
Henoticon of Zeno says the same, but with the intention
of dealing a blow at the Council of Chalcedon. Evagr.
iii. 14, p. 345.
DEFINITIONS. 87
H Aetius of Constantinople at Chalcedon says
that at Ephesus and Chalcedon the Fathers did
not profess to draw up an exposition of faith, and
that Cyril and Leo did but " int&irpret the CreedJ^ Cone.
Hard. t. 2, p. 428. Leo even says that the Apostles'
Creed is sufficient against all heresies, and that
Eutyches erred on a point " of which our Lord wished
no one of either sex in the Church to be ignorant," and
he wishes Eutyches to take the plentitude of the Creed
"puro et simplici corde." Ep. 31, p. 857, 8.
88 DEinCATION.
DEIFICATION.
The titles which belong to the Divine Word by
nature, are by grace given to us, a wonderful privilege,
of which the Arians showed their sense, not by teaching
the elevation of the creature to the Son of Crod, but
by lowering the Son to the level of the creature. The
means by which these titles become ours aCre our real
participation {furoxri) of the Son by His presence
within us, a participation so intimate that in one sense
He can be worshipped in us as being His temple or
shrine. Vid. arts. Indwelling and fitrovtria.
Athanasius insists on this doctrine again and again.
If " The Word was made flesh in order to offer up
this body for all, and that we, partaking of His Spirit,
might be made gods." Deer. § 14.
f " While all things which are made, have by
participation {Ik furovtriag) the grace of God, He is the
Father's Wisdom and Word, of whom all things
partake. It follows that He, being the deifying and
enlightening power of the Father, in which all- things
are deified and quickened, is not alien in substance
from the Father, but one in substance." Syn. § 51.
f " He was not man, and then became God, but He
was God, and then became man, and that to make us
gods." Orat. i. § 39.
H " This is our grace and high exaltation, that even
DEIFICATION. 89
when He became man, the Son of Grod is worshipped,
and the heavenly powers are not startled at all of us,
who are one body with Him, being introduced into
their realms." ibid. § 42.
f " Because of our relationship to His body, we
loo have become God's Temple, and in consequence
are made God's Sons, so that even in us the Lord
is now worshipped, and beholders report, as the
Apostle says, that * God is in them of a truth.' "
ibid. § 43.
f " God created Him for our sakes, because of us,
preparing for Him that created body, that in Him we
might be capable of being renewed and made gods."
Orat. ii. § 47.
If " Therefore did He assume the body generate and
human, that, having renewed it as its framer. He
might make it god. . . . For man had not been made
god, if joined to a creature, . . . the union was of this
kind, . . . that his salvation and deification might be
sure." ibid. § 70.
" Although there be but one Son by nature, True and
Only-begotten, we too become sons, . . . and, though
we are men from the earth, we are yet called gods . . .
as has pleased God who has given us that grace." Orat.
iii. § 19.
If " As we are sons and gods, because of the Word in
us, so shall we be in the Son and in the Father,
because the Spirit is in us." ibid. § 25.
If " We men are made gods by the Word, as being
joined to Him through His flesh." ibid. § 34.
H " That He might redeem mankind . . . that He
90 DEIFICATION.
might hallow them and make them gods, the Word
became flesh." ibid. § 39.
% " What is this advance but the deifying and grace
imparted from Wisdom to men?" ibid. § 53.
Vid. also Adelph. 4; Serap. i. 24; Cyr. in JoanD.
p. 74 ; Theod. Hist. p. 846 init.
ECONOMICAL LANGUAGE. 91
ECONOMICAL LANGUAGE.
H By " Economical," I mean language relating to
matters beyond the direct apprehension of those to
whom it is addressed, and which, in order to have a
chance of conveying to them any idea, however faint,
of the fact, must be more or less of an analogous or
figurative character, as viewed relatively to the truths
which it professes to report, instead of a direct and
literal statement of the things which have to be conveyed.
Thus a child's idea of a king is that of a man richly
dressed with a crown and sceptre, sitting on a throne ;
thus an attempt might be made to convey to a blind man
the character of scarlet contrasted with other colours
by telling him that it is like the sound of a trumpet ;
thus, since none of us can imagine to ourselves a spirit
and its properties, it is a received economy to represent
Angels as bright beings with wings. Hence, again,
it is an economy to speak of our Lord as sitting on
the right hand of God, as if right and left were possible
in Him; and, indeed. Scripture is necessarily full of
economies, when speaking of heavenly things, because
there is no other way of introducing into our minds
even a rude idea, even any idea at all, of matters so
utterly out of our experience. About such economies
in the statement of revealed truths, two rules must
be observed.
92 ECONOMICAL LANGUAGE.
First, while aware of their imperfection as informa-
tioi.i, still we must keep strictly to what is told us in
them, because we cannot know more exactly what is
told us in them than they tell us. Thus we read, " God
is a consuming fire ; " now fire is a material substance,
and cannot literally belong to the Divine Nature ; but
it is the only, or at least the truest, mode in which His
nature, in a certain relation to us, can be brought
home to us, and we must accept it and believe it as a
substantial truth, in spite of its not being the whole
truth or the exact impress of the truth. Secondly, it
must be recollected that we cannot argue and deduce
freely from economical language as if it were adequate
and complete, and that in revealed matters we may fall
into serious error, if we argue and deduce except under
the Tnagisterium of the Church. Thus it is that some
Calvinists have argued against freewill from St. Peter's
words in his first Epistle ("Ye, as living stones^ are
built up a spiritual house,") thus, " This is giving free-
will a stab under the fifth rib, for can stones build them-
selves?" Copleston on Predestinate p, 129. And thus
it was, that Arius argued, from the economical word
Son, (given us as the nearest approximation in human
language to the ineffable truth itself,) that our Lord was
not the everlasting God, because human sons have a
beginning of existence.
Hence it is that mystery is the necessary note of
divine revelation, that is, mystery subjectively to the
human mind : because, when the mind goes on freely to
reason from language which only partially corresponds
to eternal truths, and which cannot be adequately
ECONOMICAL LANGUAGE. 93
expressed in human words, it draws from one revealed
information what is inconsistent with what it draws from
another, and instead of saying, "This collision of
deductions arises from the imperfection of our know-
ledge," it refuses to accept premisses which are
serviceable only in the sense and to the extent in
which they are intended. This is acting like a
reasoner who, having learned some geometrical truths
by means of arithmetic or algebra, and having found
that by multiplying a quantity into itself, and again
into itself, he could reach a number which in its
properties was parallel to a geometrical cube, should in
consequence go on to multiply once more, and then
should consider that he had been brought to the
absurdity of a fourth dimension in space, and should
forthwith withdraw his faith from algebraical deductions
altogether. Vid. art. Trinity, also Illustrations, and
others.
If " Such illustrations and such images," says Atha-
nasius, "has Scripture proposed, that, considering the
inability of human nature to comprehend Grod, we
might be able to form ideas even from these, however
poorly and dimly, as far as is attainable." Orat. ii. 32,
afxv^pwqy vid. also afiv^pa; ii. 17.
If Elsewhere, after adducing the illustration of the
sun and its light, he adds, " From things familiar and
ordinary we may use some poor illustration, and repre-
sent intellectually what is in our mind, since it were
presumptuous to intrude upon the incomprehensible
Nature." in Ulud Omnia 3 fin. Vid. also 6; also
Serap. i. 20, and Deer. § 12. And S. Austin, after an
94 ECONOMICAL LANGUAaE.
illustration from the nature of the human mind, pro-
ceeds : " Far other are these Three and that Trinity. . .
When a man hath discovered something in them and
stated it, let him not at once suppose that he has dis-
covered what is above him," &c. Confess, xiii. 11.
And again, " Ne hanc imaginem ita comparet Trinitati,
ut omni modo existimet similem." Trin. xv. 39. And
S. Basil says, "Let no one urge against what I say,
that the illustrations do not in all respects answer to
the matters in question. For it is not possible to
apply mth exactness what is little and low to things
divine and eternal, except so far as to refute," &c.
contr. Eunom. ii. 17.
f Scripture is full of mysteries, but they are mys-
teries of fact^ not of words. Its dark sayings or
senigmata are such, because in the nature of things they
cannot be expressed clearly. Hence contrariwise,
Orat. ii. § 77 fin. he calls Prov. 8, 22 an enigma, with an
allusion to Prov. 1 , 6, Sept. In like manner S. Ambrose
says, "Mare est scriptura divina, habens in se sensus
profundos, et altitudinem propheticorum cenigmatum"
&c. Ep. ii. 3. What is commonly called "explaining
away " Scripture, is the transference of this obscurity
from the subject to the words used.
f Nothing is more common in theology than large
comparisons which are only parallel to a certain point as
regards the matter in hand, especially since many
doctrines do not admit of exact illustrations. Our
Lord's real manhood and imputed sinfulness were alike
adjuncts to His Divine Person, which was of an Eternal
and Infinite Nature ; and therefore His Manhood may
ECONOMICAL LANGUAGE. 95
b6 compared to an Attribute, or to an accident, without
meaning that it really was either. The Athan. Creed
compares the Hypostatic Union to that of soul and
body in one man, which, as taken literally by the
Monophysites, became their heresy. Again S. Cyril
says, " As the Bread of the Eucharist, after the invo-
cation of the Holy Grhost, is mere bread no longer, but
the body of Christ, so also this holy ointment is no
more simple ointment," &c. Catech. xxi. 3, Oxf. Tr. ;
but no Catholic thinks that S. Cyril held either a change
in the chrism, or no change in the bread. Hence again
we find the Arians arguing from John xvii. 11, that our
union with the Holy Trinity is as that of the Adorable
Persons with Each Other; vid. Euseb. Eccl. Theol.
iii. 19, and Athanasius replying to the argument,
Orat. iii. 17 — 25. And so " As we, receiving the
Spirit, do not lose our own proper substance, so the
Lord, when made man for us and bearing a body, was
no less Grod," Deer. § 14 ; yet He was God made man,
and we are but the temple of Grod. And again Atha-
nasius compares the Incarnation to our Lord's presence
in the world of nature. Incam. 41, 42.
06 ECUMENICAL.
ECUMENICAL.
This name was given from the first to Councils of
the whole Church, whose definitions could not be altered,
vid. art. Definitions. Athan. twice in his Deer, calls the
Nicene by this name, viz. § 4 and § 27. " Are they not
committing a crime to gainsay so great and ecumenical
a Council ? " § 4, and " the devil alone persuades you to
slander the ecumenical Council," § 27 ; vid. also Orat.
i. § 7 ; ad Afros 2 twice ; Apol. contr. Arian. 7 ; ad
Ep. Mg. 5; Epiph. Haer. 70, 9; Euseb. Vit. Const,
iii. 6. The second General Council, a.d. 381, took the
name of ecumenical, vid. Can. 6 fin. ; but incidentally.
The Council of Ephesus so styles itself in the opening
of its Synodical Letter.
EUSEBIUS. 97
EUSEBIUS.
ViD. arts. Semi'Arianism and Asterius for a notice
of the symbol of the bjxoiovfnov^ in opposition to the
orthodox bfxoovmov and 1^ ovtriaq on the one hand,
and to avofioiov on the other. Eusebius is one of the
special supporters of this form of heresy. Asterius
is another (vid. art. Avian Leaders); the statements
set down here and under the title "Asterius" are
mainly taken from what we find in their controversial
works.
f In his Letter to his people, supr. vol. i. p. 55,
&c., Eusebius scarcely commits himself to any posi-
tive sense in which the formula "of the substance"
(IS oiKTiac), is to be interpreted, but only says what it
does not mean. His comment on it is " of the Father,
but not as a part ; " where, what is not negative,
instead of being an explanation, is but a recurrence to
the original words of Scripture, "of the Father," of
which I? ovaiag itself is the explanation ; a curious
inversion. He says, that the Son is not like the
radiance of light so far as this, that the radiance is
an inseparable accident of substance, whereas the
Son is by the Father's will, Kara yvdj/iriv icat vpoaipB&iv,
Dem. Ev. iv. 3. (vid. art. BouXijo-cc)- And though
he insists On our Lord being alone Ik Otov, yet he
VOL. II. H
98 EUSEBIUS.
means in the sense which Athan. refutes, Deer. § 7, viz.
that He alone was created immediately from Grod. It
is true that he plainly condemns with the Nicene Creed
the IS oifK 6vTU}v of the Arians, "the Son was out of
nothing," but an evasion was at hand here also; for
he not only adds, according to Arian custom, " not as
others," but he has a theory that no being whatever
is out of nothing, for non-existence cannot be the
cause of existence. Grod, he says, " proposed His own
will and power as a sort of matter and substance of the
production and constitution of the universe, so that it
is not reasonably said, that anything is out of nothing.
For what is from nothing cannot be at all. How
indeed can nothing be to anything a cause of being ?
but all that is, takes its being froTa One who only
is and was, who also said, * I am that I am.' " Dem.
Ev. iv. 1. Again, speaking of our Lord, "He who
was from nothing would not truly be Son of Grod, as
neither is any other of things generate" Eccl. Theol.
i. 9 fin.
f He distinctly asserts, Dem. Ev. iv. 2, that our Lord
is a creature. "This offspring," he says, "did He
first produce Himself from Himself as a foundati<m of
those things which should succeed; the perfect handi-
work, Srifiiovpyrifia, of the Perfect, and the wise structure
apxir^KTovyifia^ of the Wise," &c. It is true in his Lett.
§ 6, he grants that " He was not a work resembling the
things which through Him came to be ; " but this again
is only the ordinary Arian evasion of " an offspring, not
as the offsprings." E.g. "It is not without p^il to
say recklessly that the Son is generate out of nothing
EU8EBIUS. 99
similarly to the other generates.*^ Dem. Ev. v. 1 ; vid.
also Eccl. Theol. i. 9, iii. 2. And he considers our Lord
the only Son by a divine provision similar to that by
which there is only one sun in the firmament, ^ts a
centre of light and heat. "Such an Only-begotten
Son, the excellent artificer of His will and operator,
did the supreme Grod and Father of that operator
Himself first of all beget, through Him and in Him
giving subsistence to the operative words (ideas or
causes) of things which were to be, and casting in Him
the seeds of the constitution and governance of the
universe; . . . Therefore the Father being one, it
behoved the Son to be one also ; but should any one
object that He did not constitute more, it is fitting for
such a one to complain that He constituted not more
suns, and moons, and worlds, and ten thousand other
things." Dem. Ev. iv. 5 fin. ; vid. also iv. 6.
1 He does not say that our Lord is from the substance
of the Father, but that He has a svhstaTioe from the
Father, " not from other substance, but from the Father."
This is the Semi-Arian doctrine, which, whether con-
fessing the Son from the substance of the Father or
not, implied that His substance was not the Father's
substance, but a second substance. The same doctrine
is found in the Semi-Arians of Ancyra, though they
seem to have confessed, "of the substance." And
this is one object of the o/tioovo-coi/, to hinder the con-
fession "of the substance" from implying a second
substance, which was not obviated or was even
encouraged by the ofioiovmov. The Council of Ancyra,
quoting the text " As the Father hath life in Himself,
h2
100 EUSBBIUfi.
SO," &C.5 says "since the life which is in the Fatter
means substance, and the life of the Only-begotten
who is begotten from the Father means substance,
the word *so' implies a likeness of substance to sub-
stance." Epiph. Haer. 73, 10 fin. Hence Eusebius does
not scruple to speak of "two substances," and other
writers of three substances, contr. Marcell. i. 4, p. 25^
He calls our Lord "a second substance," Dem. Ev.
vi. Prsef. ; Pr^ep. Ev. vii. 12, p. 320, and the Holy Spirit
a third substance, ibid. 15, p. 325. This it was that made
the Latins so suspicious of three hypostases, because
the Semi-Arians, as well as they, understood inrotrraai^
to mean substance. Eusebius in like manner calls our
Lord "another Crod," "a second God," Dem. Ev. v.
4, p. 226, V. fin. ; " second Lord," ibid. 3 init. 6 fin. ;
"second cause," Dem. Ev. v. Prsef. ; "not the True
Grod." Syn. § 17, Concil. vii. art. 6, p. 409. Vid.
also trepov ixovtra to icar' ov<rlav wofcei/Lievov, Dem. Ev.
V. 1, p. 215 ; Kaff kavTov oicriw/ilvocj ibid. iv. 3. And
so erspog irapa rov 7rarl/oa, Eccl. Theol. i. 20, p. 90 ;
and Ziorjv iSiav ixiov, ibid. ; and ^wv icai v^eorwc 'co^ tov
irarpog virapxtov cicroci ibid. Hence Athan. insists so
much on our Lord not being external to the Father.
Once admit that He is in the Father, and we may call
the Father, the only Grod, for then the Son is included.
And so again as to the Ingenerate, the term does not
exclude the Son, for He is generate in the Ingene-
rate. Vid. 'Ayevrirog and Marcellua.
f The Semi-Arians, however, considering the Son as
external to the Father, and this as a necessary truth,
maintained, in order logically to escape Sabellianism>
BUSBpai^S. 101
that the d/uoov<rtoi/ implied a separation or divulsion of
the Divine Substance into two, following the line of ar-
gument of Paulof Samosata, who seems to have stopped
the reception of that formula at Antioch in the third
century by arguing that it involved either Sabellianism
(vid. Hilary) or materialism (vid. Athan. and Basil).
E.g. Euseb. Demonstr. iv. 3, p. 148, p. 149, v. 1, p.
213—215; eontr. Marcell. i. 4, p. 20; Eccl. Theol.
i. 12, p. 73; in laud. Const, p. 525; de Fide i. ap.
Sirmond. tom. i. p. 7 ; de Fide ii. p. 16 ; and apparently
his de Incorporali. And so the Semi-Arians at Aneyra,
Epiph. Hser. 73, 11, p. 858. And so Meletius, ibid,
p. 878 fin., and Cyril Hier. Catech. vii. 5, xi. 18.
oi) Tra0£i irarrip yevoiuLevog, ovk bk <rvjU7rXo*ciic> ov icar'
ayvoiav^ ovk awoppevtrag^ ov jULeitjOeig^ oi/ic aXXotioOel^,
Vid- also Eusebius's letter to his people as given by
Athan. Cyril, however, who had friends among the
Semi-Arians and apparently took their part, could not
be stronger on this point than the Nicene Fathers.
f The only sense then in which the word ofioovmov
could be received by such as Eusebius, would seem
to be negative, unless it should rather be taken as
a mere formula of peace; for he says, "We assented
&c. . . . without declining even the term *Consub-
stantial,' peace being the object which we set before
us, and maintenance of the orthodox view. . . * Con-
substantial with the Father ' suggests that the Son of
Grod bears no resemblance to the creatures which have
been made, but that He is in every way after the
pattern of His Father alone who begat Him." Euseb.
Lett. § 7. These last words can hardly be called an
102 BITSBBIirS.
interpretation of bfioovmov, for it is but saying that
ofioovaiov means bfiotoiiriovf whereas the two words
notoriously were antagonistic to each other.
If It must be observed too that, though the Semi-Arian
bfioiowriov may be taken, as it is sometimes by Athan.,
as satisfying the claims of theological truth, especially
when it is understood in the sense of aTrcLpaXXoKrog
€iKto»v, "the exact image" of the Father, (vid. Deer.
§ 20, Theod. Hist. i. 4,) yet it could easily be explained
away. It need mean no more than a likeness of Son
to Father, such as a picture to its original, while
differing from it in substance. " Two men are not of
like nature, but of the same nature ; tin is like silver,
but not of the same nature." Syn. § 47 — 50. Also
Athan. notices that "like" applies to qualities rather
than to substance. Also Basil. Ep. 8, n. 3 ; " While in
itself," says the same Father, "it is frequently used
of faint similitudes, and falling very far short of the
original." Ep. 9, n. 3. But the word o/moovmov implies
^Hhe same in likeness," ravrbv ry o/moidlxrei, that the
likeness may not be considered analogical, vid. Cyril,
in Joan. iii. 5, p. 302. Eusebius makes no concealment
that it is in this sense that he uses the word o/ioiouaiovf
for he says, "Though our Saviour Himself teaches
that the Father is the only True, still let me not be
backward to confess Him also the true Grod, as in an
Image^ and as possessed; so that the addition of
*only' may belong to the Father alone as Archetype
of the Image. ... As supposing one king held sway,
and his image was carried about into every quarter,
no one in his right mind would say that those who
BUSEBIUS. 103
held sway were two, but one, who was honoured
through his image." de Eccl. Theol. ii. 23; vid. ibid.
7, pp- 109, 111.
If Accordingly, instead of e? oixria^^ which was the
Nicene formula, he held /ncrovo-i^, that is, " like to the
Father by participation of qualities," as a creature may
be; 6^ aur^C t^c Trarpiicrig [not ovalagy but] fisrovariai;,
Sjoirep OTTO TrrjyriQf Itt' airrbv irpo\iofxivy\g TrXiypoti/uevov.
Eccl. Theol. i. 2. Whereas Athan. says, oiSe Kara
juuTOvtTiav aurov, aXX' SXov tSiov airrov yevvrj/ia. Orat.
iii. § 4. Disc. n. 228.) "If ye speak of the Son as
being merely such by participation, /Lcerovo-/^, then
call Him 6/uo£ov<rcov," Syn. 53; but no, it is for crea-
tures to possess Grod fieTovmtj^y but when Grod is
said to beget, this is all one with enunciating the
I? oxxrlag^ and a whole participation. Vid. Orat. i.
§ 16.
1 Hence St. Austin says, as quoted supr. Avian tenets^
" As the Father has life in Himself, so hath He given
also to the Son to have life in Himself, not by pa/rtid-
pati/ng, but in Himself. For we have not life in our-
selves, but in our Grod. But that Father, who has life
in Himself, begat a Son such, as to have life in Himself,
not to become partaker of life, but to be Himadf life ;
and of that life to make u8 partakersJ^ Serm. 127, de
Verb. Evang. 9.
1 In Eusebius's Letter to Euphration, as quoted in the
seventh Ecum. Council, he introduced the usual Arian
argument against the Son's Eternity. "If they co-
exist, how shall the Father be Father and the Son Son ?
or how the One first, and the Other second? and the
104 BUSBBIUS.
One ingenerate and the Other generate ? " Vid. snpr.
Avian tenets.
f And further he explained away what Catholics held
of the eternity of the gennsais by insisting that God
was a Father in posse from eternity, not in fact.
"Our religious Emperor did at the time," at Nicaea,
"prove in a speech, that our Lord was in being even
according to His Divine generation, which is before all
ages, since even before He was generated in fact He
was in virtue with the Father ingenerately, the Father
being always Father, as King always and Saviour
always, being all things in virtue, and having all things
in the same respects and in the same way." Eus.
Lett. § 10.
Theognis too, another of the Nicene Arians, says the
same, according to PMlostorgius ; viz. " that Grod even
before He begat the Son was a Father, as having the
power, SuvafUQi of being so," Hist. ii. 15, 16 ; and Aste-
rius. They are answered by Catholics, on the ground
that Father and Son are words of nature, but Creator,
King, Saviour, are external, or what may be called
accidental to Him. Thus Athanasius observes, that
Father actually implies Son, but Creator only the
power to create, as expressing a Suvafiig ; " a maker is
before his works, but he who says Father, forthwith in
Father implies the existence of the Son." Orat. iii. 6.
(Disc, n. 231, supr. vol. i. p. 364.) Vid. Cyril too. Dial,
ii. p. 459 ; Pseudo-Basil, contr. Eun. iv. 1 fin. On the
other hand Origen argues the reverse way, that since
God is eternally a Father, therefore eternally Creator
also. " As one cannot be father without a son, nor lord
EUSEBIUS. 105
without possession, so neither can • God be called All-
powerful, without subjects of His power," Periarch.
i. 2, n, 10 ; hence he argued for the eternity of creation,
which Suarez, after St. Thomas, allows to be abstract-
edly possible. Vid. Theol. Tracts ii. § 11 circ. fin.
1 Athan. distinguishes as follows: that, as it is of
the essence of a son to be of tlie nature of the father,
so is it of the essen^ce of a creature to be of nothing^
15 ovK ovTwv\ therefore, while it was not impossible,
frovn the nature of the case^ for Almighty Grod to be
always Father, it was impossible for the same reason
that He should be always a Creator, impossible from
incapacity, not in the Infinite, but in the finite. Orat.
i. 29. Vid. ibid. § 58, where he takes " They shall
perish," in* the Psalm, not as a fact, but as the de-
finition of the nature of a creature. Also ii. § 1, where
he says, "It is proper to creatures and works to have
said of them, 1^ oiic ovtwv and ovk fiv wpXv yevvriOg.'^
Vid- Cyril. Thesaur. 9, p. 67. Dial. ii. p. 460.
It has been above shown that Eusebius held with
Arians generally that our Lord was created by the Grod
of all in order that He might create all else. And this
was because the creation could not bear the Divine Hand,
as the Arians also said. Vid. a clear and eloquent
passage in his Eccl. Theol. i. 8, also 13, to show that
our Lord was brought into being before all creation, Ittc
(TWTYiplq. Twv oX(oi/. Vid. also Demonstr. iv. 4 ; Prsep. vii.
15 ; but especially his remark, "not because the Father
was not able to create, did He beget the Son, but
because those things which were made were not able
to sustain the power of the Ingenerate, therefore
106 EUSEBIUS.
speaks He through a Mediator," contra Sabell. i.
p. 9.
There is another peculiarity of Eusebius's view of the
creative oflSce of the Divine Word, in contrast with
the Catholic doctrine. It is that the Word does not
create from His own designs, as being Himself reaUy
the TVTToCf EiKc^i;, and vTroypafijuia of those things whicli
He is creating, but that He copies the Father's
patterns as an external minister. " The Father designed
{SiervTTov) and prepared with consideration, how, and
of what sha/pe^ measure^ and 'parts. . . . And He
watching (Ivarcv/^wv) the Father's thoughts, and alone
beholding the depths in Him, went about the work,
subserving the Father's orders {vtvfiam) ... As a
skilful painter, taking the archetypal ideas from the
Father's thoughts. He transferred them to the sub-
stances of the works." Eccl. Theol. iii. 3, pp. 164, 5.
In this Eusebius follows the Platonists ; so he does,
when he attributes our Lord's Priesthood to His
Divine Nature, as the Word, in which case His human
sufferings have no part in it.
Moreover, it is doubtful whether he held that our
Lord, in becoming incarnate, took on Him a human soul
as well as body. In his work against Marcellus, p. 54,
he seems to grant his opponent's doctrine, when he
says, €1 fxiv ^vxfjc 8/ktjv (8/x^) oIkwv cv ahru^ rc^ awfiari ;
and at p. 55 he seems to say that, if the Word retired
from the Zfuowoiog <rap^9 the aap^ would be left aXoyog ;
vid. also ibid. p. 91.
THE FATHEB ALMIGHTY. 107
THE FATHEE ALMIGHTY.
1. The idea of an Almighty, All-perfect Being, in its
fulness involves the belief of His being the Father of
a co-equal Son, and this is the first advance which a
habit of devout meditation makes towards the intel-
lectual apprehension of the doctrine of the Holy
Trinity, as soon as that doctrine has been received with
the claim and the sanction of its having been revealed.
K The Fathers speak as if it were nothing short of
a necessary truth, involved in the nature of things,
that One who is infinite in His attributes should
subsist over again in an infinite perfect Image, Im-
press, Likeness, Word, or Son, for these names
denote the same sacred truth. A redundatio in ima-
ginem or in Verbum is synonymous with a gene-
ratio Filii. "Naturam et essentiale Deitatis," says
Thomassin, "in suo Fonte assentiuntur omnes esse
plenitudinem totius Esse. At hsec necesse est ut
statim exundet nativa foecunditate sua. Infinitum
enim illud Esse non Esse tantum est sed Esse totum
est ; vivere id ipsum est intelligere, sapere ; opulentise
suae, bonitatis, et sapientise rivulos undique spargere ;
nee rivulos tantum, sed et fontem et plenitudinem
ipsam suam diflfundere. Haec enim demum foecun-
ditas Deo digna, Deo par est, ut a Fonte bonitatis
non rivulus sed flumen effluat, nee extra effluat, sed
108 THE FATHER ALMIGHTY.
in ipsomet, cum extra nihil sit, quo ilia plenitude capi
possit." de Trin. 19, 1.
Thus Athan. says, " Let them dare to say openly . . that
the Fountain failed to beget Wisdom, whence it would
follow that there is no longer a Fountain, but a sort of
pool, as if receiving water from without, yet usurping
the name of Fountain." Deer. § 15; vid. also Orat.
i. § 14 and 19. And so irriyri ^v^pa, Serap. ii. 2; Orat.
i. § 14 fin.; also Kaptroyovog ri ovma^ ii. § 2, where
Athanasius speaks as if those who deny that Almighty
Grod is Father cannot really believe in Him as a
Creator. " If our Lord be not a Son, let Him be called
a work . . and let Grod be called, not Father, but Framer
only and Creator, . . and not of a generative nature.
But if the Divine substance be not fruitful {Kapiroyovog),
but barren, as they say, as a light which enlightens
not, and a dry fountain, are they not ashamed to
maintain that He possesses the creative energy?"
Vid. also TTijyrj Seorijroc, Pseudo-Dion. Div. Norn,
ii. 4 ; wriyri sk wriyfig^ of the Son, Epiphan. Ancor. 19.
And Cyril, "If thou take from Grod His being Father,
thou wilt deny the generative power (Kapiroyovov) of
the divine nature, so that It no longer is perfect. This
then is a token of its perfection, and the Son who went
forth from Him apart from time, is a pledge {<r<l>pay\g)
to the Father that He is perfect." Thesaur. p. 37. Vid.
also yevvriTiKog^ Orat. ii. § 2, iii. § 66, iv. § 4 fin. ;
ayovog, i. 14, 19, and Sent. Dion. 15 and 19; ij ^vaiKn
yovtfJLorrig^ Damasc. F.O. i. 8 ; aKapwog^ Cyr. Thes. p. 45 ;
Epiph. Hser. 65, p. 609 ; also the yivvii<rig and the
KTl<Tig connected together, Orat. i, 29, This doctrine
TEtE FATHEK ALMIC^HTY. 109
18 briefly expressed in Orat. iv. 4, eI ayovog, kuI
avevipyriTog. So much at least is plain at first sight,
that a divine gennesis is not more difficult to our
imagination than a creation out of nothing.
This is the first conclusion which we are in a position
to draw under the sanction given to our reasonings by
the revelation of the doctrine of the Holy Trinity in
Unity..
2. A second conclusion is suggested by Thomas-
sin's words towards the end of the above quotation,
" ut effluat nee extra effluat." It is the first of truths
that there is but one only Supreme Almighty Being.
The Arians and others accused Catholics, in their
maintenance of our Lord's Divinity, of virtually con-
travening this initial doctrine of all faith ; £ls Euseb.
Eccl. Theol. i. 10, p. 69 ; and accordingly they insisted
on His being external, and thereby subordinate and
inferior to God. But this was in fact to admit that
He was not bom from Grod at all, but KEKoWriaOai r([>
Trarpi \6yov, Orat. iv. § 3; and Marcellus, according
to Eusebius, spoke of Him as r]vh)ixivov Tti^ Oeti^ \6yov
(vid. (rv/ijSejSr^Koc), Athan, protesting on the other
hand against the notion " that the Fountain begat
not wisdom from Itself, but acquired it from without,"
vid. supr. Deer. § 15, and Orat. iv. § 4, and laying down
the principle ov^lv ev irpbg rbv iraripay el fULrj to I? airov.
Orat. iv. 17.
1 But the Son still was in as well as from the Father,
and this union of distinct characteristics in the Son was
signified by S. John by the word irpogy i. 1, whereas
the Sabellians preferred to say Iv rt^ det^. Hence
110 THE FATHER ALHiaHTY.
Basil, 6 cv av0pwir(j^ \6yog ov irpog avrbv elvai Xiyercu
aXX' ev avTcjJ, c. SabelL 1, fin., but the Divine Son
was vpbg tov flcov, not iv rcjJ fotf. It was in this
sense and with this explanation that Catholics held
and insisted on the Divine . Unity ; or, as they
then called it, the Monarchia: and thence they
went on to the second great doctrine associated in
theology with the Eternal Father, and signified by
Thomassin in the above extract in the words, **ut
eflBiuat flumen Deitatis nee extra eflBiuat." The Infinite
Father of an Infinite Son must necessarily be con-
terminus (so to speak) with Him. A second self
(still to use inaccurate language) cannot be a second
Grod. The Monarchia of the Father is not only the
symbol of the Divine Unity, but of the Trinity in that
Unity, for it implies the presence of Those who, though
supreme, are not apxaL This was especially its purpose
in the first centuries, when polytheistic errors prevailed.
The Son and Spirit were then viewed relatively to the
Father, and the Father as the absolute Grod. Even now
statements remain in the Eitual of the old usage, as in
the termination of Collects, and as in the Sunday Preface
in the Mass : " Pater Omnipotens, qui cum Unigenito
Filio tuo et Spiritu Sancto, Unus es Deus " instead of
the "Pater, Filius, Spiritus Sanctus, Unus Deus" of
the Psalmus Quicunque.
And so, " The Word," says Athan,, " being the Son
of the One God, is referred to Him of whom also He is."
Orat. iv. § 1. elg avrbv ava(l}ip£Tai. vid. also Nazianz. Orat.
20. 7 ; Damasc. F. 0. i. 8, p. 140 ; Theod. Abuc. Opusc.
42, p. 542. And so avayeraif Naz, Orat. 42. 15; and
THE FATHER ALMIGHTY. Ill
7va rifiag avairifixf/y em rf^v tov varpog avfcvriav,
Euseb, Eccl, Theol. i. 20, p. 84, though in an heretical
sense. (Vid, a remarkable illustration of this, under
IgTiarance in Basil on Mark xiii. 32.) This, then, is
the Catholic doctrine of the Monarchia, in opposition
to the Three Archical Hypostases of Plato and
others. The Son and the Spirit were viewed as the
Father's possession, as one with Him yet as really
distinct from Him as a man's hands are one and
not one with himself; but still, in spite of this,
as being under the conditions of a nature at once
spiritual and infinite, therefore, in spite of this ana-
logy, not inferior, even if subordinate to the Father.
The word "parts" belongs to bodies, and implies
magnitude ; but as the soul has powers and properties,
conscience, reason, imagination, and the like, but no
parts, so each Person of the Holy Trinity must either
be altogether and fully Grod, or not Grod at all.
f By the Monarchy is meant the doctrine that the
Second and Third Persons in the Ever-blessed Trinity
are ever to be referred in our thoughts to the First as
the Fountain of Godhead. It is one of the especial
senses in which Grod is said to be one. " We are not
introducing three origins or three Fathers, as the
Marcionites and Manichees, just as our illustration is
not of three suns, but of sun and its radiance."
Orat. iii. § 15; vid. also iv, § 1. Serap. i. 28 fin.
Naz. Orat. 23. 8. Bas. Hom. 24, init. Nyssen. Orat.
Cat. 3, p. 481. "The Father is unitiony tvaxrig"
says S. Grreg. Naz., "from whom and unto whom
are the other Two." Orat. 42. 15; also Orat. 20. 7,
112 THE FATHER ALIflGflTY.
and Epiph. Haer. 57, 5. Tertullian, and Dionysius of
Alexandria after him (Athan. Deer. § 26), uses the word
Monarchia, which Praxeas had perverted into a kind
of Unitarianism or Sabellianism, in Prax. 3, Irenseus
too vnrote on the Monarchy, i.e. against the doctrine
that God is the author of evil. Eus. Hist. v. 20. And
before him was Justin's work "de Monarchia," where
the word is used in opposition to Polytheism. The
Marcionites, whom Dionysius also mentions, are
referred to by Athan. de Syn. § 52 ; vid. also Cyril.
Hier, Cat, xvi, 4. Epiphanius says that their three
origins were Grod, the Creator, and the evil spirit,
Haer. 42, 3, or as Augustine says, the good, the just,
and the wicked, which may be taken to mean nearly
the same thing. Hser, 22. The Apostol^ical Canons
denounce those who baptise into Three Unori^[inate ;
vid, also Athan. Tom. ad Antioch. 5 ; Naz. Orat. 20. 6.
Basil denies rpelg apxiKot uTrofTraaeig^ de Sp. S. § 38.
f When characteristic attributes and prerogatives
are ascribed to God, or to the Father, this is done only
to the exclusion of creatures, or of false Gods, not to
the exclusion of His Son who is implied in the mention
of Himself. Thus when God is called only wise, or
the Father the only God, or God is said to be ingene-
rate, ayivrtTogy this is not in contrast to the Son, but to
all things which are distinct from God, vid. Athan.
Orat. iii. 8; Naz. Orat. 30. 13; Cyril. Thesaur. p. 142.
" The words * one ' and • only ' ascribed to God in
Scripture," says S. Basil, " are not used in contrast
to the Son or the Holy Spirit, but with reference to
those who are not God, and falsely called so." Ep. 8,
THE FATHER ALMiaHTY, 113
u. 3. On the other hand, when the Father is men-
tioned, the other Divine Persons are implied in Him.
'*The Blessed and Holy Trinity," says S. Athan., "is
indivisible and one with Itself; and when the Father
is mentioned. His Word is present too (TTjOocreoTc), and
the Spirit in the Son ; and if the Son is named, in the
Son is the Father, and the Spirit is not external to the
Word." ad Serap. i, 14. "I have named the Father,"
says S. Dionysius, "and before I mention the Son, I
have already signified Him in the Father; I have
inentioned the Son, and though I had not yet named
the Father, He had been fully comprehended in
the Son," &c. Sent. D. 17, vid. art. Goinherence,
% Passages like these are distinct from that
in which Athan. says that "Father implies Son,"
Orat. iii. § 6, for there the question is of words,
but here of fact. That the words are correla-
tive, even Eusebius does not scruple to admit in
Sabell. i. (ap. Sirm. t. i. p. 8.) "Pater statim, ut
dictus fuit pater, requirit ista vox filium," &c. ; but
in that passage no Trepix(i>pri(yig is implied, which is the
orthodox doctrine. Yet Petavius observes as to the
very word irepixfl^pVfrig that one of its first senses in
ecclesiastical writers was this which Arians^ would not
disclaim ; its use to express the Catholic doctrine here
spoken of was later. Vid. de Trin. iv. 16.
3. Thirdly, from what has been said, since Grod,
although He is One and Only, nevertheless is Father
because He is God, we are led to understand that He
is Father in a sense of His own, not in a mere human
,gense; for a Father, who was like other fathers,
VOL. II. I
114 THE FATHER ALMIGHTY.
would of course impart to a Son that which he was
himself, and thus God would have a Son who could be
a father, and, as God, would in His Son commence a
Oeoyovia ; this was the objection of the Arians ; but His
Son is His Image, not as Father, but as God; and to
be Father is not the accident of His Person, as in the
case of men, but belongs necessarily to it; and His
personality in the Godhead consists, as far as we know
it, in His being Father and in nothing else, and can only
so be defined or described ; and so in a parallel way as
regards the Son. The words "Father" and "Son"
have a high archetypical sense, and human fathers
and sons have but the shadow of it.
1 With us a son becomes a father because our
nature is pev(TTfi, transitory and without stay, ever
shifting and passing on into new forms and relations :
but God is perfect and ever the same; what He is
once, that He continues to be ; God the Father remains
Father, and God the Son remains Son. Moreover, men
become fathers by detachment and transmission, and
what is received is handed on in a succession ; thus Levi
before his birth was in the loins of Abraham ; whereas it
is by imparting Himself wholly that the Father begets
the Son ; and a perfect gennesis finds its termination in
itself. The Son has not a Son, because the Father has
not a Father. Thus the Father is the only true Father,
and the Son the only true Son ; the Father only a Father,
the Son only a Son; being really in Their Persons
what human fathers are but by function, circum-
stance, accident, and name. And since the Father
is unchangeable as Father, in nothing does the Son
THE PATHEB ALMIGHTY. 115
more fulfil the idea of a perfect Image than in being
unchangeable too. Thus S. Cyril, also, Thesaur. 4,
pp. 22, 23 ; 13, p. 124, &c.
Men diflfer from each other as being individuals, but
the characteristic difference between Father and Son is,
not that they are separate individuals, but that they are
Father and Son. In these extreme statements it must
be ever borne in mind that we are contemplating
divine things according to our notions^ not in re :
i.e. we are speaking of the Almighty Father, as such ;
there being no real separation between His Person and
His Substance.
f Thus Athanasius : " * If the Son is the Father's
offspring and image, and is like in all things to the
Father,' say the Arians, * then it necessarily holds that
as He is begotten, so He begets, and He too becomes
fiather of a son. And again, he who is begotten from
Him, begets in his turn, and so on without limit; for
this is to make the Begotten like Him that begat
Him.' Authors of blasphemy ! . . if God be as man, let
Him be also a parent as man, so that His Son should
be father of another, and so in succession one from
another, till the series they imagine grows into a mul-
titude of gods. But if Grod be not as man, as He is not,
we must not impute to Him the attributes of man. For
brutes and men after that a Creator has begun their
line, are begotten by succession ; and the son, having
been begotten of a father who was a son, becomes
accordingly in his turn a father to a son, in inheriting
from his father that by which he himself has come into
being. Hence in such instances there is not, properly
i2
116 THE FATHER ALMIGHTY.
speaking, either father or son, nor do the father and
the son stay in their respective characters, for the son
himself becomes a father, being son of his taihet, and
father of his son. But it is not so in the Godhead ;
for not as man is Grod; for the Father is not from
father; therefore doth He not beget one who shall
beget ; nor is the Son from effluence of the Father, nor
is He begotten from a father that was begotten ; there-
fore neither is He begotten so as to beget. Thus it
belongs to the Grodhead alone, that the Father is
properly (kvjoiwc) father, and the Son properly son, and
in Them, and Them only, does it hold that the Father
is ever Father and the Son ever Son. Therefore he
who asks why the Son has not a son, minst inquire why
the Father had not a father. But both suppositions
are indecent and impious exceedingly. For as the
Father is ever Father and never could be Son, so the
Son is ever Son and never could be Father. For in
this rather is He shown to be the Father's Impress and
Image, remaining what He is and not changing, but
thus receiving from the Father to be one and the
same." Orat. i. § 21, 22. Presently he says, "For
•<jrod does not mcike men His pattern^ but rather, because
God is properly and alone truly Father of His Son, we
men also are called fathers of our own children, for
* of Him is every fatherhood in heaven and on earth
.named.' " § 23. The Semi-Arians at Ancyra quote the
'same text for the same doctrine. Epiphan. Haer. 73,
75. As do Cyril, in Joan. iii. p. 24; Thesaur. 32,
'p. 281 ; and Damascene de Fid. Orth. i. 8.
Again: "As men create not a& God creates, as their
THE FATHEB AUliaHTY. 117
being is not such as Grod's being, so men's generation
is in one way, and the Son is from the Father in
another. For the offspring of men are portions of
their Others, since the very nature of bodies is to
be dissoluble, and composed of parts; and men lose
their substance in begetting, and again they gain
substance from the accession of food. And on this
account men in their time become fathers of many
children; but Gcod, being without parts, is Father of
the Son without partition or passion; for of the Im-
material there is neither eflBiuence nor accession from
without, as among men ; and being uncompounded in
nature, He is Father of One Only Son. This is why the
Son is Only-begotten, and alone in the Father's bosom,
and alone is acknowledged by the Father to be from
Him, saying. This is My bdoved Son in whom I am
well pleased" de Deer. § 11. The parallel, with which
this passage begins, jas existing between creation and
generation, is insisted on by Isidor. Pel. Ep. iii. 355 ;
Basil, contr. Eun. iv. 1, p. 280, A; Cyril. Thesaur. 6,
p. 43; Epiph. Hser. 69, 36; and Gregor. Naz. Orat. 20.
9, who observes that God creates with a word^ Ps. 148,
5, which evidently transcends human creations. (Vid.
also supr. 1st part of this art.) Theodorus Abucara,
with the same object, draws out the parallel of life, ^w?),
as Athan. that of being, ^Ivai. Opusc. iii. p. 420 — 422.
The word Kvptwg, used in the first of these passages,
also occurs on the same subject in Scrap, i. § 16.
" The Father, being one and only, is Father of a Son
one and only; and in the instance of Godhead only
have the names Father and Son a stay and a perpetuity ;
118 THE FATHEB ALMIGHTY.
for of men if any one be called father, yet he has been
son of another ; and if he be called son, yet is he called
father of another; so that in the case of men the
names father and son do not properly (icvpiwg) hold."
Vid. the whole passage. Also ibid. iv. 4 fin. and 6 ;
vid. also icujocwcj Grreg. Naz. Orat. 29. 5 ; aXriOatg,
Orat. 25. 16; ovrwg^ Basil, contr. Eunom. i. 5, p.
215.
IF 'O fULEv Tfarfipy Trarrip iari. Orat. iii. § 11. And so,
** In the Godhead only, 6 Trarrip Kvpiwg iarrX varfipf
Kal 6 viog Kvpi<jjg viogJ' Scrap, i. 16. He speaks of
"receding from things generate, casting away created
images, and ascending to the Father." Again of men
" not being in nature and truth benefactors," Almighty
Grod being Himself the type and pattern, &c. Vid.
Nic. § xi, ; Syn. § 51; Orat, iii. § 19. And so S.
Cyril, TO Kvplwg tiktov I? eavrov to flcTov lortv, rifjLBig
Si Kara fiifir\(iw. Thesaur. 13, p. 133, varfip Kvpiwgy
fyri lULTJ Koi viog' wcnrep koX viog Kvplwg^ ori fifi KOi
irarfip, Naz. Orat. 29. 5 ; vid. also 23, 6 fin. 25,
16; vid. also the whole of Basil, adv. Eun. ii. 23.
" One must not say," he observes, " that these names
properly and primarily, icvpiwg koi irpdjTwg, belong to
men, and are given by us but by a figure Karaxpvfr-
TiKtjg (vol. i. p. 19, note 2) to Grod. For our Lord Jesus
Christ, referring us back to the Origin of all and True
Cause of beings, says, *Call no one your father upon
earth, for One is your Father, which is in heaven.' " He
adds, that if He is properly and not metaphorically the
Father even of us, much more is He the irarrip rov Kara
<pv(Tiv viov. Vid. also Euseb. contr. Marc. i. 4, p. 22. Eccl.
THE FATHER ALMiaHTY. 119
Theol. i. 12 fin. ; ii. 6. Marcellus, on the other hand,
contrasting Son and Word, said that our Lord was
Kvplfjjg XoyoQi not icvpitjjg viog. ibid. ii. 1 fin.
S. Basil says in like manner that, though God is
Father icuplwg (properly), yet it comes to the same
thing though we were to say that He is TpoiriKwg and Ik
fUTo^opagy figuratively. Father; contr. Eun. ii. 24;
for in that case we must, as in other metaphors
used of Him (anger, sleep, flying), take that part of
the human sense which can apply to Him. Now
yivvr\<Tig implies two things — passion, and relationship,
ocK€^aKr£c 0v(r€a>c ; accordingly we must take the latter
as an indication of the divine sense of the term. On
the terms Son, Word, &c., being figurative, or illustra-
tive, and how to use them, vid. also de Deer. § 12 ;
Orat. i. § 26, 27, ii. § 32, iii. § 18, 67 ; Basil, contr.
Eunom. ii. 17 ; Hil. de Trin. iv. 2. Vid. also Athan. ad
Serap. i. 20, and Basil. Ep. 38, n. 5, and what is said
of the oJBBce of faith in each of these.
120 THE FLESH.
THE FLESH.
We know that our Lord took our flesh and in it by
His death atoned for our sins, and by the grace commu-
nicated to us through that Flesh, renews our nature ;
but the question arises whether He took on Him our
flesh as it was in Adam before the fall, or as it is now.
To this the direct and broad answer is, — He assumed it
as it is after the fall, — though of course some explana-
tions have to be made.
f It was usual to say against the ApoUinarians, that,
unless our Lord took on Him our nature, as it is^ He
had not purified and changed it, as it is, but another
nature; "The Lord came not to save Adam as free
from sin, that unto him He should become like; but
as, in the net of sin and now fallen, that Grod's mercy
might raise him up with Christ." Leont. contr. Nestor.
&c. ii. t. 9, p. 692, Bibl. Max. Accordingly Athan. says,
" He took a servant's form, putting on that flesh, which
was enslaved to sin." Orat. i. § 43. And, "Had not
Sinlessness appeared in the natv/re which had sinned^
how was sin condemned in the flesh ? " in ApoU. ii. 6.
"It was necessary for our salvation," says S. Cyril,
"that the Word of God should become man, that
human flesh subject to corruption and sick with the lust
of pleasures. He might make His own ; and, whereas He
is life and life-giving, He might destroy the corruption
THE FLESH. lil
&c For by this means might sin in our flesh
become dead." Ep. ad Success, i. p. 138, And S*
Leo, "Non alterius naturse erat ejus caro quam nostra^
nee alio illi quam caeteris hominibus anima est inspirata
principio, quae excelleret, non diversitate generis, sed
sublimitate virtutis." Ep. 35 fin.; vid. also Ep. 28,
3; Ep. 31, 2; Ep. 165, 9; Serm. 22, 2, and 25, 5.
If indeed sin were of the substance of our fallen nature,
as some heretics have said, then He could not have
taken our nature without partaking our sinfulness;
but if sin be, as it is, a fault of the will, then the
Divine Power of the Word could sanctify the human
will, and keep it from swerving in the direction of
evil. Hence S. Austin says, " We say not that it was
by the felicity of a flesh separated from sense that Christ
could not feel the desire of sin, but that by perfection of
virtue, and by a flesh not begotten through concu*
piscence of the flesh. He had not the desire of sin."
Op, Imperf. iv. 48. On the other hand, S. Athanasius
expressly calls it Manichean doctrine to consider rriv
(ffvaiv of the flesh afiapriav, Kat ov tt^v irpa^iv, contr.
ApoU, i, 12 fin., or <l>v<Tiicriv elvai rfjv afiaprlavy ibid. i.
14 fin. His argument in ApoU. i. 15 is on the ground
that all natures are from God, but Ood made man
upright nor can be the author of evil (vid. also Vit.
Anton, 20) ; " not as if," he says, " the devil wrought in
man a nature, (God forbid !) for of a nature the devil
cannot be maker (^Srifxiovpybg), as is the impiety of the
Manichees, but he wrought a bias of nature by trans-
gression, and 'so death reigned over all men.'
Wherefore, saith He, 'the Son of God came to
122 THE FLESH.
destroy the works of the devil;' what works? that
nature, which G-od made sinless, and the devil biassed
to the transgression of Q-od's command and the assault
of sin which is death, that nature did Q-od the Word raise
again so as to be secure from the devil's bias and the
assault of sin. And therefore the Lord said, *The
prince of this world cometh and findeth nothing in
Me.'" vid. also § 19. Ibid. ii. 6, he speaks of the
devil having introduced " the law of sin." vid. also § 9.
If " As, since the flesh has become the all-quickening
Word's, it overbears the might of corruption and
death, so, I think since the soul became His who
knew not error, it has an unchangeable condition for
all good things established in it, and far more vigorous
than the sin that of old time tyrannised over us. For,
first and only of men on the earth, Christ did not sin,
nor was guile found in His mouth; and He is laid
down as a root and firstfruit of those who are r^
fashioned unto newness of life in the Spirit, and unto
immortality of body, and He will transmit to the whole
human race the firm security of the Godhead, as by
participation and by grace." Cyril, de Eect. Fid.
p. 18. Vid. art. Specialties.
USE OF FOECE IN BELiaiON. 123
USE OF FOECE IN EELIGION.
'* In no long time," says Athan., " they will turn to
outrage ; and next they will threaten us with the band
and the -captain." Vid. John xviii. 12. Elsewhere he
speaks of tribune and governor, with an allusion per-
haps to Acts xxiii. 22^ 24, &c. Hist. Arian. § 66 fin.
and 67 ; vid. also § 2. " How venture they to call that a
Council, in which a Count presided," &c. Apol. c. Ar.
8 ; vid. also 10, 45 ; Ep. Enc. 5. And so also doctrinally,
" Our Saviour is so gentle that He teaches thus, If
any man wills to come after Me, and Whoso wills to be
My disd/ple; and coming to each. He does not force
them, but knocks at the door and says. Open unto Me,
My sister. My spouse ; and, if they open to Him, He
enters in, but if they delay and will not. He departs
from them. For the Truth is not preached with swords
or with darts, nor by means of soldiers, but by per-
suasion and counsel." Ar. Hist. § 33 ; vid. also 67, and
Hilar, ad Const, i. 2. On the other hand he observes
of the Nicene Fathers, " It was not necessity which
drove the judges" to their decision, "but all vindi-
cated the truth of deliberate purpose." Ep. Mg. 13.
As to the view taken in early times of the use of
force in religion, it seems to have been that that was
a bad cause which depended upon it ; but that, when
a cause was good, there was nothing wrong in using
124: USE OF FOBCE IN BELiaiON.
secular means in due subordination to argument; that
it was as lawful to urge religion by such means on in-
dividuals who were incapable of higher motives, as by
inducements of temporal advantage. Our Lord's king-
dom was not of this world, in that it did not depend
on this world; but means of this world were some-
times called for in order to lead the mind to an act. of
faith in that which was not of this world. The simple
question was, whether a cause depended on force for
its success. S. Athanasius declared, and the event
proved, that Arianism was thus dependent. When
Emperors ceased to persecute, Arianism ceased to be ;
it had no life in itself. Again, active hereitics were
rightly prevented by secular means from spreading the
poison of their heresy. But all exercise of temporal
pressure, long continued or on a large scale, was wrong,
as arguing an absence of moral and rational grounds in
its justification. Again, the use of secular weapons in
ecclesiastical hands was a scandal, as negotiatio would be.
And further there is an abhorrence of cruelty, just and
natural to us, which may easily be elicited, unless the use
of the secular arm is directed with much discretion and
charity. For a list of passages from the Fathers on the
subject, vid. Limborch on the Inquisition, vol. i. and H.
2 and 5 ; Bellarmin. de Laicis, c. 21, 22. For authors
who defend its adoption, vid. Grerhard de Magistr. PoHt.
p. 741. So much as to the question of principle, which
even Protestants act on and have generally acted; in
this day and here. State interference would so simply
tell against the Catholic cause, that it would be a
marvel to find any Catholic advocating it.
USE OF FORCE IN RELIGION. 125
In that day it was a thought which readily arose in
the minds of zealous ftien. Thus:
f "Who comprehends not the craft of these Grod-
assailants ? who but would stone such madmen ? ovk
av KaraXiddofTEUv" Deer, § 28,
" If then they thus conceive of the Son, let all men
throw stones at them, considering, as they do, the Word
a part of this universe, and a part insufficient without
the rest for the service committed to Him. But
if this be manifestly impious, let them acknowledge
that the Word ^s not in the number of things made,
but the sole and proper Word of the Father, and their
Framer. His words are (iaXXefrdwtrav irapa iravrwv,"
Orat. ii. § 28. Vid. also i. 38, and iii. 41.
If There is an apparent allusion in such passages to
the punishment of blasphemy and idolatry under the
Jewish Law. Vid. art. Definition^ supra, Ex. xxi. 17.
Thus, for instance, Nazianzen: "While I go up the
mount with good heart, . . that I may become within
ihe cloud, and may hold converse with Grod, (for so Grod
bids,) if there be any Aaron, let him go up with me
and stand near. . . And if there be any Nadab or Abiud,
or any of the elders, let him go up, but stand far off,
according to the measure of his purification. . . . But
if any one is an evil and savage beast, and quite inca-
pable of science and theology . . let him stand off still
further, and depart from the mount; or he will he
stoned and crushed ; for the wicked shall be miserably
destroyed. For as stones for the bestial are true words
and strong. Whether he be leopard, let him die, spots
and all," &c. Orat. 28. 2. The stoning then was
126 USE OF FORCE IN RELIGION.
metaphorical; the stones were strong words. In the
same way S. Dionysius speaks of the charges of hetero-
doxy brought against him before the Boman See.
"By two words taken out of their context, as with
stones, they sling at me from a distance." Athan. de
Sent. D. § 18.
If " Are they not deserving of many deaths ? " Orat.
ii. § 4. " You ought (S)<l>eiXeg) to have your impious
tongue cut out," the Arian Acacius says to Marcellus,
ap. Epiph. Hser. 72, 7. " If Eutyches thinks otherwise
than the decrees of the Church, he deserves (a^iog) not
only punishment, but the fire," says the Monophysite.
Dioscorus ap. Concil. Chalced. (Hard. t. 2, p. 100.)
In time they advanced from accounting to doing. The
Emperor Justin proposes to cut out the heretic Severus's
tongue, Evagr. iv. 4; and "blasphemiis lapidasti,"
Theodor. ap. Concil. 6. (Labbe, t. 6, p. 88.) After-
wards we find an advance from allegory to fact.
Sometimes it was a literalism deduced from the doctrine
in dispute; as the heretics at the Latrocinium cried,
"Cut in two those who assert two Natures." Concil.
Hard. t. 2, p. 81. Palladius relates a case in which a
sort of ordeal became a punishment: Abbot Copres
proposed to a Manichee to enter a fire with him. After
Copres had come out unharmed, the populace forced
the Manichee into it, and then cast him, burnt as he
was, out of the city. Hist. Lausiac. 54. S. Gregory
mentions the case of a wizard, who had pretended to
be a monk, and had used magical arts against a nun,
being subsequently burned by the Boman populace,
Pial. i, 4.
FBEEDOM OF OUR MORAL NATURE. 127
FBEEDOM OF OUE MORAL NATURE.
This, it need hardly be said, is one of the chief
blessings which we have secured to us by the Incama- •
tion. We are by nature the captives and prisoners of
our inordinate and unruly passions and desires ; we are
not our own masters, till our Lord sets us free; and
the main question is, how does He set us free, and by
what instrumentality ?
1. Here we answer, first,' by bringing home to us the
broad and living law of liberty and His own pattern
which He has provided for us. "Whereas," Athan.
says, " of things made the nature is alterable, . . there-
fore there was here need of One who was unalterable,
that men might have the immutability of the righteous-
ness of the Word as an image and type for virtue."
Orat. i. § 51. (Disc. n. 84.)
If Vid. Athan. de Incam. § 13, 14; vid. also Grent.
41 fin. "Cum justitia nulla esset in terra, docto-
rem misit, quasi vivam legem." Lactant. Instit. iv.
25. "The Only-begotten was made man like us, . . .
as if lending us His own steadfastness." Cyril, in
Joann. lib. v. 2, p. 473; vid. also Thesaur. 20, p. 198;
August, de Corr. et G-rat. 10 — 12; Damasc. F. 0. iv.
4. And this pattern to us He is, not only through
His Incarnation, but as manifested in a measure by
His glory, as ttjowtotoico^, in the visible universe.
128 FREEDOM OF OUE MORAL NATURE.
Vid. a beautiful passage, contr. Grent. 42, &e. Again,
"He made them [men] after His own image, impart-
ing to them of the power of His own Word, that,
having as it were ceotain shadows of the Word, and
becoming rational, XoyiKoly they might be enabled to
continue in blessedness." Incarn. 3; vid. also Orat.
ii. § 78, (Disc. n. 215,) where he speaks of Wisdom as
-being infused into the world on its creation, that the
world might possess "an impress and semblance of
Its Image."
So again, "He is the truth, and we by imitation
become virtuous and sons ; . , that, as He, being the
Word, is in His own Father, so we too, taking Him as
an exemplar, might live in unanimity," &c. &c. ' Kara
fiifirifTiv. Orat. iii. § 19. {Disc. n. 252;) Clem. Alex.
Twv ccKovwv rag /ilv iicrpsiro/ilvovgy rag 81 /uLtjULOviiivovg*
Psedag. i. 3, p. 102, ed. Pott, and iiifiiidu rov voog
BKEivov. Naz. Ep. 102, p. 95 (ed. Ben.). Vid. Leo.
in various places, infra, p. 190, art. hicamation; ut
imitatores operum, factores sermonum, &c. Iren. Haer.
V. 1 ; exemplum verum et adjutorium. August.
Serm. 101, 6; mediator non solum per adjutorium,
verum etiam per exemplum. August. Trin. xiii. 22,
also ix. 21, and Eusebius, though with an heretical
meaning, Kara r»)v avrov fiifxr\(nv. Eccl. TheoL iii. 19.
2. But of course an opportunity of imitation is not
enough: a powerful internal grace is necessary, howr
ever great the beauty of the Moral Law and its Author,
in-order to set free and convert the human heart
** Idly do ye imagine to be able to work in yourselves
newness of the principle which thinks {(^povovvrog) and
FREEDOM OF OUB MORAL NATURE. 129
actuates the flesh, expecting to do so by imitation . . .
for if men could have wrought for themselves newness
of that actuating principle without Christ, and if what
is actuated follows what actuates, what need was there
of Christ's coming?" Apoll. i. § 20 fin. And again:
*^The Word of God," he says, "underwent a sort of
'creation in the Incarnation, in order to effect thereby
our new creation. If He was not thus created for us,"
but was absolutely a creature, which is the Arian
doctrine, " it follows that we are not created in Him ;
and if not created in Him, we have Him not in our-
'selves, but externally, as, for instance, receiving in-
struction from Him as from a teacher. And, it being
so with us, sin has not lost its reign over the flesh,
being inherent and not cast out of it." Orat. ii. § 56.
{Disc. n. 180.) And this is necessary, he goes on to
say, "that we might have iXevOepov to <pp6vrifia.'^
If He speaks, contr. Gent., of man " having the
grace of the Giver, and his own virtue from the
Father's Word ; " of the mind " seeing the Word,
and in Him the Word's Father also," § 2 ; of " the way
to God being, not as God Himself, above us and far
off, or external to us, but in us," 30, &c. &c. ; vid. also
Basil, de Sp. S. n. 19. This is far more than mere
teaching. "Rational creatures receiving light," says
Cyril, "enlighten by imparting principles, which are
poured from their own minds into another intellect;
and such an illumination may be justly called teaching
rather than revelation. But the Word of God en-
lighteneth every man that cometh into the world, not
in the way of a teacher, as for instance Angels do or
VOL. II. K
130 FREEDOM OF OUR MORAL NATURE.
men, but rather as God, in the way of a Framer, doth
He sow in each whom He calls into being the seed of
Wisdom, that is, of divine knowledge, and implant a
root of understanding," &c. Cyril, in Joan. xix. p. 75.
Athan. speaks of this seed sometimes as natural, some-
times as supernatural, and indeed the one order of
grace is parallel to the other, and not incompatible
with it. Again, he speaks of " a reason combined and
connatural with everything that came into being,
which some are wont to call seminal, inanimate indeed
and unreasoning and unintelligent, but operating only
by eirtemal art according to the science of Him who
sowed it." contr. Gent. 40. Thus there are three
supernatural aids given to men of which the Word is
the apxHy that of instinct, of reason, and the ** gratia
Christi."
3. Even this is not all which is given us over and
above nature. The greatest and special gift is the
actual presence, as well as the power within us of the
Incarnate Son as a principle or apxh (vid. art. apxv)
of sanctification, or rather of deification, (vid. art. Deif.)
On this point Athan. especially dwells in too many
passages to quote or name.
E.g. "The Word of God was made man in order
to sanctify the flesh." Orat. ii. § 10. {Disc. n. 114
fin.) " Ye say, * He destroyed [the works of the devil]
by not sinning;' but this is no destruction of sin.
For not in Him did the devil in the beginning work
sin, that by His coming into the world and not
sinning sin was destroyed; but whereas the devil had
wrought sin by an after-sowing in the rational and
FREEDOM OF OUR MORAL NATURE. 181
spiritual nature of man, therefore it became impossible
for nature, which was rational and had voluntarily
sinned, and fell under the penalty of death, to recover
itself into freedom (sXevdepiav). . . . Therefore came
the Son of God by Himself to establish [the flesh] in
His own nature from a new beginning (apxn) and a
marvellous generation." Apoll. ii. § 6.
f " True, without His incarnation at all, Grod was able
to speak the Word only and undo the curse. . . but then
the power indeed of Him who gave command had been
shown, but man would have fared but as Adam before the
fall by receiving grace only from without, not having it
united to the body. . . Then, had he been again seduced
by the serpent, a second need had arisen of Grod's
commanding and undoing the curse ; and thus the need
had been interminable, and men had remained under
guilt just as before, being in slavery to sin," &c.
Orat. ii. § 68. (Disc. n. 200); vid. arts. Incarnation
and Sanctificcttion. And so in Incarn. § 7, he says
that repentance might have been pertinent, had man
merely offended, without corruption following ; but
that that corruption involved the necessity of the
Word's vicarious sufferings and intercessory office.
% " If the works of the Word's Godhead had not
taken place through the body, man had not been made
god ; and again, had not the belongings of the flesh
been ascribed to the Word, man had not been
thoroughly delivered from them ; but though they had
ceased for a little while, as I said before, still sin had
remained in man and corruption, as was the case with
mankind before He came ; and for this reason : —
k2
132 FREEDOM OF OUR MORAL NATURE.
Many, for instance, have been made holy and clean
from all sin ; nay, Jeremias was hallowed, even from
the womb, and John, while yet in the womb, leapt for
joy at the voice of Mary Mother of God ; nevertheless
death reigned from Adctm to Moses^ even over those that
had Qiot sinned after the siTnilitude of Adarn^s traTtsgres-
sion; and thus men remained mortal and corruptible
as before, liable to the affections proper to their nature.
But now the Word having become man and having
appropriated the affections of the flesh, no longer do
these affections touch the body, because of the Word
who has come in it, but they are destroyed by Him,
and henceforth men no longer remain sinners and dead
according to their proper affections, but, having risen
according to the Word's power, they abide ever im-
mortal and incorruptible. Whence also, whereas the
flesh is bom of Mary Mother of Grod, He Hinriself is
said to have been bom, who furnishes to others a
generation of being ; in order that, by His transferring
our generation into Himself, we may no longer, as
mere earth, return to earth, but as being knit into the
Word from heaven, may be carried to heaven by Him."
Orat. iii. 33. (Disc. n. 270.)
K "We could not otherwise," says S. Irenseus,
" receive incorruption and immortality, but by being
united to incorruption and immortality. But how
could this be, unless incorruption and immortality had
first been made what we are ? that corruption might
be absorbed by incorruption and mortal by immortality,
that we might receive the adoption of Sons." Hser.
iii. 19, n. 1. "He took part of flesh and blood, that
FREEDOM OF OUR MORAL NATURE. 133
is, He became man, whereas He was Life by nature,
... that uniting Himself to the corruptible flesh
according to the measure of its own nature, inelFably,
and inexpressibly, and as He alone knows. He might
bring it to His own life, and render it partaker through
Himself of Grod and the Father. . . . For He bore our
nature, re-fashioning it into His own life ; ... He is
in us through the Spirit, turning our natural corrup-
tion into incorruption, and changing death to' its
contrary." Cjrril. in Joan. lib. ix. cir. fin. pp. 883, 4.
This is the doctrine of S. Athanasius and S. Cyril,
one may say, passim.
If Vid. Naz. Epp. ad Cled. 1 and 2 (101, 102, ed.
Ben.) ; Nyssen. ad Theoph. in ApoU. p. 696. " Greheratio
Christi origo est popali Christiani," says S. Leo ; " for
whoso is regenerated in Christ," he continues, " has
no longer the propagation from a carnal father, but the
germination of a Saviour, who therefore was made Son
of man, that we might be sons of God." Serm. 26,
2. " Multum fuit a Christo recepisse formam, sed plus
est in Christo habere substantiam. Suscepit nos in
suam proprietatem ilia natura," &c. &c. Serm. 72, 2;
vid. Serm. 22, 2 ; " ut corpus regenerati fiat caro Cruci-
fixi." Serm. 63, 6. "Haec est nati vitas nova dum homo
nascitur in Deo ; in quo homine Deus natus est, came
antiqui seminis suscepta, sine semine antique, ut illam
novo semine, id est, spiritualiter, reformaret, exclusis
antiquitatis sordibus, expiatam." Tertull. de Cam.
Christ. 17 ; vid. Orat. iii. § 34.
f Such is the channel and mode in which spiritual
life and freedom is given to us. Our Lord Himself,
134 FREEDOM OF OUR MORAL NATURE.
according to the Holy Fathers, is the af>xh of the new
creation to each individual Christian. If it be asked
of them, What real connection can there possibly be
between the sanctification of Christ's manhood and
ours? how does it prove that human nature is sancti-
fied because a particular specimen of it was sanctified
in Him ? S. Chrysostom explains : " He is bom of our
substance ; you will say, * This does not pertain to
all ; *' yea, to all. He mingles (avafityvvmv) Himself
with the faithful individually, through the mysteries,
and whom He has begotten those He nurses from
Himself, not puts them out to other hands," &c. Horn.
82. 5. in Matt. And just before, " It sufficed not for
Him to be made man, to be scourged, to be sacrificed ;
but He unites Himself to us {avatj^vpet lavrbv r)jiiv\
not merely by faith, but really, has He made us His
body." Again, "That we are commingled (avafce|da<r-
0G>/u£v) into that flesh, not merely through love, but
really, is brought about by means of that food which
He has bestowed upon us." Horn. 46. 3. in Joann.
And so S. Cyril writes against Nestorius: "Since we
have proved that Christ is the Vine, and we branches
as adhering to a communion with Him, not spiritual
merely but bodily, why clamours he against us thus
bootlessly, saying that, since we adhere to Him, not
in a bodily way, but rather by faith and the affection
of love according to the Law, therefore He has called,
not His own flesh the vine, but rather the Godhead ? "
in Joann. 10, p. 863, 4. And Nyssen : " As they who
have taken poison, destroy its deadly power by some
other preparation ... so when we have tasted what
FREEDOM OF OUR MORAL NATURE. 135
destroys our nature, we have need of that instead
which restores what was destroyed. . . . But what is
this? nothing else than that Body which has been
proved to be mightier than death, and was the be-
ginning, Karrip^aroy of our life. For a little leaven,"
&c. Orat. Catech. 37. " Decocta quasi per ollain camis
nofitrse cruditate, sanctificavit in setemum nobis cibum
camem suam." Paulin. Ep. 23. 7. Of course in such
statements nothing simply material is implied. But
without some explanation really literal, language such
as S. Athanasius's in the text seems a mere matter of
words. Vid. infr. p. 225.
13G CIKACE OF GOD.
GKACE OF GOD.
It is a doctrine much insisted on by S. Athanasius,
that, together with the act of creation, there was, on
the part of the Creator, a further act conservative of
the universe which He was creating. This was the
communication to it of a blessing or grace, analogous
to the grace and sonship purchased for us by our Lord's
incarnation, though distinct in kind from it and far
inferior to it; and in consequence the universe is not
only ytvijrov but ycvvrjrov, not only made, but in a
certain sense begotten or generated, and, being
moulded on the Pattern supplied by the Divine Nature,
is in a true sense an Image or at least a Semblance of
the Creator. (Vid. art. yewiirov.)
In controversy with the Arians, he explains with
great care the natme of this gift, because it was their
device to reduce our Lord's Sonship, in which lay the
proof of His Divinity, to the level of the supernatural
adoption which has been accorded by the Creator to the
whole world, first on its creation, and again through
the redemption upon the cross of the fallen race of
man.
This grace of adoption was imparted in both cases
by the ministration of the Eternal Son, in capacity
of Primogenitus or First-born, (as through His
Incarnation in the Gospel Economy, so through
His avynaraliaai^, or the coming of His Personal
aRA.CE OF GOB. 137
Presence into, the world in the beginning,) and was
His type and likeness stamped upon the world, physical
and moral, and a fulness of excellence enriching it
from the source of all excellence. (Vid. TrpoyroroKog.)
" Since G-od is self-existing and not composed of parts,"
says A than;, "such too is His Word also, being One
Only-begotten Grod, who from a Father, as a Fount of
Good, has gone forth (Tr/oocXdwv) Himself Good, and
put into order and into consistency all things. The
reason for this is truly admirable, and evidently befit-
ting. For the nature of creatures, as coming into subsis-
tence out of nothing, is dissoluble, and feeble, and, tak^n
by itself, is mortal, but the God of the universe is good
and of surpassi^g beauty in His nature, (vid. ptvcrrog) . .
Beholding then that all created nature was in respect
of its own laws dissoluble and dissolving, lest this
should happen to it, and the whole world fall back
again into nothiqg, having made all things by His own
Eternal Word, and having given substance to the
creation. He refused to let it be carried away and
wrecked (x^iiaaZeaOat) by stress of its own nature, and,
as a Good God, He governs and sustains it all by His
own Word, who is Himself God, . . . through whom
and in whom all things consist, visible and invisible,"
&c. contr. Gent. § 41.
Again, " In order that what came into being might not
only be, but be good, it pleased God that His own Wis-
dom should condescend (o-uyicarajSyivai) to the creatures,
so as to introduce an impress and semblance of Its Image
on all in common and on each, that what was made might
be manifestly wise works and worthy of God. For as
138 CrRACE OF GOD. -
of the Son of God, considered as the Word, our word
is an image, so of the same Son considered as Wisdom
is the wisdom which is implanted in us an image ; in
which wisdom we, having the power of knowledge and
thought, become recipients of the AU-framifTg Wisdom,
and through It we are able to know Its Father."
Orat. ii. 78. {Disc. n. 215.)
If S. Cyril, using another figure, says that the uni-
verse is grafted on the Word: "He is Only-begotten
according to nature, as being alone from the Father,
God from God, Light kindled from Light; and He is
First-bom for our sakes, that, as if mi sorne immortal
wot^ the whole creation might be ingrafted and might
bud forth from the Everlasting. For all things were
made by Himj and consist for ever and are preserved in
Him:' Thesaur. 25, p. 238.
Moreover, Athan. goes so far as to suggest that the
universe does not evidence the Creator, except as being
inhabited by the Son, and that what we see divine in
it is His Presence. "He has said, 'The invisible
things of Him from the creation of the world are
clearly seen, being understood by the things that are
made. His eternal Power and Divinity.' . . . Study the
context, and ye will see that it is the Son who is
signified. For after making mention of the creation,
he naturally speaks of the Framer's Power as seen in
it, which Power, I say, is the Word of God, by whom
all things were made. // indeed the creation be suffi-
cient of itself alone, without the Son, to make God
known, see that you fall not into the further opinion
that without the Son it came to be. But if through
aRACE OF GOD. 139
the Son it came to be, and in Hinfi all things consisty
it must follow that he who contemplates the creation
rightly, is contemplating also the Word who framed it,
and through Him begins to apprehend the Father.
And on Philip's asking, SIiow us the Father, He said
not, * Behold the creation,' but. He Hiat hath seen Me,
hath seen the Father'' Orat. i. § 11, 12. {Disc. n. 17.)
2. It is then the original <TvyKaTa(ia<Tig of the Son,
making Himself the First-begotten of the creation in
the beginning, which breathes, and which stamps a sort
of divinity upon the natural universe, and prepares us
for that far higher grace and glory which is given to
human nature by means of the Incarnation; this
evangelical grace being not merely a gift from above, as
resulting from the (n/yfcarajSacncy but an inhabitation
of the Griver in man, a communication of His
Person, and a participation, as it may be called,
of the Virtue of that Person, similar to that which,
when He came upon earth. He bestowed on individuals
by contact with His hands or His garments for their
deliverance from bodily ailments or injuries.
f Our Lord, then, came on earth, not merely as the
physician of our souls, but as the First-born and the
Parent of a new Family, who should be the principle
of propagation of a new birth in a fallen world. " The
flesh being first sanctified in Him, we have the sequel
of the Spirit's grace, receiving out of His fulness."
Orat. i. § 50 fin. (Disc. n. 83 fin.) " Therefore did He
assume the body created and human, that, having re-
newed it as its Framer, He might make it God in
Himself, and thus might introduce us all into the
140 GRACE OF GOD.
kingdom of heaven after His likeness." Orat. ii. § 70.
" How could we be partakers of that adoption of sons,
unless through the Son we had received from Him
that communion with Him, unless His Word had been
made flesh, and had communicated it to us?" Iron.
HsBr. iii. 18, Y.
f Hence it is that the adoption of sons which is
the gift which we gain by the Incarnation, is far more
than an adoption in the ordinary sense of that word,
and far stronger terms are used of it. Athan. says
that we are made sons "truly," vioiroiovfieda aXiiOupg.
Deer. § 31. (Nic. n. 45.) Again S. Basil says, that we
are sons, Kvpiwgy "properly," and 7r/o wroic, "primarily,"
in opposition to lie fieratjiopag and rpo'mKU}^^ "figura-
tively," contr. Eunom. ii. 23, 24. S. Cyril too says that
we are sons " naturally," ^vmKH^Qy as well as Kara x«P*v>
vid. Suicer. Thesaur. v. vJoc, i. 3. Of these words,
aXrtOiogy 0v(rcic(5c, icupiwgy and tt/owtoicj ^^^ first two
are commonly reserved for our Lord; e.g. rbv aXridiog
vibvf Orat. ii. § 37. (Disc. n. 150 fin.) rijuieig vloiy ovk wc
BKeivog f^vau ical aXijOei^, Orat. iii. § 19. (Disc. n. 251.)
Hilary indeed seems to deny us the title of "proper"
sons, de Trin. xii. 15; but his "proprium" is a trans-
lation of (Sioi;, not Kvpi(jjg.
f The true statement is, that, whereas there is a
primary and secondary sense in which the word Son is
used, — the primary, when it has its formal meaning of
continuation of nature, and the secondary, when it is
used nominally, or for an external resemblance to the
first meaning, — it is applied to the regenerate, not in the
secondary sense, but in the primary. S. Basil and 8.
GRACE OF GOD. 141
Gregory Nyssen consider Son to be a " a term of rela-
tionship according to nature^^ (vid. art. Son)^ also
Basil, in Psalm. 28, 1. The actual presence of the
Holy Spirit in the regenerate in substance (vid. Cyril.
Dial. 7, p. 638) constitutes this relationship of nature ;
and hence after the words quoted from S. Cyril above,
in which he says, that we are sons (ftviriKiogy he proceeds
" naturally, because we are in Him, and in Him alone,"
vid. Athan.'s words which follow in the text at the end
of Deer. § 31. And hence Nyssen lays down as a
received truth, that "to none does the term 'proper,'
Kupidrarovf apply, but to one in whom the name
responds with truth to the nature." contr. Eunom. iii.
p. 123. And he also implies, p. 117, the intimate
association of our sonship with Christ's, when he con-
nects together regeneration with our Lord's eternal
generation, neither being Sea rraOovg, or, of the will of
the flesh. If it be asked what the distinctive words are
which are incommunicably the Son's, since so much is
man's, it is obvious to answer, first, iScoc vlog and
fjLovoyevrjg, which/ are in Scripture; and, next, the
symbols " Of the substance," and " One in substance,"
of the Council ; and this is the value of the Council's
phrases, that, while they guard the Son's divinity,
they allow full scope, without risk of trenching on that
divinity, to the Catholic doctrine as to the fulness of
the Christian privileges.
142 THE DIVINE HAND.
THE DIVINE HAND.
God, the Creative Origin and Cause of all beings,
acts by the mediation, ministration, or agency of His
co-eqiial Son. To symbolise His numerical oneness
with that Son, the Son is called His Hand.
E.g. by Athan. Dec. § 7, 17. Orat. ii. § 31, 71. iv.
26. Also Ino^m. c. Ar. 12.
Also by Clem. Recogn. viii. 43. Horn. xvi. 12. Me-
thod ap. Phot. cod. 235, p. 937. Iren. Haer. iv. prsef. 20,
V. 1 and 5 and 6. Clem. Protr. (brachium) p. 93, Potter.
Tertull. Herm. 45. Cyprian. Test. ii. 4. Euseb. in
Psalm. 108, 27. Hilar. Trin. viii. 22. Basil. Eunom. v.
p. 297. Cyril, in Joann. 476, 7, et alibi. Thesaur.
p. 154. Job. ap. Phot. p. 582. August, in Joan. 48, 7
(though he prefers another use of the word), p. 323.
This image is in contrast with that of instritmeTiti
opyavovi which the Arians would use to express the
relation of the Son to the Father, as implying sepa-
rateness and subservience, whereas the word Hand
implies His consubstantiality ; vid. art. Mediation,
HERESIES. 143
HERESIES.
If Heresies are partial views of the truth, starting
from some truth which they exaggerate, and disowning
and protesting against other truth, which they fancy
inconsistent with it.
K All heresies are partial views of the truth, and are
wrong, not so much in what they directly say as in
what they deny.
f All heresies seem connected together and to run
into each other. When the mind has embraced one,
it is almost certain to run into others, apparently
the most opposite, it is quite uncertain which.
Thus Arians were a reaction from Sabellians, yet
did not the less consider than they that God was but
one Person, and that Christ was a creature. ApoUi-
naris was betrayed into his heresy by opposing the
Arians, yet his heresy started with the tenet in which
the Arians ended, that Christ had no human soul.
His disciples became, and even naturally, some of
them Sabellians, some Arians. Again, beginning with
denying our Lord a soul, ApoUinaris came to deny Him
a body, like the Manichees and Docetae. The same
passages from Athanasius will be found to refute both
Eutychians and Nestorians, though diametrically op-
posed to each other: and these agreed together, not
only in considering nature and person identical, but.
144 HERESIES.
strange to say, in holding (and the Apollinarians too,)
that our Lord's manhood existed before its union with
Him, which is the special heresy of Nestorius. Again,
the Nestorians were closely connected with the Sabellians
and Samosatenes, and the latter with the Photinians
and modem Socinians. And the Nestorians were con-
nected with the Pelagians; and Aerius, who denied
Episcopacy and prayers for the dead, with the Arians ;
and his opponent the Semi-Arian Eustathius with the
Encratites. One reason of course of this peculiarity
of heresy is, that when the mind is once unsettled, it
may fall into any error. Another is that it is heresy ;
all heresies being secretly connected, as in temper, so
in certain primary principles. And lastly, the Truth
only is a real doctrine, and therefore stable; every-
thing false is of a transitory nature and has no stay,
like reflections in a stream, one opinion continually
passing into another, and creations being but the first
stages of dissolution. Hence so much is said in the
Fathers of orthodoxy being a narrow way. Thus S.
Gregory speaks of the niiddle and " royal " way.
Orat. 32, 6, also Damasc. contr. Jacob, iii.'t. 1, p. 398;
vid. also Leon. Ep. 85, 1, p. 1051 ; Ep. 129, p. 1254,
" brevissima adjectione corrumpitur ; " also Serm. 25^ 1,
p. 83 ; also Vigil, in Eutych. i. init. " Quasi inter duos
latrones crucifigitur Dominus," &c. NoVat. Trin. 30.
vid. the promise, " Thine ears shall hear a word behind
thee, saying, This is the way, walk ye in it, and go
not aside either to the right hand, or to the left.*'
Is. XXX. 21.
f Heresies run into each other, (one may even say,)
ME&ESIBS. 145
logically. No doctrines were apparently more opposed,
whether historically or ethically, than the Arian and the
ApoUinarian or the Monophysite ; nay, in statement,
so far as the former denied that our Lord was God,
the latter that He was man. But their agreement lay in
this compromise, that strictly speaking He was neither
God nor man. Thus in Orat. ii. § 8, Athan. hints
that if the Arians gave the titles (such as Priest)
which really belonged to our Lord's manhood, to His
pre-existent nature, what were they doing but remov-
ing the evidences of His manhood, and so far denying
it? Vid. the remarkable passage of the Council of
Sardica against Valens and Ursacius quoted supr.
vol. i. p. 116. In the Arian Creed No. vii. or second
Sirmian, it is implied that the Divine Son is passible,
the very doctrine against which Theodoret writes one of
his Anti-monophysite Dialogues called Eraiiistes. He
writes another on the aTpewrov of Christ, a doctrine
which was also formally denied by Arius, and is de-
fended by Athan. Orat. i. § 35. Vid. art. EusebmSy who
speaks of our Lord's taking a body, almost to the pre-
judice of the doctrine of His taking a perfect man-
hood; el filv \pvxrig Siicijv, &c., supr. p. 106. Hence it is
that Gibbon throws out (ch. 47, note 34), after La Croze,
Hist. Christ, des Indes, p. 11, that the Arians invented
the term OeoTOKog, which the Monophysites, in their own
sense strenuously held, vid. Gamer in Mar. Merc. t. 2, p.
299. If the opposites of connected heresies are in fact
themselves connected together, then the doctrinal con-
nection of Arianism and Apollinarianism is shown in
their respeetive opposition to the heresies of Sabellius
- VOL. II. L
146 HEBESIES.
and Nestoriiid* Salig (Eutych. ant. Eut. 10) denies
the connection, but with very little show of reason.
La Groze calls Apollinarianism " Arianismi tradux^!*'
Thes. Ep. Lacroz. t. 3, p. 276.
f It was the tendency of all the heresies conjeaw-
ing the Person of Christ to explain away or dieny*
the Atonement. The Arians, after the Platonists^
insisted on the pre-existing Priesthood, as if the in-
carnation and crucifixion were not of its essence. The
Apollinarians resolved the Incarnation into a manifes-
tation, Theod. Eran. i. The Nestorians denied the
Atonement, Procl. ad Armen. p. 615. And the Euty-
chians, Leon. Ep. 28, 5.
f It is remarkable that the Monophysites should have
been forced into their circumscription of the Divine
Nature by the limits of the human, considering that
Eutyches their Patriarch began with asserting for
reverence-sake that the Incarnate Word was not under
the laws of human nature, vid. infra art. Specialties^
&c. This is another instance of the running of
opposite heresies into each other. Another remark-
able instance will be found in art. Ignorance^ viz. the
Agnoetse, a sect of those very Eutychians, who denied
or tended to deny our Lord's manhood with a view of
preserving His Divinity, yet who were characterised
by holding that He was ignorant as man.
f "This passage of the Apostle," Eom. i. 1, "[Mar-
cellus] I know not why perverts, instead of declared,
opurOivTogy making it predestinedy irpoopKrOivrogi that
the Son may be such as they who are predestined ac-
cording to foreknowledge." Euseb. contr. Marc. i. 2.
HERESIES. 147
Paul of Samosata also considered our Lord Son by
foreknowledge, irpoyvbxrei. vid. Routh, Seliqu. t. 2,
p. 466; and Eunomius, Apol. 24.
f In spite of their differing diametrically from each
other in their respective heresies about the Holy Trinity,
that our Lord was not really the Divine Word was
a point in which Arians and Sabellians agreed, vid.
infr. Orat. iv. init. ; also ii. § 22, 40, also Sent. D. 25.
Ep. Mg. 14 fin. Epiph. Haer. 72, p. 835.
f Heretics have frequently assigned reverence as the
cause of their opposition to the doctrine of the Church ;
and if even Arius was obliged to affect it, the plea may
be expected in any others. " O stultos et impios metus,"
says S. Hilary, " et irreligiosam de Deo soUicitudinem."
de Trin. iv. 6. It was still more commonly professed in
regard to the Catholic doctrine of the Incarnation. Thus
Manes, " Absit ut Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum
per naturalia mulieris descendisse confitear ; ipse enim
testimonium dat, quia de sinibus Patris descendit."
Arehel. Disp. t. iii. p. 601. " We, as saying that the Word
of God is incapable of defilement, even by the assump-
tion of mortal and vulnerable flesh, fear not to believe
that He is bom of a Virgin ; ye," Manichees, " because
with impious perverseness ye believe the Son of God
to be capable of it, dread to commit Him to the flesh."
August, contr. Secund. 9. Faustus " is neither willing
to receive Jesus of the seed of David, nor made of a
woman . . . nor the death of Christ itself, and burial,
and resurrection," &c. August, contr. Faust xi. 3.
As the Manichees denied our Lord a body, so the
Apellinarians denied Him a rational soul, still under
L 2
14:8 HERESIES.
pretence of reverence, because, as they said, the souJ
was necessarily sinful. Leontius naakes this their naain
argument, 6 vovg ajULafyrnriKog kari^ de Sect. iv. p. 507 ;
vid. also Grreg. Naz. Ep. 101, ad Cledon. p. 89; Athan.
in ApoU. i. 2, 14; Epiph. Ancor. 79, 80. Athan. and
others call the ApoUinarian doctrine Manicheaii in con-
sequence, vid. in Apoll. ii. 8, 9, &c. Again, the Era-
nistes in Theodoret, who advocates a similar doctrine,
will not call our Lord man. *M consider it inaportant
to acknowledge an assumed nature^ but to call the
Saviour of the world man is to impair our Lord's
glory." Eranist. ii. p. 83. Eutyohes, on the other
hand, would call our Lord ttiany but refused to admit
His human nature, and still with the same profession.
"Ego," he says, "soiens sanctos et beatos patres
nostros refutantes d/uarum naturarum vocabulum, et
non audeQis de natma tractare Dei Verbi, qui in ciamem
venit, in veritate non in phantasmate Iwmo factus,"
&c. Leon. Ep. 21, 1 fin. "Forbid it," he says at
Constantinople, "that 1 should say that the Christ
was of two natures, or should discuss the nature,
(pvaioXoyeiVy of my God." Concil. t. 2, p. 157. And
so in this day popular Tracts have been published,
ridiculing St. Luke's account of our Lord's nativity
under pretence of reverence towards the Grod of all,
and interpreting Scripture allegorically on Pantheistic
principles. A modem argument for Universal Eesti-
tution takes the same form : " Do not we shrink from
the notion of another's being sentenced to eternal
punishment ; are we more merciful than Ood f " vid.
Matt. xvi. 22, 23.
HEBESIES, 14:9
If That heresies before the Arian appealed to
Scripture we learn from TertuUian, de Praescr. 42,
who warns Catholics against indulging themselves
in their own view of isolated texts against the voice
of the Catholic Church, vid. also Vincentius, who
specifies obiter Sabellius and Novatian. Coinmonit. 2.
Still Arianism was contrasted with other heresies
on this point, as in these two respects: (1.) they ap-
pealed to a secret fraditioriy unknown even to most of
the Apostles, as the Gnostics, Iren. HaGr. iii. 1 ; or they
professed a gift of prophecy introducing fresh revelor-
tionSy as Montanists, Syn. § 4, and Manichees, Aug.
contr. Faust, xxxii. 6. (2.) The Arians availed them-
selves of certain texts as objections, argued keenly g.nd
plausibly from them, and would not be driven from
them. Qrat. ii. § 18, c; Epiph. Haer. 69, 15. Or
rather they took some words of Scripture, and made
their own deductions from them ; viz. " Son," " made,".
" exalted," &c,
150 HERETICS.
HEEETICS.
Revealed truth, to be what it professes, must
have an uninterrupted descent from the Apostles; its
teachers must be unanimous, and persistent in their
unanimity ; and it must bear no human master's name
as its designation.
On the other hand, first novelty, next discordance,
vacillation, change, thirdly sectarianism, are conse-
quences and tokens of religious error.
These tests stand to reason; for what is over and
above nature must come from divine revelation ; and,
if so, it must descend from the very date when it was
revealed, else it is but matter of opinion; and
opinions vary, and have no warrant of permanence,
but depend upon the relative ability and success of
individual teachers, one with another, from whom they
take their names.
The Fathers abound in passages which illustrate
these three tests.
f " Who are you ? " says TertuUian, " whence and
when came ye? what do ye on my property, being
none of mine ? by what right, Marcion, cuttest thou
my wood ? by what licence, Valentinus, tumest thou
my springs? by what power, Apelles, movest thou
my landmarks? Mine is possession, ... I possess of
old, I have prior possession. ... I am heir of the
Apostles." TertuU. de Praescr. 37. "Tardily for me
HERETICS. 151
lia,th this time of day put forth these, in my judgment,
most impious doctors. Full late hath that faith of
mine, which Thou hast taught me, encountered these
JMasters. Before these names were heard of, I thus
believed in Thee, I thus was new bom by Thee, and
thenceforth I thus am Thine." Hil. de Trin. vi. 21.
'" What heresy hath ever burst forth, but under the
name of some certain men, in some certain place, and
at some certain tiihe? who ever set up any heresy,
but first divided himself from the consent of the
universality and antiquity of the Catholic Church?"
Vincent. Lir. Commonit. 24. " I will tell thee my mind
briefly and plainly, that thou shouldest remain in that
Church which, being founded by the Apostles, endures
even to this day. When thou hearest that those who
are called Christ's, are named, not after Jesus Christ,
but after some one, say Marcionites, Valentinians, &c.,
know then it is not Christ's Church, but the synagogue
of Antichrist. For by the very fact that they are
formed afterwards, they show that they are those who
the Apostle foretold should come." Jerom, in Lucif.
27. "If the Church was not . . . whence hath
Donatus appeared? from what soil has he sprung?
out of what sea hath he emerged? from what heaven
hath he fallen?" August, de Bapt. contr. Don. iii. 2.
vid. art. Catholicy &c.
f " However the error was, certainly," says TertuUian
ironically, " error reigned so long as heresies were not.
Truth needed a rescue, and looked out for Marcionites
and Valentinians." " Meanwhile, gospelling was nought,
faith was nought, nought was the baptism of so many
162 HEBBTICS.
thousand thousand, so many works of faith performed,
so many virtues, so many gifts displayed, so many
priesthoods, so many ministries exercised, nay, so many
martyrdoms crowned." TertuU. Prsescr. 29. "* Pro-
fane novelties,' which if we receive, of necessity the
faith of our blessed ancestors, either all or a great part
of it, must be overthrown ; the 'faithful people of all
ages and times, all holy saints, all the chaste, all the
continent, all the virgins, all the Clergy, the Deacons,
the Priests, so many thousands of confessors, so great
armies of martyrs, so many famous populous cities and
commonwealths, so many islands, provinces, kings,
tribes, kingdoms, nations, to conclude, almost now the
whole world, incorporated by the Catholic Faith to
Christ their head, must needs be said, so many hundred
years, to have been ignorant, to have erred, to have
blasphemed, to have believed they knew not what."
Vine. Comm. 24. "0 the extravagance! the wisdom,
hidden until Christ's coming, they announce to us to-
day, which is a thing to draw tears. For if the faith
began thirty years since, while near four hundred are
past since Christ was manifested, nought hath been
our gospel that long while, and nought our faith, and
fruitlessly have martyrs been martyred, and fruitlessly
have such and so great rulers ruled the people." Greg.
Naz. ad Cledon. Ep. 102, p. 97.
f "They know not to be reverent even to their
leaders. And this is why commonly schisms exist not
among heretics ; because while they exist, they are not
visible. Schism is their very unity. I am a liar if
they do not dissent from their own rules, while every
HERETICS. 153
man among them equally alters at his private judgment
(suo arbitrio) what he has received, just as he who
gave to them composed it at his private judgment.
The progress of the thing is true to its nature and its
origin. What was a right to Valentinus, was a right
to Valentinians, what to Marcion was to the Marcionites,
to innovate on the faith at their private judgment.
As soon as any heresy is thoroughly examined, it is
found in many points dissenting from its parent.
Those parents for the most part have no Churches;
they roam about without mother, without see, bereaved
of the faith, without a country, without a home."
TertuU. Praescr. 42. "He writes," says Athan. of
Constantius, "and while he writes repents, and while
h6 repents is exasperated; and then he grieves again,
and not knowing how to act, he shows how bereft the
soul is of understanding." Hist. Arian. 70; vid. also
ad Ep. ^g. 6.
f " Faith is made a thing of dates rather than
Grospels, while it is written down by years, and is not
measured by the confession of baptism." Hil. ad Const,
ii. 4. " We determine yearly and monthly creeds con-
cerning God, we repent of our determinations; we
defend those who repent, we anathematise those whom
we have defended; we condemn our own doings in
those of others, or others in us, and gnawing each
other, we are well-nigh devoured one of another."
ibid. 5. " It happens to thee," says S. Hilary to Con-
stantius, " as to unskilful builders, always to be dissatis-
fied with what thou hast done ; thou art ever destroying
what thou art ever building." coutr. Constant, 23,
154 HEBfiTIOS.
f "The Emperor [Theodosius] had a conversa-
tion with Nectarius, Bishop [of Constantinople], in
what way to make Christendom concordant, and to
unite the Church. . . This made Nectarius anxious ; but
Sisiimius, a man of ready speech and of practical ex-
perience, and thoroughly versed in the interpretation
of the sacred writings and in t^e doctrines of philo-
sophy, having a conviction that disputation would but
aggravate the party-spirit of the heretics instead of
reconciling schisms, advised him to avoid dialectic
engagements, and to appeal to the statements of the
ancients, and to put the question to the heresiarchs
from the Emperor, whether they made any sort of
account of the doctors who belonged to the Church
before the division, or came to issue with them as
aliens from Christianity ; for if they made their autho-
rity null, therefore let them venture to anathematise
them. But if they did venture, then they woidd be
driven out by the people," Socr. v. 10.
If "They who do not pertinaciously defend their
opinion, false and perverse though it be, especially
when it does not spring from the audacity of their
own presumption, but has come to them from parents
seduced and lapsed into error, while they seek the
truth with cautious solicitude, and are prepared to
correct themselves when they have found it, are by no
means to be ranked among heretics." August. Ep.
43, init. ; vid. also de Bapt. contr. Don, iv. 20*
HIEEAOAS — HOMOUSION, HOMCEUSION. 155
HIERACAS.
HiERAGAS was a Manichsean. He compared the Two
Divine Persons to the two lights of one lamp, where
the oil is common and the flame double, thus implying
a third substance distinct from Father and Son, or to
a flame divided into two by (for instance) the papyrus
which was commonly used instead of a wick, vid.
Hilar, de Trin. vi. 12.
If This doctrine is also imputed to Valentinus,
though in a different sense, by Nazianzen, Orat, 33.
16. vid. also Clement, Recogn. i. 69.
HOMOUSION, HOMCEUSION.
yid. bfioovmov^ Nicene Tests^ Semi-Arians^ &c.
156 HTPOCBISY, HYPOCBITES,
HYPOCRISY, HYPOCRITES.
This is almost a title of the Arians, (with an apparent
allusion to 1 Tim. iv. 2. vid. Soer. i. p. 13. Athan. Orat. i.
§ 10, ii. § 1 and § 19, iii. § 16. Syn. § 32. Ep. Enc. 6.
Ep. Mg. 18. Epiph, Haer. 73, 1,) and that in various
senses. The first meaning is that, being heretics, they
nevertheless used orthodox phrases and statements to
deceive and seduce Catholics. The term is thus, used
by Alexander in the beginning of the controversy,
vid. Theod. Hist. i. 3, pp. 729, 746. Again, it implies
that they agreed with Anus, but would not confess it ;
professed to be Catholics, but would not anathematise
him. vid. Athan. ad Ep. Mg, 20, or alleged untruly
the Nicene Council as their ground of complaint, ibid.
§ 18. Again, it is used of the hoUowness and pretence
of their ecclesiastical proceedings, with the Emperor
at their head; which were a sort of make-belief of
spiritual power, or piece of acting, SpafiarovpyriiuLa. Ep.
Encycl. 2 and 6. It also means general insincerity, as
if they were talking about what they did not under-
stand, and did not realise what they said, and were
blindly implicating themselves in evils of a fearful cha-
racter. Thus Athan. calls them (as cited supr.) rohg r^c
^Apdov avia^ mroKpirag, Orat. ii. § 1, init. ; and he
speaks of the evil spirit making them his sport, roi^
vTroKpivofiivoig rfiv fiaviav avrov, ad Scrap, i. 1. And
HYPOCRISY, HYPOCRITES. 167
hence further it is applied, at Syn, § 32, as though
with severity, yet to those who were near the truth,
and who, though in sin, would at length come to it or
not, according as the state of their hearts was. He is
here anticipating the return into the Church of those
whom he thus censures. In this sense, though with
far more severity in what he says, the writer of a
Tract imputed to Athan. against the Catholicising
Semi-Arians of 363, entitles it "On the hypocrisy of
Meletius and Eusebius of Samosata." It is remark-
able that what Athan. here predicts was fulfilled to
the letter, even of the worst of these "hypocrites."
For Acacius himself, who in 361 signed the Anomoean
Confession above recorded (vid. vol. i. supr, p. 121, note),
was one of those very men who accepted the Homoiision
with an explanation in 363.
l58 HYPOSTASIS.
HYPOSTASIS.
wrotrramCi ^ubeasteHcey person. It is remarkable lioW
seldom this word occurs in Atbanasius ec^cept as found
in Hebr. i. 3 ; and the more so because it is a term little
known outside Christian theology, and within that
theology after Athan.'s time so important and authentic.
It is not found, I believe, in his first two Orations ; twice
in the third ; in the fourth, which seems a distinct work
from the three, by contrast five times, and often in S.
Alexander's Letter in Theodoret, to his namesake
at Constantinople. Vid. art. cISoc and ovo-m, which
Athan. seems to use instead of it.
It would seem as if there were a class of words
which, in the first age, before the theological ter-
minology was fixed by ecclesiastical determinations,
admitted of standing either for the Divine Being or a
Divine Person according to the occasion ; and this, as
being one of them, was not definite or precise enough
for a mind so clear as Athan.'s ; vid. Orat. iii. § 66, iv,
§ 1, 25, 33, 35. Vid. art. oixrta.
IDOLAfftt 6f aHianism. 15S
IDOLATRY OF ARIANISM.
Akians considered our Lord a creature, with a be-
ginning of existence, with a probation, and during it a
liability to fall. Yet it was one of their fundamental
tenets that He was Creator of the universe, and created
in order to create. Accordingly Athan. and the other
feathers rightly charge them with idol worship.
" We must take reverent heed," says Athanasius,
•"lest transferring what is proper to the Father to
\what is unlike Him, and expressing the Father's god-
ihead by what is unlike in kind and alien, we introduce
•another being foreign to Him, as if capable of the pro-
]perties of the first, and lest we be silenced by God
IHimself, saying. My glory I will riot give to cmotJtery
•and be discovered worshipping this alien Grod." Syn.
•§ 50. " Who told them, after abandoning the worship
♦of creatures, after all to draw near and to worship a
creature and a work ? " Orat. i, § 8. vid. also Orat. ii.
•§ 14. Ep. iEgypt. 4 and 13. Adelph. 3. Scrap, i. 29.
This point, as might be expected, is insisted on by
other Fathers, vid. Cyril. Dial. iv. p. 511, &c. v. p. 566.
•Oreg. Naz. Orat. 40. 42. Hil. Trin. viii. 28. Ambros.
de Fid. i. n. 69 and 104. Theod. in Rom. i. 25.
K The Arians were in the dilemma of holding two
•Gods, or worshipping the creature, unless they denied
to the Lord both divinity and worship. Hence Athan.
160 IDOLATRY OF ARIANISJf.
i^ys, (j^attKOvTsgy oif \iyofiev Svo ayivrira, \iyov<n ovo
OtovQf Orat. iii. 16. But " every substance," says S.
Austin, "which is not Grod, is a creature, and which
is not a creature, is God," de Trin. i. 6. And so S.
Cyril, " We see God and creation and besides nothing ;
for whatever falls external to God's nature has certainly
a maker; and whatever is clear of the definition of
creation, is certainly within the definition of the God-
head," In Joan. p. 52. vid. also Naz. Orat. 31. 6.
Basil, contr. Eunom. ii. 31.
f Petavius gives a large collection of passages, de
Trin. ii. 12, § 5, from other Fathers in proof of the
worship of Our Lord evidencing His Godhead.
IGNORANCE ASSUMED ECONOMICALLY BY OUR LORD. 161
IGNOEANCE ASSUMED ECONOMICALLY BY
OUR LOED.
"It is plain that He knows the hour of the end
of all things," says Athan., "as the Word, though
as man He is ignorant of it, for ignorance belongs to
man," Orat. iii. § 43, and Serap. ii. 9.
f S. Basil, on the general question being asked him,
of our Lord's infirmities, by S. Amphilochius, says that
he shall give him the answer he had '> heard from boy-
hood from the fathers," but which was more fitted for
pious Christians than for cavillers, and that is, that " Our
Lord says many things to men in His human aspect,
as * Grive Me to drink,' • . . yet He who asked was not
flesh without a soul, but Grodhead using flesh which
had one." Ep. 236, 1. He goes on to suggest an-
other explanation about His ignorance which is men-
tioned below. And S. Cyril, " Let them [the heretics]
strip the Word openly of the flesh and what it implies,
and destroy outright the. whole Economy [Incarnation],
and then they will clearly see the Son as God; or, if
they shudder at this as impious and absurd, why blush
they at the conditions of the manhood, and determine
to find fault with what especially befits the economy
of the flesh?" Trin. pp. 623, 4. Vid. also Thes.
p. 220. "As He submitted as man to hunger and
thirst, so ... to be ignorant," p. 221. Vid. also Naz.
VOL. II. M
162 IGNORANCE ASSUMED ECONOMICALLY BY OUR LORD.
Orat. 30, 15. Theodoret expresses the same opinion
very strongly, speaking of a gradual revelation to the
manhood from the Godhead, but in an argument when
it was to his point to do so, in Anath. 4, t. v. p. 23, ed.
Sehulze. Theodore of Mopsuestia also speaks of a
revelation made by the Word, ap. Leont. iii. c. Nest.
(Canis. i. p. 579j.
f Though our Lord, as having two natures, had a
human as well as a divine knowledge, and though that
human knowledge was not only limited because human,
but liable to ignorance in matters in which greater
knowledge was possible; yet it is the received doc-
trine, that in fact He was not ignorant even in His
human nature, according to its capacity, since it was
from the first taken out of its original and natural
condition, and "deified" by its union with the Word.
As then (infra art. Specialties, part 5) His manhood
was created, yet He may not be called a creature even
in His manhood, and as (ibid, part 6) His flesh
was in its abstract nature a servant, yet He is not a
servant in fact, even as regards the flesh; so, though
'He took on Him a soul which left to itself would have
been partially ignorant, as other human souls, yet as ever
'enjoying the Beatific Vision from its oneness with the
Word, it never was ignorant in fact, but knew all things
which human soul can know. vid. Eulog. ap. Phot. 230,
p. 884. As Pope Gregory expresses it, "Novit in
jaatura, non ex naturS, humanitatis." Epp. x. 39.
However, this view of the sacred subject was not received
by the Church till after S, Athanasius's day, and it can-
not be denied that he and others of the most eminent
IGNORANCE ASSUMED ECONOMICALLY BY OUR LORD. 163
Fathers use language which prima fade is inconsistent
with it. They certainly seem to impute ignorance to
our Lord as man, as Athan. in the passage cited above.
Of course it is not meant that our Lord's soul had the
same perfect knowledge which He has as Grod. This
was the assertion of a Greneral of the Hermits of S,
Austin at the time of the Council of Basil, when the
proposition was formally condemned, " animam Christi
Deum videre tam clard et intense quam clard et
intense' Deus videt seipsum." vid. Berti 0pp. t. 3,
p. 42. Yet Fulgentius had said, "I think that in
no respect was full knowledge of the Grodhead want-
ing to that Soul, whose Person is one with the
Word, — whom Wisdom did so assume that it is itself
that same Wisdom," ad Ferrand. Eesp. iii. p. 223,
ed. 1639 ; though, ad Trasimund. i. 7,' he speaks of
ignorance attaching to our Lord's human nature.
f S. Basil takes the words ov8' o vlbg, el /ttr? 6 Trarfip,
to mean, "nor does the Son know except the Father
knows," or "nor would the Son but for," &c., or
" nor does the Son know, except as the Father knows."
*^The cause of the Son's knowing is from the Father."
Ep. 236, 2. S. G-regory alludes to the same interpreta-
tion, o6S' 6 vlbg rj ijg Sri 6 irarfip, " Since the Father
knows, therefore the Son." Naz. Orat. 30. 16. S.
Irenseus seems to adopt the same when he says, " The
Son was not ashamed to refer the knowledge of that
clay to the Father ; " Haer. ii. 28, n. 6, as Naz. supr.
uses the words Itti rffv airiav ava(l>epi(TO(a. And so
;photius distinctly, elg apxrjv avatpiperm. "*Not the
Son, but the Father,' that is, whence knowledge
m2
164 laHORANCB ASSUHED ECOXOMCALLY BY OUE LOKD.
comes to the Son as from a fountain." Epp. p. 342,
ed. 1651.
^ Origen considers such answer an economy. "He
who knows what is in the heart of men, Christ Jesus,
as John also has taught us in his Gospel, asks, yet is not
ignorant. But since He has now taken on Him man.
He adopts all that is man's, and among them the asking
questions. Nor is it strange that the Saviour should
do go, since the very Grod of all, acconunodating Him-
self to the habits of man, as a father might to liis son,
inquires, for instance, * Adam, where art thou ? ' and
* Where is Abel, thy brother?'" in Matt. t. 10, § 14;
vid. also Pope Grregory and Chrysost. infr.
. If S. Chrysostom, S. Ambrose, and Pope S. Gregory
in addition to the instances in Orat. iii. § 50, refer to " I
will go down now, and see whether they have done, &c.
and if not, I will kTiow" Gen. xviii. 21. "The Lord
came down to see the city and the tower," &c. Gen.
xi. 5. "God looked down from heaven upon the
children of men to S66," &c. Ps. liii. § 3. " It Toay be
they will reverence My Son." Matt. xxi. 37. Luke
XX. 13. "Seeing a fig tree afar off, having leaves,
He came, if haply He might Jind,^^ &c. Mark xi. 13.
" Simon, lovest thou Me ? " John xxi. 15. Vid. Ambros.
de Fid. V. c. 17. Chrys. in Matt. Hom. 77, 3. Greg.
Epp. X. 39. Vid. also the instances Athan. Orat. iii. § 37.
Other passages may be added, such as Gen. xxii. 12. vid.
Berti 0pp. t. 3, p. 42. But the difficulty of Mar. xiii. 32
lies in its signifying that there is a sense in which the
Father knows what the Son knows not. Petavius,
after S. Augustine, meets this by explaining it to mean
IGNORANCE ASSUMED ECONOMICALLY BY OUR LORD. 165
that our Lord, as sent from the Father on a mission,
was not to reveal all things, but to observe a silence and
profess an ignorance on those points which it was
not good for His brethren to know. As Mediator and
Prophet He was ignorant. He refers in illustration of
this view to such texts as, " I have not spoken of My^
sdf; but the Father which sent Me, He gave Me com-
mandment what I should say and what I should speak.
.... Whatsoever I speak therefore, even as the Father
said unto Me, so I speak." John xii. 49, 50,
f It is a question to be decided, whether our Lord
speaks of actual ignorance in His human Mind or of the
natural ignorance of that Mind considered as human;
ignorance " in " or " ex natura ; " or, which comes to
the same thing, whether He spoke of a real ignorance,
or of an economical or professed ignorance, in a certain
view of His incarnation or office, as when He asked,
"How many loaves have ye?" when "He Himself
knew what He would do," or as He is called sin, though
sinless. Thus Ath. seems, Orat ii. § 55 fin., to make
His infirmities altogether imputative, not real; "He
is said to be infirm, not being infirm Himself,^ as if
showing that the subject had not in his day been
thoroughly worked out. In like manner S. Hilary,
who, if the passage be genuine, states so clearly
our Lord's ignorance, de Trin. ix. fin., yet, as Peta-
vius observes, seems elsewhere to deny to Him those
very aflfections of the flesh to which he has there
paralleled it. And this view of Athan.'s meaning
is favoured by the turn of his expressions. He says,
such a defect belongs to " that human nature whose pro-
1 66 IGNOEANCE ASSUMED ECONOMICALLY BY OUB LORD.
perty it is to be ignorant j" Orat. iii. § 43 ; that '^ since
He was made man, He is not ashamed, because of the
flesh which is ignorant, to say * I know not ; ' " ibid.
And § 45, that " as showing His manhood, in that to be
ignorant is proper to man, and that He had piU om a
flesh that was ignorant, being in which. He said accord-
ing to the flesh, *I know not;'" "that He might
show that as man He knows not," § 46 ; viz. as maii>
(i^. on the ground of being man, not in the capacity
of man,) " He knows not," ibid. ; and that " He oaks
about Lazarus humanly," even when " He was on His
way to raise him," which implied surely knowledge in
His human nature. The reference to the parallel of
S. Paul's professed ignorance when he really knew,
§ 47, leads us to the same suspicion. And so, " for
our profit, as I think, did He this." § 48 — 50.
The natural want of precision on such questions in the
early ages was shown or fostered by such words as
oiKovoyLiKhtg, which, in respect of this very text, is used
by S. Basil to denote both our Lord's Incarnation, Ep.
236, 1 fin., and His gracious accommodation of Himself
and His truth, Ep. 8, 6 ; and with the like variety of
meaning, with reference to the same text, by Cyril.
Trin. p. 623 ; and Thesaur. p. 224. (And the word
dispensatio in like manner, Ben. note on Hil. Trin.
X. 8.) In the latter Ep. S. Basil suggests that our
Lord "economises by a feigned ignorance." And S.
Cyril, in Thesaur. 1. c. (in spite of his strong language
ibid. p. 221), "The Son knows all things, though
economically He says He is ignorant of something,"
Thesaur. p. 224. And even in de Trin. vi. he seems
IGNORANCE ASSUMia) ECONOMICALLY BY OUH LOltD. 167
to recognise the distinction laid down just now between
the natural and actual state of our Lord's humanity :
" God would not make it known even to the Son Him-
self, were He a mere man upon earth, as they say, and
not having it in His nature to be Grod." p, 629. And
S. Hilary arguing that He must as man know the day of
judgment, for His then coining is as man, says, " Since
He is Himself a sacrament, let us see whether He be
ignorant in the things which He knows not. For if
in the other respects a profession of ignorance is not
an intimation of not knowing, so here too He is not
ignorant of what He knows not. For since His igno-
rance, in respect that all treasures of knowledge lie hid
in Him, is rather an economy (dispensation) than an
ignorance, you have a cause why He might be ignorant
without an actual intimation of not knowing." Trin. ix.
62. And he gives reasons why He professed ignorance,
n. 67, viz. as S. Austin words it, " Christum se dixisse
nescientem, in quo alios facit occultando nescientes."
Ep. 180. 3. S. Austin follows Hilary, saying, "Hoc
nescit quod nescientes facit." Trin. i. n. 23. Pope Gre-
gory says that the text " is most certainly to be referred'
to the Son not as He is Head, but as to His body which
we are." Ep. x. 39. And S. Ambrose distinctly: "The
Son which took on Him the flesh, assumed our affec-
tions, so as to say that He knew not w^th our ignorance ;
not that He was ignorant of anything Himself, for,
thpugh He seemed to be man in truth of body, yet He
was the life and light, and virtue went out of Him," &c.
de Fid. v. 222. And so Caesarius, Qu. 20. and Photius
Epp. p. 336, &c. Chrysost. in Matth. Hom. 77, 3. Theo-
108 laNOEANCB ASSUMED ECONOMICALLY BY OUE LORD.
doret, however, but in controversy, is very severe on
the principle of Economy. " If He knew the day, and
wishing to conceal it, said He was ignorant, see what
a blasphemy is the result. Truth tells an xmtnith."
1. c. pp. 23, 24.
% The expression, Orat. iii. § 48, &c. " for our sake,"
which repeatedly occurs, surely implies that there was
something economical in our Lord's profession of igno-
rance. He used it with a purpose, not as a mere plain
fact or doctrine. And so 8. Cyril, "He says that He
is ignorant, for our sake and among us, as man,"
Thes. p. 221 : " economically eflfecting, olKovofiiov,
something profitable and good." ibid. And again,
after stating that there was an objection, and parallel-
ing His words with His question to S. Philip about the
loaves, he says, " Knowing as God the Word, He can,
as man, be ignorant." p. 223. "It is not a sign of
ignorance, but of wisdom, for it was inexpedient that
we should know it." Ambros. de Fid. v. 209. S.
Chrysostom seems to say the same, denying that the
Son was ignorant, Hom. 77, 1. And Theophylact,
" Had He said, * I know, but I will not tell you,' they
had been cast down, as if despised by Him ; but now
in saying * not the Son but the Father only,' He hinders
their asking .... for how can the Son be ignorant
of the day ? " Theophyl. in loc. Matt. " Often little
children see their fathers holding something in their
hands, and ask for it, but they will not give it. Then
the children cry as not receiving it. At length the
fathers hide what they have got and show their empty
hands to their children, and so stop their crying
IGNORANCE ASSUMED ECONOMICAIiLY BY OUR LORD. 169
For our profit hath He hid it." ibid, in loc. Marc.
"For thee He is ignorant of the hour and day of judg-
ment, though nothing is hid from the Very Wisdom.
.... But He economises this because of thy infir-
mity," &c. supr. Basil, Ep. 8, 6.
f It is the doctrine of the Church that Christ, as man,
was perfect in knowledge from the first, as if ignorance
were hardly separable from sin, and were the direct
consequence or accompaniment of original sin. " That
ignorance," says S. Austin, " I in nowise can suppose
existed in that Infant, in whom the Word was made
flesh to dwell among us; nor can I suppose that that
infirmity of the mind belonged to Christ as a babe,
which we see in babes. For in consequence of it,
when they are troubled with irrational emotions, no
reason, no command, but pain sometimes and the
alarm of pain restrains them," &c. de Pecc. Mer. ii. 48.
If As to the limits of Christ's perfect knowledge as
man, we must consider " that the soul of Christ knew all
things that are or ever will be or ever have been, but
not what are only in posse, not in fact." Petav. Incam.
xi. 3, 6.
If Leporius, in his Eetractation, which S. Augustine
subscribed, writes, " That I may in this respect also
leave nothing to be cause of suspicion to any one, I
then said, nay I answered when it was put to me, that
our Lord Jesus Christ was ignorant as He was man
(secund&m hominem). But now not only do I not
presume to say so, but I even anathematise my former
opinion expressed on this point, because it may not be
said, that the Lord of the Prophets was ignorant even
170 IGNORANCE ASSUMED ECONOMICALLY BY OUB LORD-
as He was man." ap. Sirmond. t. i. p. 210. A subdivi-
sion also of the Eutychians were called by the name of
Agnoetae from their holding that our Lord was ignorant
of the day of judgment. " They said," says Leontius^
" that He was ignorant of it, as we say that He un-
derwent toil." de Sect. 5 circ. fin. Felix of Urgela
held the same doctrine according to Agobard's
testimony, as contained adv. Fel. 6, Bibl. Patr. Max.
t. xiv. p. 244. The Ed. Ben. observes, Ath. Orat. iii.
§ 44, that the assertion of our Lord's ignorance ^^ seems
to have been condemned in no one in ancient times,
unless joined to other error." And Petavius, after
drawing out the authorities for and against it, says,
"Of these two opinions, the latter, which is now
received both by custom and by the agreement of
divines, is deservedly preferred to the former. For it is
more agreeable to Christ's dignity, and more befitting
His character and office of Mediator and Head, that is,
Fountain of all grace and wisdom, and moreover of
Judge, who is concerned in knowing the time fixed for
exercising that function. In consequence, the former
opinion, though formerly it received the countenance of
some men of high eminence, was afterwards marked as
a heresy." Incam., xi. 1. § 15.
f The mode in which Athan. expresses himself, is as
if he only ascribed apparent ignorance to our Lord's
soul, and not certainly in the broad sense in which here-,
tics have done so : — as Leontius, e.g. reports of Theodore
of Mopsuestia, that he considered Christ " to be ignorant
so far, as not to know, when He was tempted, who.
tempted Him;" contr. Nest. iii. (Canis. t. i. p. 579,)
laNOBAl^CE ASSUMED ECONOMICAIiLY BY OUE LOBD. 171
and Agobard of Felix the Adoptionist that he held
♦* Our Lord Jesus Christ according to the flesh truly to
have been ignorant of the sepulchre of Lazarus, when
He said to his sisters, 'Where have ye laid him?'
and was truly ignorant of the day of judgment ; and
was truly ignorant what the two disciples were saying
ias they walked by the way, of what had been done at
Jerusalem; and was truly ignorant whether He was
more loved by Peter than by the other disciples, when
He said, 'Simon Peter, lovest thou Me more than
these?'" Bibl. Patr. Max. t. xiv. p. 244. The
Agnoetae have been noticed above.
f It is remarkable, considering the tone of his
statements, Orat. iii. § 42 — 53, that there and in what
follows upon them, Athan. should resolve our Lord's
advance in wisdom merely into its gradual mani-
festation through the flesh ; and it increases the
proof that his statements are not to be taken in the
letter, and as if fully brought out and settled.
Naz. says the same, Ep. ad Cled. 101, p. 86, which
is the more remarkable since he is chiefly writing
against the Apollinarians, who considered a <l>avipw<ri^-
the great end of our Lord's coming; and Cyril, c.
Nest. iii. p. 87. Theod. Hser. v. 13. On the other
hand, S. Epiphanius speaks of Him as growing in
wisdom as man. Haer. 77, pp. 1019-24, and S. Ambrose,
Incam. 71 — 74. Vid. however Ambr. de Fid. as quoted
supr. p. 167. The Ed. Ben. in Ambr. Incam. con-
siders the advancement of knowledge spoken of to
be that of the " scientia experimentalis " alluded to in
Hebr. v. 8, which is one of the three kinds of know-
172 IGNORANCE ASSUMED ECONOMICALLY BY 0T7E LORD.
ledge possessed by Christ as man. vid. Berti 0pp. t. 3,
p. 41. Petavius, however, omits the consideration of
this knowledge, (which S. Thomas at first denied in our
Lord, and in his Summa ascribes to Him,) as lying be-
yond his province. "De hac lite neutram in partem
pronuntiare audeo," says Petavius, "hujusmodi enim
qusestiones ad Scholas relegandse sunt; de quibus
nihil apud antiques liquidi ac definiti reperitur."
Incarn. xi. 4, § 9.
I LLUSTRATIONS. 173
ILLUSTEATIONS.
f " Is there any cause of fear," says Athan., " lest, be-
cause the offspring from men are one in substance, the
Son, by being called One in substance, be Himself con-
sidered as a human offspring too ? perish the thought !
not so; but the explanation is easy. For the Son is
the Father's Word and Wisdom ; whence we learn the
impassibility (airaOlg) and indivisibility {aiiipLtrrov) of
such a generation from the Father. For not even
is man's word part of him, nor proceeds from him
according to passion; much less God's Word; whom
the Father has declared to be His own Son : lest, on the
other hand, if we merely heard of * Word,' we should
suppose Him, such as is the word of man, unsubsistent
(avvTToerrarov) ; therefore we are told that He is Son,
that we may acknowledge Him to be a living Word
and a substantive {Ivovmov) Wisdom. Accordingly as
in saying * Offspring,' we have no human thoughts,
and, though we know God to be a Father, we enter-
tain no material ideas concerning Him, but while we
listen to these illustrations and terms, we think suitably
of God, for He is not as man, so in like manner, when
we hear of * consubstantial,' we ought to transcend
all sense, and, according to the Proverb, understand by
the understanding that is set before us ; so as to know,
that not by the Father's will, but in eternal truth, ig
174 ILLUSTRATIONS.
He genuine Son of the Father, as Life from Fountain,
and Eadiance from Light. Else why should we un-
derstand * Offspring' and *Son,' in no corporeal
way, while we conceive of * One in substance ' as
after the manner of bodies ? especially since these
terms are not here used about different subjects, but
of whom * offspring' is predicated, of Him is predi-
cated * one in substance also.' " Syn. § 41, 42.
" For whereas men beget with passion, so again when
at work they work upon an existing subject matter,
and otherwise cannot make. Now if we do not luider-
stand creation in a human way, when we attribute it
to God, much less seemly is it to understand gene-
ration in a human way, or to give a corporeal sense to
Consubstantial ; instead, as we ought, of receding from
things generate, casting away human images, nay, all
things sensible, and ascending to the Father, lest in
ignorance we rob the Father of the Son and rank
Him among His own creatures." Syn. § 51.
f S. Athanasius's doctrine is, that, Grod containing
in Himself all perfection, whatever is excellent in one
created thing above another, is found in its perfection
in him. If then such generation as radiance from
light is more perfect than that of children from parents,
that belongs, and transcendently, to the All-perfect
God.
If The question is not, whether in matter of fact, in
the particular case, the rays would issue after, and not
with, the initial existence of the luminous body ; for the
illustration is not used to show kow such a thing may
be, or to give an instance of it, but to convey to the
ILLUSTRATIONS. 175
mind a correct idea of what it is proposed to teach in
the Catholic doctrine.
f Athanasins guards against what is defective in his
illustration, Orat. iii. § 5, (e.g. of an Emperor and his
image,) but, even independent of such explanation, a
mistake as to his meaning would be impossible; and
the passage affords a good instance of the imperfect and
partial character of all illustrations of the Divine
Mystery. What it is taken to symbolise is the unity of
the Father and Son, (for the Image is not a Second
Emperor but the same, vid. Sabell. Grreg. 6,) still no
one who bowed before the Emperor's Statue can be
supposed to have really worshipped it; whereas our
Lord is the Object of supreme worship, which termi-
nates in Him, as being really one with Him whose
Image He is.
f " Whoso uses the particle a«, implies, not identity,
nor equality, but a likeness of the matter in question,
viewed in a certain respect. This we may learn from
our Saviour Himself, when He says *As Jonas,'" &c.
Orat. iii. 22, 23. " Even when the analogy is solid and
well founded," says a Protestant writer, "we are liable
to fall into error, if we suppose it to extend farther than
it really does. . . . Thus because a just analogy has
been discerned between the metropolis of a country,
and the heart in the animal body, it has been sometimes
contended that its increased size is a disease, that it may
impede some of its most important functions, or even be
the means of its dissolution." Copleston on Predesti-
nation, p. 129. The principle here laid down, in accord-
ance with S. Athan., of course admits of being made an
176 ILLUSTRATIONS.
excuse for denying the orthodox meaning of "Word,
Wisdom, &c.," under pretence that the figurative ternLS
are not confined by the Church within their proper
limits; but here the question is about the matter of
facty which interpretation is right, the Church's or the
objector's? Thus another writer says, "The most
important words of the N. T. have not only received an
indelibly false stamp from the hands of the old School-
men, but those words having, since the Reformation,
become common property in the language of the
country, are, as it were, thickly incrusted with the
most vague, incorrect, and vulgar notions Any
word .... if habitually repeated in connection with
certain notions, will appear to reject all other signi-
fications, as it were, by a natural power." Heresy and
Orthod. pp. 21, 47. Elsewhere he speaks of words
" which were used in a language now dead to represent
objects . . » . which are now supposed to express
figurativdy something spiritual and quite beyond the
knowledge and comprehension of man." P. 96. Of
course Athan. assumes that sirwe the figures and
parallels given us in Scripture have but a partial
application, therefore there is given us from above
also an interpreter in order to apply them. Vid. art.
EconamicaL
K Again, just as S. Athan. says, "A figure is but a
parallel, . . hence if we too become one, as the Son in
the Father, we shall not therefore be as the Son, nor
equal to Him, for He and we are but parallel," so
again Dr. Copleston thus proceeds, "Analogy does not
meat! the similarity of two things, but the similarity
ILLUSTEATIONS. 177
or sameness of two relations Things most
unlike and discordant in their nature may be strictly
analogous to one another. Thus a certain pro-
position may be called the basis of a system ....
it serves a similar ojffice and purpose .... the system
rests upon it ; it is useless to proceed with the argument
till this is well established: if this were removed, the
system must fall." On Predest, pp. 122, 123.
VOL. II.
178 iMAas.
IMAGE
Is used to signify our Lord's relation to the Eternal
Father : and first in Scripture,—
1 . We find Him called cikcuv, imago, in 2 Cor. iv. 4 ;
and Col. i. 15. In a verse following the former of
these passages it is said in like manner that the glory
of Q-od is in the face of Jesus Christ. This carries us
to Heb. i. 3, where we read of Him as the aTrdiryaa/ia
of God's glory, and find in the word xopa'^-ii/o, figura,
impress, a synonym for the word Image. St. John
confirms St. Paul; he speaks of our Lord's glory
" quasi Unigeniti a Patre," and says that the " Son who
is in the bosom of the Father, hath declared Him."
These modes of expressing the nature and office of
the Son as the revealed and revealing God, as the
Light, the Glory, the Image, the Impress, the Face of
the Almighty, are exemplified with still greater variety
and fulness of language in the Book of Wisdom, ch.
vii., in a passage too long to quote, in which, among
other attributes and prerogatives. Wisdom, that is, our
Lord, is called a wv^vjJLa ayiovy juLovoyevfigf (juXayaOogf
(juXavOpwTTogy the awoppoia rrig rov TravroKparopog So^iiCy
the airavyadjia (jtanog aVSiov, the etrowrpov aiciiXiSwrov
rrig rov fleov evepyeiagf and the elKtov Trjg ayaOorriTog
avTOv>
It is impossible that the Holy Apostles, when they
IMAGE. 179
spoke of our Lord as the Word, Image, and Splendour
of Grod, should not have had in mind this passage,
so overpowering in its force and significance, and
were not investing with personality and' substance
what they thus viewed as all-perfect, immutable, co-
eternal, consubstantial with Him.
2. S. Athanasius and the other Fathers take up
and insist upon this definite theology, thus found in
Scripture.
"We must conceive of necessity," says Athan.,
" that in the Father is the eternal, the everlasting, the
immortal; and in Him, not as foreign to Him, but as
in a Fount abiding (avaTravdjucva) in Him, and also in
the Son. When then you would form a conception of
the Son, learn what are the things in the Father, and
believe that they are in the Son too. If the Father is
creature or work, these attributes are also in the Son,
&c. ... He who honours the Son, is honouring the
Father who sent Him, and he who receives the Son, is
receiving with Him the Father," &c. In illud Omn. 4.
"As the Father is I am (6 tjv) so His Word is I
Am and God over all." Scrap, i. 28. "Altogether,
there is nothing which the Father has, which is not the
Son's ; for therefore it is that the Son is in the Father,
and the Father in the Son ; because the things of the
Father, these are in the Son, and still the same are
understood as being, in the Father. Thus is understood,
* I and the Father are One ; ' since not these things are
in Him and those in the Son, but the things which are in
the Father those are in the Son, and what thou seest
in the Father, because thou seest in the Son, thereby is
.n2
180 IMAGE.
rightly understood * He that hath seen Me, hath seen
the Father.' " Serap. ii. 2.
Again : " Such as the parent, such of necessity is
the offspring; and such as is the Word's Father, such
must be also His Word . . * God is not as man, as
Scripture has said, but is existing (&v etrri) and is
ever, therefore His Word also is existing, and is ever-
lastingly with the Father as radiance with light. . . .
As radiance from light, so is He perfect offspring from
perfect. Hence He is also God, as being God's Image."
Orat. ii. § 35. "It was fitting that, whereas God is
One, that His Image should be One also, and His
Word One, and One His Wisdom." Ibid. § 36.
f " He is likeness and image of the sole and true
God, being Himself sole also," § 49. fidvog h juLovt^,
Orat. iii. § 21. SXog SXov eIkwv, Serap. i. 16. "The
Offspring of the Ingenerate," says S. Hilary, "is One
from One, True from True, Living from Living,
Perfect from Perfect, Power of Power, Wisdom of
Wisdom, Glory of Glory," de Trin. ii. 8 ; riXeiog riXeiov
yeyivvrttcEVy irvevfuLa irvtvjxa. Epiph. Hser. Ixxvi. p. 945.
" As Light from Light, and Life from Life, and Good
from Good; so from Eternal Eternal." Nyss. contr.
Eunom. i. p. 164. App. " De Deo nascitur Deus, de
Ingenito Unigenitus, de Solo Solus, de Toto Totus, de
Vero Verus, de Perfecto Perfectus, Totum Patris
habens, nihil derogans Patri." Zenon. Serm. ii. 3.
If " A man will see the extravagance of this heresy
still more clearly, if he considers that the Son is the
Image and Badiance of the Father, and Impress
and Truth. For if, when Light exists, there be withal
IMAGE. 181
its Image, viz. Radiance, — -and a Subsistence existing,
there be of it the entire Impress, — and a Father
existing, there be His true representation, — let them
consider what depths of impiety they fall into, who
make time the measure of the Image and Countenance
of the Grodhead. For if the Son was not before His
generation, Truth was not always in Grod, which it were
a sin to say ; for, since the Father was, there was ever
in Him the Truth, which is the Son, who says, I am
the Truth. And the Subsistence existing, of course
there was forthwith its Impress and Image ; for God's
Image is not delineated from without, but God Himself
hath begotten It; in whicli seeing Himself, He has
delight, as the Son Himself says, / was His delight.
When then did the Father not see Himself in His own
Image ? or when had He not delight in Him, that a man
should dare to say, *The Image is out of nothing,'
and *The Father had not delight before the Image
was generated?' and how should the Maker and
Creator see Himself in a created and generated sub-
stance? for such as is the Father, such must be the
Image. Proceed we then to consider the attributes of
the Father, and we shall come to know whether this
Image is really His. The Father is eternal, immortal,
powerful, light. King, Sovereign, God, Lord, Creator,
and Maker. These attributes must be in the Image,
to make it true, that he that hath seen the Son, hath
seen the Father." Orat. i. § 20, 21.
f " If God be ingenerate. His Image is not generate
[made,] but an Offspring, which is His Word and His
Wisdom," ibid. § 31.
182 IMAGE.
% Athan. argues from the very name Image for onr
Lord's eternity. An Image, to be really such, must be
an impress from the Original, not an external and
detached imitation. It Vas attempted to secure this
point before Nicaea by the epithets living and airapaX-
XaKTog, unsucessftiUy, vid. Deer. § 20. Thus S. Basil :
" He is an Image not made with the hand, or a work of
art, but a living Image," &c. vid. art. aTrapaXkaicrov,
also contr. Eunom. ii. 16, 17. Epiph. Hser. 76, 3.
Hilar. Trin. vii. 41 fin. Origen observes that man, on
the contrary, is an example of an external or im-
proper image of God. Periarch. i. 2, § 6. vid. Theod.
Hist, i, 3, pp. 737, 742.
If S. Gregory Naz. argues from the name of Image
to our Lord's consubstantiality. "He is Image as
bjjLoovmov ... for this is the nature of an image to be
a copy of the archetype." Orat. 30. 20.
f Vid. S. Athan.'s doctrine concerning Wisdom,
Orat. ii. § 80, &c. He says, Gent. 34, " The soul as in a
mirror, contemplates the Word the Image of the Father,
and in Him considers the Father, whose Image the
Saviour is ... or if not . . . yet from the things that
are seen, the creation is such, as if by letters signifying
and heralding its Lord and Maker by means of its
order and harmony." And " As by looking up to the
heaven ... we have an idea of the Word who set it
in order, so considering the Word of God, we cannot
but see God His Father." 45. And Incam. 11, 41, 42,
&c. Vid. also Basil, contr. Eunom. ii. 16.
If On the Arian objection, that if our Lord be the
Father's Image, He ought to resemble Him in being
iiiiAaE. 188
a Father, vid. article, "Father Almighty." The
words *' like *' and much more " image,*' would be in-
appropriate, if the Second Divine Person in nothing
diflfered from the First. Sonship is just that one
difference which allows of likeness being predicated
of Him.
184 IMPERIAL TITLES AND HONOURS,
IMPERIAL TITLES AND HONOURS.
f EusEBius was emphatically the court bishop, but he
did not observe the ecclesiastical rule in calling Con-
stantine "most pious," § 14, Lett. App. Deer, "most
wise and most religious," § 4, "most religious," § 8,
§ 10. (JVic. n. 47, &c.) He goes in his Vit. Const,
further than this, and assigns to him the office of deter-
mining the faith (Constantine being as yet unbaptised).
E.g. "When there were differences between persons
of different countries, the Emperor, as if some com-
mon bishop appointed by Grod, convened Councils
of Grod's ministers; and, not disdaining to be pre-
sent, and to sit amid their conferences," &c. i. 44.
When he came into the Nicene Council, "it was,"
says Eusebius, "as some heavenly Angel of Grod," iii.
10, alluding to the brilliancy of the imperial purple.
He confesses, however, he did not sit down until the
Bishops bade him. Again, at the same Council, " with
pleasant eyes, looking serenity itself into them all,
collecting himself, and in a quiet and gentle voice," he
made an oration to the Fathers upon peace. Constan-
tine had been an instrument in conferring such vast
benefits, humanly speaking, on the Christian body,
that it is not wonderful that other writers of the day
besides Eusebius should praise him. Hilary speaks
of him as " of sacred memory," Fragm. 5, init.
IMPERIAL TITLES AND HONOURS. 185
Athanasius calls him "most pious," Apol. contr.
Arian. 9, "of blessed memory," Ep. Mg. 18, 19.
Epiphanius "most religious and of ever-blessed
memory," Haer. 70, 9. Posterity, as was natural, was
still more grateful.
% Up to the year 356, when Constantius took up the
Anomoeans, this was Athan.'s tone in speaking of him
also. In his Apol. contr. Arian. init. (a.d. 350,) ad Ep.
Mg. 5, (356,) and his Apol. ad Constant, passim (356,)
he calls the Emperor most pious, religious, &c. At
the end of the last-mentioned work, § 27, the news
comes to him while in exile of the persecution of the
Western Bishops and the measures against himself.
He still in the peroration calls Constantius, "blessed
and divinely favoured Augustus," and urges on him
that he is a "Christian, <lii\6xpi<TTogy Emperor." Vid.
supr. art. Athanasius.
% The honour paid to the Imperial Statues is well
known. "He who crowns the Statue of the Emperor
of course honours him whose image he has crowned."
Ambros. in Psalm. 118, x. 25. vid. also Chrysost. Hom. on
Statues, Oxf, Tr. pp. 355, 6, &c. Fragm. in Act. Cone. vii.
(t. 4, p. 89, Hard.) Chrysostom's second persecution
arose from his interfering with a statue of the Empress,
which was so near the Church that the acclamations
of the people before it disturbed the services. Socr.
vi. 18. The Seventh Council speaks of the images
sent by the Emperors into provinces instead of their
coming in person; Ducange in v. Lauratum. Vid. a
description of the imperial statues and their honours
in Gothofred,' Cod. Theod. t. 5, pp. 346, 347, and in
186 IMPERIAL TITLES AND HONOtTKS.
Philostorg. ii. 18, xii. 10. vid. also Molanus de Imagi-
nibus ed. Paquot, p. 197.
f From the custom of paying honotu- to the Imperial
Statues, the Cultus Imaginum was introduced into the
Eastern Church. The Western Church, not having
had the civil custom, resisted, vid. DoUinger, Church
History, vol. iii. p. 65. E. Tr. Certain Fathers, e.g.
S. Jerome, set themselves against the civil custom, as
idolatrous, comparing it to that paid to Nebuchad-
nezzar's statue, vid. Hieron. in Dan. iii. 18. Incense
was burnt before those of the Emperors ; as afterwards
before the Images of the Saints.
THE INCARNATION. 187
THE INCAENATION.
1. Considered in its purpose.
**The need of man preceded His becoming man,"
says Athan., ** apart from which He had not put on
flesh. And what the need was for which He became
man^ He Himself thus signifies, / came down from
heaven . . . to do the wiJl of Him that sent- Me. And
this is the will of Him, that sent Me^ that of all which
He hath given Me^ I should lose nothi/ng ; buty &c. &c.
(John vi. 38 — 40), and again, / am come a Light into
the World, &c., and again. To this end was I bom, &c.,
that I should bear witness unto the truth (John xviii. 37),
and John hath written. For this was manifested the Son
of God, that he might destroy the works of the devil
(1 John iii. 8). To give a witness, then, and for our
sakes to undergo death, to raise men up and loose the
works of the devil, the Saviour came, and this is the
reason of His Incarnate Presence." Orat. ii. § 54.
% However, there are theologians of great name, who
■ consider that the decree of the Incarnation was inde-
pendent of Adam's fall ; and certainly by allowing that
it was not absolutely necessary (vid, infra) for the divine
(forgiveness of sin, and that it was the actual and
'.immediate means of the soul's renewal and sanctifica-
tion, as we shall see presently, Athan. goes far towards
188 THE INCARNATION.
countenancing that belief. " Dico ex vi praeentis
decreti," says Viva (Curs. Theol. de Incam. p. 74,)
" Adamo non peccante Verbum fuisse incamatum ;
atque. adeo motivum Incamationis non fuit sola re-
demptio, sed etiam et principalius ipsa Christi excel-
lentia ac humance naturoe exaltatio. Ita Scotistse,
Suar. Martinon. et alii contra Thomistas. Angelicus
vero qu. 1 a. 3 sententiam nostram censet probabilem,
quamvis probabiliorem putet oppositam."
f It is the general teaching of the Fathers in accord-
ance with Athan., that our Lord would not have
been incarnate had not man sinned. " Our cause was
the occasion of His descent, and our transgression
called forth the Word's love of man. Of His incarna-
tion we became the ground." Athan. de Incam. V.
D. 4. vid. Thomassin, at great length, de Incam. ii. 5 —
11, also Petav. de Incam. ii. 17, 7 — 12. Vasquez. in
3 Thom. Disp. x. 4 and 5.
f " Without His sojourning here at all, Grod was able
to speak the word only and undo the curse .... but
then the power indeed of Him who gave command had
been shown, but man, though restored to what Adam was
before the fall, would have received grace only from with-
out, not had it united to his body. . . . Then, had he
been again seduced by the serpent, a second need had
arisen of Grod's commanding and undoing the curse;
and this had gone on without limit, and men had re-
mained under guilt just as before, being in slavery to
sin; and ever sinning, they had ever needed pardon,
and never been made free, being in themselves carnal,
and ever defeated by the Law by reason of the infirmity
THE INCARKATIOK. 189
of the flesh." Orat. ii. 68. And so in Incam. 7, he
says that repentance might have been pertinent, had
man merely ofifended, without corruption following
(supra Freedom), vid. also 14. Athan. is supported
by Naz. Orat. 19. 13; Theod. adv. Grent. vi. p. 876-7.
Aug. de Trin. xiii. 13. The contrary view is taken
by St. Anselm, but St. Thomas and the Schoolmen
side with the Fathers, vid. Petav. Incam. ii. 13.
f On the subject of God's power, as contrasted
with His acts, vid. Petav. de Deo, v. 6.
f There were two reasons then for the Incarnation,
viz. atonement for sin, and renewal in holiness, and these
are ordinarily associated with each other by Athanasius*
These two ends of our Lord's Incarnation, that He
might die for us, and that He might renew us, answer
nearly to those specified in Eom. iv. 25, "who was
delivered for our offences and raised again for our
justification." The general object of His coming, in-
cluding both of these, is treated of by Athanasius in
Incam. 4 — 20, or rather in the whole Tract, and in the
two books against ApoUinaris. It is difficult to make ac-
curate references under the former head, (vid. supr. art.
Atonement,) without including the latter. " Since all
men had to pay the debt of death, on which account
especially He came on earth, therefore after giving
proofs of His Divinity from His works, next He offered
a sacrifice for all," &c., and then the passage runs on
into the other fruit of His death. Incam. 20. Vid* also
Orat. ii. § 7 — 9, where he speaks of our Lord as offer-
ing Himself, as offering His flesh to Grod ; also Deer.
§ 14. And Orat. iv. § 6, he says, " When He is said
190 THB mCAENATIOK.
to hunger, to weep and weary, and to cry Eloi, which
are human affections. He receives them from us and
offers to His Father, interceding for us, that in
Him they may be annulled." And so Theodoret,
" Whereas He had an immortal nature. He willed ac-
cording to the law of equity to put a stop to death's
power, taking first on Himself from those who were ex-
posed to death a first-fruit ; and, preserving this nature
immaculate and guiltless of sin. He surrenders it for
death to seize upon as well as upon others, and to satiate
its insatiableness ; and then on the ground of its want of
equity against that first-fruit. He put a stop to its iniqui-
tous tyranny over others." Eran. iii. p. 196, 7. Vigil.
Thaps. contr. Eutych. i. § 9, p. 496(Bibl. Patr. ed. 1624).
And S. Leo speaks of the whole course of redemption,
i.e. incarnation, atonement, regeneration, justification,
&C.,. as one sacrament, not drawing the line distinctly
between the several agents, elements, or stages in it, but
considering it to lie in the intercommimion of Christ's
person and ours. Thus he says that our Lord "took
on Him all our infirmities which come of sin without
sin;" and "the most cruel pains and death," because
"none could be rescued from mortality, unless He, in
whom our common nature was innocent, allowed Him-
self to die by the hands of the impious ; " " unde," he
continues, " in se credentibus et sacrameTUum condidit
et exemplum, ut unum apprehenderent remaacendo, al-
terum sequerentur imitando." Serm. 63, 4. He speaks
of His fortifying us against our passions and infirmi-
ties, both " Sacramento suac&ptionia " and " exemplo."
Serm. 65, 2, and of a " duplex remedium cujus aliud in
THB IWCABITATlOlSr. 191
sacraTtientOf aliud in exemplo." Serm. 67, 5, also 69, 5.
Elsewhere he makes the strong statement, "The
Lord's passion is continued on [producitur] even to
the end of the world; and as in His Saints He is
honoured Himself, and Himself is loved, and in the
poor He Himself is fed, is clothed Himself, so in all who
endure trouble for righteousness' sake, does He Him-
self suflfer together [compatitur]," Serm. 70, 5. vid.
also more or less in Serm. pp. 76, 93, 98, 99, 141, 249,
257, 258, 271, fin. and Epist. pp. 1291, 1363, 1364. At
other times, however, the atonement is more distinctly
separated from its circumst-ances, pp. 136, 198, 310;
but it is very diflScult to draw the line. The tone of
his teaching is throughout characteristic of the
Fathers, and very like that of S. Athanasius. vid. arts.
Atonement and Freedom.
2. Considered in itself.
The Two natures, the divine and human, both perfect,
though remaining distinct, are in the Christ intimately
and for ever one.
^'Two natures," says S. Leo, "met together in our
Redeemer, and, while what belonged to each remained,
so great a unity was made of either substance, that from
the time that the Word was made flesh in the Blessed
Virgin's womb, we may neither think of Him as Grod
without that which is man, nor as man without that
which is Grod," &c. Vid. art. Two Natures.
% And the principle of unity, viz. that in which they
were united, was the Person of the Son. From this
192 THE INCABNATION.
unity of Person it comes to pass, first, that one and the
same act on the part of our Lord may be. both divine
and human ; (e.g. His curing with a touch, this is called
the OeavSpiKrj evipyeia ;) and secondly, that the acts and
attributes of one nature may safely be ascribed as per-
sonal to the other ; this is called the avrlSo^tg iSitjfianov.
Thus it is true that " the Creator is the Lamb of Grod,"
though there can be no intrinsic union of attribute or
act in Him who both in the beginning created and in
the fulness of time suffered.
That Person which our Lord is after the Incarnation^
He was before ; His human nature is not a separate
being ; that is the heresy of the Nestorians. vid. Unity
&c. It has no personality belonging to it; but that
human nature, though perfect as a nature, lives in and
belongs to and is possessed by Him, the second Person
of the Trinity, as an attribute or organ or inseparable
accident of being, not as what is substantive, inde-
pendent, or co-ordinate. Vid. articles opyavov and
Trapa'irita(rfia.
% Personality is not necessary in order to a nature
being perfect, as we see in the case of brute animals.
t Nothing then follows from the imion of the two
natures, which circumscribes or limits the Divine Son;
so to teach was the heresy of the Monophysites, who
held that the Divinity and Manhood of Christ made
up together one nature, as soul and body in man are one
compound nature; from which it follows that neither
of them is perfect. Vid. article Mia (jtvaiQ,
THE DIVrXE IXDWETJilNG. 198
THE DIVINE INDWELLING.
OiiK i^rd, by becoming man, has found a way
whereby to sanctify that nature, of which His own
manhood is the pattern specimen. He inhabits us
personally, and this inhabitation is effected by the
channel of the Sacraments.
"Since the Word bore our body," says Athanasius,
" and came to be in us Qyiyovev), therefore, by reason
of the Word in us, is Grod called our Father."
Deer. § 31. Vid. rov iv rifiiv viov. Orat. ii. § 59, 6
Xoyog Oebg ev (rapKi . . . evEKa rov ayiaZeiv rijv frapKa
yiyovev avOpwirog, ibid. § 10, also § 56, and rov ev aifrotg
oIkovvtu \6yovy § 61. Also Orat. i. § 50, iii. 23 — 25,
iv. § 21. " We rise from the earth, the curse of sin
being removed, because of Him who is in us,"
iii. § 33.
If In thus teaching Athan. follows the language of
Scripture, in which ev means in our nature, though
sometimes among us ; vid. ovrtog ev rifjuv Otoe, 1 Cor. xiv.
25. iv ifiol, Gral. i. 24. evrog v/uiiov, Luke xvii. 21.
e<TKriv(0(Tev ev iiiitv^ John i. 14 ; also xiv. 17, 23; 1 Cor.
.vi.20; 1 John iii. 24, &c.
By this indwelling our Lord is the immediate a/>x»?
of spiritual life to each of His elect individually.
OvK 6 \6yog e&riv 6 (ie\TioviJ,evog, elx'^^ J^P "^^^^^9
aXX' o{ avOpwiroi of cip\riv exovreg rov Xafiftaveiv ev avr^)
VOL. II.
194 THE DIVINE INDWELLING.
Koi Si avrov. Orat. i. 48. Vid. also what he says on
the phrase apxn oSwv. Orat. ii. 48, &c. Also the note
of the Benedictine editor on Justin's Tryphon. 61,
referring to Tatian. c. Gent. S. Athenag. Apol. 10.
Iren. Hser. iv. 20, n. 4. Origen in Joan. torn. i. 39.
TertuU. Prax. 6, and Ambros. de Fid. iii. 7.
H " Flesh being first sanctified in Him," says Athan.,
" and He being said on account of it to have received as
man [the anointing], we have the sequel of the Spirit's
grace receiving out of His fvZnessJ^' Orat. i. 50. vid. art.
Qrace, Other Fathers use still stronger language. S.
Chrysostom explains, " He is bom of our Substance :
you will say, * This does not pertain to all ; ' yea, to all.
He mingles (avafiiyvvrnv) Himself with the faithful
individually, through the mysteries, and whom He has
begotten those He nurses from Himself, not puts them
out to other hands," &c. Horn. 82, 5, in Matt., &c., &c.
vid. art. Freedom.
In Orat. iii. § 33 S. Athanasius uses the strong phrase
Xoy(»)0ei(rr)g tT^q (rapKOQ, of regenerate human nature.
Damascene speaks of the Xoyuxrig of the flesh, but he
means principally our Lord's flesh, F. 0. iv. 18, p. 286,
ed. Ven. For the words OsoiKrOai, &c, vid. supr. art.
Deification ; also vid. The Flesh.
IF Nor is this all ; we must go on to the results
of this doctrine, as indicated in the following pas-
sages of Scripture which are referred to above:
" Know ye not that ye are the temple of Grod, and
that the Spirit of Grod dwelleth in you?" 1 Cor.
iii. 16, 17 ; vi. 15—20. 2 Cor. vi. 16, &c. It is plain
that there is a special presence of Q-od in those who are
THE DIVINE 'INDWELLINO. 195
real members of our Lord. To this St. Paul seems to
refer when he says, "They glorified Grod in me,"
Gral. i. 24. To this and to other passages noted supr.
Athanasius refers, when he says, ** Because of our
relationship to His Body we too have become God's
temple, and in consequence are made Grod's sons, so
that even in us the Lord is now worshipped, and
beholders report, as the Apostle says, that Grod is in
them of a truth." Orat. i. § 43. And S. Basil, arguing
for the worship of the Holy Spirit, says, " Man in
common is crowned with glory and honour, and glory
and honour and peace are reserved in the promises for
every one who doeth good. And there is a certain
glory of Israel peculiar, and the Psalmist speaks of a
glory of his own, * Awake up my glory ; ' and there is
a glory of the sun, and according to the Apostle even
a ministration of condemnation with glory. So many
then being glorified, choose you that the Spirit alone
of all should be without glory ? " de Sp. S. c. 24.
% We are led on to a farther remark : — If even while
we are in the flesh, soul and body become, by the in-
dwelling of the Word, so elevated above their natural
state, so sacred, that to profane them is a sacrilege, is
it wonderful that the Saints above should so abound
in prerogatives and privileges, and should claim a reli-
gious cultuSy when once in the pleroma, and in the sight
as in the fruition of the exuberant infinitude of Grod?
02
196 MARCELLUS.
MARCELLUS.
H Marcellus was Bishop of Ancyra in Cralatia.
In the early years of S. Athanasius's episcopate, he
wrote his Answer to the Arian Asterius and others,
which was the occasion, and forms the subject of
Eusebius's " contra Marcellum " and " Ecclesiastica
Theologia," and which is the only authentic existing
document recording his opinions. "Now he replies to
Asterius," says Eusebius, "now to the great Eusebius
[of Nicomedia], and then he turns upon that man of
God, that indeed thrice blessed person, Paulinus [of
Tyre]. Then he goes to war with Origen. . . Next he
marches out against Narcissus, and pursues the other
Eusebius," himself. " In a word, he counts for nothing
all the Ecclesiastical Fathers, being satisfied with no one
but himself." contr. Marc. i. 4. He was in consequence
condemned in several Arian Councils, and retired to
Rome, as did S. Athanasius, about the year 341, when
both of them were formally acquitted of heterodoxy by
the Pope in Council. Both were present, and both
were again acquitted, at the Council of Sardica in 347.
From this very date, however, the charges against him,
which had hitherto been confined to the Arians, begin
to find a voice among the Catholics. S. Cyril in his
Catechetical Lectures, a.d. 347, speaks of the heresy
which had lately arisen in Gralatia, which denied Christ's
MARCELLtrS. 197
eternal reign, a description which both from country
and tenet is evidently levelled at Marcellus. He is
followed by S. Paulinus at the Council of Aries, and
by S. Hilary, in the years which follow ; but S.
Athanasius seems to have acknowledged him down to
about A.D. 360. At length the latter began to own
that Marcellus "was not far from heresy," vid. below,
and S. Hilary and S. Sulpicius say that he separated
from his communion. S. Hilary adds (Fragm. ii. 21)
that Athanasius was decided in this course, not by
Marcellus's work against Asterius, but by publications
posterior to the Council of Sardica. Photinus, the
disciple of Marcellus, who had published the very
heresy imputed to the latter before a.d. 345, had
now been deposed for some years, with the unanimious
consent of all parties.
% Thus for ten years Marcellus was disowned by the
Saint with whom he had shared so many trials ; but in
the very end of S. Athanasius's life a transaction took
place between himself, S. Basil, and the Gralatian school,
which issued in his being induced again to think more
favourably of Marcellus, or at least to think it right in
charity to consider him in communion with the Church.
S. Basil had taken a strong part against him, and wrote
to S. Athanasius on the subject, Ep. 69, 2, thinking
that Athanasius's apparent countenance of him did
harm to the Catholic cause. Upon this the accused
party sent a deputation to Alexandria, with a view of
setting themselves right with Athanasius. Eugenius,
deacon of their Church, was their representative, and
he, in behalf of his brethren, subscribed a statement in
198 MARCELLUS.
vindication of his and their orthodoxy, which was counter-
signed by the clergy of Alexandiia and apparently by S.
Athanasius, though his name does not appear among the
extant signatures. This important document, which was
brought to light and published by Montfaucon, speaks
in the name of " the Clergy and the others assembled
in Ancyra of Galatia, with our father Marcellus." He,
as well as Athanasius himself, died immediately after
this transaction, Marcellus in extreme age, being at
least twenty years older than Athanasius, who himself
lived till past the age of seventy. One might trust
that the life of the former was thus prolonged, till he
really recanted the opinions which go under his name ;
yet viewing him historically, and not in biography, it
still seems right, and is in accordance with the usage
of the Church in other cases, to consider, him rather in
his works and in his school and its developments, than
in his own person and in his penitence.
t Whether S. Athanasius wrote the controversial
passages which form Orat. iv. against him or against
his school, in either case it was prior to the date of the
explanatory document signed by Eugenius ; nor is its
interpretation affected by that explanation. As to S.
Hilary's statement, that S. Athanasius did not condemn
the particular work of Marcellus against Asterius, of
which alone portions remain to us, his evidence in
other parts of the history is not sufficiently exact for
us to rely on his evidence in Marcellus's favour,
against the plainly heretical import of the statements
made in that work. Those statements were as follows : —
Marcellus held, according to Eusebius, that (1) there
MARCELLUS. 199
was but One person, ttjooo-wttov, in the Divine Nature;
but he differed from Sabellius in maintaining, (2) not
that the Father was the Son and the Son the Father,
(which is called the doctrine of the vlowaTwpy) but that
(3) Father and Son were mere names or titles, and
(4) not expressive of essential characteristics, — names
or titles given to Almighty God and (5) to His Eternal
Word, on occasion of the Word's appearing in the
flesh, in the person, or subsistence {vTroaraaig) of Jesus
Christ the Son of Mary. The Word, he considered,
was from all eternity in the one God, being analogous
to man's reason within him, or the ivSiaOtrot; \6yog of
the philosophical schools. (6) This One God or fjiova^f
has condescended to extend or expand Himself,
irXarvveaOm, to effect our salvation. (7 and 8) The
expansion consists in the action, kvepyeia, of the \6yog,
which then becomes the \6yog ttjoo^o/oikoc or voice of
God, instead of His inward Reason. (9) The incarna-
tion is a special divine expansion, viz. an expansion in
the flesh of Jesus, Son of Mary; (10) in order to
which the Word went forth, as at the end of the
dispensation He will return. Consequently the Xo-yoc
is not (11) the Son, nor (12) the Image of God, nor
the Christ, nor the First-begotten, nor King, but
Jesus is all these ; and if these titles are applied to the
Word in Scripture, they are applied prophetically, in
anticipation of His manifestation in the flesh. (13)
And when He has accomplished the object of His
coming, they will cease to apply to Him; for He
will leave the flesh, return to God, and be merely the
Word as before; and His Kingdom, as being the
200 MARCELLU8.
Kingdom of the tlesh or manhood, will come to an
end.
This account of the tenets of Marcellus comes, it is
true, from an enemy, who was writing against him,
and moreover from an Arian or Arianiser, who was
least qualified to judge of the character of tenets
which were so opposite to his own. Yet there is no
reason to doubt its correctness on this account.
Eusebius supports his charges by various extracts from
Marcellus's works, and he is corroborated by the
testimony of others. Moreover, if Athanasius's account
of the tenets against which he himself writes in his
fourth Oration, answers to what Eusebius tells us of
those of Marcellus, as in fact they do, the coincidence
confirms Eusebius as well as explains Athanasius,
And further^ the heresy of Photinus, the disciple of
Marcellus, which consisted in the very doctrines which
Eusebius deduces from the work of Marcellus, gives
an additional weight to such deductions.
H He wrote his work against Asterius not later
than 335, the year of the Arian Council of Jerusalem,
which at once took cognisance of it, and cited Marcellus
to appear before them. The same year a Council held
at Constantinople condemned and deposed him, about
the time that Arius came thither for re-admission into
the Church. From that time his name is frequently
introduced into the Arian anathemas, vid. Macrosticb,
Syn. § 26, By adding in that document "those who
communicate with him," the Eusebians intended to
strike at the Eoman see, which had acquitted Marcellus
in a Council held in June of the same year.
MARCELLUS. 201
% The Arians of Alexandria, writing to Alexander,
(Syn. § 16) speak of the Son "not as existing before,
and afterwards generated or new created into a Son."
One school of theologians may be aimed at, who held
our Lord's (TvyKaTa(ia(Tig to create the world was His
yewT}aig, and certainly such language as that of Hippol.
contr. Noet. § 15, favours the supposition. But a
class of the Sabellians may more probably be intended,
who held that the Word became the Son, on His incar-
nation, such as Marcellus, vid. Euseb. Eccles. Theol. i.
1. contr. Marc. ii. 3. vid. also Eccles. Theol. ii. 9, p.
Ii4. b. jLtijS' aWoTB aXXijv *c. r. X. Also the Macrostich
says, " We anathematise those who call Him the mere
Word of God, . . . not allowing Him to be Christ and Son
of God before all ages, but from the time He took on
Him our flesh . . . such are the followers of Marcellus
and Photinus, &c." Syn. § 26. Again, Athanasius,
Orat. iv. 15, says that of those who divide the Word
from the Son, some called our Lord's manhood the Son,
some the two Natures together, and some said "that
the Word Himself became the Son when He was made
man." It makes it the more likely that Marcellus is
meant, that Asterius seems to have written against him
before the Nicene Council, and that Arius in other of
his writings borrowed from Asterius, vid. de Decret.
§ 8; though it must not be forgotten that some of
the early Fathers spoke unadvisedly on this subject,
vid. the author's Theological Tracts.
K In the fourth (Arian) Confession of Antioch (supr.
vol. i. p. 101) words are used which answer to those added
in the second General Council (381) to the Creed, and are
202 MARCELLUS.
directed against, the doctrine of Marcellus, who taught
that the Word was but a divine energy, manifested in
Christ and retiring from Him at the consummation of
all things, when the manhood or flesh of Christ would
consequently no longer reign. " How can we admit,"
says Marcellus in Eusebius, "that that flesh, which is
from the earth and profiteth nothing, should co-exist
with the Word in the ages to come as serviceable to
Him?" de Eccl. TheoL iii. 8. Again, "If He has
received a beginning of His Kingdom not more than
four hundred years past, it is no paradox that He who
gained that kingdom so short a while since, should be
^id by the Apostle to deliver it up to God. What are
we to gather about the human flesh, which the Word
bore for us, not four hundred years since ? will the
Word have it in the ages to come, or only to the judg-
ment season?" iii. 17. And, "Should any ask whether
that flesh which is in the Word has become immortal,
we say to him, that we count it not safe to pro-
nounce on points of which ^e learn not for ceiiain
from divine Scripture." Ibid. 10.
f Pope Julius acquitted Marcellus, A than. Apol. Ar.
32, A.D. 341, but it would seem that he did not eventually
preserve himself from heresy, even if he deserved a
favourable judgment at that time. Athan. also sides
with him, de Fug. 3. Hist. Arian. 6, but Epiphanius
records, that, once on his asking Athan. what he
(Athan.) thought of Marcellus, a smile came on his
face, as if he had an opinion of him which he did not
like to express, or which Epiphanius ought not to
have asked for. Hair. 72, 4. And S. Hilary says that
Marcellus. 203
Athan. separated Marcellus from his communion,
because he agreed with his disciple, Photinus. He is
considered heretical by Epiphanius, I.e. ; by Basil, Epp.
69, 125, 263, 265 ; Chrysost. in Heb. i. 8 ; Theod. Hser.
ii. 10; by Petavius, far more strongly by Bull. Mont-
faucon defends him, Tillemont, and Natal. Alex.
204 THE BLESSED MARY.
THE BLESSED MARY.
1. Ma7*y EveV'-Virgin,
This title is found in Athan. Orat. ii. § 70. "Let
those who deny that the Son is from the Father by
nature and proper to His substance, deny also that He
took true human flesh of Mary Ever- Virgin." Vid. also
Athan. Comm. in Luc. in Collect. Nov. t. 2, p. 43.
Epiph. Hser. 78, 5. Didym. Trin. i. 27, p. 84. Rufin.
Fid. i. 43. Lepor. ap. Cassian. Incam. i. 5. Leon. Ep.
28, 2. Pseudo-Basil, t. 2, p. 598. Ca^sarius has
aiTTLoig. Qu. 20. On the doctrine itself, vid. the con-
troversial Tract of S. Jerome against Helvidius; also
a letter of S. Ambrose and his brethren to Siricius,
and the Pope's letter in response. Const. Ep. Pont,
t. i. p. 669—682.
f Pearson, Bishop of Chester, writes well upon this
subject. Greed, Art. 3. (A passage from him is also
incidentally quoted infr. art. evaiPeia.) He says here,
" As we are taught by the predictions of the Prophets
that a Virgin was to be Mother of the promised
Messias, so are we assured by the infallible relation of
the Evangelists, that this Mary *was a Virgin when
she bare Him.' .... Neither was her act of parturition
more contradictory to virginity than that former [act]
of conception. Thirdly, we believe the Mother of om'
THE BLESSED KAKY. 205
Lord to have been, not only before and after His
nativity, but also for ever, the most immaculate and
blessed Virgin The peculiar eminency and
unparalleled privilege of that Mother, the special
honour and reverence due unto her Son and ever paid
by her, the regard of that Holy Ghost who came upon
her, the singular goodness and piety of Joseph to
whom she was espoused, have persuaded the Church of
Crod in all ages to believe that she still continued in
the same virginity, and therefore is to be acknowledged
as the Ever-Virgin Mary." Creed, Art. 3.
- He adds that "many have taken the boldness to
deny this truth, because not recorded in the sacred
writ," but "with no success." He replies to the
argument from " until " in Matt. i. 25 by referring to
Gen. xxviii. 15, Deut. xxxiv. 6, 1 Sam. xv. 35, 2 Sam.
vi. 23, Matt, xxviii. 20.
He might also have referred to Psalm cix. 1 and
1 Cor. XV. 25, which are the more remarkable because
.they were urged by the school of Marcellus as a proof
that our Lord's kingdom would have an end, and are
explained by Euseb. himself, Eccl. Theol. iii. 13, 14.
Vid. also Cyr. Cat. 15, 29, Naz. Orat. 30. 4, where
the true force of " until " is well brought out, — " He
who is King before He subdued His enemies, how
.shall He not the rather be King after He has got
the mastery over them ? "
f J have said in a note on the word in the Aurea Gor-
tena, that the word " till " need not imply a termination
at a certain point of time, but may be given as informa-
tion up to a certain point from which onwards there is
206 THE BLESSED MARY.
already no doubt. Supposing an Evangelist thought
the very notion shocking that Joseph should have con-
sidered the Blessed Virgin as his wife, after he was
witness of her bearing the Son of Grod, he would only
say that the vision had its effect upon him up to that
date, when the idea was monstrous. If one said of
a profligate, that, in consequence of some awful warn-
ing, he had said a prayer for grace every night up to
the time of his conversion, no one would gather thence
that he left off praying on being converted. " Michal
the daughter of Saul had no child to the day of her
death;" had she children after it? This indeed is
one of Pearson's references. Vid. also Suicer de Symb.
Niceno-Const. p. 231. Spanheim, Dub. Evang. part i.
28, 11.
K Athan. elsewhere compares the Virgin's flesh to the
pure earth of Paradise out of which Adam was formed.
She is avipya<rrog yn. Orat. ii. § 7, and so Iren. HsBr.
iii. 21 fin., and TertuUian, " That virgin earth, not yet
watered by rains, nor impregnated by showers, from
which man was formed in the beginning, from which
Christ is now bom according to the flesh from a Vir-
gin." Adv. Jud. 13, vid. de Cam. Christ 17. "Ex
terra virgine Adam, Christus ex virgine." Ambros. in
Luc. lib. iv. 7. Vid. also the parallel drawn out t. v. Serm.
147. App. S. August, and in Proclus, Orat. 2, pp. 103,
4, ed. 1630, vid. also Chrysost. t. 3, p. 113, ed. Ben.
and Theodotus at Ephesus, "0 earth unsown, yet
bearing a salutary frait, O Virgin, who didst surpass the
very Paradise of Eden," &c. Cone. Eph. p. 4 (Hard.
t. i. p. 1643). And so Proclus again, "She, the
THF: BLES8ED MARY. 207
flowering and incorruptible Paradise, in whom the
Tree of Life," &c. Orat. 6, p. 227. And Basil of
Seleucia, " Hail, full of grace, the amaranthine Paradise
of purity, in whom the Tree of Life," &c. Orat. in
Annunc. p. 215. And p. 212, "Which, think they, is
the harder to believe, that a virgin womb should be
with child, or the ground should be animated?" &c.
And Hesychius, "Garden unsown. Paradise of im-
mortality." Bibl. Patr. Par. 1624. t. 2, pp. 421, 423.
f Vid. the well-known passage in S. Ignatius, ad
Eph. 19, where the devil is said to have been
ignorant of the Virginity of Mary, and of the Nativity
and the Death of Christ ; Orig. Hom. 6, in Luc. Basil,
(if Basil,) Hom. in t. 2, App. p. 598, ed. Ben. and
Jerome in Matt. i. 18, who quote it; vid. also Leon.
Serm. 22, 3. Clement. Eclog. Proph. p. 1002, ed.
Potter.
K "Many," says Athanasius, "have been made holy
and clean from all sin; nay, Jeremias was hallowed
even from the womb, and John, while yet in the womb,
leapt for joy at the voice of Mary Mother of God."
Orat. iii. § 33. vid. Jer. i. 5. And so S. Jerome, S.
Leo, &c. as mentioned in Com. a. Lap. in loc. who adds
that S. Ephrem considers Moses also sanctified in the
womb, and S. Ambrose Jacob. S. Jerome implies a
similar gift in the case of Asella (ad Marcell. Ep. 24,
2). And of S. John Baptist, Maldon. in Luc. i. 15.
If It is at first strange that these instances of special
exemptions should be named by early writers, without
our Lady also being mentioned ; or rather it would
be strange, unless we bore in mind how little is
208 THE BLESSED MARY.
said of her at all by Scripture or the Fathers up to the
Council of Ephesus, a.d. 4S1. It would seem as if,
till our Lord's glory called for it, it required an effort
for the reverent devotion of the Church to speak much
about her or to make her the subject of popular
preaching ; but, when by her manifestation a right
faith in her Divine Son was to be secured, then the
Church was to be guided in a contrary course. It
must be recollected that there was a disciplina
arcani in the first centuries, and, if it was exercised,
as far as might be, as regards the Holy Trinity and
the Eucharist, so would it be as regards the Blessed
Virgin.
I have insisted upon this deep sentiment of reverence
in matters of sacred doctrine in my "History of the
Arians," written long before I was a Catholic, and I
may fairly quote here one of several passages contained
in it, in solution of a difficulty with which at that
time I was not concerned. For instance, I say, ch. 2,
§ 1 :— " The meaning and practical results of deep-
seated religious reverence were far better understood
in the primitive times than now, when the infidelity
of the world has corrupted the Church. Now, we
allow ourselves publicly to canvass the most solemn
truths in a careless or fiercely argumentative way;
truths, which it is as useless as it is unseemly to, discuss
before men, as being attainable only by the sober and
watchful, by slow degrees, with dependence on the
Giver of wisdom, and with strict obedience to the light
which has already been granted. Then, they would
scarcely express in writing, what now is not only
The BLUSSto MARt. 209
preached to the mixed crowds who frequent our
churches, but circulated in prints among all ranks and
classes of the unclean and the profane, and pressed
upon all who choose to purchase. Nay, so perplexed
is the present state of things, that the Church is obliged
to change her course of acting^ after the spirit of the
alteration made at Nicsea, and unwillingly to take part
in the theological discussions of the day, as a man
crushes venomous creatures of necessity, powerful to
do it, but loathing the employment." I am corro-
borated in my insistence on this piinciple by the words
of Sozomen, who says, " I formerly deemed it necessary
to transmit the confession drawn up by the unanimous
consent of the Nicene Council, in order that posterity
might possess a public record of the truth; but
subsequently I was persuaded to the contrary by some
godly and learned men, who represented that such
matters ought to be kept secret, as only requisite to
be known by disciples and their instructors." Hist
i. 20.
In an Anglican Sermon of a later date, I apply
this instinctive feeling to the fact of the silence of
Scripture about the Blessed Virgin in its narrative of
the Besurrection. " Here perhaps," I say, " we learn a
lesson from the deep silence which Scripture observes
concerning the Blessed Virgin after the Resurrection ;
as if she, who was too pure and holy a flower to be
more than seen here on earth, even during the season
of her Son's humiliation, was altogether drawn by the
Angels into paradise on His Besurrection," &cl
Par, Serm. vol. iv. 23. And I refer in a note to
VOL. IL p
210 THE BLESSED MAET.
the following passage in the Christian Year:
" God only, and good angels, look
Behind the blissful screen, —
As when, triumphant o*er His woes,
The Son of Grod by moonlight rose.
By all but Heaven unseen ;
As when the Holy Maid beheld
Her risen Son and Lord, _
Thought has not colours half so fair.
That we to paint that hour may dare,
In silence best adored."
Such doubtless were the spirit and the tone of the
Church till Nestorius came forward to deny that the
Son of God was the Son of Mary. Thenceforward
her title of Theotocos, already in use among Christian
writers, became dogmatic.
2. Mary Theotocos.
Mater Dei. Mother of God. Vid. art. avriZocn^-
i8ea)/uarwv. Athanasius gives the title to the Blessed
Virgin, Orat. iii. § 14, § 29, § 33. Orat. iv. 32..
Incam. c. Ar. 8, 22.
K As to the history of this title, Theodoret, who from,
his party would rather be disinclined towards it, says
that " the mod aTident (rwv iraXai koX irpoiraXm) heralds
of the orthodox faith taught the faithful to name and
believe the Mother of the Lord Oeotokoc, according to •
the Apostolical tradition.'' Hser. iv. 12. And John of
Antioch, whose championship of Nestorius and quarrel.
THE BLESSED MARY. 211
with S* Oyril are well known, writes to the former, " This
title llo ecclesiasticial teacher has put aside ; those who
have used it are many and eminent, and those who have
not used it have not attacked those who used it.**
Concil. Eph. part i. c. 23. (Labb.) And Alexander,
the most obstinate or rather furious of all Nestorius's
adherents, who died in banishment in Egypt, fully
allows the ancient reception of the word, though only
into popular use, from which came what he considers
the doctrinal corruption. " That in festive solemnities,
or in preaching and teaching, OeoroKog should be un-
guardedly said by the orthodox without explanation,
is no blame, because such statements were not dog-
matic, nor said with evil meaning. But now after the
corruption of the whole world," &c. Lup. Ephes. Epp.
94. He adds that it, as well as avOpwiroroKoc;, " was used
by the great doctors of the Church." Socrates, Hist,
vii. 32, says that Origen, in the first tome of his Com-
mentary on the Eomans (vid. de la Kue in Kom. lib. i. 5,
the original is lost), treated largely of the word ; which
implies that it was already in use. " Interpreting," he
says, " Iww OeoroKog is used, he discussed the question
at length." Constantine implies the same, with an
allusion to pagan mythology of an unpleasant kind ; he
says, "When He had to draw near to a body of this
world, and to tarry on earth, the need so requiring, He
contrived a sort of irregular birth of Himself, voOrtv
X0it ^ive<riv; for without marriage was there concep-
tion, and childbirth, eiXeiOvia, from a pure Virgin, and
a maid, the Mother of God, Otov fiijTnp Kopr/." Ad. Sanct.
Coet. p. 480. The idea must have been familiar to
p2
212 * THE BLESSED MAftY.
Cliiistians before Constantiue's date to be recognised
by him, a mere catechumen, and to be virtually com-
mented on by such a parallelism.
1[ For instances of the word Oeoroicog, besides Oiigen.
ap. Socr. vii. 32, vid. Euseb. V. Const, iii. 43, in Psalm,
cix. 4, p. 703, Montf. Nov. Coll. ; Alexandr. Ep. ad Alex,
ap. Theodor. Hist. i. 3, p. 745 ; Athan. (supra) ; Cyril. Cat.
X. 19 ; Julian Imper. ap. Cyril, c. Jul. viii. p. 262; Am-
philoch. Orat. 4, p. 41 (if Amphil.) ed. 1644 ; Nyssen. Ep.
ad Eustath. p. 1093 ; Chrysost. apud Suicer Symb. t. ii.
p. 240 ; Greg. Naz. Orat. 29. 4 ; Ep. 101, p. 85, ed. Ben.
Antiochus and Ammon. ap. Cyril, de Recta Fid. pp.
49, 50 ; Pseudo-Dion, contr. Samos. 5, p. 240 ; Pseudo-
Basil. Hom. t. 2, p. 600, ed. Ben.
H Pearson on the Creed (notes on Ait. 3), arguing
from Ephrem. ap. Phot. Cod. 228, p. 775, says the
phrase Mater Dei originated with St. Leo. On the con-
trary, besides in Constantino's Oration as above, it is
found, before S. Leo. in Ambros. de Virg. ii. 7;
Cassian. Incarn. ii. 5, vii. 25 ; Vincent. Lir. Commonit.
21. It is obvious that OeoroKog, though framed as a
test against Nestorians, was equally effective against
Apollinarians and Eutychians, who denied that our
Lord had taken human flesh at all, as is observed by
Facundus Def. Trium Cap. i. 4. And so S. Cyril,
" Let it be carefully observed, that nearly this whole
contest about the faith has been created against us for
our maintaining that the Holy Virgin is Mother of Grod ;
now, if we hold," as was , the calumny, " that the Holy
Body of Christ our common Saviour was from heaven,
and not bom of her, how can she be considered as
THE BLESSED MARY. 213
Mother of God?" Epp. pp. 106, 7. Yet these sects, as
the Arians, maintained the term. Vid. supr. Heresies,
IT As to the doctrine, which the terra implies and
guards, the following are specimens of it. Vid. S. Cyril's
quotations in his de Recta Fide, p. 49, &c. "The
fleshless," says Atticus, " becomes flesh, the impalpable
is handled, the perfect grows, the unalterable advances,
the rich is brought forth in an inn, the coverer of
heaven with clouds is swathed, the king is laid in a
manger." Antiochus speaks of Him, our Saviour, " with
whom yesterday in an immaculate bearing Mary
travailed, the Mother of life, of beauty, of majesty, the
Morning Star," &c. "The Maker of all," says S.
Amphilochius, "is bom to us to-day of a Virgin."
"She did compass," says S. Chrysostom, "without
circumscribing the Sun of righteousness. To-day the
Everlasting is bom, and becomes what He was not.
He who sitteth on a high and lofty throne is placed in
a manger, the impalpable, incomposite, and immaterial
is wrapped around by human hands ; He who snaps the
bands of sin, is environed in swathing bands." And
in like manner S. Cyril himself, " As a woman, though
bearing the body only, is said to bring forth one who
is made up of body and soul, and that will be no injury
to the interests of the soul, as if it found in flesh the
origin of its existence, so also in the instance of the
Blessed Virgin, though she is Mother of the Holy
Flesh, yet she bore Grod of Grod the Word, as being in
trath one with it." Adv. Nest. i. p. 18. "Grod dwelt
in the womb, yet was not circumscribed; whom the
heaven containeth not. the Viri^in's frame did not
214 THE BLESSED MARY.
straiten." Procl. Orat. i. p. 60. When thou hearest
that God speaks from the bush, and Moses falling on
his face worships, believest thou, not considering the
fire that is seen, but God that speaks ? and yet, when
I mention the Virgin womb, dost thou abominate and
turn away ? ... In the bush seest thou not the Vii-gin,
in the fire the loving-kindness of Him who came ? "
Theodotus of Ancyra ap. Cone. Eph. (p. 1529, Labb.)
" Not only did Mary bear her Elder," says Cassian in
answer to an objector, " but her Author, and giving
birth to Him from whom she received it, she became
parent of her Parent. Surely it is as easy for God to
give nativity to Himself, as to man; to be bom of
man, as to make men bom. For God's power is not
circumscribed in His own Person, that He should not
do in Himself what He can do in all." Incam. iv. 2.
" The One God Only-begotten, of an ineffable origin
from God, is introduced into the womb of the Holy
Virgin, and grows into the form of a human body.
He who contrives all . . . is brought forth according
to the law of a human birth ; He at whose voice Arch-
angels tremble . . and the world's elements are dis-
solved, is heard in the wailing of an infant," &c. Hil.
Trin. ii. 25. " ' My beloved is white and ruddy ; '
white truly, because the Brightness of the Father,
ruddy, because the Birth of a Virgin, In Him shines
and glows the colour of each nature; . . He did not
begin from a Virgin, but the Everlasting came into a
Virgin." Ambros. Virgin, i. n. 46. " Him, whom,
coming in His sim[)le Godhead, not heaven, not
eai-th, not sea, not any creature had endured,
THE BLESSED MAHY. 215
Him the inviolate womb of a Virgin carried."
Chrysost. ap. Cassian. Incam. vii. 30. " Happily do
some understand by the * closed gate,' by which only
* the Lord Grod of Israel enters,' that Prince on whom
the gate is closed, to be the Virgin Mary, who both be-
fore and after her bearing remained a Virgin." Jerom.
in Ezek. 44. init. " Let them tell us," says Capreolus of
Carthage, "how is that Man from Heaven, if He be
not Grod conceived in the womb ? " ap. Sirm. 0pp. t. i.
p. 216. " He is made in thee," says S. Austin, "who
made thee . . . nay, through whom heaven and earth
is made ; . . the Word of Grod in thee is made flesh,
receiving flesh, not losing Grodhead. And the Word
is joined, is coupled to the flesh, and of this so high
wedding thy womb is the nuptial chamber," &c. Serm.
291, 6. "Say, blessed Mary," says S. Hippolytus,
"what was It which by thee was conceived in the
womb, what carried by thee in that virgin frame ? It
was the Word of God," &c. ap. Theod. Eran. i. p. 55.
"There is one physician," says S. Ignatius, "fleshly
and spiritual, generate and ingenerate, Grod come in
the flesh, in death true life, both from Mary and
from God, first passible, then impassible, Jesus Christ
pur Lord." Ep. ad Eph. 7.
216 MEDIATION.
MEDIATION.
God, the Origin and Cause of all things, acts by the
mediation, ministration, or operation of His Son, as
signified by the Son's names of Word and Wisdom.
Vid. art. Eternal Son.
" It belongs to the Son," says Athanasius, " to
have the things of the Father; and to be such that
the Father is seen in Him, and that through Him
all things were made, and that the salvation of all
comes to pass and consists in Him." Orat. ii. § 24.
" Men were made through the Word, when the Father
Himself willed." Orat. i. § 63. " Even if God com-
pounded the world out of materials, . . . still allow the
Word to work those materials, say at the bidding and
in the service of God, TrpotrraTTofievog koI virovpyiovi
but if by His own Word He calls into existence things
which existed not, then the Word is not in the number
of things not existing," &c. Orat. ii. § 22. " With whom
did God speak," (saying Let us make^ &c.) " so as even
to speak with a command," TrpotrraTTtov ? " He bids,
TTpofTTaTTeif and says. Let U8 make men. . . . Who was
it but His Word ? " c. Gent. § 46. " A Word then
must exist, to whom God gives command, ivriXXerai o
Oeog;' de Deer. § 9.
H The language of Catholics and heretics is very much
the same on this point of the Son's ministration, with
MEDIATION. 217
this essential difference of sense, that Catholic writers
mean a ministration internal to the divine substance and
an instrument connatural with the Father, and Arius
meant an external and created medium of operation,
vid. arts. The Divirie Hand and ofyyavov. Thus S. Clement
calls our Lord " the All-harmonious Instrument (opyavov)
of God." Protrept. p. 6. Eusebius, " an animated and
living instrument, (opyavov ifvpvxovf) nay, rather divine
and . . . vivific of every substance and nature."
Demonstr. iv. 4. S. Basil, on the other hand, insists
that the Arians reduced our Lord to "an inanimate
instrument," ofyyavov a^vxov, though they called Him
vTTovfyyov TeXsioTaTov, most perfect minister or under-
worker." adv. Eunom. ii. 21. Elsewhere he says, "the
nature of a cause is one, and the nature of an instru-
ment, ojoyavov, another; . . . foreign then in nature
is the Son from the Father, as an instrument is from
the artist who uses it." de Sp. S. n. 6 fin. vid. also
n. 4. fin. and n. 20. Afterwards he speaks of our
Lord as " not intrusted with the ministry of each work
by particular injunctions in detail, for this were minis-
tration," XeiTovfyyiicov, but as being "full of the
Father's excellences," and "fulfilling not an instru-
mental, ofyyaviKriVy and servile ministration, but accom-
plishing the Father's will like a Maker, Sij/iioujoyticaii?."
ibid. n. 19. And so S. Gregory, " The Father signi-
fies, the Word accomplishes, not servilely nor igno-
rantly, but with knowledge and sovereignty, and, to-
speak more suitably, in the Father's way, TrarpiKiog"
Orat. 30. 11. And S. Cyril, "There is nothing abject
in the Son, as in a minister, virovpyi^^ as they say ; for
218 MEDIATION.
the Grod and Father enjoins not [eTriraTrei] on His
Word, 'Make man,' but as one with Him, by nature,
and inseparably existing in Him as a oo-operator,"
&c., in Joann. p. 48. Explanations such as these
secure for the Catholic writers some freedom in their
modes of speaking ; e.g. we have seen supr. that Athan.
seems to speak of the Son as being directed, and minis-
tering," TTpOfTTaTTOfievog, Koi IfTTovpyioVf Orat. ii. § 22.
Thus S. Irenseus speaks of the Father being well-pleased
and commanding, KcXevovroc, and the Son doing and
framing. Hser. iv. 38, 3. S. Basil too, in the same
treatise in which are some of the foregoing protests,
speaks of " the Lord ordering, [7r/ooCTTa<r<rovra,] and the
Word framing." de Sp. S. n. 38. S. Cyril of Jerusa-
lem, of "Him who bids, [evriXXBTai^^ bidding to one
who is present with Him," Cat. xi. 16. vid. also
vTTYiperCjv T^ jSovXp, Justin. Tryph. 126, and wov/Qyov,
Theoph. ad Autol. ii. 10 (Galland. t. 2, p, 95), I^wttij-
pBTVJv OeXrifiaTi, Clem. Strom, vii. p. 832.
If As to those words irpoirrarrofiEvog koi virovpyioVf
it is not quite clear that Athan, accepts them in
his own person, as has been assumed supr. Vid.
de Deer. § 7, and Orat. ii. § 24 and 31, which, as
far as they go, are against such use. Also S. Basil
objects to virovjoyoc, contr. Eunom. ii. 21, and 8.
Cyril in Joan. p. 48, though S. Basil speaks of rov
TTpofTTaTTovra Kvpiov, as noticed above, and S. Cyril of
the Son's vTrorayi^, Thesaur. p. 255. Vid. "minister-
ing, vwriperovvray to the Father of all." Just. Tryph.
n. 60. "The Word become minister, xm-ripiTriCf of the
Creator," Origen in Joan. t. 2, p. 67, also Constit,
3IEDIATiaN. 219
Ap. viii. 12, but Pseudo-Athan. objects to vTrij/otrJiv,
de Comm. Essent. 30, and Athan. apparently, Orat. ii.
§ 28. Again, "Whom did He order, praecepit?"
Iren. Haer. iii. 8, n.'. 3. "The Pather bids [evTiXXerai]
(allusion to Ps. 33, 9), the Word accomplishes . . .
He who commands, KsXeinov, is the Father, He who
obeys, vwaKoviov, the Son . . . the Father willed,
riOiXriaevy the Son did it." Hippol. c. Noet. 14, on
which vid. Fabricius's note. S. Hilary speaks of the
Son as "subditus per obedientise obsequelam," Syn. 51.
Origen contr. Cels. ii. 9. Tertul. adv. Prax. 12, fin.
Patres Antioch. ap. Routh t. 2, p. 468. Prosper in Psalm
148. Hilar. Trin. iv. 16. "That the Father speaks and
the Son hears, or contrariwise, that the Son speaks and
the Father hears, are expressions for the sameness of
nature and the agreement of Father and Son." Didym.
de Sp. S. 36. "The Father's bidding is not other
than His Word ; so that • I have not spoken of Myself/
He perhaps meant to be equivalent to * I was not bom
from Myself.' For if the Word of the Father speaks.
He pronounces Himself, for He is the Father's Word,"
&c. August, de Trin. i. 26. On this mystery vid.
Petav. Trin. vi. 4.
f Athan. says that it is contrary to all our notions of
religion that Almighty Grod cannot create, enlighten, ad-
dress, and unite Himself to His creatures immediately.
This seems to be implied when it was said by the Arians
that the Son was created for creation, illumination,
&c. ; whereas in the Catholic view the Son is simply that
Divine Person, who in the economy of grace is Creator,
Enlightener, &c. Grod is represented as All-perfect, but
220 MEDIATION.
acting according to a certain divine order. Here
the remark is in point about the right and wrong
sense of the words " commanding," " obeying,"
&c.
Hence our Lord is the jSovXijcrtc and the jSouXi^, and
Ztotra fiovXfi, of .the Father. Orat. iii. 63 fin. and so
Cyril Thes. p. 54, who uses fiovXri expressly, (as it is
always used by implication,) in contrast to the koto.
/SouXijo-iv of the Arians, though Athan. uses Kara ro
fioiXtifia, e.g. Orat, iii. 31. And so avroc row frarpog
OiXrifiaf Nyss. contr. Eunom. xii. p. 345.
If The bearing of the above teaching of the early
Fathers on the relation of the Second to the First
Person in the Holy Trinity, is instructively brought
out by Thomassinus in his work, de Incarnationey from
which I have made a long extract in one of my
Theological Tracts: — part of it I will make use of
here.
" It belongs to the Father to be without birth, but
to the Son to be bom. Now innascibility is a prin-
ciple of concealment, but birth of exhibition. The
former withdraws from sight, the latter comes forth into
open day; the one retires into itself, lives to itself,
and has no outward start; the other flows forth and
extends itself and is diffused far and wide. It corre-
sponds then to the idea of the Father, as being
ingenerate, to be self-collected, remote, unapproach-
able, invisible, and in consequence to be utterly alien
to an incarnation. But to the Son, considered as once
for all bom, and ever coming to the birth, and starting
into view, it especially belongs to display Himself, to
MEDIATION. 221
be prodigal of Himself, to bestow Himself as an object
for sight and enjoyment, because in the fact of being
bom He has burst forth into His corresponding act of
self-diflFusion. . . .
" Equally . . . incomprehensible is in His nature the
Son as the Father. Accordingly we are here con-
sidering a personal property, not a natural. It is
especially congenial to the Divine Nature to be good,
beneficent, and indulgent; and for these qualities
there is no opening at all without a certain manifesta-
tion of their hiding-place, and outpouring of His
condescending Majesty. Wherefore, since the majesty
and goodness of God, in the very bosom of His
nature, look diflferent ways, and by the one He re-
tires into Himself, and by the other He pours Him-
self out, it is by the different properties of the Divine
Persons that this contrariety is solved," &c., &c. vid.
Thomassin. Incam. ii. 1, p. 89, &c.
222 MELBTIUS.
MELETIUS.
Meletius was Bishop of Lycopolis in the Thebais, in
the first years of the fourth century. He was convicted
of sacrificing to idols in the persecution, and deposed
by a Council under Peter, Bishop of Alexandria and
(subsequently) a martyr. Meletius separated from the
communion of the Church and commenced a schism;
at the time of the Nicene Council it included as many
as twenty-eight or thirty Bishops; in the time of
Theodoret, a century and a? quaiter later, it included a
number of monks. Though not heterodox, they sup-
ported the Arians on their first appearance, in their
contest with the Catholics. The Council of Nicaea,
instead of deposing their Bishops, allowed them on
their return a titular rank in their sees, but for-
bade them to exercise their functions.
If The Meletian schismatics of Egypt formed an
alliance with the Arians from the first. Athan. imputes
the alliance to ambition and avarice in the Meletians,
and to zeal for their heresy in the Arians. Ep. JEg,
22, vid. also Hist. Arian. 78. In like manner after
Sardica the Semi-Arians attempted a coalition with the
Donatists of Africa. Aug. contr. Cresc. iii. 34 (n. 38).
H Epiphanius gives us another account of the cir-
cumstances under which Meletius's schism originated.
f There was another Meletius, Bishop of Antioch, in
the latter part of the same century. He at one time
belonged to the Semi-Arian party, but joined the ortho-
dox, and was the first president of the second Ecu-
menical Council.
?rWO NATURES OF EMMANUEli. 223
TWO NATURES OF EMMANUEL.
1[ "Two natures," says S. Leo, "met together in
imt Redeemer, and, while what belonged to each re-
spectively remained, so great a unity was made of either
substance, that from the time that the Word was made
flesh in the Blessed Virgin's womb, we may neither
think of Him as God without that which is man, nor as
man without, that which is Grod. Each nature ceitifies
its own reality under distinct actions, but neither of
them disjoins itself from connection with the other.
Nothing is wanting from either towards other; there
is entire littleness in majesty, entire naajesty in little-
ness ; unity does not introduce confusion, nor does what
is special to each divide unity. There is what is
passible, and what is inviolable, yet He, the Same, has
the contumely whose is the glory. He is in infirmity
who is in power; the Same is both the subject and
the conqueror of death. Grod then did take on Him
whole man, and so knit Himself into man and man into
Himself in His mercy and in His power, that either
nature was in other, and neither in the other lost its
own attributes." Serm. 54, 1. "Suscepit nos in
suam proprietatem ilia natura, quae nee nostris sua^
nee suis nostra consumeret," &c. Serm. 72, p. 286. vid.
also Ep. 165, 6. Serm. 30, 5. Cyril. Cat. iv. 9. Amphi-
loch. ap. Theod. Eran. i. p. 66, also pp. 60, 87, 88.
11 "All this belongs to the Economy, not to the
vGodhead. On this account He says, * Now is My soul
S24 two NATURES OP EMMANUEL.
troubled,' .... so troubled as to seek for a release, if
escape were possible As to hunger is no blame,
nor to sleep, so is it none to desire the present life.
Christ had a body pure from sins, but not exempt from
physical necessities, else it had not been a body."
Chrysost. in Joann. Hom. 67, 1 and 2. " He used His
own flesh as an instrument for the works of the flesh,
and for physical infirmities and for other infirmities
which are blameless," &c. Cyril, de Beet. Fid. p. 18.
" As a man' He doubts, as a man He is troubled ; it is
not His power (virtus) that is troubled, not His
Godhead, but His soul," &c. Ambros. de Fid. ii. n.
56. Vid. a beautiful passage in S. Basil's Hom. iv. 5
(de Divers.), in which he insists on our Lord's having
wept to show us how to weep neither too much nor
too little.
"Being Grod, and existing as Word, while He re-
mained what He was. He became flesh, and a child,
and a man, no change profaning the mystery. The
Same both works wonders, and suffers; by the
miracles signifying that He is what He was, and
by the sufferings giving proof that He had be-
come what He had framed." Procl. ad Armen.
p. 615. "Without loss then in what belongs to
either nature and substance" (salva proprietate, and
so TertuUian, " Salva est utriusque proprietas substan-
tise,'' &c., in Prax. 27), "yet with their union in one
Person, Majesty takes on it littleness, Power infirmity.
Eternity mortality, and, to pay the debt of our estate,
an inviolable Nature is made one with a nature that is
passible ; that, as was befitting for our cure. One and
TWO NATURES OF EMMANUEL. 225
the Same Mediator between Grod and man, the man
Jesus Christ, might both be capable of death from the
one, and incapable from the other." Leo's Tome
(Ep. 28, 3), also Hil. Trin. ix. 11 fin. " Vagit infans,
sed in cselo est," &c., ibid. x. 54. Ambros. de Fid.
ii. 77. "Erat vermis in cruce sed dimittebat peccata.
Non habebat speciem, sed plenitudinem divinitatis,"
&c. Id. Epist. i. 46, n. 5. Theoph. Ep. Pasch. 6, ap.
Cone. Ephes. p. 1404. Hard.
f Athanasius, Orat. iv. § 33, speaks of the Word as
"putting on the first-fruits of our nature, and being
blended (avaKpaOelg) with it;" vid. note on TertuU.
Oxf. Tr. vol. i. p. 48; and so 17 Kaivfj jxi^i^y Oebg koI
avOpwirogy Greg. Naz. as quoted by Eulogius ap. Phot.
Bibl. p. 857 ; " immixtus," Cassian. Incam. i. 5 ;
"commixtio," Vigil, contr. Eutych. i. 4, p. 494 (Bibl.
Patr. 1624); "permixtus," August. Ep. 137, 11; "ut
naturae alteri altera misceretur," Leon. Serm. 23, 1
(vid. supr. p. 134). There is this strong passage in
Naz. Ep. 101, p. 87 (ed. 1840), Kipvafiivayv S)(nrep
tCjv ^vo-cwv, ovtu) Srj Koi rwv fcXiJo-cwv, koX irepixtopovawv
elg aXXfiXag n^ Xoytj) rijc (TVfiifiViaq ; Bull says that in
using Trepix<i»>pov<TCtv Greg. Naz. and others "minus
propria loqui." Defens. F. N. iv. 4, § 14. Petavius had
allowed this, but proves the doctrine intended amply
from the Fathers. De Incarn. iv. 14. Such oneness is
not " confusion," for ov ovy^<nv aTrc/oyao-a/ufi/oc* aXXa
ra 8vo KBpatrag eig ev, says Epiph. Ancor. 81 fin. and
so Eulog. ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 831 fin. ov r^c icpaaewg
<Tvy\v<Tiv avrtj) SijXovo-ijc* Vid. also on the word fii^igy
&c. Zacagn. Monum. p. xxi. — xxvi. Thomassin. de
Incam. iii. 5, iv. 15.
VOL. ir. Q
226 THE NTCBNE TESTS' OF ORTHODOXY.
THE NICENE TESTS OF OETHODOXY.
What were the cardinal additions, made at Nicaea,
to the explicit faith of the Church, will be understood
by comparing the Creed, as there recorded and sanc-
tioned, with that of Eusebius, as they both are found
(vol. i. supr. pp. 55 — 57) in his Letter to his people. His
Creed is distinct and unexceptionable, as far as it goes ;
but it does not guard against the introduction of the
Arian heresy into the Church, nor could it, as being a
creed of the primitive age, and drawn up before the
heresy. On the other hand, we see by the anathe-
matisms appended to the Nicene Creed what it was
that had to be excluded, and by the wording of the
additions to the Creed, and by Eusebius's forced expla-
nation of them, how they acted in effecting its exclusion.
The following are the main additions in question: —
1. The Creed of Eusebius says of our Lord, Ik
Tov Trarpog yByevvr^fiivov ; but the Nicene says, yevvir
Oivra oi) iroir)OivTay because the Arians considered
generation a kind of creation, as Athan. says, Orat. ii.
§ 20, " Ye say that an offspring is the same as a work,
writing * generated or made.'" And more distinctly,
Arius in his Letter to Eusebius uses the words, irpiv
yevvrtOy ffTOi KTiaOtj rj opiaO^ rj OeimeXiwO^. Theodor.
Hist. i. 4, p. 750. And to Alexander, ax/>o v<i>c yewiiOei^
Kot TTjOO alwvwv KTifrOeig kcu OefieXiwOeig. De Syn. § 16.
THE NICENE TESTS OF ORTHODOXY. 227
And Eusebius to Paulinus, KTKrrbv koI OefisXiwrbv koi
yivvnrov. Theod. Hist. i. 5, p. 752. These different
words profess to be scriptural, and to explain each
other; "created" being in Pro v. viii. 22; "made" in
the speech of St. Peter, Acts ii. 22; "appointed" or
"declared" in Kom. i. 4; and "founded" or "esta-
blished " in Prov. viii. 23 ; vid. Orat. ii. § 72, &c., vid.
also § 52.
2. We read in the Nicene Creed, " from the Father,
that is^ from the substance of the Father," whereas
in Eusebius's Letter it is only " God Irom Grod."
According to the received doctrine of the Church,
all rational beings, and in one sense all beings
whatever, are " from Grod," over and above the fact of
their creation, and in a certain sense sons of Grod, vid.
supr. Arian tenets, Adam, and Eusebius. And of this
undeniable truth the Arians availed themselves to ex-
plain away our Lord's proper Sonship and Divinity.
3. But the chief test at Nicaea was the word
6fioov(TioVf its special force being that it .excludes the
maintenance of more than one divine ovala or substance,
which seems to be implied or might be insinuated even
in Eusebius's creed ; " We believe," he says, " each of
these [Three] to be and to exist, the Father truly
Father, the Son truly Son,, the Holy Grhost truly Holy
Grhost ; " for if there be Three substances or res exist-
ing, either there sqce Three Grods or two of them are
not God. The 1^ ovaiag, important and serviceable as
it was, did not exclude the doctrine of a divine emana-
tion, and was consistent with Semi-Arianism, and with
belief in two or in three substances; vid. the art.
Q2
228 THE NICENE TESTS OF ORTHODOXY.
bjxoovaiov. " It is the precision of this phrase," says
Athan., "that detects their pretence, whenever they
use the phrase *from Grod,' and that excludes all the
subtleties with which they seduce the simple. For,
whereas they contrive to put a sophistical construction
on all other words at their will, this phrase only, as
detecting their heresy, do they dread, which the Fathers
did set down as a bulwark against their impious
speculations one and all," de Syn. § 45. And Epipha-
nius calls it avvSeafiog nifrrewg, Ancor. 6. And again
he says, " Without the confession of the ' One in
substance' no heresy can be refuted; for as a serpent
hates the smell of bitumen, and the scent of sesame-
cake, and the burning of agate, and the smoke of
storax, so do Arius and Sabellius hate the notion of the
sincere profession of the *One in substance.'" And
Ambrose, " That term did the Fathers set down in their
formula of faith, which they perceived to be a source
of dread to their adversaries; that they themselves
might unsheathe the sword which cut off the head of
their own monstrous heresy." de Fid, iii. 15.
This is very true, but a question arises whether another
and a better test than the homousion might not havei
been chosen, one eliciting less opposition, one giving
opportunities to fewer subtleties ; and on this point a
few words shall be said here.
Two ways, then, lay before the Fathers at Nicaea of
condemning and eliminating the heresy of Arius, who
denied the proper divinity of the Son of God. By
means of either of the two a test would be secured for
guarding the sacred truth from those evasive profes-
THE NICENE TESTS OF ORTHODOXY. 229
sions and pretences of orthodoxy, which Arius himself,
to do him justice, did not ordinarily care to adopt.
Our Lord's divinity might be adequately defined either
(1) by declaring Him to be in and of the essence of
the Father, or (2) to be with the Father from ever-
lasting, that is, by defining Him to be either consub-
stantial or co-eternal with Grod. Arius had denied
both doctrines; "He is not eternal," he says, "or
co-eternal, or co-ingenerate with the Father, nor has
He His being together with Him." And "The Son
of Grod is not consubstantial with God." Syn. § 15,
16 (vid. also Epiph. Hser. 69, 7). Either course then
would have answered the purpose required: but the
Council chose that which at first sight seems the less
advisable, the more debatable of the two; it chose
the "Homoiision" or "Consubstantial," not the
Co-eternal.
Here it is scarcely necessary to dwell on a state-
ment of Gribbon, which is strange for so acute and
careful a writer. He speaks as if the enemies of Arius
at Nicsea were at first in a difficulty how to find a test
to set before the Council which might exclude him
from the Church, and then accidentally became aware
that the Homoiision was such an available term. He
says that in the Council a letter was publicly read
and ignominiously torn, in which the Arian leader,
Eusebius of Nicomedia, ^'ingenuously confessed that
the admission of the Homoiision, a word abeady
familiar to the Platonists, was incompatible with the
principles of his theological system. The fortumUe
opportunity was eagerly embraced by the bishops who
280 THE NIOENE TESTS OP ORTHODOXY.
governed the resolutions of the Synod," &c., ch. xxi.
He adds in a note, " We are indebted to Ambrose (vid-
de Fid. iii. 15,) for the knowledge of this curious
anecdote." This comes of handling theological sub-
jects with but a superficial knowledge of them; it is
the way in which foreigners judge of a country which
they enter for the first time. Who told Cribbon that
Arius's enemies and the governing bishops did not
know from the first of the Arian rejection of this word
" consubstantial " ? who told him that there were not
other formulae which Arius rejected quite as strongly
as it, and which would have served as a test quite as
well ? As I have quoted above, he had publicly said,
"The Son is not equal, no, nor consubstantial with
Grod," and "Foreign to the Son in substance is the
Father;" and, as to matter already provided by him
for other tests, he says in that same Thalia, "When
the Son was not yet, the Father was already Grod;"
"Equal, or like Himself, He [the Father] has
none" (vid. Syn. § 15), &c., &c. S. Ambrose too was
not baptised till A.D. 374, a generation after the
Nicene Council, and his report cannot weigh against
contemporary documents ; nor can his words at that
later date receive Gibbon's interpretation. It was not
from any dearth of tests that the Fathers chose the
Homousion; and the question is, why did they prefer
it to (Tvvdi^iovi ^vapxov, ayivryrovy &c., &c. ?
The first difficulty attached to "consubstantial"
was that it was not in Scripture, which would have been
avoided had the test chosen been "from everlasting,"
" without beginning," &c. ; a complaint, however, which
THE NICENE TESTS OP OETHODOXY. 231
came with a bad graoe from the Aiians, who had begun
the controversy with phrases of their own devising,
and not in Scripture. But, if the word was not Scrip-
tural, it had the sanction of various Fathers in the
foregoing centuries, and was derived from a root, 6 oiv,
which was in Scripture. Nor could novelty be objected
to the word. Athanasius, ad Afros 6, speaks of the
use of the word bfioovmov " by ancient Bishops, about
130 years since;" and Eusebius, supr. Deer. App. § 7,
confirms him as to its ancient use in the Church : and,
though it was expedient to use the words of Scripture
in enunciations of revealed teaching, it would be a
superstition in the Council to confine itself to them, as
if the letter could be allowed to supersede the sense.
A more important difficulty lay in the fact that some
fifty or sixty years before, in the Councils occasioned
by the heretical doctrine of Paulus, Bishop of Antioch,
the word had actually been proposed in some quarter
as a tessera against his heresy, and then withdrawn by
the Fathers as if capable of an objectionable sense.
Paulus, who was a sharp disputant, seems to have con-
tended that the term either gave a material character
to the Divine nature, or else, as he wished himself
to hold, that it implied that there was no real distinc-
tion of Persons between Father and Son. Anyhow,
the term was under this disadvantage, that in some
sense it had been disowned in the greatest Council
which up to the Nicene the Church had seen. But its
inexpedience at one time and for one purpose was no
reason why it should not be expedient at another
time and for another purpose, and its imposition at
^32 THE NIOBNE TESTS OF OBTHODOXY.
Nicaea showed by the event that it was the fitting
word, and justified those who selected it. But true as
this is, still the question recurs why it was that the
Nicene Fathers selected a term which was not in Scrip-
ture, and had on a former occasion been considered open
to objection, while against " co-eternal" or "from ever-
lasting " no opposition could have been raised short of
the heretical denial of its truth ; and further, whether
it was not rather a test against Tritheism, of which
Arius was not suspected. " Consubstantial " was a word
needing a definition ; " co-etemal " spoke for itself.
Arius, it is true, had boldly denied the " consubstan-
tial," but he had still more often and more pointedly
denied the " co-etemal." The definition of the Son's
eternity a parte ante would have been the destruc-
tion of the heresy. Arius had said on starting,
according to Alexander, that "Crod was not always a
Father ; " " the Word was not always." " He said,"
says Socrates, " if the Father begot the Son, he that
was begotten had a beginning of existence." Arius
himself says to his friend Eusebius, "Alexander has
driven us out of our city for dissenting from his public
declaration, ' As Grod is eternal, so is His Son.' "
Again, to Alexander himself, as quoted supr., "The
Son is not eternal, or co-etemal, or co-ingenerate with
the Father." Vid. also Deer. § 6. Would it not,
then, have avoided all the troubles which, for a long
fifty or sixty years, followed upon the reception of the
Homoiision by the Nicene Council, would it not have
been a far more prudent handling of the Creed of
the Church, to have said " begotten from everlasting^
THE NICBNE TESTS OF OBTHODOXY. 233
not made," instead of introducing into it a word of
doubtful meaning, already discredited, and at best
unfamiliar to Catholics? This is what may be asked,
and, with a deep feeling of our defective knowledge of
the ecclesiastical history of the times, I answer, under
correction, as follows : —
There are passages, then, in the writers of the
Ante-Nicene times which suggest to us that the
leading bishops in the Council were not free to act as
they might wish, or as they might think best, and
that the only way to avoid dangerous disputes in an
assemblage of men good and orthodox, but jealous
in behalf of their own local modes of thought and ex-
pression and traditional beliefs, was to meet with the
utmost caution a heresy which all agreed to condemn,
which all aimed at destroying. So it was, that various
writers, some of them men of authority and influence,
and at least witnesses to the sentiments of their day,
had, in the course of the three centuries past, held the
doctrine of the temporal genneaisy a doctrine which
afterwards gave an excuse and a sort of shelter to the
Arian misbelief. (Vid. supr. art. ArianSy 3.) I am not
denying that these men held with the whole Catholic
Church that our Lord was in personal existence from
eternity as the Word, connatural with the Father, and
in His bosom; but they also held, with more or less
distinctness, that He was not fully a Son from eternity,
but that when, according to the Divine counsels, the
creation was in immediate prospect, and with reference
to it, the Word was bom into Sonship, and became the
Creator, the Pattern, and the Conservative Power of all
284 THE NIGRNE TESTS OF ORTHODOXY.
that was created. These writers were such as Tatian,
Theophilus, Tertullian, and Hippolytus; and if the
Fathers of the Nicene Coan<^ had defined uncon-
ditionally and abruptly the Son's eternity, they would
have given an opening to the Arians, who disbelieved
in the eternity of the Personal Word, to gain over to
their side, and to place in opposition to the Alexandrians,
many who substantially were orthodox in their belief.
They did not venture then, as it would seem, to pro-
nounce categorically that the geanesia was from ever-
lasting, lest they should raise unnecessary questions : —
at the same time, by making the " consubstantial " the
test of orthodoxy, they provided for the logical and
eventual acceptance of the Son's a 'parte ante eternity,
on the principle, (which Athan. is continually insisting
on,) " What God is, that He ever was ; " and, by in-
cluding among the parties anathematised at the end of
the Creed " those who said that our Lord * was not in
being before He was bom,'" they both inflicted ^n
additional blow upon the Arians, and indirectly
recognised the orthodoxy, and gained the adhesion, of
those who, by speaking of the temporal geuTiesiay
seemed at first sight to ascribe to our Lord a beginning
of being.
OMNIPEESBNCE OF GOD. 2S5
OMNIPEESENCE OF GOD.
K Athan. says, Deer. § 11, "Men being incapable
of self-existence, are inclosed in place, and consist in
the Word of God; but God is self-existent, inclosing
all things, and inclosed by none,-^within all according
ta,Hia own goodness and power, yet outside all in His
own nature." Vid. also Incam. § 17. This contrast is
iK»t coikimonly found in ecclesiastical writers, who are
used to say .that God is. present everywhere, in sub-
stance as well as by energy or power. Clement, how-?
ever, expresses himself still more strongly in the same
way : " In substance far off (for how can the generate
come clos^ to the Ingenerate ? ), but most close in
power, in which the universe is embosomed." Strom.
ii. 2, but the parenthesis explains his meaning. Vid.,
Cyril. Thesaur. 6, p. 44. The common doctrine of
the Fathers is, that God is present everywhere in
substance. Vid. Petav. de Deo, iii. 8 and 9. It may
be remarked that S. Clement continues, ^* neither
iTiclosing nor inclosed."
t Athan., however, explains himself in Orat. iii. 22y
saying that when our Lord, in comparing the Son
and creatures, "uses the word *as,' He signifies those
who become from afar as He is in the Father ; . . for
in place nothing is far from God, but only in nature
all things are far from Him." When, then, he says
OMNIPBSSEHGB OF GOD.
''oatside all in His nature," he mnst mean as here
'*&r from all things considered in His natnre." He
says here distinctly, ^in place nothing is fax from
Crod." S. Clement, loc cit., gives the same expla-
nation, as above noticed. It is observable that the
Tract Sab. Crreg. (which the Benedictines consider
not Athan.'8) speaks as Athan. does sapr., ^* not by
being co-extensive with all things, 'does Grod fill all ;
for this belongs to bodies, as air ; but He comprehends
all as a power, for He is an incorporeal, invisible power,
not encircling, not encircled." 10. Eusebius says the
same thiug, ''Deum circumdat nihil, circumdat Deus
omnia non corporaliter ; virtute enim incorporali adest
omnibus," &c. De Incorpor. i. init. ap« Sirm. Op.
t. i. p. 68. Vid. S. Ambros. " Quomodo creatura in Deo
esse potest," &c. de Fid. i. 16.
PAUL OF SAMOSATA. 237
PAUL OF SAMOSATA.
Mention of this Paul and of his sect is frequently
made by Athan. There is some difficulty in determining
what his opinions were. As far as the fragments of
the Antiochene Acts State or imply, he taught, more
or less, as follows: — that the Son's pre-existence was
only in the divine foreknowledge, Eouth. Eell. t. 2,
p. 466 ; that to hold His substantial pre-existence was
to hold two Grods, ibid. p. 467 ; that He was, if not an
instrument, an impersonal attribute, p. 469 ; that His
manhood was not "unalterably made one with the
Godhead," p. 473; "that the Word and Christ were
not one and the same," p. 474; that Wisdom was in
Christ as in the prophets, only more abundantly, as in
a temple; that He who appeared was not Wisdom,
p. 475 ; in a word, as it is summed up, p. 484, that
"Wisdom was bom with the manhood, not substan-
tially, but according to quality." vid. also p. 476, 485.
All this plainly shows that he held that our Lord's
personality was in His Manhood, but does not show
that he held a second personality as being in His
Godhead; rather he considered the Word impersonal,
though the Fathers in Council urge upon him that he
ought with his views to hold two Sons, one from
eternity, and one in time, p. 485.
Accordingly the Synodal Letter after his deposition
238 PAUL OP RAMOSATA.
speaks of him as holding that Christ came not from
heaven, but from beneath. Euseb. Hist. vii. 30. S.
Athanasius's account of his doctrine is altogether in
accordance, (vid. vol. i. supr. p. 25, note 1,) viz., that
Paul taught that our Lord was a mere man, and that
He was advanced to His Divine power, Ik tt/oo ko it ijc-
However, since there was much correspondence
between Paul and Nestorius, (except in the doctrine
of the personality and eternity of the Word, which the
Arian controversy determined and the latter held,) it
was not unnatural that reference should be made to
the previous heresy of Paul and its condemnation
when that of Nestorius was on trial. Yet the Con-
testatio against Nestorius which comniences the Acts
of the Council of Ephesus, Harduin. Cone. t. i. p. 1272,
and which draws out distinctly the parallel between
them, says nothing to show that Paul held a double
personality. And though Anastasius tells us, Hodegi
c. 7, p. 108, that the " holy Ephesian Council showed
that the tenets of Nestorius agreed with the doctrine
of Paul of Samosata," yet in c. 20^ p. 323, 4, he shows
us what he means, by saying that Artemon also before
Paul ** divided Christ in two." Ephrem of Antioch
too says that Paul held that " the Son before ages was
one, and the Son in the last time another," ap. Phot,
pi. 814; but he seems only referring to the words of
th« Antiochene Acts, quoted above. Again, it is
plain from what Vigilius says in Eutych. t. v. p. 731,
Ed. CoL 1618, (the passage is omitteki in Ed. Par.
1624,) that the Eutychians considered that Paul atid
Nestorius differed; the former holding that 6ur Ijord
PAUL OF SAMOSATA. 239
was a mere man, the latter a mere man only till He
was united to the Word. And Marius Mercator says,
** Nestorius circa Verbum Dei, non ut Paulus sentit, qui
non substantivum, sed prolatitium potentiae Dei efficax
Verbum esse definit." Part 2, p. 17. Ibas, and Theo-
dore of Mopsuestia, though more suspicious witnesses,
say the same. Vid. Facund. vi. 3, iii. 2, and Leontius
de Sectis, iii. p. 504. To these authorities may be
added Nestorius's express words, Serm. 12, ap. Mar.
Merc. t. 2, p. 87, and Assemani takes the same view,
Bibl. Orient, t. 4, p. 68, 9.
The principal evidence in favour of Paul's Nesto-
rianism consists in the Letter of Dionysius to Paul and
his answer to Paul's Ten Questions, which are certainly
spurious, as on other grounds, so on some of those
urged against the professed Creed of Antioch, (in my
** Theol. Tracts,") but which Dr. Burton in his excellent
remarks on Paul's opinions, Bampton Lectures, Note
102, admits as genuine. And so does the accurate and
cautious Tillemont, who in consequence is obliged to
believe that Paul held Nestorian doctrines ; also Bull,
Fabricius, Natalis Alexander, &c. In holding these
compositions to be certainly spurious, I am following
Valesius, Harduin, Montfaucon, Pagi, Mosheim, Cave,
Routh, and others.
240 PERSONAL ACTS AND OFFICES OF OUE IX)KD.
PEESONAL ACTS AND OFFICES OF OUR
LOED.
There are various (and those not the least prominent
and important) acts and offices of om- Lord, which,
as involving the necessity of both His natures in con-
currence and belonging to His Person, may be said to
be either OeavSpiKci (vid. art. under that heading), or
instances of avriSotrig iBiwfjLartjjv (vid. also art. on it).
Such are His office and His acts as Priest, as Judge, &c.,
in which He can be viewed neither as simply God, nor
as simply man, but in a third aspect, as Mediator, the
two natures indeed being altogether distinct, but the
character, in which He presents Himself to us by the
union of these natures, belonging rather to His Person,
which is composite.
t Athanasius says, Orat. ii. § 16, "Since we men
would not acknowledge Grod through His Word, nor
serve the Word of God our natural Master, it pleased
God to show in man His own Lordship, and so to
draw all men to Himself. But to do this by a mere
man beseemed not ; lest, having man for our Lord, we
should become worshippers of man. Therefore the
Word Himself became flesh, and the Father called
His Name Jesus, and so * made ' Him Lord and Christ,
as much as to say, *He made Him to rule and to
reign,' that while in the name of Jesus, whom ye
PERSONAL ACTS AND OFFICES OF OUB LOBD. 24:1
crucified, every knee bows, we may acknowledge as
Lord and King both the Son and through Him the
Father." Here the renewal of mankind is made to
be the act, primarily indeed of the Word, our natural
Master, but not from Him, as such, simply, but as
given to Him to carry out by the Father, when He
became incarnate, by virtue of His Pei'sona compoaita.
t He says again that, though none could be "a
beginning" of creation, who was a creature, yet still
that such a title belongs not to His essence. It is the
name of an office which the Eternal Word alone can
fill. His Divine Sonship is both superior and ne-
cessary to that office of a " Beginning." Hence it is
both true (as he says) that " if the Word is a creature.
He is not a beginning ; " and yet that that " begin-
ning" is "in the number of the creatures." Though
He becomes the " beginning," He is not " a beginning
as to His substance; " vid. Orat. ii. § 60, where he says,
" He who is before My cannot be a begmning of ally
but is other than all." He is the beginning in the
sense of Archetype.
t And so again of His Priesthood (vid. art. upon it),
the Catholic doctrine is that He is Priest, neither as
Crod nor as man simply, but as being the Divine Word
in and according to His manhood.
t Again S. Augustine says of judgment : " He
judges by His divine power, not by His human, and
yet man himself will judge, as * the Lord of Glory ' was
crucified." And just before, " He who believes in Me,
believes not in that which he sees, lest our hope
should be in a creature, but in Him who has taken
VOL. II. B
242 PERSONAL AOTS AND OFFICES OF OUB LORD.
on Him the creature, in which He might appear to
human eyes." Trin. i. 27, 28.
% And so again none but the Eternal Son could be
TT/owroroicocj yot He is so called only when sent, first as
Creator, and then as Incarnate. Orat. ii. § 64.
H The phrase \6yog^ y \6yog Idrt, is frequent in
Athan., as denoting the distinction between the Word's
original nature and His offices, vid. Orat. i, § 43, 44,
47, 48. ii. § 8, 74. iii. § 38, 39, 41, 44, 52. iv. § 23,
PHILOSOPHY. 248
PHILOSOPHY.
Athan. says, speaking of ayivvtirovy "I am told the
word has different senses." Deer. § 28.
And so de Syn. § 46, " we have on careful inquiry
ascertained," &c. Again, "I have acquainted myself
on their account [the Arians'] with the meaning of
aylviiTov." Orat. i. § 30. This is remarkable, for
Athan. was a man of liberal education. In the same
way S. Basil, whose cultivation of mind none can
doubt, speaks slightingly of his own philosophical
knowledge. He writes of his "neglecting his own
weakness, and being utterly unexercised in such
disquisitions ; " contr. Eunom. init. And so in de Sp.
S. n. 5, he says, that "they who have given time"
to vain philosophy, "divide causes into principal, co-
operative," &c. Elsewhere he speaks of having "ex-
pended much time on vanity, and wasted nearly all
his youth in the vain labour of pursuing the studies of
that wisdom which Grod has made foolishness." Ep.
223, 2. In truth Christianity has a philosophy of its
own. Thus at the commencement of his Vise Dux,
Anastasius says, "It is a first point to be understood
that the tradition of the Catholic Church does not
proceed upon, or follow, the philosophical definitions
in all respects of the Grreeks, and especially as regards
the mystery of Christ and the doctrine of the Trinity,
b2
2i4: I»HILOSOPH^.
but a certain rule of its own, evangelical and apo^
tolical ; " p. 20. In like manner, Damascene, speaking
of the Jacobite use of (ftvmg and vTroorao-^c* says, " Who
of holy men ever thus spoke? unless ye introduce to
us your St. Aristotle as a thirteenth Apostle, and pre-
fer the idolater to the divinely inspired." contr. Jacob.
10, p. 399; and so again Leontius, speaking of Philo-
ponus, who from the Monophysite confusion of nature
and hypostasis was led into Tritheism. "He thus
argued, taking his start from Aristotelic principles;
for Aristotle says that there are of individuals particu-
lar substances as well as one common." de Sect. v. fin.
f " What our Fathers have delivered," says Athan.,
"this is truly doctrine; and this is truly the token of
doctors, to confess the same thing with each other, and
to vary neither from themselves nor from their fathers ;
whereas they who have not this character, are not to
be called true doctors but evil. Thus the Greeks, as
not witnessing to the same doctrines, but quarrelling
one with another, have no truth of teaching ; but the
holy and veritable heralds of the truth agree together,
not dififer. For though they lived in different times,
yet they one and all tend the same way, being pro-
phets of the one God, and preaching the same Word
harmoniously." Deer. § 4.
S. Basil says the same of the Grecian Sects:
"We have not the task of refuting their tenets, for
they suflSce for the overthrow of each other." Hexaem.
i. 2. vid. also Theod. Graec. Aflfect. i. p. 707, &c.
August. Civ. Dei. xviii. 41, and Vincentius's celebrated
Commonitorium pasai/m*
PEIESTHOOD OF CHEIST. 245
PEIESTHOOD OF CHEIST.
" The expressions He became and He was made,*' says
Athanasius, on Hebr. iii. 2, (vid. Orat. ii. § 8,) " must
not be understood as if the Word, considered as the
Word, were made, (vid. art. Personal Acts, &c.,) but
because the Word, being Framer of all, afterwards was
made High Priest, by putting on a body which was
made."
f In a certain true sense our Lord may be called
a Mediator before He became incarnate, but the Arians,
even Eusebius, seem to have made His mediatorship
consist essentially in His divine nature, instead of
holding that it was His office, and that He was made
Mediator when He came in the flesh. Eusebius, like
Philo and the Platonists, considers Him as made in
the beginning the "Eternal Priest of the Father."
Demonst. v. 3. de Laud. C. p. 503 fin. "an inter-
mediate divine power," p. 525, " mediating and joining
generated substance to the Ingenerate," p. 528.
f The Arians considered that our Lord's Priesthood
preceded His Incarnation, and belonged to His Divine
Nature, and was in consequence the token of an in-
ferior divinity. The notice of it therefore in Heb. iii.
I, 2, did but confirm them in their interpretation of the
words inade, &c. For the Arians, vid, Epipbt Hser.
69, 37. Eusebius too had distinctly declared, " Qui
246 PRIESTHOOD OP CHRIBT.
videbatur, erat agnus Dei; qui occultabatur sacerdos
Dei." advers. Sabell. i. p. 2, b. vid. also Demonst. i. 10,
p. 38, iv. 16, p. 193, V. 3, p. 223, vid. contr. Marc,
pp. 8 and 9, 66, 74, 95. Even S. Cyril of Jerusalem
makes a similar admission, Catech. x. 14. Nay, S.
Ambrose calls the Word, "plenum justitiae sacerdota-
lis," de fug. SsBc. 3, 14. S. Clement Alex, before them
speaks once or twice of the Xoyog apxiepevg^ e.g.
Strom, ii. 9 fin, and Philo still earlier uses similar lan-
guage, de Profug. p. 466 (whom S. Ambrose follows),
de Somniis, p. 597. vid. Thomassin. de Incam. x. 9.
Nestorius on the other hand maintained that the Man
Christ Jesus was the Priest; Cyril adv. Nest. p. 64.
And Augustine and Fulgentius may be taken to coun-
tenance him, de Consens. Evang. i. 6, and ad Thrasim.
iii. 30. The Catholic doctrine is, that the Divine
Word is Priest in and cbccording to His manhood, vid.
the parallel use of ir/Qwroroicoc infr. art. in voc. "As He
is called Prophet and even Apostle for His humanity,"
says S. Cyril Alex., " so also Priest." Glaph. ii. p. 58.
And so Epiph. loc. cit. Thomassin. loc. cit. makes a
distinction between a divine Priesthood or Mediator-
ship, such as the Word may be said to sustain between
the Father and all creatures, and an earthly and sacri-*
ficial for the sake of sinners, vid. also Huet. Origenian.
ji. 3, § 4, 5.
PEIVATB JUDGMEM ON SCaiPTTJEE. 247
PKIVATE JUDGMENT ON SCKIPTURE.
(Vid. art. Rule of Faith.)
The two phrases by which Athan. denotes private
judgment on religious matters, and his estimate of it,
are ra tSta and a ^deXov, e.g.
f " Laying down their private {rriv iSiav) impiety
as some sort of rule (wc icavova^rtva, i.e. as a Rule of
Faith), they wrest all the divine oracles into accord-
ance with it." Orat. i. § 52. And so iSio}v KaKovoitJv,
Orat. ii. § 18. rat^ iStcug juwdoTrXafrriaig. Orat. iii.
§ 10, and, " they make the language of Scripture their
pretence; but, instead of the true sense, sowing upon
it (Matt. xiii. 25y vid. art. iiritnrBipag) the private (tov
iSiov) poison of their heresy." Orat. i. § 53. And so,
Kara rbv ISiov vovv. Orat. i. § 37. rriv iSiav atri^eiav*
iii. § 55. And, " He who speaketh of his own, Ik twv
lSlo}Vf speaketh a lie." contr. ApoU. i. fin.
f And so other writers: "They used to call the
Church a virgin," says Hegesippus, "for it was not
yet defiled by profane doctrines . . . the Simonists,
Dositheans, &c. . . . each privately (iSlwg) and sepa-
rately has brought in a private opinion." ap. Euseb.
Hist. iv. 22. Ruffinus says of S. Basil and S.
Gregory, "Putting aside all Greek literature, they
are said to have passed thirteen years together
in studying the Scriptures alone, and followed out
248 PRIVATE JUDGMENT ON SCEIPTURE.
their ««7i««, not from their private opinion^ but by the
writings and authority of the Fathers," &c. Hist. ii.
9. Sophronius at Seleucia cried out, "If to publish
day after day our own private (iSiav) will, be a
profession of faith, accuracy of truth will fail us."
Socr, ii. 40.
"We must not make an appeal to the Scriptures,
nor take up a position for the fight, in which victory can-
not be, or is doubtful, or next to doubtful. For though
this conflict of Scripture with Scripture did not end in
a drawn battle, yet the true order of the subject re-
quired that that should be laid down first, which now
becomes but a point of debate, viz. who have a claim
to the faith itself, whose are the Scriptures." TertuU.
de Prsescr. 19. "Seeing the Canon of Scripture is
perfect, &c., why need we join unto it the authority
of the Church's understanding and interpretetion ?
because the Scripture being of itself so deep and
profound, all men do not understand it in one and
the same sense, but so many men^ so Tnany opinions
almost may be gathered out of it; for Novatian ex-
pounds it one way, Photinus another, SabeUius," &c.,
Vincent. Comm. 2. Hippolytus has a passage very
much to the same purpose, contr. Noet. 9 fin.
As to the phrase cue ovroi OiXovai^ vid. Xlyovrec /iii
ovTw^ . . a>c 1? 6icicXi7<r«a Kripvaau^ aXX' cue ovroi OiXovtri.
Orat. iii. § 10, words which follow l^iaig /uvfloTrXaor/acCj
quoted just above. Vid. also iii. § 8 and 17. This
is a common phrase with Athan. cue ifllXijo-cv, amp
iOeXriffav, orav fllXcucrt, ovg iOiXrifrav, &c., &c., the pro-
ceedings of the heretics being self-willed from first to
PRIVATE JUDGMENT ON SCRIPTUBE. 249
last. Vid. Sent. Dion. 4 and 16. Mort. Ar. fin. Apoll.
ii. 5 init. in contrast with the evayycXeKoc 6/ooc. Also
Deer. § 3. Syn. § 13. Ep. Mg. § 5, 19, 22. Apol.
Arian. § 2, 14, 36, 36, 73, 74, 77. Apol. Const. § 1.
de Fug. § 2, 3, 7. Hist. Arian. § 2, 7, 47, 52, 54, 59,
60.
In like manner a )3ovXovrae, &c. Ep. Enc. 7. Ap.
Arian. § 82, 83. Ep. ^Eg. § 6. Apol. Ck)nst. § 32.
de Fug. § 1. Hist. Ar. 15, 18.
250 THE EULE OF FAITH.
THE EULE OF FAITH.
The recognition of this rule is the basis of St. Atha-
nasius's method of arguing against Arianism. Vid.
art. Private Judgment. It is not his aim ordinarily
to prove doctrine by Scripture, nor does he appeal to
the private judgment of the individual Christian in
order to determine what Scripture means; but he
assumes that there is a tradition, substantive, inde-
pendent, and authoritative, such as to supply for us
the true sense of Scripture in doctrinal matters — a
tradition carried on from generation to generation by
the practice of catechising, and by the other ministra-
tions of Holy Church. He does not care to contend
that no other meaning of certain passages of Scrip-
ture besides this traditional Catholic sense is possible
or is plausible, whether true or not, but simply that
any sense inconsistent with the Catholic is untrue,
untrue because the traditional sense is apostolic and
decisive. What he was instructed in at school and in
church, the voice of the Christian people, the analogy
of faith, the ecclesiastical ^povYj/ica, the writings of
saints; these are enough for him. He is in no sense
an inquirer, nor a mere disputant; he has received,
and he transmits. Such is his position, though the
expressions and turn of sentences which indicate it are
so delicate and indirect, and so scattered about his
THE EULE OF FAITH. 251
pages, that it is difficult to collect them and to analyse
what they imply. Perhaps the most obvious proof
that what I have stated is substantially true, is that on
any other supposition he seems to argue illogically.
Thus he says : " The Arians, looking at what is human
in the Saviour, have judged Him to be a creature, . . •
But let them learn, however tardily, that the Word
became flesh ; " and then he goes on to show that he
does not rely simply on the inherent, unequivocal force
of St. John's words, satisfactory as that is, for he
adds, ** Let us, as possessing rov <tk6vov rijc Tr/orewcj
acknowledge that this is the right (opOrIvy orthodox)
understanding of what they understand wrongly/'
Orat. iii. § 35.
Again : " What they now allege from the Gospels
they explain in an unsound sense, as we may easily see
if we will but avail ourselves of rov o-kottov rijc ica^'
i^fiac TTtoTcwc, and using this wtnrtp Kavoviy apply our-
selves, as the Apostle says, to the reading of inspired
Scripture." Orat. iii. 28.
And again : " Since they pervert divine Scripture
in accordance with their own private (iStov) opinion,
we must so far (joktovtov) answer them as {otrov) to
justify its word, and to show that its sense is orthodox,
opO^v." Orat. i. 37.
For other instances, vid. art. opOog; also vid. supr.
vol. i. pp. 36, 237 note, 392, fin. 409 ; also Scrap, iv.
§ 15, Gent. § 6, 7, and 33.
% In Orat. ii. § 5, after showing that " made " is
used in Scripture for " begotten," in other instances
besides that of our Lord, he says, *^ Nature and truth
, 252 THE EULE OF FAITH.
draw the meaning to themselves " of the sacred text —
that is, while the style of Scripture jvMifies us in thus
interpreting the word "made," doctrinal truth obliges
us to do so. He considers the Eegula Fidei the
principle of interpretation, and accordingly he goes on
at once to apply it.
If It is his way to start with some general exposition
of the Catholic doctrine which the Arian sense of the
text in dispute opposes, and thus to create a jpro^v/-
didum or proof against the latter; vid. Orat. i. 10, 38,
40 init. 53, ii. § 12 init. 32—34, 35, 44 init., which
refers to the whole discussion, (18 — 43,) 73, 77, iii. 18
init. 36 init. 42, 51 init. &c. On the other hand
he makes the ecclesiastical sense the rule of interpreta-
tion, TovTif) (rd^ aKoird^i the general drift of Scripture
doctrine) Sixnrtp Kavovi ^ptitrajmevoif as quoted just
above. This illustrates what he means when he says
that certain texts have a " good," " pious," " ortho-
dox " sense, i.e. they can be interpreted (in spite, if
so be, of appearances) in harmony with the Regula.
Fidei.
f It is with a reference to this great principle that he
begins and ends his series of Scripture passages, which
he defends from the misinterpretation of the Arians.
When he begins, he refers to the necessity of inter-
preting them according to that sense which is not the
result of private judgment, but is orthodox. " This,"
he says, " I conceive is the meaning of this passage,
and that a meaning especially ecclesiastical" Orat. i.
§ 44. And he ends with : " Had they dwelt on these
thoughts, and recognised the ecclesiastical scope as an
1?HE RULE OF I'AITH. 253
anchor for the faith, they would not of the faith have
made shipwreck." Orat. iii. § 58.
f It is hardly a paradox to say that in patristical
works of controversy the conclusion in a certain sense
proves the premisses. As then he here speaks of the
ecclesiastical scope " as an anchor for the faith ; " so
when the discussion of texts began, Orat. i. § 37, he
introduces it as already quoted by saying, " Since they
allege the divina oracles and force on them a misinter-
pretation according to their private sense, it becomes
necessary to meet them so far as to do justice to these
passages, and to show that they bear an orthodox sense,
and that our opponents are in error." Again, Orat. iii.
7, he says, " What is the difficulty , that one must n^ed
take such a view of such passages ? " He speaks of
the <TK07roc as a Kavtov or rule of interpretation,
supr. iii. § 28. vid. also § 29 init. 35 Scrap, ii. 7.
Hence too he speaks of the "ecclesiastical sense,"
e.g. Orat. i. 44, Scrap, iv. 15, and of the (^p6vr\fiay
Orat. ii. 31 init. Deer. 17 fin. In ii. § 32, 3, he makes
the general or Church view of Scripture supersede
inquiry into the force of particular illustrations.
254 SABELLIUS .
SABELLIUS.
EuSEBius, Eccles. Theol. i. 20, p. 91, as well as the
Macrostich Confession, supr. vol. i. p. 106, says that
Sabellius held the Patripassian doctrine. Epiph.
however, Hfer. p. 398, denies it, and imputes the
doctrine to Noetus. Whatever Sabellius taught, it
should be noticed, that, in the reason which the Arian
Macrostich alleges against his doctrine, it is almost
implied that the divine nature of the Son suffered on
the Gross. The Arians' would naturally fall into this
notion directly they gave up their belief in our
Lord's absolute divinity. It would as naturally
follow to hold that our Lord had no human soul,
but that His pre-existent nature stood in the place
of it : — also that His Priesthood was not dependent
on His Incarnation.
f It is diflScult to dedde what Sabellius's doctrine
really was; nor is this wonderful, considering the
perplexity and vacillation which is the ordinary con-
sequence of abandoning Catholic truth. Also we must
distinguish between him and his disciples. He is con-
sidered by Eusebius, Eccl. Theol. i. p. 91, Patripassian,
i.e. as holding that the Father was the Son; also by
Athan. Orat. iii. 36 init. de Sent. Dion. 5 and 9. By
the Eusebians of the Macrostich Creed ap. Athan. de
Syn. 26 vol. i. supr. By Basil. Ep. 210, 5. By Euffin. in
SABlOJiIUS. 255
Symb. 5. By Augustine de Haer. 41. By Theodor.
Haer. ii. 9, And apparently by Origen. ad Tit. t. 4,
p. 695. And by Cyprian. Ep. 73. On the other
hand, Epiphanius seems to deny it, ap. August. 1. c.
and Alexander, by comparing Sabellianism to the ema-
nation doctrine of Valentinus, ap. Theod. Hist. i. 3,
p. 743.
If Sabellians, as Arians, denied that the Word was a
substance, and as the Samosatenes, who, according
to Epiphanius, considered our Lord the internal, Iv-
BiaOiTog, Word and Thought, Haer. 65.
All Sabellians, except Patripassians, mainly diflfered
from Arians only at this point, viz. when it was that
our Lord came into being. Both parties considered
Him a creature, and the true Word and Wisdom but
attributes or energies of the Almighty. This Lucifer
well observes to Constantius, with the substitution
of Paulus and Photinus for Sabellius, " Quid interesse
arbitraris inter te et Paulum Samosatenum, vel eum tum
ejus discipulum tuum conscotinum, nisi quia tu * ante
omnia ' dicas, ille vero * post omnia ' " ? p. 203, 4. A
subordinate diflference was that the Samosatenes, Pho-
tinians, &c., considered our Lord to be really gifted
with the true Word, whereas Arians did scarcely more
than admit Him to be formed after its pattern.
The Sabellians agreed with the Arians, as far as
words went, in considering the Logos as a creative
attribute, vid. Sent D. 26. Ep. iEgypt. 14 fin.
Epiph. Haer. 72, p. 835; but such of them as held
that the Logos actually took flesh, escaped the mys-
tery of God subsisting in Two Persons, only by
256 SABELLIUS.
falling into the heterodox notion that His nature was
compounded of substance and attribute or quality,
(TvvOiTOv Tov Oiov Ik TroiorriTog icai oixriag* They vir-
tually denied, with many Trinitarians outside the
Church in this day, that the Son and again the Spirit
is SXoc flcoc; but, if Each is not oXoc fooc, Grod is
SANOTIFICATION. ' 257
SANCTIFICATION.
Athanasius insists earnestly on the merciful dispen-
sation of God, who has not barely given us through
Christ justification, but has made our sanctification to
be included in the gift, and santification through the
personal presence in us of the Son. After saying,
Incam. § 7, that to accept mere repentance from sinners
would not have been fitting, evXoyov, he continues,
"Nor does repentance recover us from our state of
. nature, it does but arrest the course of sin. Had
there been but a fault committed, and not a subse-
quent corruption^ repentance had been well, but if,"
&c. vid. Incarnation and Freedom,
" While it is mere man who receives the gift, he is
liable to lose it again (as was shown in the case of
Adam, for he received and he lost), but that the grace
may be irrevocable, and may be kept sure by men,
therefore it is the Son who Himself appropriates the
gift." Orat. iii. § 38.
He received gifts in order "that for His sake (8t'
avrbv) men might henceforward upon earth have
power against devils, as * having become partakers of a
divine nature,' and in heaven might, as * being delivered
from corruption,' reign everlastingly ; . . . and, whereas
the flesh received the gift in Him, henceforth by It for
us also that gift might abide secure." Orat. iii. § 40.
VOL. rr. s
258 SANCTIFICATION.
" The Word of Grod, who loves man, put on Himself
created flesh, at the Father's will, that, whereas the
first man had made the flesh dead through the trans-
gression, He Himself might quicken it in the Blood of
His own body." Orat. ii. § 65. Vid. also Orat. i.
§ 48, 51, ii. § 56.
If " How could we be partakers of the adoption of
sons, unless through the Son we had received from
Him that communion with Him, — unless His Word had
been made flesh, and had comniunicated that Flesh to
us?" Iren. Hser. iii. 19. "He took part of flesh and
blood, that is. He became man, whereas He was Life
by nature, . . . that, uniting Himself to the corruptible
flesh according to the measure of its own nature,
ineffably and inexpressibly, and as He alone knows. He
might bring it to His own life, and render it partaker
through Himself of Grod and the Father. . . . For He
bore our nature, re-fashioning it into His own life. . . .
He is in us through the Spirit, turning our natural
corruption into incorruption, arid changing death to its
contrary." Cyril, in Joan. ix. dr. fin.
If "The Word having appropriated the affections of
the flesh, no longer do those affections touch the body,
because of the Word who has come in it, but they are
destroyed by Him, and henceforth men . . . abide
ever immortal and incorruptible." Orat. iii. § 33. vid.
ako Incam. c, Ar. § 12. contr. ApoU. i. § 17. ii. § 6.
"Since God the Word willed to annul the passions,
whose end is death, and His deathless nature was not
capable of them, .... He is made flesh of the Virgin in
the way He knoweth," &c. Procl. ad. Armen. p. 616.
SANCTIFICATION. 259
Also Leon. Serm. 22, pp. 69, 71. Serm. 26, p. 88.
Nyssen. contr. Apoll. t. 2, p. 696. Cyril. Epp. p. 138, 9.
in Joan. p. 95. Chrysol. Serm. 148.
If " His body is none other than His, and is a natural
recipient of grace; for He received grace as far as
man's nature was exalted, which exaltation was its
being deified." Orat. i. § 45. vid. arts. Indwellvag and
Deification,
s2
260 SCRIPTURE CANON.
SCRIPTURE CANON.
Athan. will not allow that the Pastor is canonical,
Deer. § 18. "In the Shepherd it is written, since
they [the Arians] allege this book also, though it is
not in the Canon ; " yet he uses the formula, ** It is
written."
If And so in Ep. Fest. fin. he enumerates it with
Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Esther, Judith, Tobit, and
others, "not canonised, but appointed by the Fathers
to be read by recent converts and persons under
teaching." He calls it elsewhere a most profitable
book. Incam. 3.
If As to the phrase, " it is written," or " he says,"
TaSs Xiyeif the Douay renders such phrases by
"he," Sib Xiyei, "wherefore he saith," Eph. v. 14;
eipriKE irepi rrjg ejSSojUTjc ovtw^ "Ae spoke," Heb. iv.
4 ; and 7, " he limiteth." And we xnay take in explana-
tion, " As the Holy Grhost saith. To-day," &c. Heb. iii.
7. Or understand with Athan. SieXiy^H Xiywv 6
HavXog. Orat. i. §*57. a>c eiinv 6 'Iwavvrig* Orat. iii. § 30.
vid. also iv. § 31. On the other hand, "doth not the
Scripture say," John vii. 42 ; " what saith the Scrip-
ture ? " Rom. iv. 3 ; "do you think that the Scripture
saith in vain ? " &c. James iv. 5. And so Athan. olSev ??
Oeia ypa<l>fi Xeyovcra. Orat. i. § 56. Wog ry Bdy ypaij^y . .
^ij<y«. Orat. iv. § 27. XeyBi r\ y/oa^Tj, Deer. § 22. ^?j<riv i\
7/t>a^T7, Syn. § 52.
AUTHORITY OF SCRIPTURE. 263
AUTHOEITY OF SCRIPTUEE.
Athanasius considers Scripture sufficient for the proof
of such fundamental doctrines as came into contro-
v<5rsy during the Arian troubles; but, while in con-
sequence he ever appeals to Scripture, (and indeed has
scarcely any other authoritative document to quote,)
he ever speaks against interpreting it by a private
rule instead of adhering to ecclesiastical tradition.
Tradition is with him of supreme authority, including
therein catechetical instruction, the teaching of the
aohola^ ecumenical belief, the <l>p6viifia of Catholics, the
ecclesiastical scope, the analogy of faith, &c.
"The holy and inspired Scriptures are sufficient of
themselves for the pteaching of the truth; yet thisre
are also many treatises of our blessed teachers com-
posed for this purpose." contr. Gent. init. "For
studying and mastering the Scriptures, there is nieed
of a good life and a pure soul, and virtue according to
Christ," Incam. 57. "Since divine Scripture is suffi-
cient more than anything else, I recommend persons
who wish to know fully concerning these things," (thie
doctrine of the Blessed Trinity,) "to read the divine
oracles," ad Ep. iEg. 4. "The Scriptures are suffi-
cient for teaching; but it is good for us to exhort
each other in the faith, and to refresh each other with
discourses." Vit, S. Ant. 16. "We must seek before
262 AUTHORITY OF SCRIPTURE.
all things whether He is Son, and on this point
specially search the Scriptures, for this it was, when
the Apostles were questioned, that Peter answered,*'
&c. Orat. ii. § 73. And passim in Athan. Vid.
Serap. i. 32 init. iv. fin, contr. ApoU. i. 6, 8, 9, 11,
22. ii. 8, 9, 13, 14, 17—19.
If "The doctrine of the Church should be proved,
not announced, (a7roSe£fcreico>c ovk airoipavriiciijgl) there-
fore show that Scripture thus teaches." Theod. Eran.
p. 199. "We have learned the rule of doctrine
(Kovova) out of divine Scripture." ibid. p. 213.
"Do not believe me, let Scripture be recited. I
do not say of myself, 'In the beginning was the
Word,' but I hear it; I do not invent, but I read;
what we all read, but not all understand." Ambros.
de Incam. 14. "Non recipio quod extra Scripturam
de tuo infers." Tertull. Cam, Christ. 7. vid. also 6.
" You departed from inspired Scripture, and therefore
did fall from grace." Max. de Trin. Dial. v. 29. « The
Children of the Church have received from their holy
Fathers, that is, the holy Apostles, to guard the faith ;
and withal to deliver and preach it to their own
children. . . . Cease not, faithful and orthodox men,
thus to speak, and to teach the like from the divine
Scriptures, and to walk, and to catechise, to the con-
firmation of yourselves and those who hear you ;
namely, that holy faith of the Catholic Church, as the
holy and only Virgin of God received its custody from
the holy Apostles of the Lord; and thus, in the case
of each of those who are under catechising, who are to
approach the Holy Bath, ye ought not only to preach
AUTHOBITY OF SCBIPTURii. 263
iaith to your children in the Lord, but also to teach
them expressly, as your common mother teaches, to
say: <We believe in One God,'" &c. Epiph. Ancor.
119, fin. who thereupon proceeds to give at length
the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed. And so Athan.
speaks of the orthodox faith, as " issuing from Aposto-
lical teaching and the Fathers' tradition, and confirmed
by New and Old Testament." ad Adelph. 6, init.
Cyril Hier. too, as "declared by the Church and esta-
blished from all Scripture." Cat. v. 12. " Let us
guard with vigilance what we have received
What then have we received from the Scriptures but
altogether this? that God made the world by the
Word," &c. &c. Procl. ad Armen. Ep.2, p. 612. " That
God the Word, after the union, remained such as He
was, &c., so clearly hath divine Scripture, and more-
over the doctors of the Churches, and the lights of the
world taught us." Theodor. Eran. p. 175, init. " That it
is the tradition of the Fathers is not the whole of our
case; for they too followed the meaning of Scripture,
starting from the testimonies, which just now we laid
before you from Scripture." Basil de Sp. S. n. 16. vid.
also a remarkable passage in Athan. Synod. § 6, fin.
If S. Gregory says in a well - known passage,
" Why art thou such a slave to the letter, and
takest up with Jewish wisdom, and pursuest sylla-
bles to the loss of things ? For if thou wert to say,
' twice five,' or ' twice seven,' and I concluded * ten '
or * fourteen ' from your words, or from * a rea-
sonable mortal animal ' I concluded ' man,' should I
seem to you absurd? how so, if I did but give your
204 AUTHORITY OF SCRIPTUEfi.
meaning? for words belong as much to him who de-
mands them as to him who utters." Orat. 31. 24.
vid. also Hil. contr. Constant. 16. August. Ep. 238,
n. 4 — 6. Cyril. Dial. i. p. 391. Petavius refers to other
passages, de Trin. iv. 5, § 6.
If Ini interpreting Scripture, Athan. always assumes
that the Catholic teaching is true, and the Scripture
must be explained by it, vid. art. Rule of Faith. Thus
he says, Orat. ii. 3, " If He be Son, as indeed He is,
. let them not question about the terms which the sacred
writers use of Him. . . . For terms do not disparage
His Nature, but rather that Nature draws to itself
those terms and changes them." And presently,
"Nature and truth draw the meaning to themselves;
this being so, why ask, is He a work ? it is proper to
ask of them first, is He a Son?" ii. 5.
If The great and essential difference between Catho-
lics and non-Catholics was that Catholics interpreted
Scripture by Tradition, and non-Catholics by their
own private judgment.
If That not only Arians, but heretics generally, pro-
fessed to be guided by Scripture, we know from
many witnesses.
If Heretics in particular professed to be guided
by Scripture. TertulL Praescr. 8. For Gnostics, vid.
TertuUian's grave sarcasm, "Utantur haeretici omnes
scripturis ejus, cujus utuntur etiam mundo." Cam.
Christ. 6. For Arians, vid. supr. Avian tenets. And
so Marcellus, "We consider it imsafe to lay down
doctrine concerning things which we have not learned
with exactness from the divine Scriptures." (leg.
AUTHORITY OF SOfilPTURE. 265
trepl 5)v . . . wapa tCjv.) Euseb. Eccl. Theol. p. 177.
And Macedonians, vid. Leont, de Sect, iv, init. And
Monophysites, "I have not learned this from Scrip-
ture ; and I have a great fear of saying what it is
silent about." Theod. Eran. p. 215. S. Hilary brings
a number of these instances together with their re-
spective texts, Marcellus, Photinus, Sabellius, Mon-
tanus. Manes ; then he continues, " Omnes Scripturas
sine Scripturse sensu loquuntur, et fidem sine fide
pnetendunt. Scripturse enim non in legendo sunt,
sed in intelligendo, neque in praevaricatione sunt sed
in caritate." ad Const, ii. 9. vid. also Hieron. c.
Lucif. 27. August. Ep. 120, 13.
266 SCRIPTURE PASRAOES.
SCRIPTURE PASSAGES.
K 1. Gen. i. 26. — " Let us make man," &c.
The Catholic Fathers, as is well known, interpret
such texts as this in the general sense which we
find taken above (vol. i. de Syn. § 27, p. 112) by
the first Sirmian Council convened against Photinus,
Marcellus, &c. It is scarcely necessary to refer
to instances; Petavius, however, cites the following:
First, those in which the Eternal Father is con-
sidered in Gen. i. 26 to speak to the Son. Theo-
philus, ad Autol. ii. 18. Novatian, de Trin. 26.
Tertullian, Prax. 12. Synod. Antioch. contr. Paul.
Ssbmos. ap. Routh, Reliqu. t. 2, p. 468. Basil. Hexaem.
fin. Cyr. Hieros. Cat. x. 6. Cyril. Alex. Dial. iv. p. 516.
Athan. contr. Gentes, 46. Orat. iii. § 29 fin. Chrysost. in
Genes. Hom. viii. 3. Hilar. Trin. iv. 17, v. 8. Ambros.
Hexaem. vi. 7. Augustin. c. Maxim, ii. 26, n. 2. Next
those in which Son and Spirit are considered as
addressed. Theoph. ad Autol. ii. 18. Basil, contr.
Eunom. v. 4, p. 315. Pseudo-Chrysost. de Trin.
t. i. p. 832. Cyril. Thesaur. p. 12. Theodor. in Genes.
19. Hser. v. 3, and 9. But even here, where the
Arians agree with Catholics, they differ in this re-
markable respect, that in the Canons they pass in their
Councils, they place certain interpretations of Scripture
under the sanction of an anathema, showing how far
SCRIPTURE PASSAGES. 267
less free, the system of heretics is than that of the
Church.
1 2. Gen. xviii. 1. — "The Lord appeared to Abra-
ham," &c.
The same Sirmian Council anathematises those
who say that Abraham saw "not the Son, but the
Ingenerate God."
This again, in spite of the wording, which is
directed against the Catholic doctrine^ and is of an
heretical implication, is a Catholic interpretation, vid.
(besides Philo de Somniis, i. 12, p. 1139,) Justin. Tryph.
56, and 126. Iren. Hser. iv. 10, n. 1. TertuU. de Cam.
Christ. 6. adv. Marc. iii. 9. adv. Prax. 16. Novat. de
Trin. 18. Origen. in Gen. Hom. iv. 5. Cyprian, adv.
Jud. ii. 5. Antioch. Syn. contr. Paul, apud Routh,
Rell. t. 2, p. 469. Athan. Orat. ii. 13. Epiph. Ancor.
29 and 39. Hser. 71, 5. Chrysost. in Gen. Hom. 41, 6
and 7. These references are principally from Petavius ;
also from Dorscheus, who has written an elaborate
commentary on this Council. The implication alluded,
to above is, that the Son is of a visible -substance, and
thus is naturally the manifestation of the Invisible
God. Bull (Def. F. N. iv. 3) denies what Petavius
maintains, that this doctrine is found in Justin, Origen,
&c. The Catholic doctrine is that the Son manifests
Himself (and thereby His Father) by means of
material representations. Augustine seems to have
been the first who changed the mode of viewing the
texts in question, and considered the divine appearance,
not God the Son, but a created Angel, vid. de Trin.
268 ' SCRIPTURE PASSAGES.
ii. passim. Jansenius considers that he did so from a
suggestion of S. Ambrose, that the hitherto received
view had been the "origo haeresis Arianae," vid. his
Augustinus, lib. prooem. c. 12, t. 2, p. 12.
If 3. Exodus xxxiii. 23. — "Thou shalt see My back,
but M}r face," &c. ra oTrtaw fioVf and not to irpoawvov.
Grregory Naz. interprets to owifrw {oTri&dia) to mean
God's works in contrast with His elSog.
If 4. Deut. xxviii. 66- — "Thy Life shall be hanging
before thee."
Athanasius says, "His <a-ucifixion is denoted by
*Ye shall see your Life hanging.'" Orat. ii. 16, supr.
vol. i. p. 270.
Vid. Iren. Haer. iv. 10, 2. TertuU. in Jud. 11.
Cyprian. Testim. ii. 20. Lactant. Instit. iv. 18.
Cyril. Catech. xiii. 19. August, contr. Faust, xvi. 22^
which are referred to in loc. Cypr. (Oxf. Tr.) To
which add Leon. Serm. 59, 6. Isidor. Hisp. contr.
Jud. i. 35, ii. 6. Origen. in Gels. ii. 75. Epiph. Haer.
24, p. 75. Damasc. F. 0. iv. 11. fin. This interpre-
tation I am told by a great authority is recommended
even by the letter, which has 1330 l!? D^^^n. airivavri
Tijv o^floX/iwv aou, in Sept. " Pendebit tibi a regione,"
vid. Gesenius, who also says, " Since thin^ which are a
regione of a place, are necessarily a little removed from
it, it follows that 1)3D signifies at the same time to be
at a small distance," referring to the case of Hagar,
who was but a bow-shot from her child. Also, though
the word here is vhT)» yet n^n which is the same root.
SCRIPTURE PASSAGES. 269
is used for hanging on a stake, or crucifixion, e.g.
Gen. xl. 19. Dent. xxi. 22. Esth. v. 14 ; vii. 10.
If 5. Psalm xliv. 9.—" Therefore God, Thy God, hath
anointed Thee," &c.
" Whereforey^ says Athan. " does not imply reward
of virtue or conduct in the Word, but the reason why
He came down to us, and of the Spirit's anointing
which took place in Him for our sakes. For he says
not, 'Wherefore He anointed Thee in order to Thy
being God or King or Son or Word ; ' for so He was
before and is for ever, as has been shown ; but rather,
•Since Thou art God and King, therefore Thou wast
anointed, since none but Thou couldest unite man to
the Holy Ghost, Thou the Image of the Father, in
which we were made in the beginning; for Thine also
is the Spirit.* . . . That as through Him we have come
to be, so also in Him all men might be redeemed from
their sins, and by Him all things might be ruled."
Orat. i. § 49, supr. vol. i. p. 230.
The word "wherefore" denotes the fitness why the
Son of God should become the Son of man. His
Throne, as God, is for ever; He has loved righteous-
ness; therefore He is equal to the anointing of the
Spirit, as man. And so S. Cyril in Joan. lib. v.
2. "In this ineffable unity," says St. Leo, "of the
Trinity, whose words and judgments are common in
all, the Person of the Son has fitly undertaken to
repair the race of man, that since He it is by whom
all things were made, and without whom nothing is
made, and who breathed the truth of rational life into
270 SOBIPTURE PASSAGES.
men fashioned of the dust of the earth, so He too
should restore to its lost dignity our nature thus fallen
from the citadel of eternity, and should be the reformer
of that of which He had been the maker." Leon.
Serm. 64, 2. vid. Athan. de Incam. 7 fin. 10. In illud
Omn. 2. Cyril, in Gen. i. p. 13.
If 6. Proy. viii. 22. — "The Lord created Me in the
beginning of His ways, for His works."
The long and beautiful discourse left us by
Athanasius on the First-bom and His condescension,
may be said to have grown out of what must be
considered a wrong reading of this verse, created for
possessed, Efcricrs for Jjcrtjaoro being the Septuagint
translation of the Hebrew nip, as also in Gen. xiv.
19, 22. Such too is the sense of the word given in
the Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic versions, and the
greater number of primitive writers. In consequence
we find that it was one of the passages relied upon by
the forerunners of the Arians in the 3rd century, vid.
supr. vol. i. pp. 45 — 47. On the rise of Arianism,
Eusebius of Nicomedia appealed to it against Alexan-
der; also the other Eusebius in Demonstr. Evan v.
p. 212, &c. It was still insisted on in A.D. 350.
On the other hand, Aquila translates cicr?7<7aro, and
so read Basil c. Eunom. ii. 20, Nyssen c. Eunom i.
p. 34, Jerome in Is. xxvi. 13; and the Vulgate
translates possedit, vid. also Gen. iv. 1, and Deut.
xxxii. 8. The Hebrew sense is also recognised by
Eusebius, Eccl. Theol. iii. 2, p. 153, and Epiph. Haer.
69, 24.
SCRIPTURE PASSAGES. 271
Athanasius, assuming the word created to be cor-
rect, interprets it of our Lord's human nature,
as do Epiph. Hser. 69, 20—25. Basil. Ep. viii. 8.
Naz. Orat. 30. 2. Nyss. contr. Eunom. ut. supr.
et al. Cyril. Thesaur. p. 155. Hilar, de Trin. xii.
36 — 49. Ambros, de Fid. i. 15. August, de Fid.
et Symb. 6.
K Our Lord is apxn oSwv, says Athan. Orat. ii. 47,
fin. in contrast with His proper Sonship; and so
Justm understands the phrase, according to the
Benedictine Ed. vid. supr. art. Indwelling.
% 7. Isa. liii. 7. — "He shall be led as a sheep to
the slaughter.*'
Athan. says, Orat. i. § 54, supr. vol. i. p. 234, as else-
where, that the error of heretics in their interpreta-
tion of Scripture arises from their missing the person,
time, circumstances, &c., which Scripture has in view,
and which (as I understand him to imply) Tradition
(that is, the continuous teaching of the Church,) sup-
plies ; just as the Jews, as regards Isa. liii. instead
of learning from Philip, as he says, the meaning of the
chapter, conjecture its words to be spoken of Jeremias
or some other of the Prophets.
H The more common evasion on the part of the
Jews was to interpret the prophecy of their own
sufferings in captivity. It was an idea of Grrotius that
the prophecy received a first fulfilment in Jeremiah,
vid. Justin. Tryph. 72 et al. Iren. Haer. iv. 33. Tertull.
in Jud. 9. Cyprian Testim. in Jud, ii. 13. Euseb. Dem.
iii. 2, &c.
272 SCRIPTURE PASSAGES.
f 8. Jerem. xxxi. 22. — " The Lord hath created a
new salvation," &c.
This is the Septuagint version, as Athan. notices
Expos. F. § 3, Aquila's being ** The Lord hath created
a new thing in the woman." The Vulgate (" a new
thing upon the earth, a woman shall compass a man,")
is with the Hebrew. Athan. has preserved Aquila's
version in three other places, Ps. xxx. 12, lix. 5, and
Ixv. 18.
% 9. Matt. i. 25. — "And he knew her not, untU/*
&c., that is, until then when it became impossible,
and need not be denied.
Supposing it was said, "He knew her not till her
death," would not that mean, " He never knew her " ?
and in like manner, if she was " the Mother of God,"
it was an impossible idea, and the Evangelist would
feel it to be so. They only can entertain the idea who
in truth do not believe our Lord's divinity, who do not
believe literally that the Son of Mary is Q-od. Vid. art.
Mary.
K 10. Matt. iii. 17.— "This is My well-beloved Son,"
ayaTTirrocj &c. " Only-begotten and Well-beloved are
the same," says Athan. . . . "hence the Word, with
a view of conveying to Abraham the idea 'Only-
begotten,' says, * Offer thy Son, thy Well-beloved.'"
Orat. iv. § 24. He adds, ibid. iv. § 29, "The word
'Well-beloved' even the Greeks, who are skilful in
grammar, know to be equivalent with 'Only-be-
gotten.' For Homer speaks thus of Telemachus,
SOEIPTURE PASSAGES. 273
who was the only-begotfcen of Ulysses, in the second
book of the Odyssey : —
O'er the wide earth, dear youth, why seek to run,
An only child, a well-beloved son ? Qwvvog ewv ayaTriyroi;.)
He whom you mourn, divine Ulysses, fell,
Far from his country, where the strangers dwell.
Therefore he who is the only son of his father is called
well-beloved."
'AyaTTijroc is explained by fiovoyevfig by Hesychius,
Suidas, and Pollux; it is the version in the Sept.
equally with fiovoyevrig of the Hebrew ^^DJ. Homer
calls Astyanax * EicropiSiiiv ayawriTov; Plutarch notices
the instance of Telemachus, '^Ojuiripog ayawrirbv ovofiaZ^u
fiovvov rryXvyerov, Tovritrri juLrj ixovm erepov yovev<n
firfri E^ov<Ti yeyevvrifiuvovf as quoted by Wetstein in
Matt. iii. 17. Vid. also Suicer in voc.
f 11. Matt. xii. 32. — "Whosoever shall speak a
word," &c.
This passage, which is commented on at Orat. i. § 50,
Athan. explains at some length in Scrap, iv. 8, &c.,
supr. vol. i. p. 231. Origen, he says, and Theognostus
understand the sin against the Holy Ghost to be
apostasy from the grace of Baptism, referring to Heb.
vi. 4. So far the two agree ; but Origen went on to say,
that the proper power or virtue of the Son extends
over rational natures alone, e.g. heathens, but that of
the Spirit only over Christians; those then who sin
against the Son or their reason, have a remedy in
Christianity and its baptism, but nothing remains for
VOL. FT. T
274 SCElWXmE PASSAGES.
those who sin against the Spirit. But Theognostus,
referring to the text, " I have many things to say, but
ye cannot bear them now; howbeit, when He, the
Spirit of Truth," &c., argued that to sin against the
Son was to sin against inferior light, but against the
Spirit was to reject the full truth of the Crospel.
f 12. Matt. xiii. 25. — "His enemy came and over-
sowed cockle," &c. hrlfnrupaqy Deer. § 2. Orat. i. § 1,
&c., &c. supr. vol. i. pp. 14, 155.
An allusion to this parable is very frequent in
Athan., chiefly with a reference to Arianism. He
draws it out at length, Orat. ii. § 34. " What is sown
in every soul from the beginning is that Grod has a
Son, the Word, the Wisdom, the Power, that is,
His Image and Radiance; from which it at once
follows that He is always ; that He is from the
Father; that He is like; that he is the eternal
offspring of His substance; and there is no idea
involved in these of creature or work. But when
the man who is an enemy, while men slept, made a
second sowing, of * He is a creature,* and * There
was once when He was not,' and * How can it be ? '
thenceforth the wicked heresy of Christ's enemies
rose." Elsewhere, he uses the parable for the evil
influences introduced into the soul upon Adam's fall,
contr. ApoU. i. § 15, as does S. Irenseus Hser. iv.
40, n. 3, using it of such as lead to backsliding in
Christians, ibid. v. 10, n. 1. Grregory Nyssen, of the
natural passions and of false reason misleading them, de
An. et Besurr. t. ii. p. 640. vid. also Leon. Ep. 156, c. 2.
SCBIPTUEE PASSAaES. 275
f TertuUian uses the image in a similar but higher
sense, when he applies it to Eve's temptation, and goes
on to contrast it with Christ's birth from a Virgin:
" In virginem adhuc Evam irrepserat verbum sedifica-
torium mortis; in Virginem aequo introducendum erat
Dei Verbum exstructorium vitae. ... Ut in doloribus
pareret, verbum diaboli semen illi fuit ; contra Maria,"
&c. de Cam. Christ. 17. S. Leo, as Athan., makes
"seed" in the parable apply peculiarly to faith in
contrast with obedience^ Serm. 69, 5, init.
% 13. John i. 1. — " In the beginning," &c. vid.
Orat. i. § 11, supr. vol. i. p. 167.
If " beginning " in this verse be taken, not to im-
ply time, but origination, then the first verse of St.
John's Gospel may be interpreted " In the Beginning,"
or Origin, i.e. in the Father, " was the Word." Thus
Athan. himself understands the text. Orat. ii. 57.
Orat. iv. § 1. vid. also Orat. iii. § 9. Origen. in Joan,
torn. 1, 17. Method, ap. Phot. cod. 235, p. 940. Nyssen.
eontrV Eunom. iii. p. 106. Cyril. Thesaur. 32, p. 312.
Euseb. Eccl. Theol. ii. 11 and 14, pp. 118, 123, and
Jerome in Calmet on Ps. 109.
% 14. John i. 3. — "Without Him was nothing
made that was made." Vid. Orat. i. § 19. supr. p.
179.
The words "that was made" which end this verse
were omitted by the ancient citers of it, as Irenaeus,
Clement, Origen, Eusebius, TertuUian, nay, Augustine ;
but because it was abused by the Eunomians, Mace-
T 2
276 SCKIPTURE PASSAOBS.
donians, &C4, as if derogatory to the divinity of the
Holy Spirit, it was quoted in full, as by Epiphanius,
Ancor. 75, who goes so far as to speak severely of the
ancient mode of citation, vid. Fabric, and Routh, ad
Hippol. contr. Noet. 12.
Also vid. Simon. Hist. Crit. Comment, pp. 7, 32, 52.
Lampe in loc. Joann. Fabric, in Apocryph. N. T. t. 1, p.
384. Petav. de Trin. ii. 6, § 6. Ed. Ben. in Ambros. de Fid.
iii. 6. Wetstein in loc. Wolf. Cur. Phil, in loc. The
verse was not ended as we at present read it, especially
in the East, till the time of S. Chrysostom, according to
Simon, (vid. Ben. Prsef. in Joann. § iv.) though, as
has been said above, S. Epiphanius had spoken strongly
against the ancient reading. S. Ambrose loc. cit.
refers it to the Arians, Lampe refers it to the Valen-
tinians on the strength of Iren. Hser. i. 8, n. 5.
Theophilus in loc. (if the Commentary on the Crospels
is his) understands by ovSiv "an idol," referring to
1 Cor. viii. 4. Augustine, even at so late a date,
adopts the old reading, vid. de Gen. ad lit. v. 29 — 31.
It was the reading of the Vulgate, even at the time it
was ruled by the Council of Trent to be authentic, and
of the Roman Missal. The verse is made to end after
" in Him," (thus, ovS' ev o yiyovev h aimf) by Epiph.
Ancor. 75. Hil. in Psalm. 148, 4. Ambros. de Fid.
iii. 6. Nyssen in Eunom. i. p. 84, app., which favours
the Arians. The counterpart of the ancient reading,
which is very awkward, ("What was made in Him
was life,") is found in August, loc. cit. and Ambrose
in Psalm xxxvi. 35, but he also notices " What was made,
was in Him," de Fid. loc. cit. It is remarkable that
SCRIPTURE PASSAGES. 277
;St. Ambrose attributes the present punctuation to the
Alexandrians (in loc. Psalm.) in spite of Athan/s and
Alexander's (Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 733), nay, Cyril's (in
loc. Joann.) adoption of the ancient.
If 15* John ii. 4.— "Woman," &c, "He chid His
Mother,^' says Athan.
'Eir€7rXijrr€ ; and so kirerifiiimj Chrysost. in tec. Joann.
Horn. 21,3, and Theophyl. ipg SeairorKjc iTtirifx^y Theodor.
Eran. ii. p. 106. evrpiireiy Anon, a^ Corder. Cat. in loc.
^ifitfteraiy Alter Anon. ibid, iinn^a ovk aTifiaZi»>v aWa
SiopOovfievogy Euthym. in lac. ovk IttIttXij^cv, Pseudo-
Justin. Qusest. ad Orthod, 136. It is remarkable that
Athan. dwells on these words as implying our Lord's
humanity, (i.e. because Christ appeared to decline a
miracle,) when one reason assigned for them by the
^Fathers is that He wished, in the words rl fioi Kafcroi,
to renaind our Lady that He was the Son of Grod and
must be " in His Fathe^^s house." " Repellens ejus
intempestivam festina^Jionem," Iren. Hser. iii. 16, n. 7,
who thinks she dej^ired to drink of His c*ip; others
that. their ente;;itainer was poor, and that she wished
to befriend tam. Nothing can be argued from S,
Athan.'s particular word here commented on, how he
woul^ liave taken the passage. That the tone of our
Taord's words is indeed (judging humanly and speaks
ing humanly) cold and distant, is a simple fact, but
it may be explained variously, It is observable that
iwiirXfiTTei and hirifxq are the words used by Theo-
phylact (in Joan. xi. 34, vid. infra, art. SpedaltieSy)
for oxir Lord's treatment of His own sacred body.
278 SCRIPTURE PASSAGES.
But they are very vague words, and have a strong
meaning or not, as the ease may be.
IF 16. John X. 30.— "I and My Father are one."
" They contend," says Athan., Orat. iii. § 10, supr. vol.
i. p. 369, " that the Son and the Father are not in such
wise one as the Church preaches . . but that, since what
the Father wills, the Son wills also, and . . is in all
respects concordant (o-v/i^covoc) with Him . . . there-
fore it is that He and the Father are one. And some
of them have dared to write as well as to say this,"
viz. Asterius ; vid. Orat. iii. § 2, supr. vol. i. p. 360.
We find the same doctrine in the Creed ascribed to
Lucian, as translated above, Syn. § 23, supr. vol. i. p. 97,
where vid. note 2 ; vid. also infra, art. o/uoeov. Besides
Origen, Novatian, the Creed of Lucian, and (if so)
Hilary, (as mentioned in the note at vol. i. p. 97,)
" one " is explained as oneness of will by S. Hippolytus,
contr. Noet. 7, where he explains John x. 30, by
xvii. 22, like the Arians; and, as might be expected,
by Eusebius, Ecel. Theol. iii. 19, p. 193, and by Asterius
ap. Euseb. contr. Marc. pp. 28, 37. The passages of
the Fathers in which this text is adduced are collected
by Maldonat. in loc.
f 17. John X. 30, 38. xiv. 9.— "I and the Father are
One." "The Father is in Me, and," &c. "He that
seeth Me," &c.
These three texts are found together frequently in
Athan., particularly in Orat. iii., where he considers the
doctrines of the "Image" and the irepixf^fnifrig ; vid.
SCBIPTURE PASSAGES. 279
de Deer. § 21, § 31. de Syn. § 45. Orat. iii; 3, 5, 6,
10, 16 fin. 17. Ep. Mg. 13. Sent D. 26. ad Afr. 7, 8,
9. vid. also Epiph. Hser. 64, 9. Basil. Hexaem. ix.
fin. Cyr. Thee. xii. p. 111. Potam. Ep. ap. Dacher.
t. 3, p. 299. Hil. Trin. vii. 41. Vid. also Animadv. in
Eustath. Ep. ad ApoU. Eom. 1796, p. 58.
In Orat. iii* § 5, these three texts, which so often
occur together, are recognised as " three ; " so are
they by Eusebius, Eccl. Theol. iii. 19, and he says that
Marcellus and "those who Sabellianise with him,"
among whom he included Catholics, were in the
practice of adducing them, BpvWovvreg; which bears
incidental testimony to the fact that the doctrine of
the Tr€pix(!)pri(Tig was the great criterion between
orthodox and Arian. To the many instances of the
joint use of the three which are given supr. may be
added Orat. ii. 54 init» 67 fin. iv. 17, Scrap, ii.
9, Serm. Maj. de fid. 29. Cyril, de Trin. p. 554, in
Joann. p. 168. Origen, Periarch. p. 56. Hil. Trin. ix.
1. Ambros. Hexaem. vi. 7. August, de Cons. Ev. i. 7.
If 18. John xiv. 28.— "The Father is greater than I."
Athan. explains these words by comparing them
with " Made so much better than the Angels^^ Hebr. i.
1. "He says not Hhe Father is better than /,' lest
we should conceive Him to be foreign to His Nature,"
as Angels are foreign in nature to the Son ; " but
greater, not indeed in greatness nor in time, but be-
cause of His generation from the Father Himself,"
Orat. i. § 5S, that is, on account of the pi^Tidpatus of
the Father, as the apxn ^^^ ^^7^ Oeorr/roc, and of His
own jUietas.
280 SOBIPTUEE PASSAGES.
If 19. Acts X. 36. — "God sent the word to the
children of Israel. . . . You know the word," &c.
So the Vulgate, but the received Greek runs with
Athan. Orat. iv. § 30. rov Xoyov, ov awitrntXt ...
oirSg itrri . . . vfislg oiSars to ytv6fievov prifjta. The
followers of Paul of Samosata, with a view to their
heresy, interpreted these words, as Hippolytus before
them, as if rov Xoyov were either governed by icara or
attracted by ov, ovroc agreeing with 6 \6yog under-
stood. Dr. Routh in loc. Hipp. (vid. Noet 13) who
at one time so construed it, refers to 1 Pet. ii. 7,
John iii. 34, as parallel, also Matt. xxi. 42. And
so ' Urbem quam statuo,' &c. vid. Raphel. in Luc.
xxi. 6. vid. also rrjv apxnv 8ti koX \a\Cf vfiivj John
viii. 25, with J. C. Wolfs remarks, who would under-
stand by apxnv omnino, which Lennep however in
Phalar. Ep. says it can only mean with a negative.
The Vulgate is harsh in understanding \6yog and ptifjia
as synonymous, and the latter as used merely to con-
nect the clauses. Moreover, if \6yog be taken for
> pripai rov \6yov awitrreiXe is a harsh phrase ; however,
. it occurs Acts xiii. 26. If XoKoc on the other hand
^ ; has a theological sense, a prima fade countenance is
given to the distinction between "the Word" and
"Jesus Christ," which the Samosatenes wished to
deduce from the passage.
If 20. Rom. i. 20.— "His Eternal Power and
Divinity."
Athanasius understands this of our Lord. Orat. i.
§ 11. Syn, § 49. vid. Justinian's Comment, in Paul.
SOBIPTUBE PASSAGES. 281
Epp. for its various interpretations. It was either a
received interpretation, or had been adduced at Nicaea,
for Asterius had some years before these Discourses
replied to it, vid. Syn. § 18, supr. vol. i. p. 88, and
Orat. ii. § 37, p. 297.
282 SBMI-ARIANS.
SEMI-ARIANS.
The Semi-Arian symbols admitted of an orthodox
interpretation, but they also admitted of an heretical.
They served as a shelter for virtual Arians, and as a
refuge for those who feared the orthodox homoilsion,
as either materialistic or Sabellian. In the first years
of the controversy they were tokens of a falling short
of the true faith, in the later years tokens of an ap-
proaching to it. Hence Athanasius is severe with Euse-
bius and Asterius, and kind in his treatment of Basil
and his party.
Accordingly, these symbols in no way served the
necessity of the time as a test to secure the Church
against a dangerous and insidious heresy. Eusebius
of Caesarea could have no difficulty in professing our
Lord was God, and like in His nature to the Father,
yet his heterodoxy has been shown in art. Eusebius,
Still more openly heterodox was Eusebius of' Nico-
media ; yet such statements as occur in the Semi-Arian
Councils and Creeds would give him no annoyance.
These men did but scruple at the one word Jiomoilsian.
The Catholic Theologians taught, with our Lord,
that " He and the Father are one ; " and, when asked
in what sense one, they answered " numerically one,
else were there two Grods ; " that is, they were
ojjLoovGioi, The Arians considered them numerically
SEMI-AKIANS. 283
two, and only in agreement one with each other. Either
then they held that there were two Gods, or that our
Lord was God only in name and not true God. They
would answer that that dilemma was none of their
making ; that is, the idea of incomprehensibility in the
Infinite, and of mystery in what was predicated of Him,
does not seem to have had a place in their reasonings.
So far Semi-Arians agreed with Arians, in holding
a greater God and a less, a true God and a so-called
God ; a God of all, and a Divine Mediator and repre-
sentative God; but when Catholics questioned them
more closely on their belief, as, for instance, whether
the Son was a creature, and what was meant by His
being "like" the Father, the Arians proper said
boldly that He was a creature, though the first of crea-
tures and unlike other creatures, and not the Son of
God except figuratively, as men were His sons, and
that, moreover, as a creature He had been liable to
fall, as the Angels fell and Adam; but from such
blasphemy others shrank, and thus in consequence they
were called Semi-Arians, holding that, though our Lord
was not in being from everlasting, and though He had
been brought into being at the will of the Father,
still a gennesis was a divine act in |kind diflferent from
a creation ; not indeed an emanation, else, He was not
only like, but the same as the Father in essence, and
if so, why had Euseb. Nic. from the first -protested i
against i^ atroppoia^ and fxipog bfioovmov^ and why did
Euseb. Caes. so evidently evade the !£ ovaiag (as shown
supr. art. Ev^ebius)? In short they were driven by
their remaining religiousness, unlike the Arians proper,
284 SEMI-ABIANS.
(who in the later shape of Eunomianism expr^sly de-
nied that God was incomprehensible) into the admis-
sion that there was mystery in the revealed doctrine.
And this Eusebius confesses in a passage which will
be quoted infr. art. Son of Ood,
Recurring to the dilemma insisted on : against
the Arian disputant, it will be observed that the
clear-headed Arians grasped fearlessly the conclusion
that our Lord was not God, while the more pious
and timid Semi-Arians could not extricate them-
selves from the charge of holding two Gods.
Eusebius (vid. art. Euaeb,) calls our Lord a second
substance, another God, a second God. And it was in
this sense his co-religionists used such epithets as
riXeiog of our Lord, and called Him, as in Lucian's
creed, " perfect from perfect, king from king," &c. viz.
under the impression, or with the insinuation, that the
ofioovaiov diluted belief in His divinity into a sort
of Sabellianism. Whether in giving these high titles
to our Lord, Eusebius and his party used them in a
Catholic sense, would also be seen in their use and
interpretation of the word trepixfl^prici^i co-inherence,
(vid. art. Goinherence)^ which was a practical equivalent
to 6fxoov<riovy though it too they could explain away,
and did. Accordingly viewing Father and Son as
distinct substances, and rejecting both ofioovtnov and
7r£pix(i>pri(Tig9 they certainly considered them, as far as
words go, to be distinct Gods. Such strong expressions
as 6/ioio6(noc> and airapaXXaKTog eiicoiv, which they used,
would but increase the evil, as Athanasius argues against
them. " If all that is the Father's is the Son's, as in
8BMI-ARIAN8. 285
an Image and Impress," he says, " let it be considered
dispassionately, whether a substance foreign to the
Father's substance admits of such attributes; and
whether such a one can possibly be other in nature and
alien in substance, and not rather one in substance
with the Father." Syn. § 50. vid. also Orat. iii. 16.
vid. art. Idolatry,
However, Athan., and Hilary too, saw enough of
what was good and promising in the second generation
of Semi-Arians to adopt a kind tone towards them,
which they could not use in speaking of the followers
of Arius. Athan. caUs certain of them " brethren " and
"beloved," and Hilary " sanctissimi," and the events
in many cases justified their anticipation.
They guard, however, their words, lest more should
be understood by others than the language of charity
and hope. Athan. speaks severely of Eustathius
and Basil. Ep. Mg. 7, and Hilary explains him-
self in his notes upon his de Syn., from which it
appears that he had been expostulated with on his
conciliatory tone. Indeed all throughout he had be-
trayed a consciousness that he should offend some
parties, e.g. § 6. In § 77, he had spoken of " having
expounded the faithful and religious sense of *like in
substance,' which is called Homo&iision." On this he
observes, note 3, " I think no one need be asked to
consider why I have said in this place * religious sense
of like in substance,' except that I meant that there
was also an irreligious ; and that therefore I said that
* like ' was not only equal but the * same.' " vid. also supr,
vol. i. p. 134, note. In the next note he speaks of
266 SEMI-ARIANS.
them as not more than hopeful. Still it should be ob-
served how careful the Fathers of the day were not to
mix up the question of doctrine which rested on Catho-
lic tradition, with that of the adoption of a certain term
which rested on a Catholic injunction. Not that the term
was not in duty to be received, but it was to be received
mainly on account of its Catholic sense, and where
the Catholic sense was held, the word might for a
while by a sort of dispensation be waived. It is
remarkable that Athanasius scarcely mentions the
word "One in substance" in his three Orations, as
has been already observed; nor does it occur in S.
Cyril's Catecheses, of whom, as being suspected of
Semi-Arianism, it might have been required, before
his writings were received as of authority. The word
was not imposed upon Ursacius and Valens, A.D.
349, by Pope Julius ; nor, in the Council of Aquileia
in 381, was it offered by St. Ambrose to Palladios
and Secundianus. S. Jerome's account of the apology
made by the Fathers of Arminum is of the same
kind. "We thought," they said, "the sense corres-
ponded to the words, nor in the Church of God, where
there is simplicity, and a pure confession, did we fear
that one thing would be concealed in the heart, an-
other uttered by the lips. We were deceived by our
good opinion of the bad." ad Lucif. 19. The same
excuse avails for Liberius.
SON OF GOD. 287
SON OF GOD.
•
I UNDEBSTAND Athanasius (always, of course, after
accepting and assuming the doctrine as true and indis-
putable on the ground of its being revealed,) to go on
to argue about it thus: —
The Son of God must be Crod, granting that the
human word " Son " is to guide us to the knowledge
of what is heavenly ; for on earth we understand by a
son one who is the successor and heir to a given
nature. A continuation or communication of nature
enters into the very idea of yevviimg; if there is no
participation of nature there is iio sonship, "Mia rt
(ftvmgf oi yap avofioiov to yivvrffxa tov yevvri&avTogy
eiKijjv yap itrriv airrov,^^ Orat. iii. § 4. Hence he
speaks of "oiic€corijc Trjg 0i;<r€wc," ibid. § 4, 16,
&c.
This is the teaching also of the great theologians
who followed Athanasius. Basil says that Father is
" a term of relationship," olKEidjaetjg^ in Eunom. ii. 24,
init. and that a father may be defined, " one who gives
to another the origin of being, dccording to a nature
like his own^^ ibid. 22, And Gregory Nyssen, that " the
title * Son ' does not simply express the being from
another, but relationship according to nMure^^ c.
Eunom. ii. p. 91. And Cjnril says that the term "Son*'
denotes the ^^substantial origin from the Father."
288 SON OP 06D.
Dial. V. p. 573. This was why the Fathers at Nicaea
were not content with "from the Father," but wrote
"from the substance of the Father."
The Son then participates in the Divine Nature, and
since the Divine Nature is none other than the One
individual Living Personal True God, He too is that
God, and since He is thus identical with that One
True God, and since that One True God is eternal and
never had a beginning of existence, therefore the Son
is eternal and without beginning.
If Again, such a real Son is made necessary by con-
sidering what the very Nature of God, the existence
of an Infinite, all-abounding, all-perfect Being, implies. ,
We cannot be surprised to be told that the infinite
Essence of God necessarily flows out, in consequence of
His very immensity, into a reflection or perfect image or
likeness of Himself, which in all respects is His reitera-
tion, except in not being He. There are then at least
two Selves (so to speak) in God, that is, a First and
Second Person.
Now this infinite Image of G^ is not external to
the First Person, because the First is infinite. The
image is commensurate, but no more^ than com-
mensurate, with the Original. The Second cannot
extend beyond the First or be external to Him. The
First and Second cannot become Two except as viewed
in their relation of Father and Son. As eternity a
parte a/rde is not doubled by being added to eternity
a parte post ; but before and after are two only when
contrasted with each other, so, though God and His
Image are relatively two, an Image of God does not
S6N OF GOD. 289
make two Grods. Indeed we cannot apply ideas arising
out of number to the Illimitable.
f This Imiage, as being the Effluence and Expression
and Likeness of the Almighty, may equally well be
called Word or Son, and, whether we use one of these
names or the other, we mean to express, though under
a distinct aspect in each of them, a Second Person
in the Grodhead. The name of Image teaches us that
the Second is commensurate and co-equal with the
First ; that of Son, that He is co-eternal, for the nature
of Grod cannot alter or vary; and the name of Word
teaches us that in Him is represented and manifested
the intelligence, living force, and operative energy of
the Supreme Being. Hence it is that in the history
(if I may use the word) of the Creator and His
creatures, the Second Person of the Blessed Trinity is
the chief Agent brought before us, and that the offices
which are assigned to Him occupy a far larger portion
of revealed teaching than even what belongs to His
original Divine Nature.
f'The Arians joined issue with Catholics on the ques-
tion as to what was involved in the title " Son." They
put aside Word, Image, &c., as figures of speech ; said
that Son was His real name, and then explained " Son "
away, maintaining that, whatever else Sonship might
teach us, even at first sight it was plain that a Son
could not but be posterior in time to his Father ; but
if so, if our Lord was not eternal a parte ante, He was
only a creature. The Catholics replied that that could
not be the essential true meaning of a word which it did
not always hold; now the Arian argument from the
VOL. II. V
2&0 SON OF aOD.
word " Son " involved the existence of time^ that is, of
a condition which did not always exist in the instance
of the Almighty, of whom we are speaking ; either then
Grod had no Son, or else that Son was co-eval, co-eternal
with Him. Moreover, there could be no change in the
Divine Essence ; what He was once, that He ever was.
Once a Father, always a Father. The Arians replied
that the Almighty was not always Creator, He became
a Creator in time; and so as regards the gennesis
of the Son, though in its very beginning it was
not from eternity but in time, that genneais was
some unknown kind of creation, and that to connect it
with the Divine ovcria was to introduce material notions
into the idea of Grod. The Catholics of course answered
that the notion of materiality was quite as foreign to
any right conception of Grod, as that of time was, and
that as the Divine Sonship was eternal, so was it simply
spiritual, being taught under material images, only
because from the conditions of our knowledge we could
not speak of it in any other way. vid. art. Avian teruta.
Here Eusebius makes an apposite remark, which
ought to have led him farther:— As we do not know
how Grod can create out of nothing, so, he says, we are
utterly ignorant of the Divine Greneration. We do
not understand innumerable things which lie close to
us ; how the soul is joined to the body, how it enters
and leaves it, what its nature, what the nature of
Angels. It is written, " He who believes," not he who
knows, "has eternal life." Divine Greneration is as
distinct from human as Grod from man. The sun's
radiance itself is but an earthly image, and gives us no
SON OF GOD. 291
true, idea of that which is above all images. Eicel.
Theol. i. 12. So too S. Greg. Naz. Orat. 29. 8. vid.
also Hippol. in Noet. 16. Cyril, Cat- xi. 11 and 19,
and Origen, according to Mosheim, Ante-Const, p. 619.
And instances in Petav. de Trin. y. 6, ^ 2 and 3. vid.
arts. Illustrations, Image, &c.
f " There are not many Words, but one only Word
of the one Father, and one Image of the one Grod."
Orat. ii. § 27.
If " The Son does not live by the gift of Ufe, far He
is life, and does but give it, not receive." Orat. iii. § 1*
S. Hilary uses different language with the same mean-
ing, "Vita viventis [Filii] in vivo [Patre] est," de
Trin. ii. 11. Other modes of expression for the
same mystery are found in art. Coinherence, " the
whole being of the Son is proper to the Father's sub-
stance ; " Orat. iii. 3. " the Son's being, because
from the Father, is therefore in the Father ; " ibid,
also 6 init. " the fulness of the Father's Grodhead is
the being of the Son." 5. and Didymus, ri waTpiicn
Oeotijc* Trin. i. 27, p. 82, and S. Basil, 1^ ov ex^i
TO elvai, contr. Eunom. ii. 12, fin. Thus the Father
is the Son's life because the Son is from Him, and
the Son the Father's because the Son is in Him.
All these are but different ways of signifying the
H The Second Person in the Holy Trinity is not a
quality, or attribute, or a mere relation, but the One
Eternal Essence; not a part of the First Person, but
whole or entire Grod, all that Grod is; nor does the
gennesis impair the Father's Essence, which is already
V2
292 SON OF GtOD.
whole and entire Grod. Thus there are two iiifinite
Persons, in Each Other because They are infinite. Each
of Them being wholly One and the Same Divine Being,
yet not being merely separate aspects of the Same.
Each is Grod as absolutely as if the Other were not.
Such a statement indeed is not so much a contradiction
in the terms used, as in our conceptions, from the
inability of our minds to deal with infinities ; yet not
therefore a contradiction in fact, unless we would
maintain that human words can express in one formula,
or human thought can grasp and contemplate, the
Incomprehensible, Self-existent First-Cause.
f " Man," says S. Cyril, " inasmuch as he had a
beginning of being, also has of necessity a beginning
of begetting, as what is from him is a thing generate,
but ... if Grod's substance transcend time, or origin,
or interval. His generation too will transcend these;
nor does it deprive the Divine Nature of the power of
generating that He doth not this in time. For other
than human is the manner of divine generation ; and
together with Grod's existing is implied His generating,
and the Son was in Him by generation ; nor did His
generation precede His existence, but He was always,
and that by generation." Thesaur. v. p. 35.
8PBCIAL CHARACTEEISTICS OF OUE LORD'S MANHOOD. 298
SPECIAL CHAEACTERISTICS OF OUR
LORD'S MANHOOD.
1. His manhood had no personality, but was taken
up into His divinity as Second Person of the Holy
Trinity.
That is, according to the words of the SymboUim
S. Athan.y " Unus, non conversione divinitatis in
camem, sed assumptione humanitatis in Deum." That
personality, which our Lord had had from eternity in the
Holy Trinity, He had still after His incarnation. His
human nature subsisted in His divine, not existing as we
exist, but, so to say, grafted on Him, or as a garment in
which He was clad. We cannot conceive of an incama--
tion, except in this way ; for, if His manhood had not
been thus after the manner of an attribute, if it had
been a person, an individual, such as one of us, if it had
been in existence before He united it to Himself, He
would have been simply two beings under one name, or
else. His divinity would have been nothing more than
a special grace or presence or participation of divine
glory, such as is the prerogative of saints.
He then is one, as He was from eternity, — the same
" He " to whom also belong body and soul, and all their
powers and affections, as well as the possession of
divinity. He it is, Grod the Son, who was bom, who had
a mother, who shed His blood, who died and rose again.
294 SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF OUR LORD'S MANHOOD.
His manhood loses the privilege of a personality of its
own, in order to gain the special prerogative of belong-
ing to the Second Person of the Divine Trinity, and all
for our sake, that He may be the medium of a spiritual
union between us and His Father.
f This was the question which came into discussion in
the Nestorian controversy, when it was formally deter-
mined that all that took place in respect to the Eternal
Word as man, belonged to His Person^ and therefore
might be predicated of Him ; so that it was heretical
not to confess the Word's body, (or the body of God
in the Person of the Word,) the Word's death, the
Word's blood, the Word's exaltation, and the Word's
or Grod's Mother, who was in consequence called
OcoroKoc, the tessera on which the controversy mainly
turned. " The Grodhead," says Athanasius, " dwelt
in the flesh bodily ; which is all one with saying, that,
being Grod, He had a body proper to Him, (iStov,) and
using this as an instrument, o/oyavtj*, He became man for
our sakes; and because of this, things proper to the
flesh are said to be His, since He was in it, as hunger,
thirst, pain, fatigue, and the like, of which the flesh is
capable, SeKriicn ; while the works proper to the Word
Himself, as raising the dead, and restoring sight to the
blind, and curing the issue of blood. He did Himself
through His body," &c. Orat. iii. 31. vid. the whole
passage, which is as precise as if it had been written
after the Nestorian and Eutychian controversies, though
without the technical words then adopted.
2. He took on Him our fallen nature, vid. art. Flesh,
to which add here from Petavius, "Verbum corpus et
SPECIAL OHABAOTERISTIOS OP OUR LORD*S MANHOOD. 295
naturam hominis ex eadem, quae in corruptelam deflux-
erat, massa sibi formare et assumere voluit; tametsi
in ea, unde genitus est Deus, came Virginia repnrga-
turn illud fuerit." Incam. v. 14, 6. He says this,
quoting Irenseus ; and elsewhere quoting Leontius,
** Kecte Leontius ejusmodi assumpsisse camem assent
Verbum, qualem habuit Adam post peccatum dam-
natus, et qualem nos habemus ex eadem massa pro-
creati." Incam. x. 3, 8. Vid. on this subject Perrone
de Incam. part. ii. c. 2. Corrol. iv.
3. His manhood was subject to death, and to the
other laws of human nature.
% Athanasius, Orat. ii. 66, says that our Lord's body
was subject to death; and so elsewhere, "His body,
as having a common substance with all men, for it was
a human body (though, by a new marvel, it subsisted
of the Virgin alone), yet being mortal, died after the
common course of the like natures." Incam. 20,
also 8, 18, init. Orat. iii. 56. And so rbv avOpwirov
aadpwdivra. Orat. iv. 33. And so S. Leo. in his Tome
lays down that in the Incarnation, "suscepta est ab
setemitate mortalitas." Ep. xxviii; 3. And S. Austin,
" Utique vulnerabile ~ atque mortale corpus habuit "
[Christus], contr. Faust, xiv. 2. A Eutychian sect
denied this doctrine (the Aphthartodocetse), and held
that our Lord's manhood was naturally indeed corrupt,
but became from its union with the Word incorrupt
from the moment of conception; and in consequence
they held that our Lord did not suffer and die, except
by miracle, vid. Leont. c. Nest. ii. (Canis. t. i. pp. 563,
4, 8.) vid. supr. art. Adam.
296 SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF OUR LORB'S MANHOOD.
f It was a point in controversy with the extreme
Monophysites, that is, the Eutychians, whether our
Lord's body was naturally subject to death, the Catho-
lics maintaining the affirmative, as Athanasius, Orat.
i. § 44. Eutyches asserted that our Lord had not a
human nature, by which he meant among other things
that His manhood was not subject to the laws of a body,
but so far as He submitted to them, did so by an act
of will in each particular case ; and this, lest it should
seem that He was moved by the 7ra0»j against His will
aKov(T((og ; and consequently that His manhood was not
subject to death. But the Catholics maintained that
He had voluntarily placed Himself under those laws,
and died Tiaturcdly, vid. Athan. eontr. ApoU. i. 17, and
that after the resurrection His body became incor-
ruptible, not according to nature, but by grace, vid.
Leont. de Sect. x. p. 530. Anast. Hodeg. c. 23. To
express their doctrine of the vwep<pvlg of our Lord's
manhood, the Eutychians made usfe of the Catholic
expression "ut voluit," vid. Athan. 1. c. Eutyches ap.
Leon. Ep. 21. "quomodo voluit et scit" twice; vid-
also Theod. Eranist. i. p. 10. ii. p. 105. Leont. contr.
Nest. i. p. 544. Pseudo-Athan. Serm. adv. Div. Hser.
§ viii. (t. 2, p. 560.)
4. Yet He suspended those laws, when He pleased.
If This, our Lord's either suspense or permission, at
His will, of the operations of His manhood, is a great
principle in the doctrine of the Incarnation. "That
He might give proof of His human nature," says
Theophylact, on John xi. 34, "He allowed It to do
its own work, and chides It and rebukes It by the
SPECIAL CHARACTE11TSTIC8 OF OUR LORD's MANHOOD. 297
power of the Holy Spirit. The Flesh then, not bearing
the rebuke, is troubled and trembles, and thus gets the
better of Its grief." And S. Cyril: "When grief
began to be stirred in Him, and His sacred flesh was
on the verge of tears, He suffers it not to be aifected
freely, as is our custom, but 'He was vehement
(evs^pifintraTo) in the Spirit,' that is. He in some way
chides His own Flesh in the power of the Holy Grhost ;
and It, not bearing the movement of the Godhead
united to It, trembles, &c. . • . For this I think is
the meaning of ' troubled Himself.' " fragm. in Joan,
p. 685. " Sensus corporei vigebant sine lege peccati, et
Veritas affectionum sub moderamine Deitatis et mentis."
Leon. Ep. 35, 3. " Thou art troubled against thy
will; Christ is troubled, because He willed it. Jesus
hungered, yes, but because He willed it; Jesus slept,
yes, but because He willed it; Jesus sorrowed, yes,
but because He willed it ; Jesus died, yes, but because
He willed it. It was in His power to be affected so or
so, or not to be affected." Aug. in Joan. xlix. 18. The
Eutychians perverted this doctrine, as if it implied that
our Lord was not subject to the laws of human nature ;
and that He suffered merely " by permission of the
Word." Leont. ap. Canis. t. 1, p. 563. In like
manner, Marcion or Manes said that His "flesh ap-
peared from heaven in resemblance, wg t^^cXtjo-cv."
Athan. contr. ApoU. ii. 3.
f "To be troubled was proper to the flesh," says
Athan., " but to have power to lay down His life, and
to take it again, when He will, was no property of
men, but of the Word's power. For njan dies, not by
298 SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF OUR LORD's MANHOOD.
his own power, but by necessity of nature and against
his will; but the Lord being Himself immortal, but
having a mortal flesh, had power, as Grod, to become
separate from the body and to take it again, when He
would. Concerning this too speaks David in the
Psalm, Thou ahali not leave My soul in hell, ndtiier
shaU Thou suffer Thy Holy One to see corruption* For
it beseemed, that the flesh, corruptible as it was,
should no longer after its own nature remain mortal^
but, because of the Word who had put it on, should
abide incorruptible." Orat. iii. § 57.
f This might be taken as an illustration of the
• " ut voluit," vid. supr. p. 296. And so the expressions
in the Evangelists, "Into Thy hands I commend My
Spirit," "He bowed the heady*' "He gave up the
ghost," are taken to imply that His death was His free
act. vid. Ambros. in loc. Luc. Hieron. in loc. Matt,
also Athan. Serm. Maj. de Fid. 4. It is Catholic
doctrine that our Lord, as man, submitted to death of
His free will, and not as obeying an express command
of the Father. "Who," says S. Chrysostom on John
X. 18, Hom. 60, 2, " has not power to lay down his own
life ? for any one who will may kill himself. But He
says not this, but how ? * I have power to lay it down
in such sense that no one can do it against My will. . I
alone have the disposal of My life,' which is not true of
us." And still more appositely Theophylact, "It was
open to Him not to suffer, not to die ; for being with-
out sin. He was not subject to death. ... If then He
had not been willing. He had not been crucified." in
Hebr. xii. 2. "Since this punishment is contained in
SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF OUR LORD'S MANHOOD. 290
the death of the body, that the soul, because it has
deserted God with its will, deserts the body against its
will . . . the soul of the Mediator proved how utterly
clear of the punishment of sin was its coming to the
death of the flesh, in that it did not desert the flesh un-
willingly, but because it willed, and when it willed, and
as it willed. . . And this did they specially admire,
who were present, says the Gospel, that after that
work, in which He set forth a figure of our sin. He
forthwith gave up the ghost. For crucified men were
commonly tortured by a lingering death. . . . But He
was a wonder, (miraculo fuit,) because He was found
dead." August, de Trin. iv. n. 16.
5. Though His manhood was of created substance.
He cannot be called a creature.
f Athan. seems to say, Orat. ii. § 45, that it is both
true that " The Lord created Me," and yet that the Son
was not created. Creatures alone are created, and He
was not a creature. Rather something belonging or
relating to Him, something short of His substance or
nature, was created. However, it is a question in
controversy whether even His manhood can be called
a creature, though many of the Fathers, (including
Athan. in several places,) seems so to call it. The
difficulty may be viewed thus : that our Lord, even as
to His human nature, is the natural, not the adopted.
Son of God, (to deny which is the error of the Adop-
tionists,) whereas no creature can be His natural and
true Son; and again, that His human nature is
worshipped, which would be idolatry, if it were a
creature. The question is discussed in Petav. de
300 SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF OUR LORD's MANHOOD.
Incam. vii. 6, who determines that the human nature,
though in itself a created substance, yet viewed as
deified in the Word, does not in fact exist as a creature.
Vasquez, however, considers that our Lord may be
called creature, viewed as man, in 3 Thom. Disp. 66, and
also Baynaud 0pp. t. 2, p. 84, expressing his opinion
strongly. And Berti de Theol. Disc, xxvii. 5, who
adds, however, with Suarez after S. Thomas (in 3 Thom.
Disput. 35. 0pp. t. 16, p. 489,) that it is better to
abstain from the use of the term. Of the Fathers, S.
Jerome notices the doubt, and decides it in favour of
the term: "Since," he says, "Wisdom in the Pro-
verbs of Solomon speaks of Herself as created a
beginning of the ways of Grod, and many through fear
lest they should.be obliged to call Christ a creature,
deny the whole mystery of Christ, and say that not
Christ, but the world's wisdom is meant by this
Wisdom, we freely declare, that there is no hazard in
calling Him creature, whom we confess with all the
confidence of our hope to be ' worm,' and * man,'
and ' crucified,' and ' curse.' " In Eph. ii. 10. He is
supported by Athan. Orat. ii. § 46. Ep. Mg. 17. Expos.
F. 4 (perhaps), Scrap, ii. 8, fin. Naz. Orat. 30. 2 fin. 38.
13. Nyss. in Cant. Hom. 13, t. i. p. 663, init. Cyr. Hom.
Pasch. 17, p. 233. Max. Mart. t. 2, p. 265. Damasc.
F. 0. iii. 3. Hil. de Trin. xii. 48. Ambros. Psalm.
118. Serm. 5, 25. August. Ep. 187, n. 8. Leon.
Serm. 77, 2. Greg. Mor. v. 63. The principal
authority on the other side is S. Epiphanius, who ends
his argument with the words, "The Holy Church of
God worships not a creature, but the Son, who is
SPECIAL CHAEACTERISTiCS OF OUB LOED*S MANHOOD. 'SOI
begotten, Father in Son," &e. HsBr. 69, 36; And S.
Proclus too speaks of the child of the Virgin as being
"Him who is worshipped, not the creature," Orat. v.
fin.
If On the whole it would appear, (1.) that if " crea-
ture," like " Son," be a personal term, then He is not
a creature ; but if it be a word of (human) naturey He is
a creature ; (2.) that our Lord is a creature in respect to
the flesh (vid. Orat. ii. § 47) ; (3.) that since the flesh
is infinitely beneath His divinity, it is neither natural
nor safe to call Him a creature, (according to St.
Thomas's example, "non dicimus, quod iEthiops est
albus, sed quod est albus secundum dentes"); and
(4.) that if the flesh is worshipped, still it is wor-
shipped as in the Person of the Son, not by a separate
act of worship. " A creature worship not we," says
Athan., "perish the thought . . . but we worship the
Lord of creation made flesh, the Word of Grod ; for though
the flesh in itself be a part of creation, yet it has become
God's body . . . who so senseless as to say to the Lord,
Eemove Thyself out of the body, that I may worship
Thee ? " ad Adelph. 3. Epiphanius has imitated this
passage, Ancor. 51, introducing the illustration of a
king and his robe, &c.
% And hence Athanasius says, Orat. ii. § 47, that
though our Lord's flesh is created, or He is created as
to the flesh, it is not right to call Him a creature.
This is very much what S. Thomas says above, that
" ^thiops, albus secundum dentes," not " est albus."
But why may not our Lord be so called upon the
principle of the communicatio Iddomatum^ (vid. infr. p.
302 SPECIAL CHABACTERISTICS OF OUK LOBD's MAKHOOB.
367) as He is said to be bom of a Virgin, to have suffered,
&c.? The reason is this: — birth, passion, &c., con-
fessedly belong to His human nature, without adding
" according to the flesh ; " but " creature," not im-
plying humanity, might appear a simple attribute of
His Person, if used without limitation. Thus, as S.
Thomas adds, though we may not absolutely say
" iEthiops iste albus," we may say " crispus est," or in
like manner, " he is bald ; " since " crispus," or " bald,"
can but refer to the hair. StiU more does this remark
apply in the case of "Sonship," which is a personal
attribute altogether; as is proved, says Petav. de
Incam. vii. 6, fin. by the instance of Adam, who was in
all respects a man like Seth, yet not a son. Accord-
ingly, we may not call our Lord, even according to the
manhood, an adopted Son.
6. In like manner we cannot call our Lord a servant.
If "The assumption of the flesh did not make of
the Word a servant," says Athan. Orat. ii. § 14.
ovK idovXov Tov X070V, though, as he said, Orat. ii. § 11,
the Word became a servant, as far as He was man. He
says the same thing, Ep. iEg. 17. So say Naz. Orat.
32. 18. Nyssen. ad Simpl. (t. 2, p. 471). Cyril. Alex,
adv. Theodor. p. 22*6. Hilar, de Trin. xi. 13, 14. Am-
bros. 1. Epp. 46, 3. Athan. however seems to modify
the statement when he says, Orat. ii. § 50, " Not that
He was servant, but because He took a servant's form."
Theodoret also denies it, Eran. ii. fin. And Damasc.
F. 0. iii. 21, who says that our Lord "took on Him
an ignorant and servile nature," but '*that we may
not call Him servant," though " the flesh is servile.
SPECIAL CflARAOTERISTICS OF OUR LORD's MANHOOD. 303
had it not been united to Grod the Word." The
parallel question of ignorance^ here touched upon, has
come under our notice already, vid. art. Ignorance.
The latter view prevailed after the heresy of the
Adoptionists, who seem to have made " servant "
synonymous with "adopted son." Petavius, Incam.
vii. 9, distinguishes between the essence or (what
is called) actus priTnus and the actus secundus ; thus
water may be considered in its nature cold, though
certain springs are in fact always warm.
304 SPIRIT OF GOD,
SPIEIT OF GOD.
Though the Catholic doctrine of the Holy Trinity
and the characteristics of the Three Persons have been
taught from the first, there have been in the Church
certain difficulties in determining what passages of Scrip-
ture belong to Each, what are the limits of Their respec-
tive offices, and what are the terms under which those
offices and the acts of those offices are to be expressed.
Thus the word " Spirit," if the Fathers are to be our
expositors, sometimes means Almighty Grod, without
distinction of Persons, sometimes the Son, and some-
times and more commonly the Holy Grhost. And, while
the Son and Spirit divide, so to speak, the economy and
mission of mercy between Them, it is not always clear
how the line of division runs, and in what cases there is
no assignable line.
It is with a view to remove some portion of this
difficulty that Athan. observes. Scrap, i. 4 — 7, that the
Holy Grhost is never in Scripture called simply " Spirit "
without the addition "of Grod," or "of the Father,"
or "from Me," or of the article, or of "Holy," or
" The Paraclete," or " of truth," or unless He has been
spoken of just before. This rule, however, goes but a
little way to remove the difficulty, as it exists in fact.
One important class of questions is suggested at once
by the Holy Grhost being another Paraclete, which
SPIRIT OF aoD. 305
implies that that office is common to Him and the Son.
It . is hence, I suppose, that in St. Paul's words,
**6 KvpioQ TO irvvufia i<TTiv,^' 2 Cor. iii. 17, Spirit is
understood of the Third Divine Person by Origen. c.
Cels. vi. 70. Basil de Spir. S. n. 52. Pseudo-Athan.
Comm. Ess. 6. But there are more important instances
than this. " Spirit " is used more or less distinctly of
our Lord's divine nature, whether in itself or as incar-
nate, in John vi. 64, Eom. i. 4, 1 Cor. xv. 45, 1 Tim. iii.
16, Hebr. ix. 14, 1 Pet. iii. 18, &c. Indeed, the early
Fathers speak as if the "Holy Grhost" which came
down on Mary might be considered the Word, e.g.
TertuUian against the Valentinians, " If the Spirit of
Grod did not descend into the womb to partake in flesh
from the womh^ why did He descend at all ? " de Cam.
Chr. 19. vid. also ibid. 5 and 14. contr. Prax. 26.
Just. Apol. i. 33. Iren. Haer. v. 1. Cypr. Idol. Van. 6.
(p. 19, Oxf. Tr.) Lactant. Instit. iv. 12. vid. also Hilar.
Trin. ii. 26. Athan. Xoyoc €v nJ^ TrvevjuLaTi eirXaTTe to
(Twjjia. Serap. i. 31, fin. Iv Tij^ Xoycj) i5 v ro Trvvbfia, ibid. iii.
6. And more distinctly even as late as S. Maximus,
avTOVi avT,i (nropag (TvWafiov<Ta tov Xoyov, k£kutik6. t. 2,
p. 309. The earliest ecclesiastical authorities are S.
Ignatius ad Smym. init. and S. Hermas (even though
his date were a.d. 150), who also says plainly,
"Filius autem Spiritus Sanctus est." Past. iii. 5, u;
5. The same use of " Spirit " for the Word or God-
head of the Word is also found in Tatian. adv. Grraec.
7. Athenag. Leg. 10. Theoph. ad Autol. ii. 10.
TertuU. Apol. 23. Lact. Inst. iv. 6, 8. Hilar. Trin. ix.
: 3 and 14. Eustath. apud Theod. Eran. iii. p. 235.
VOL. II. w
30e^ SPmiT OF GOD. ,
Athan. de Incam. 22 (if it be Athanasius's), contr.
Apol. i. 8. ApoUinar. ap. Theod. Eran. i. p. 71, and the
ApoUinarists passim. Greg. Naz. Ep. 101. ad Cledon.
p. 85. Ambros. Incarn. 63. Severian. ap. Theod.
Eran. ii. p. 167. Vid. Grot, ad Marc. ii. 8. Bull. Def.
F. N. i. 2, § 5. Constant. Prsef. in Hilar. 57, &c.
Montfaucon in Athan. Serap. iv. 19.
Phoebadius too, in his remarks on 2nd Confession of
Sirmium (the " blasphemia "), supr. vol. i. p. 116 note,
in condemning the clause, "Hominem suscepisse per
quern compassus est," as implying that our Lord's higher
nature was not divine, but of the nature of a soul, uses
the word "spiritus" in the sense of Hilary and the
Ante-Nicene Fathers. " Impassibilis Deus," he says,
"quia Deus Spirittus . . . non ergo passibilis Dei
Spiritus, licet in homine suo passus."
f Again, Athan. says that our Lord's Godhead was
the immediate anointing or chrism of the manhood He
assumed. "God needed not the anointing, nor was
the anointing made without God ; but God both applied
it, and also received it in that body which was capable
of it." in ApoUin. ii. 3. and to XPi^fJia eyi) 6 Xoyog, to
Se xpiaOlv utt' i/iov 6 avOptJirog. Orat. iv. § 36. vid.
Origen. Periarch. ii. 6. n. 4. And S. Greg. Naz. still
more expressly, and from the same text as Athan.,
" The Father anointed Him ' with the oil of gladness
above His fellows,' anointing the manhood with tlte
Oodheadr Orat. 10. fin. Again, " This [the Godhead]
is the anointing of the manhood, not sanctifying by an
energy as the other Christs [anointed ones], but by a
presence of that Whole who anointed, SXov tov \ptovTo^\
SPIRIT OF GOD. 807
whence it came to pass that what anointed was called
man, and what was anointed was made Grod." Orat.
30. 20. " He Himself anointed Himself ; anointing as
Grod the body with his Godhead, and anointed as man."
Damasc. F. 0. iii. 3. " Dei Filius, sicut pluvia in vellus,
toto divinitatis unguento nostram se fudit in camem."
Chrysolog. Serm. 60. It is more common, however, to
consider that the anointing was the descent of the
Spirit, as Athan. says, Orat. i. § 47, according to
Luke iv. 18. Acts x. 38.
If Again, in explaining Matt. xii. 32, "Quicunqae
dixerit verbum contra Filium," &c., he considers our
Lord to contrast the Holy Ghost with His own
humanity, vid. Orat. i. § 50, but he gives other expo-
sitions in Serap. iv. 6, vid. supr. art. Scripture Passages,
No. 11.
If " The Spirit is God's gift," says Athan., deov S<5pov,
Orat. ii. § 18. And so S. Basil, Stjpov tov 6eou to
irvEVjuLa. de Sp. S. 57, and more frequently the later
Latins, as in the Hymn, " Altissimi Donum Dei ; " also
the earlier, e.g. Hil. de Trin. ii. 29, and August. Trin.
XV. n. 29, who makes it a personal characteristic of
the Third Person in the Holy Trinity: "non dicitur
Verbum Dei, nisi Filius, nee Donum Dei, nisi Spiritus
Sanctus." And elsewhere, "Exiit, non quomodo
natus, sed quomodo datus, et ideo non dicitur Filius."
ibid. V. 15, making it, as Petavius observes, His
eternal property, " ut sic procedat, tanquam d/mahile^*
as being Love. Trin. vii. 13, § 20.
If It was an expedient of the Macedonians to deny
that the Holy Spirit was God because it was not usual
w2
308 SPIRIT OF GOD.
to call Him Ingenerate ; and perhaps to their form of
heresy, which was always implied in Arianism, and
which began to show itself formally among the Semir
Arians ten years later, the Sirmian anathematism may
be traced: "Whoso speaking of the Holy Grhost as
Paraclete, shall speak of the Ingenerate God," &c., supr.
vol. i. p. 113. They asked the Catholics whether the
Holy Spirit was Ingenerate, generate, or createdy for into
these three they divided all things, vid. Basil, in Sabell.
et Ar. Hom. xxiv. 6. But, as the Arians had first made
the alternative only between Ingenerate and createdy and
Athan. de Deer. § 28, supr. vol. i. p. 50, shows that
generate is a third idea really distinct from one and the
other, so S. Grreg. Naz. adds proceedin^y iKwopevrovy as
an intermediate idea, contrasted with Ingenfieratey jet
distinct from generate, Orat. xxxi. 8. In other words,
Ingenerate means, not only n/)t generatey but Twt from
any origin, vid. August, de Trin. xv. n. 47, 8.
f " If the Word be not from God," says Athan.,
"reasonably might they deny Him to be Son; but if
He is from God, how see they not that what exists from
any, is the son of that from whom it is ? " Orat. iv. § 15.
In consequence it is a very difficult question in theology,
why the Holy Spirit is not called a " Son,'* and His
procession " generation." This was an objection of the
Arians, vid. ad Serap. i. 15 — 17, and Athan. only
answers it by denying that we may speculate. Other
writers apply, as in other cases, the theological language
of the Church to a solution of this question. It is
carefully discussed in Petav. Trin. vii. 13, 14.
If As the Arians objected, Orat. i. § 14, that the
SPIBIl? OF aoD. 309
First and Second Persons of the Holy Trinity ought to
be considered brothers, aSeXtpot^ so, in the course of
the controversy, did they say the same as to the Second
and Third, vid. Serap. i. § 15. iv. 2.
f " Is the Holy Spirit one," says Athan., " and the
Paraclete another, and the Paraclete the later, as not
mentioned in the Old Testament ? " Orat. iv. § 29. A
heresy of this kind is actually noticed by Origen, viz.
of those " qui Spiritum Sanctum alium quidem dicant
esse qui fuit in Prophetis, alium autem qui fuit in
Apostolis Domini nostri Jesu Christi." In Tit. t. 4> p.
695. Hence in the Creed, "who spake by the pro-
phets;" and hence the frequent epithet given by
S. Justin to the Holy Spirit of 7r/oo0i?rticov ; e.g. when
speaking of baptism, Apol. i. 61, fin. Also Ap. i. 6,
13. Tryph. 49. On the other hand, he calls the Spirit
of the Prophets "the Holy Spirit," e.g. Tryph. 54, 61.
Vid. supr. art. Coinherence.
310 THEOGNOSTUS.
THEOGNOSTUS.
Thkognostus was Master of the Catechetical school
of Alexandria towards the end of the 3rd century,
being a scholar, or at least a follower, of Origen. He is
quoted by Athanasius, as being one of those theologians
who, before the Council of Nicaea, taught that the owia
of the Son was not created, but from the oixria of
the Father. Athan. calls him a " learned man," Deer.
§ 25, and "the admirable and excellent," Scrap, iv. 9.
His seven books of Hypotyposes treated of the Holy
Trinity, of angels, and evil spirits, of the Incarnation,
and the Creation. Photius, who gives this account.
Cod. 106, accuses him of heterodoxy on these points;
which Athanasius in a measure admits, as far as the
wording of his treatise went, speaking of his ** in-
vestigating by way of exercise." Eusebius does not
mention him at all.
TRADITION. 811
TEADITION.
"See," says Athanasius, "we are proving that this
view has been transmitted from Fathers to Fathers ; but
ye, modem Jews and disciples of Caiaphas, whom
can ye assign as Fathers to your phrases? Not one
of the understanding and wise, (for all abhor you,) but
the devil alone; none but he is your father in this
apostasy, who both in the beginning scattered on you
the seed of this irreligion, and now persuades you
to slander the Ecumenical Council for committing to
writing, not your doctrines, but that which * from the
beginning those who were eye-witnesses and ministers
of the Word ' have handed down to us. For the faith
which the Council has confessed in writing, that is the
faith of the Catholic Church ; to assert this, the blessed
Fathers so expressed themselves while condemning the
Arian heresy ; and this is a chief reason why these men
apply themselves to calumniate the Council. For it is
not the terms which trouble them, but that those terms
prove them to be heretics, and presumptuous beyond
other heresies." Deer. § 27.
f Elsewhere he speaks of the Arians " forcing on the
divine oracles a misinterpretation according to their
own private sense," Orat. i. § 37, and cries out, " Who
heard in his first catechisings that God had a Son,
without understanding it in ouT sense? who, on the
312 TRADITIOK.
rise of this odious heresy, was not at once startled at
what he heard as being strange to him ? " Orat. ii. § 34.
For parallel passages from Athan. and many others,
vid. arts.on Definitions, HereticSy Private Judgment^ Mule
of Faith, and Scripture. From these it would appear that
the two main sources of Revelation are Scripture and
Tradition ; that these constitute one Rule of Faith, and
that, sometimes as a composite rule, sometimes as a
double and co-ordinate, sometimes as an alternative,
under the magisterium, of course, of the Church, and
without an appeal to the private judgment of indi-
viduals.
These articles, too, efifectually refute the hypothesis
of some Protestants, who, to destroy the force of the evi-
dence in favour of our doctrine of Tradition, wish to
maintain that by Tradition then was commonly meant
Scripture ; and that when the Fathers speak of ** Evan-
gelical Tradition" they mean the Gospels, and when
they speak of "Apostolical" they mean the Epistles.
This will not hold, and it may be right, perhaps, here
to refer to several passages in illustration.
For instance, Irenaeus says, "Polycarp, . . whom
we have seen in our first youth, . . was taught those
lessons which he learned from the Apostles, which the
Church also traTiamits, which alone are true. All the
Churches of Asia bear witTiess to them; and the
succeaaora of Polycarp, down to this day, who is a
much more trustworthy and sure witness of truth
than Valentinus," &c. Hser. iii. 3, § 4. Here is not
a word about Scripture, not a hint that by "trans-
mission" and "succession" Scripture is meant. And
TRADITION, 318
SO Irenseus continues, contrasting "Traditio quae est
ab Apostoiis" with Scripture: "Neque Scripturis
neque Traditioni consentire;" " Apostolicam Ecclesise
Traditionem ; " " veterem Apostolorum Traditionem."
Again, Theodoret says that the word Oe&roKog was used,
Kara ttjv airbaroXiicfiv irapaSoaiv ; and no one would
say that OeoroKog was in Scripture. Haer. iv. 12.
And S. Basil contrasts ra lie Trtg iyypafftov SiSaaKoXlag
with Tu Ik Trig twv airofrroXiov irapaSofTeiog^ de Sp. S.
n. 66. Presently he speaks of ovre rrig OeoTrvevtrrov
ypaf^riQi ovrc rcJv airoaToXiKwv TrapaSoaecDv. n. 77.
Origen speaks of a dogma, ovt£ rrapaSiSofjievov wo TtJv
awofTToXwvy oifTB k/iflicuvoiuLtvov TTOv Ttov ypatjtCJv. Tom.
in Matth. xiii. I. Vid. also in Tit. t. 4, p. 696, and
Periarchon. prsef. 2, and Euseb. Hist. v. 23. So in S.
Athanasius (de Synod. 21, fin.) we read of "the Apos-
tolical Tradition and teaching which is acknowledged
by all ; " and soon after, of a believing conformably ry
evayyeXiicg Kat a7ro<rroX£Kp rrapaSoaei*^ § 23, init. where
irapaSoiTig means doctrme^ not books^ for the Greek
would run ry eifayy> Kat ry arrofTT^ were the Gospels and
Epistles intended. (Thus S. Leo, "secundum evan-
gelicam apostolicamque doctriTiam" Ep. 124, I.) And
he makes 17 ivayyeXiKTj TrapaSotrig and 17 iKKXriaiafmicfi
Trap, synonymous. Cf. Athan. contr. Apoll. i. 22, with
ad Adelph. 2, init. In like manner, Neander speaks of
two kinds of so-called Apostolical Traditions, doctrinal
and ecclesiastical, Eccl. Hist. vol. ii. p. 333, transl.
And Le Moyne considers the Apostolical Tradition of S.
Hippolytus to be what S. Irenaeus means by it, doctrine,
as distinct from Scripture. Var. Sacr. t. 2, p. 1062. Vid.
314 TRADITIOir.
also Pearson, Yindic. Ignat. i. 4, circ. fin. In like
manner, S. Angostine contrasts Apostolical Tradition
with writings, de Bapt. contr. Don. ii. 7, v. 23, and
he calls Infant Baptism an Apostolical Tradition. De
Peccat. Mer. i. 26. And S. Cyprian speaks of, not
only wine, but the mixed Cup in the Holy Eucharist,
as an "Evangelical truth" and "tradition of the
Loid." Epist. 63. 14, 16.
Some instances indeed may be found in the Fathers of
Scripture considered as a kind of Tradition, which it is :
but these do not serve to make an unnatural (or rather
an impossible) interpretation imperative in the case of
such passages as the above. E.g, Athan. says, "The
Apostolical Tradition teaches, blessed Peter saying,
&c., and Paul writing," &c. Adelph. 6. Suicer refers
to Grreg. Nys. de Virg. xi. fin. Cyril in Is. Ixvi. 5, p. 909.
Balsamon, ad Can. vi. Nic. 2, Cyprian, Ep. 74, &c.
THE HOLY TRINITY IN UNITY. 316
THE HOLY TEINITY IN UNETY.
When the Church speaks of Three Persons in One
Divine Essence, it seems at first sight that she must
imply and mean, if she would avoid contradiction of
ideas, either that the "Three" or that the "One"
expresses an abstraction of our minds.
If Grod is numerically one, if the Divine Essence is
undivided and simple in that strict sense in which we
speak of each man as an individual, then the term
Person must surely denote nothing more than some
aspect, character, office, or assemblage of attributes,
which belongs to the Almighty, as when our Lord is
spoken of as Prophet, Priest, and King, which are
mere titles or appellatives, not existing re but raiione.
But this is Sabellianism.
On the other hand, we may consider the Three Per-
sons actually to exist, not being mere ideas or modes
of our viewing Grod, but as realities, intrinsically distinct
from each other, separate and complete one by one, re
as well as ratione^ Persons as we men are persons, or
at least in some analogous way. In that case we should
go on to consider, as a necessary inference, that
"One" expressed only a logical tmity, Ena unwm in
multis, a nature or class, as when we say ^^ Man is
mcM^l ; " but this conclusion brings us either to
Arianism or to Tritheism.
816 THE HOLY TBINITY IN UNITY.
There is no incompatibility of ideas involved in the
doctrine of Sabellian, Arian, or Tritheist, that is, no
mystery; but the Catholic believes and holds as an
article of faith that the Divine Three, and again the
Divine One, both as One and as Three, exist re not
ratione ; and therefore he has to answer the objection,
" Either the word ' Trinity ' denotes a mere abstraction,
or the word ^ Unity ' does ; for how can it be at once a fact
that Each of Three, who are eternally distinct one from
another, is really Grod, and also a fact that there really
is but one God ? " This however is the doctrine of the
creed of S. Athanasius, and certainly is to be received
and held by every faithful member of the Church, viz.,
that the Father is God and all that God is, and so too
is the Son, and so too is the Holy Ghost, yet there is
but one God ; that the word God may be predicated of
an objective Triad, yet also belong to only One Being,
to a Being individual and sole, all-perfect, self-existent,
and everlasting.
To state this in the language of Petavius, who is
the most learned expositor of the doctrine of the
Fathers as distinct from the medieval Church, "Non
omittendum Personas Tres, etsi invicem reapae distant,
re tamen idem esse cum essentia, et ab ea non nisi
ratione discrepare." de Trin. iii. 11, 7. It is a Three or
Triad, Each of whom is intrinsically and everlastingly
distinct from Each, (as Prophet, Priest, and King are
Tvot^ but as Priest and his people, King and his sub-
jects. Teacher and taught are^) yet Each is One and
the Same individual Divine Essence.
I^et it be observed the mystery lies, not in any one
THE HOLY TRINITY IN UNITY. 317
of the statements which constitute the doctrine, but in
their combination. The meaning of each proposition
is on a level with our understanding. There is no
intellectual difficulty in apprehending any one of them.
"Grod is a Father; Grod is a Son; Grod is a Holy
Spirit; the Father is not the Son; the Son is not the
Holy Grhost; the Holy Grhost is not the Father; Grod
is numerically One; there are not Three Grods." In
which of these propositions do we not sufficiently under-
istand what is meant to be told us ? For devotion, then
(and for devotion we may conceive these high truths to
be revealed to us), the mystery is no difficulty; such
understanding of its separate constituent propositions
as we have is sufficient for devotion, which lives and
thrives upon single objects rather than on a collection.
The difficulty then is not in understanding each
sentence of which the doctrine consists, but in its in-
compatibility (taken as a whole, and in the only words
possible for conveying it to our minds) with certain of
our axioms of thought indisputable in themselves, but
foreign and inapplicable to a sphere of existences of
which we have no experience whatever.
What in fact do we know of pure spirit? What do
, we know of the infinite ? Of the latter just a little, by
means of mathematical science, that is, under the con-
ditions of number, quantity, space, distance, direction,
and shape; just enough to tell us how little we know,
and how little we are able to draw arguments and
inferences when infinites are in question. Mathematical
science tells us that one and one infinite do not, put
together, make two; that there may be innumerable
318 THE HOLT TRINITY^ UNITY.
infiTiiteg, and that all put together are not greater than
one of them ; that there are orders of infinites. It is
plain we are utterly unable to determine what is
possible and what is impossible in this high region of
realities. And then again, in the ease of infinitesi-
mals, do not three lines become one line when one is
placed upon another? yet how can we say, supposing
them respectively coloured white, red, and blue, that
they would not remain three, after they had coalesced
into one, as entirely as they were really three before ?
Nor in its doctrine of infinites only, does mathe-
matical science illustrate the mysteries of Theology.
Greometry, for instance, may be used to a certain point
as an exponent of algebraical truth; but it would be
irrational to deny the wider revelations of algebra,
because they do not admit of a geometrical expression.
The fourth power of a quantity may be received as a fact,
though a fourth dimension in space is inconceivable.
Again, a polygon or an ellipse is a figure diflferent in
kind from a circle ; yet we may tend towards a concep-
tion of the latter by using what we know of either of
the former. Thus it is by economical expedients that
we teach and transmit the mysteries of religion,
separating them into parts, viewing them in aspects,
adumbrating them by analogies, and so approximating
to them by means of words which say too much or too
little. And if we consent to such ways of thought
in our scientific treatment of "earthly things," is it
wonderful that we should be forced to them in our
investigation of " heavenly " ?
% " You have the Son, you have the Father ; fear not
THE HOLY TRINITY IN UNITY. 819
duality There is One God, because Father is
One, and Son is God, having identity as Son towards
Father The Father is the whole fulness of God-
head as Father, and the Son is the whole fulness of
Godhead as Son The Father has Being perfect
and without defect, being root and fount of the Son
and the Spirit ; and the Son is in the fulness of God-
head, a Living Word and Offspring of the Father
without defect. And the Spirit is full of the Son, not
being part of another, but whole in Himself. . . Let us
understand that the Face (nature elSog) is One of
Three truly subsisting, beginning in Father, beaming
in Son, and manifested through Spirit." Pseudo-Ath.
c. Sab. Greg. 5 — 12. " I hardly arrive at contempla-
ting the One, when I am encircled with the radiance
of the Three ; I hardly arrive at distinguishing the
Three, when I am carried back to the One. When I
have imaged to myself One of the Three, I think It the
whole, and my sight is filled, and what is more escapes
me. . . . And when I embrace the Three in my contem-
plation, I see but One Luminary, being unable to dis-
tinguish or to measure the Light which becomes
One." Greg. Naz. Orat. 40. 41. " The fulness of God-
head is in the Father, and the fulness of Godhead
is in the Son, yet not differing, but one Godhead.
.... If of all believers there was one soul and one
heart, .... if every one who cleaves to the Lord
is one spirit, .... if man and wife are one flesh, if
all of us men in respect of nature are of one substance,
if Scripture thus speaks of human things, that many
are one, of which there can be no comparison with
320 THE HOLY TRINITY IN UNITY.
things divine, how much more are Father and Son
one in Godhead, where there is no difference of sub-
stance or of will," &c. Ambros. de Fid. i. n. 18.
" This Trinity is of one and the same nature and sub-
stance, not less in Each than in All, nor greater in
All than in Each; but so great in Father alone or in
Son alone, as in Father and Son together .... For
the Father did not lessen Himself to have a Son for
Himself, but so begat of Himself another Self, as to
remaiii whole in Himself, and to be in the Son as great
as He is by Himself. And so the Holy Ghost, whole
from whole, doth not precede That whence He pro-
ceeds, but is as great with Him as He is from Him,
and neither lessens Him by proceeding nor increases
by adhering Moreover, He who hath given to
so many hearts of His faithful to be one heart, how
much more doth He maintain in Himself that these
Three and Each of Them should be God, and yet all
together, not Three Gods, but One God ? " August.
Ep. 170, 5.
f It is no inconsistency to say that the Father is first,
and the Son first also, for comparison or number is not
equal to the expression of this mystery. Since Each is
&XoQ Oebg, Each, as contemplated by our finite reason,
at the moment of contemplation excludes the Other.
Though we profess Three Persons, Person cannot be
made one abstract idea, certainly not as containing
tinder it three individual subjects, but it is a term applied
to the One God in three ways. It is the doctrine of the
Fathers, that, though we use words expressive of a
Trinity, yet that God is beyond our numbering, and that
THE HOLY TRINITY IN UNITY. 321
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, though eternally distinct
from each other, can scarcely be viewed together in com-
mon, except as One substance, as if they could not be
generalised into Thi-ee Any-whatever ; and as if it were,
strictly speaking, incorrect to speak of a Person, or
otherwise than of the Person, whether of Father, or of
Son, or of Spirit. The question has almost been admit-
ted by S. Austin, whether it is not possible to say that
God is One Person (Trin. vii. 8), for He is wholly and
entirely Father, and at the same time wholly and entirely
Son, and wholly and entirely Holy Ghost. Vid. also
Orat. iv. § 1 and 2, where Athan. argues against the
Sabellian hypothesis as making the Divine Nature com-
pound (the Word being a something in It), whereas the
Catholic doctrine preserves unity because the Father is
the One God simply and entirely, and the Son the One
God simply and entirely (vid. next paragraph) ; the Word
not a sound, he says, which is nothing, nor a quality which
is unworthy of God, but a substantial Word and a sub-
stantial Wisdom. " As," he continues, " the Origin is One
substance, so Its Word and Wisdom is One, substantial
and subsistent ; for as from God is God, and from Wise
Wisdom, and from Eational (koyiKov) a Word, and from
Father a Son, so from a subsistence is He subsistent,
and from substance substantial and substantive, and
from existing existent," &c. Vid, art. Coi/nherence,
f Nothing is more remarkable than the confident
tone in which Athan. accuses Arians, as in Orat. ii.
§ 38, and Sabellians, Orat. iv. § 2, of considering the
Divine Nature as compound, as if the Catholics were
in no respect open to such a charge. Nor are they;
VOL. II. X
322 THE HOLY TRINITY IN UNITY.
though in avoiding it, they iare led to enunciate the
most . profound and ineffable mystery, vid. supr.
art. Son of God. The Father is the One Simple
Entire Divine Being, and so is the Son. They do
in no sense share divinity between Them; Each is
oAoc Beoc* This is not ditheism or tritheism, for They
are the same God ; nor is it Sabellianism, for They are
eternally distinct and substantive Persons ; but it is a
depth and height beyond our intellect, how what is
Two in so full a sense can also in so full a sense be One,
or how the Divine Nature does not come under num-
ber in the sense in which we have earthly experience of
numbers. Thus, " being incomposite in nature," says
Athan., " He is Father of One Only Son," Deer.
§ 11. In truth the distinction into Persons, as Pe-
tavius remarks, "avails especially towards the unity
and simplicity of God," vid. de Deo ii. 4, 8.
f " The Father," says Athan., " having given all
things to the Son, in the Son still hath all things ; and
the Son having, still the Father hath them; for the
Son's Godhead is the Father's Godhead, and thus the
Father in the Son takes the oversight of all things."
Orat. iii. 36. Thus iteration is not duplication in
respect to God ; though how this is, is the inscrutable
Mystery of the Trinity in Unity. Nothing can be
named 'which the Son is in Himself, as distinct from
the Father ; but we are told His relation towards the
Father ; and distinct from and beyond that relation. He
is but the One God, who is also the Father. Such state-
ments are not here intended to explain, but to bring
home to the mind what it is which faith receives. We
THE HOLY TRINITY IN UNITY. 323
say, "Father, Son, and Spirit," a transcendent Three,
but when we would abstract a general idea of
Them in order to number Them as we number
things on earth, our abstraction really does but
carry us back to the One Substance. There will be
different ways of expressing this, but such seems the
meaning of such passages as the following: "Those
who taunt us with tritheism," says St. Basil, " must be
told that we confess One Grod not in number, but in
nature. For what is one in number is not really one, nor
single in nature ; for instance, we call the world one in
number, but not one in nature, for we divide it into its
elements; and man again is one in number, but com-
pounded of body and soul. ... If then we say that God
is in nature one, how do they impute number to us, who
altogether banish it from that blessed and spiritual
nature ? For number belongs to quantity, and number
is connected with matter," &c. Basil. Ep. 8, 2. " That
which saveth us, is faith, but number has been devised
to indicate quantity .... We pronounce Each of the
Persons once, but when we would number them up,
we do not proceed by an unlearned numeration to the
notion of a polytheism." (vid. the whole passage,) ibid,
de Sp. S. c. 18. "Why, passing by the First Cause,
does he [S. John] at once discourse to us of the
Second? We will decline to speak of * first' and
* second ; ' for the Godhead is higher than number and
succession of times." Chrysost. in Joan. Hom. ii. 3 fin.
"In respect of the Adorable and most Royal Trinity,
' first ' and * second ' have no place ; for the Godhead is
higher than number and times." Isid. Pel. Ep. 3, 18.
x2
324 THE HOLY TBINITY IS UNITY.
** He calls," says S. Maximus, commenting on Pseudo-
Dionysius, "fecundity, the Father's incomprehensible
progression to the production of the Son and the Holy
Ghost; and suitably does he say, ^as a Trinity,' since
not number, but glory is expressed in ^The Lord Grod
is one Lord.'" in Dionys. 0pp. t. 2, p. 101. "We do
not understand *one' in the Divine Substance, as in
the creatures ; in whom what is properly one is not to
be seen; for what is one in number, as in our case, is
not properly one. ... It is not one in number, or as the
beginning of number, any more than It is as magnitude,
or as the beginning of magnitude. . . . That One is
ineffable and indescribable ; since It is Itself the cause
of all that is one, watrrig kvaSog €vo'rroi6v." Eulog. ap.
Phot. 230, p. 864. "Three what? I answer, Father
and Son and Holy Ghost. See, he urges, you have
said Three; but explain Three what? Nay, do you
number, for I have said all about the Three, when I
say. Father and Son and Holy Grhost. Not, as there
are two men, so are They two Grods ; for there is here
something ineffable, which cannot be -put into words,
viz., that there should both be number, and not
number. For see if there does not seem to be number.
Father and Son and Holy Spirit, a Trinity. If Three,
Three what? number fails. Then Grod neither is
without number, nor is under number. . . . They
imply number, only relatively to Each Other, not in
Themselves." August, in Joan. 39, 3 and 4. "We
say Three * Persons,' as many Latins of authority have
said in treating the subject, because they found no
more suitable way of declaring an idea in words which
THE HOLY TRINITY IN UNITY. 325
' they had without words. Since the Father is not the
Son, and the Son not the Father, and the Holy Ghost
neither Father nor Son, there are certainly Three ; but
when we ask, Three what ? we feel the great poverty of
human language. However, we say Three * Persons,'
not for the sake of sajdng that, but of not saying
nothing." Aug. de Trin. v. 10. "Unity is not number,
but is itself the principle of all things." Ambros. de
Fid. i. n. 19. "That is truly one, in which there is
no number, nothing in It beyond That which is. . . .
There is no diversity in It, no plurality from diversity,
no multitude from accidents, and therefore no number
.... but unity only. For when Grod is thrice re-
peated, and Father, Son, and Holy Ghost is named,
three Unities do not make plurality of number in That
which They are (in eo quod ipsse sunt).* . . . This
repetition of Unities is iteration rather than numeration.
... A trine numeration does not make number, which
they rather run into who make some difference between
the Three." Boeth. Trin. unus Deus, p. 959.
f The last remark is also found in Naz. Orat. 31. 18.
Many of these passages are taken from Thomassin
de Trin. 17. Petavius, de Trin. iv. 16, fin., quotes
St. Anselm as saying, "Though there be not
many eternities, yet, if we say eternity in eternity,
there is but one eternity. And so whatever is said of
God's essence, if returned into itself, does not increase
quantity, nor admit number; since there is nothing
out of God, when God is bom of God." Infinity does
not add to infinity ; the treatment of infinities is above
us. With this remark I end as I began.
♦The words from Boethius here translated "in Him which Thej'
326 UNITY OF EMMANUEL.
UNITY OF EMMANUEL.
It is well known that the illustration in the Athan.
Creed, "As the reasonable soul and flesh is one man,
so God and man is one Christ," was taken by the
Monophysites to imply that the Divine Nature was
made dependent on the flesh, and was influenced and
circumscribed by it. Man is partly soul and partly
body ; he is of body and soul, not body and soul ; but
Christ is wholly God, and wholly man, 6Aoc Gsoc> oXoc
avOpioirog^ Orat. iv. 35. He is as simply God as if
He were not man, as simply man as if He were not
God; "unus atque idem est," says S. Leo, "et totus
hominis filius propter camem, et totus Dei filius prop-
ter unam cum Patre deitatem," Ep. 165, 8. Athan. has
anticipated the heresy which denied this doctrine in a
very distinct passage written apparently even before
the rise of Arianism. " It is the function of the soul,"
he says, " to contemplate in its thoughts what is within
its own body ; but not to operate in things beyond its
own body, or to act by its presence on what is far from
the body. Certainly man at a distance never moves
or transposes such things ; nor could a man sit at home
and think of things in heaven, and thereby move the
sun, or turn the heaven round. . . . Not thus is the
are," are in the original (p. 273, Ed. Lugd., and p. 1122, Ed. liisil.),
*' in eo quod ipsae sunt," that is, rather, " in That which They are."
UNITY OF EMMANUEL. 327
Word of God in man's nature; for He was not bound
up with the body (o-vvcS^Sero), but rather He hath
Himself dominion over it^ so that He was not in it
only, but in all things ; nay. He was external to the
whole universe and in the sole Father," Incam. V. D.
17. The same passage occurs in Serm. Maj. de Fid. 11.
It could not be otherwise. The Divine Word was
not a mere presence or manifestation of God in man,
but He was God Himself incarnate. He was still
what He had ever been, and will be from first to
last. One, — one and the same, impassible, immutable, in
His avTOTTiCj so to speak, as being one of the Eternal
Trinity. His Divine Nature carried with It on His in-
carnation that airroTTic or Personality. So necessary,
so cardinal is this truth for the right holding of the
great doctrine under consideration, that the Alexan-
drians, St. Cyril at least, and perhaps St. Athanasius,
spoke of there being only " One Nature *' in the
Incarnate Lord, meaning thereby one Person (for
Person and Nature could not be divided ; and, if our
Lord's Nature was divine. His Person was divine also),
and by saying " only one," was meant that, in com-
parison of the Divine Person who had taken flesh, what
He had taken was not so much a nature, (though it
was strictly a nature,) as the substance of a manhood
which was not substantive.
Whereas the Apostle says, " One Lord Jesus Christ,"
that unity does not lie in the unity of two natures, (for
they are two, not one,) but in His Person, which brings
the two natures together, which is and ever has been
indivisible from His Divine Nature, and has absorbed
328 UNITY OF EMMANUEL.
into Itself, and is sovereign over, not destroying
thereby, but perpetuating. Its human nature.
t Hence, while it be true to say " Man is God," as
well as to say " God is man," it is not true that " naan
became God," or " took on him divinity," as it is true
to say " God became man," because from first to last the
Son and Word is supreme, independent, and one and
the same ; and it is a first point in all orthodox
teaching of the Incarnation to make this clear and
definite. He is "Jesus Christ," indeed, but at the
same time, " heri, et hodie, ipse et in saecula ; " He is
now, and He was from everlasting.
f "While He received no hurt {ovSev lj3Xa7rrero)
Himself by bearing our sins in His body on the tree, we
men were redeemed from our affections (TraOwv)," Oral,
iii, § 31. And so IjSAoTrrcro /xtv avrbg ovSlv, Incarn.
§ 54, fifj j3Ao7rro/xfvoc, ibid. § 34. In these passages
auroc means " in that which is Himself," i.e., in His
own Person or Divine Self, avrbg being used when the
next century would have used " Person." " For the
sun, too, which He made, and we see, makes its circuit
in the sky and is not defiled by touching," &c., Incarn.
§ 17. "As the rays of sun-light would not suffer at
all, though filling all things and touching bodies dead
and unclean, thus and much more the spiritual virtue
of God the Word would suffer nothing in substance
nor receive hurt," &c., Euseb. de Laud. Const, p. 536
and 538 ; also Dem. Evang. vii. p. 348. " The insults
of the passion even the Godhead bore, but the passion
His flesh alone felt ; as we rightly say that a sunbeam
or a body of flame can be cut indeed by a sword but
UNITY OF EMMANUEL. 329
not divided. ... I will speak yet more plainly: the
Godhead [divinitas] was fixed with nails, but could not
Itself be pierced, since the flesh was exposed and offered
room for the wound, but God remained invisible," &c..
Vigil, contr. Eutych. ii. 9, p. 503 (Bibl. Patrum,
ed. 1624). " There were five together on the Cross,
when Christ was nailed to it : the sun-light, which first
received the nails and the spear, and f emained undivided
from the Cross and unhurt by the nails, next," &c.,
Anast. Hodeg. c. 12, p. 220 (ed. 1606); also p. 222;
vid. also the beautiful passage in Pseudo-Basil : " God
in flesh, not working with aught intervening as in the
prophets, but having taken to Him a manhood con-
natural with Himself ((n;/>e^i;?}, i.e. joined to His
nature), and made one, and, through His flesh akin to
us, drawing up to Him all humanity What was
the manner of the Godhead in flesh ? as fire in iron,
not transitively, but by communication. For the fire
does not dart into the iron, but remains there and
communicates to it of its own virtue, not impaired by
the communication, yet filling wholly its recipient."
Basil, t. 2, p. 596, ed. Ben. Also Euffin. on Symb. 12 ;
Cyril, Quod unus, t. v. p. 776 ; Dam. F.O., iii. 6 fin.; Aug.
Serm. 7, p. 26, ed. 1842, Suppl. It is to show at once
the intimacy of the union of natures and the absolute
sovereignty of the divine, that such strong expressions
are in use as God's body, God's death, God's mother, &c.
f Ofov ^v (TiojULa, Orat. iii. § 31 ; also ad Adelph. 3
ad Max, 2, and so tyjv irTtoxavfTatrav <l>v<nv Oeov oXrtv
yevojuivr^v^ c. Apoll. ii. 11. to iraOog rov Xoyov, ibid. 16,
<Tap^ Tov Xoyov, Orat. iii. 34. (rMjua tro^iag, 53, also Ococ
330 VAPOUR.
€v (ra/oKi, Orat. ii. § 10 ; Oeog iv awfiaTi, ii. § 12 and 15 :
A070C iv aapKif iii. 54 ; Xoyog Iv triofiarif Sent. D. 8 fin.
iraOog Xpitrrov rov dcov fiov, Ignat. Bom. 6. 6 Oeog
iriwovOiVf Melit. ap. Anast. Hodeg. 12. Dei passiones,
Terfcull. de Cam. Christ. 5. Dei interemptores, ibid,
caro Deitatis, Leon. Serm. 65 fin. Deus mortuus et
sepultus, Virgil, c. Eut. ii. p. 502, Vid. supr. p. 294.
Yet Athan. objects to the phrase, " Grod suffered in the
flesh," i.e. as used by the Apollinarians. Vid. contr.
ApoU. ii. 13 fin. Vid. article fita ^wic*
VAPOUR.
Vid. art. awoppori.
TWO WILLS m CHRIST. 331
TWO WILLS IN CHEIST.
The Monothelite tenet does not come into the range
of subjects included in the foregoing Treatises ; but as
far as I understand it, it argued as follows : —
It was faulty in considering that no distinction was
to be drawn between the physical and psychical emo-
tions and volitions which belong to our nature, and
which are not sinful, (such as the horror of death,) and
those two acts of will, good and bad, which proceed
from deliberate purpose and determination, and, as in
the case in question, are of an ethical character. The
Monothelites held mere volition to be an act of will,
and to have the nature of sin, or at least to be incon-
sistent with that moral perfection which is possible to
human nature, and was realised in our Lord. It follows
that He could not have among His special constituents
as man one which was of so dubious a complexion ; in
other words. He had no human will, and therefore He
had but one will, viz., that which He had by being
God.
Such a resolution of the true doctrine led by a few
steps to Eutychianism, that is, to a confusion of the
received teaching on the Incarnation, and was seen to
be dangerous when it came before the Schools and
Councils of the Church, but till then it serves as an
332 TWO WILLS m christ.
instance of the verbal mistakes into which the clearest
and most saintly intellects may fall by living a little too
early to have the experience necessary for a judgment
on dogmatic questions. Athanasius says : —
" And as to His saying, If it he possible^ let the cup
pdsSy observe how, though He thus spake, He rebuked
Peter, saying, T/iou savourest Twt the things that be of
Oody but tlwae that be of men. For He willed what
He deprecated, for therefore had He come; but His
was the willing, (since for it He came,) but the terror be-
longed to the flesh. Wherefore as man He utters this
speech also, and yet both were said by the Same, to
show that He was God, willing in Himself, but when
He had become man, having a flesh that was in terror.
For the sake of this flesh He combined His own will
with human weakness, that destroying this affection He
might in turn make man undaunted in the thought of
death." Orat. iii. § 57.
f . Several centuries later Anastasius says : — " I
say not, perish the thought, that there are two wills
in Christ at variance with each other, as you consider,
and in opposition ; nor at all a will of flesh, or of
passion, or evil. . . But, since it was perfect man
that He took on Him, that He might save him whole,
and He is perfect in manhood, therefore we call that
sovereign disposal of His orders and commands by the
name of the Divine will in Christ, and we understand
by human will the intellectual soul's power of willing,
given it after the image and likeness of Grod, and
breathed into it by God, when it was made, by means
of this power to prefer and to obey, and to do the
TWO WILLS IN CHRIST. 383
divine will and the divine orders. If then the soul
of Christ was destitute of the power of reason,
will, and preference, it is not indeed after the image
of Grod, nor consubstantial with our souls .... and
Christ cannot be called perfect in manhood. Christ
then, being in the form of Grod, has, according to the
Grodhead, that lordly will which is common to Father
and Holy Grhost ; and, as having taken the form of a
servant. He does also the will of His intellectual and
immaculate soul, &c Else if this will be taken
away. He will according to the Grodhead be subject,
and fulfil the Father's will as a servant .... as if there
were two wills in the Grodhead of Father and of Son,
the Father's that of a Lord, the Son's that of a servant."
Anast. Hodeg. 1. p. 12.
384 WISDOM.
WISDOM.
H Athan. considers that the Eternal Wisdom, one of
the proper appellatives of the Son, is that Wisdom
which in Prov. ix. 1, viii. 22, &c., is said to be created,
and that this creation is to be understood of His taking
on Him a created nature. He says, " Wisdom has Toade
Iverself a house ; it is plain that our body, which it took
upon itself to become man, is Wisdom's House.*' Orat.
ii. § 44. And he is followed by St. Leo, "ut intra
intemerata viscera sedificante sibi sapentia domum,
Verbum caro fieret." Leon. Epist. 31, 2. Also Didymus
de Trin. iii. 3, p. 337 (ed. 1769). August. Civ. D. xvii.
20. Cyril, in Joann. iv. 4, p. 384, 5. Max. Dial. iii.
p. 1029 (ap. Theod. ed. Schulz). Hence Clem. Alex. 6
\6yog kavTov yevv^* Strom, v. 3. vid. art. Holy Spirit,
But without denying that our Lord is signified in the
above passage, as the Prototype, Author, and Pattern
of all wisdom, it is more natural to apply it, as Athan.
also does, to the attribute or grace called wisdom as
displayed in the creation, whether in the original crea-
tion or in the new. Hence he says, " The Only-begotten
and very Wisdom of Grod is Creator and Framer of all
things ; for in Wisdom hast Thou nnade them aUy he
says, and the ect/rth is full of Thy creation. But that
what came into being might not only be, but be good,
it pleased God that His own Wisdom should con-
WISDOM. 335
descend to the creatures, so as to introduce an impress
and semblance of Its Image on all in common and on
each, that what was made might be manifestly wise
works and worthy of God. For, as of the Son of God,
considered as the Word, our word is an image, so of
the same Son, considered as Wisdom, is the wisdom
which is implanted in us an image ; in which wisdom
we, having the power of knowledge and thought,
become recipients of the All-framing Wisdom, and
through It we are able to know Its Father." Orat. ii.
§ 78.
% As Athan. in the above passage considers wisdom as
the image of the Creator in the Universe, so elsewhere he
explains it of the Church, de Incam. contr. Ar. 6, if it be
his (and so Didym. Trin. iii. 3 fin.), where his teaching
about the Word is very much the same as in Orat. ii.
§ 56. S. Jerome understands by it the creation of the
new man in holiness, " * Put ye on Christ Jesus ; ' for He
is the new man, in whom all we believers ought to be
clad and attired. For what was not new in the man
which was taken on Him by our Saviour ? ... He there-
fore who can imitate His conversation and bring out in
himself all virtues, he has put on the new man, and
can say with the Apostle, *Not I, but Christ liveth
in me.' . . . Only in great deeds and works the word
* creation ' is used. . . The new man is the great work
of God, and excels all other creatures, since he is said to
be framed, as the world is said to be, and is created the
beginning of God's ways, and in the commencement
of all the elements." in Eph. iv. 23, 24. Naz. alludes to
the interpretation by which Wisdom is the plan, system,
836 WISDOM.
or the laws of the Universe, Orat. 30. 2, though he does
not so explain it himself. Epiphanius says, " Scrip-
ture has nowhere confirmed this application of Prov.
viii. 22, nor has any Apostle referred it to Christ." (vid.
also Basil, contr. Eunom. ii. 20.) He adds, "How
many wisdoms of God are there, improperly so called !
but One Wisdom is the Only-begotten, not improperly
so called, but in truth .... The very word * wisdom '
does not oblige me to speak of the Son of Grod." Haer.
69, pp. 743 — 745. He proceeds to show how it may
apply to Him.
If Didymus argues at length in favour of interpret-
ing the passage of created wisdom, Trin. iii. 1. c. He
says that the context makes this interpretation neces-
sary, as speaking of "the fear of God" being the
" beginning " of it, of " doing it," and of " kings and
rulers " reigning by means of it. Again it is said that
wisdom was with the Creator, who was Himself the
Son and Word. " The Son and Word, the Framer of all,
seeing and being able from the first, long suffering and
waiting for repentance in the imrighteous and wrong-
thinking multitude, when He had finished all, delighted
in wisdom which was in His creatures, and was glad in
it, rejoicing in His own work." p. 336. He contrasts
with this the more solemn style used by the sacred
writer when he speaks of the Uncreated Wisdom:
VTTCjO^vwc Koi {Ixnrep vtt' eicTrXr/^twc OavfJLaZf*>v ava^dey
yeraiy e.g. Prov. xxx. 3, p. 338.
THE WORT) OF GOT). 337
THE WORD OF GOD.
Logos, verbum^ being a term already used in the
schools of heathen philosophy, was open to various
misunderstandings on its appearance in the theology of
Revealed teaching. In the Church it was both syno-
nymous with and corrective of the term "Son;" but
heretics had almost as many senses of the term as they
had sects.
% It is a view familiar to the Fathers that in this con-
sists our Lord's Sonship, viz., that He is the Word, or as
S. Augustine says, '^ Christum ideo Filium quia Verbum."
Aug. Ep. 102, n. 11. "If Grod is the Father of a Word,
why is not He who is begotten a Son?" de Deer.
§ 17; Orat. iv. § 112. "If I speak of Wisdom, I speak
of His Offspring." Theoph. ad Autolyc. i. 3. "The
Word, the genuine Son of Mind." Clem. Protrept. p. 78 ;
and Dionysius, " tariv 6 fiev olov iraTrip 6 vovg rov Xoyov/^
Sent. Dion. § 23, fin. Petavius discusses this subject
accurately with reference to the distinction between
Divine Generation and Divine Procession, de Trin. vii.
14.
If But the heretics, says Athan., "dare to separate
Word and Son, and to say that the Word is one and
the Son another, and that first was the Word and then
the Son. Now their presumption takes various forms ;
for some say that the man whom the Saviour assumed
VOL. II. Y
338 THE WORD OF GOD.
is the Son; and others, that both the man and the
Word then became Son when they were united. And
others say that the Word Himself then became Son
when He became man ; for from being Word, they say,
He became Son, not being Son before, but only Word."
Orat. iv. § 15. The Valentinians, in their system of
Eons, had already divided the Son from the Word ; but
they considered the fiovoyEvrtg first, the X070C next.
The title " Word " implies the ineffable mode of the
Son's generation, as distinct from material parallels,
vid. Gregory Nyssen, contr. Eunom. iii. p. 107 ; Chry-
sostom in Joan. Hom. 2, § 4; Cyril Alex. Thesaur. 5,
p. 37. Also it implies that there is but One Son.
% " As there is one Origin," says Athan., "and there-
fore one God, so one is that Substance and Subsistence
(oxxria kol vwotrramg) which indeed and truly and really
is, and which said / am that I am, and not two, lest there
be two Origins ; and from the One, a Son in nature
and truth is Its proper Word, Its Wisdom, Its Power,
and inseparable from It. And as there is not another
substance, lest there be two Origins, so the Word
which is from that One Substance has no dissolution,
is not a sound significative, but is a substantial Word
and substantial Wisdom, which is the true Son. For
were He not substantial, God would be speaking into
the air, and having a body in nothing different from that
of men ; but since He is not man, neither is His Word
according to the infirmity of man. For as the Origin
is one Substance, so Its Word is one, substantial, and
subsisting, and Its Wisdom. For as He is God from
God, and Wisdom from the Wise, and Word from the
THE WORD OF GOD. 339
Rational, and Son from Father, so is He from Subsis-
tence Subsistent, and from Substance Substantial and
Substantive, and Being from Being." Orat. iv. § 1.
For the contrast between the Divine Word and the
human which is Its shadow, vid. also Orat. iv. 1, above;
Iren. Hser. ii. 13, n. 8 ; Origen. in Joan. t. i., p. 23, 25 ;
Euseb. Demonstr. v. 5, p. 230 ; Cyril. Cat. xi. 10 ; Basil,
Hom. div. xvi. 3 ; Nyssen contr. Eunom. xii. p. 350 ;
Orat. Cat. i. p. 478 ; Damasc. F. 0. i. 6 ; August,
in Psalm. 44, 5.
f " Men have many words, and after those many, not
any one of them all ; for the speaker has ceased, and
thereupon his word fails. But Grod's Word is one and
the same, and as it is written, remaineth for ever, not
changed, not first one and then another, but existing
the same always. For it behoved that, God being one,
one should be His Image, one His Word, one His Wis-
dom." Orat. ii. § 36. vid. contr. Gent. 41. ad Ep. Mg. 16.
Epiph. Haer. 65, 3. Nyss. in Eun. xii. p. 349. Origen.
(in a passage, however, of questionable doctrine) says,
" as there are gods many, but to us one God the Father,
and many lords, but to us one Lord Jesus Christ, so
there are many words, but we pray that in us may exist
the Word that was in the beginning, with God, and was
God," in Joan. tom. ii. 3. "Many things, it is acknow-
ledged, does the Father speak to the Son," say the
Semi-Arians at Ancyra, "but the words which God
speaks to the Son are not sons. They are not sub-
stances of God, but vocal energies ; but the Son,
though a Word, is not such, but, being a Son, is a sub-
stance." Epiph. Haer. 73, 12. The iSemi-Arians are
y2
340 THE WORD OF GOD*
here speaking against Sabellianism, which took the
same ground here as Arianism.
t Vid. the article on the Nicene Tests for those ante-
Nicene theologians, who, though they undoubtedly were
upholders of the Homoiision and good Catholics when
they wrote, nevertheless seem to have held that the
Word, after existing from eternity, was bom to be a
Son at " the beginning," and on the beginning of time,
and then became the Creator, the Pattern, the con-
servative power of the whole universe : — these writers
were such as Tatian, TertuUian, Novatian, &c. There
was a parallel theory to theirs, and by which they
were apparently influenced, in the heathen and Jewish
schools. The view of the Logos as ivSiaOeTog and as
7r/oo^OjO«ic6c5 as the Word conceived and the Word
uttered, the Word mental and the Word active and
effectual — to distinguish the two senses of Logos,
thought and speech — came from the Stoics, and is
found in Philo, and was, under certain limitations,
allowed in Catholic theology. Damasc. F. 0. ii.
21. To use, indeed, either of the two absolutely and
to the exclusion of the other, would have involved
some form of Sabellianism, or Arianism, as the case
might be ; but each term might correct the defective
sense of the other. That the use was not oversafe would
appear from its history in the Church, into which the
above theologians, by their mode of teaching the yiwritn^
of the Word, introduce us. Theophilus does not scruple,
in teaching it, to use the very terms, endiathetic and
prophoric. Grod made all things out of nothing, he
says. ..." Having His own Word endiathetic in His
THE WORD OF GOD. 341
own womb, He begcit Him together with His own Wis-
dom, bringing Him forth before the universe was."
Again he speaks of "the Word of God, who also
is His Son, who was ever (hawavrog) endiathetic in
the heart of God, . . . God begat Him to be p7*op]u)ric,
the first-bom of ail creation." ad Autol. ii. 10, 22.
While S. Theophilus speaks of our Lord as both en-
diathetic and prophoric, S. Cyril seems to consider Him
endiathetic, in Joan. i. 4, p. 39, though he also says, " This
word of ours, wpoipopiKogy is generated from mind and
unto mind, and seems to be other than that which stirs in
the heart, &c., &c. ... so too the Son of God, proceed-
ing from the Father without division, is the expression
and likeness of what is proper to Him, being a subsistent
Word, and living from a Living Father." Thesaur.
p. 47. When the Fathers deny that our Lord is the
wpofjMpiKog Xoyog^ they only mean that that title is not,
even in the fulness of its philosophical idea, an adequate
representative of Him, a word spoken being insubstan-
tive, vid. Athan. Orat. ii. 35. Hil. de Syn. 46. Cyr.
Catech. xi. 10. Damas. Ep. ii. p. 203, " nee prolativum,
ut generationem ei demas," for this was the Arian doc-
trine. The first Sirmian Council of the Arians anathema-
tises those who use of the Son either name. So does
the Arian Macrostich. " The Son," said Eunomius, " is
other than the endiathetic Word, or Word in intellec-
tual action, of which partaking and being filled He is
called the Prophoric Word, and expressive of the
Father's substance, that is, the Son." Cyril in Joan,
p. 31. The Gnostics seem to have held the \6yog irpo-
fl>opiKog. Iren. Haer. ii. 12, n. 5. Marcellus is said by
342 THE WORD OF GOD.
Eusebius to have considered our Lord as first the one
and then the other. Eccl. Theol. ii. 15. Sabellius
thought our Lord the wpot^opiKo^^ according to Epiph.
Hsfer. p. 398. cf. Damasc. Haer. 62. Paul of Samosata, the
IvSmderoc* Epiph. Haer. 65, passim. Eusebius, Eccles.
Theol. ii. 17, describes our Lord as the irpoi^opLKog
while disowning the word.
f Athan. speaks, contr. Gent., of man as "having,
besides grace, from the Giver, also his own natural
virtue proper from the Father's Word;" of the
mind "seeing the Word, and in Him the Word's
Father also," 2 ; of " the way to God being, not as
God Himself, above us and far off, or external to
us, but in us," 30, &c., &c. vid. also Basil, de Sp. S.
n. 19. Athan. also speaks of the seed of Wisdom as
being "a reason combined and connatural with every-
thing that came into being, which some are wont to
call seminal, inanimate indeed and imreasoning and
imintelligent, but operating only by external art ac-
cording to the science of Him who sowed it." contr.
Gent. 40.
This is drawn out somewhat differently, and very
strikingly, in contr. Gent. 43, &c. The Word indeed is
regarded more as the Governor than as the Life of the
world, but He is said to be, 6 Trapa^o^oiroio^ kol Oavfia--
TOTTOiog Tov Oeov Xoyog <l>wTiZtJV Koi ZtJOwoiCtv ....
IfcaoTc^ TTjv iSiav evifyyeiav awoSiSovg^ &c. 44. Shortly
before the Word is spoken of as the Principle of per-
manence, 41 fin.
H " For it was fitting," says Ath. elsewhere, " whereas
God is Oncj that His Image should be One also, ai^d
THE WORD OF GOD. 343
His Word One, and One His Wisdom. Wherefore I am
in wonder how, whereas God is One, these men, after
their private notions, introduce many images and
wisdoms and words, and say that the Father's proper
and natural Word is other than the Son, by whom He
even made the Son, and that He who is really Son is
but notionally called Word, as vine, and way, and
door, and tree of life; and that He is called Wisdom
also only in name, the proper and true Wisdom of the
Father, which co-exists ingenerately with Him, being
other than the Son, by which He even made the Son,
and named Him Wisdom as partaking of Wisdom."
Orat. ii. § 37. That is, they allowed Him to be really
the Son, though they went on to explain away the
name, and argued that He was but by a figure the
Word, TToXXoi \6yoi since there were, and He was
not ov8' Ik ttoXXwv elg^ Sent. D. 25. Also Ep.
Mg. 14; Origen in Joan. tom. ii. 3; Euseb. De-
monstr. v. 5, p. 229, fin.; contr. Marc. p. 4, fin.;
contr. Sabell. i. p. 4 ; August, in Joan. Tract, i. 8. Also
vid. Philo's use of \6yoi for Angels, as commented on
by Burton, Bampt. Lect. p. 556. The heathens called
Mercury by the name of \6yog. Vid. Benedictine note
f. in Justin, Ap. i. 21.
f " If the Wisdom which is in the Father is other
than the Lord, Wisdom came into being in Wisdom ;
and if Grod's Word is Wisdom, the Word too has
come into being in a Word; and if God's Word is
the Son, the Son too has been made in the Son."
Ep. Mg. 14. vid. also Deer. § 8, and Orat. iii. 2,
64. And so S. Austin, " If the Word of God was
344 THE WORD OP GOD.
Himself |made, by what other Word was He made ?
If you say, that it is the Word of the Word, by whom
that Word is made, this I say is the only Son of God.
But if you say the Word of the Word, grant that He is
not made by whom all things are made ; for He couM
not be made by means of Himself, by whom are made
all things," in Joan. Tract, i. 11. Vid. a parallel
argument with reference to the Holy Spirit, Athan.
Serap. i. 25.
345
hidex of Aiuwtatioiis 07t Theological Terma in the
foregoing Treatises alphahdically arranged,
PAQB
The 'Ay€OT/iyrov, or Ingenerate 347
The *A«y£i/i/eff 360
'KBeoq, aQi&mg 364
Atwv 358
"AxparoQ 360
'AXriGiia 362
'AXoyia, *AXoy6c .364
"AvOpiairog 366
'AvridoatQ tHjv ISuafiaTUV ........ 367
The dwapdWaKTov 370
*A7ravya<TfjLa .......... 374
'Anop^oTi 375
'Ap€tofiaviTai .......... 377
'Apx^ 380
The'ArptTTTog 383
BovXi^t Kard PovKnaiv 385
rkvvtifia 396
The rtvriTbVf revvtiTov 398
Arifuovpybg 400
AiaPoXiKdg 402
EZ^of 403
'£v^ta9eroc, vid. Word.
*EvaapKog wapovaia 405
'E^acperov 405
The 'IS^ovKirvTiOv 406
'E^ivoca ........... 407
BvuTWiipag ... 409
346
PAGK
E*(T«/3cta 41<>
Oeavdpixij ivkpytia ^^^
Oeofiaxog, Xpi(rTOfidxo<: ^^
ee6n»c. ^^^
OtOTOKOC ^^^
KaratrSTairfia 42U
JLvpios, KvpiMS ^^
A6yos 423
Merovuia .......•••• ^^4
Mla(f>v<rig ^^
Movctpxi'^ 4^
Movoyivrig **"
The"0/*oioi/ . . ^^
Ofiooifaiog 4^
*0v6fjLara ^^
"Opyavov ^^
'Op0oe . . . .• . . . . • -452
Ovcria, 6v ^^
UepipoXi) 457
Ufiyfi 458
npojioXri 458
HputToroKOQ 459
'P€v<rrdff ♦ • 463
XvyKardpaffic 464
^vfiPipriKog • 466
TheTlXciov 469
Tpidg 473
Yiovartap 475
Xpurrofiaxog 476
a47
AnTiotations on Theological Terms in the foregoing
Treatises alphaheiically ar^^anged.
The 'AyevvijTov, or Ingenerate.
It had been usual in the Schools of Philosophy, as
we contrast Creator and creatures, the Infinite and the
finite, the Eternal and the temporal, so in like manner to
divide all beings into the Unoriginate or Ingenerate, the
avapxa or ayivrtra^ on the one hand, and those on the
other which have an origin or beginning. Under the
ingenerate, which was a term equivalent to " uncreate,"
fell — according as particular philosophies or heresies
determined — the universe, matter, the soul of man, as
well as the Supreme Being, and the Platonic ideas.
Again, the Neoplatonists spoke of Three Principles as
beyond time, that is, eternal: the Grood, Intellect, and
the SquI of the world. (Theod. Affect. Cur. ii. p. 750.)
Plotinus, however, in his Enneads, seems to make Good
the sole apxrj ; ij apxn ayivvrirogy (5. Enn. iv. 1,) while
Plato says, hte apxnv ehe apxag (Theod. ibid. p. 749,
Tim. p. 48), and in his Phsedrus, p. 246, he calls the
soul of man ingenerate or ayivrirov. The Valentinians
(Tertull. contr. Valent. 7, and Epiph. Hser. 31, 10)
and Basilides (Epiph. Har. 24) applied the term to the
348 THE 'AyivvriTOV, OR INOtENERATE.
Supreme God. The word thus selected to denote the
First Principle or Cause, seems to have been spelt some-
times with one v, sometimes with two. Vid. art. yivnro^.
f And so too with Christian writers, and with like
variety in the spelling, this was the word expressing
V the contrast between the First Cause or causes, and all
things besides. Ignatius distinctly applies it to our
Lord in His Divine Nature, doubling the v in the God,
Med. "There is One Physician, generate and ingene-
rate, . . . from Mary and from God." (Ephes. 7.) vid,
Athan. Syn. § 47. Theophilus says, 6 yevnrbg koi
TTpoarSerig lort* 6 Si ayivrirog ovSevbg TTpoaSfeiraiy (ad
Autol. ii. 10.) Clement of Alexandria, ev to ayivrirov^ in
contrast to our Lord (Strom, vi. 7, p. 769). Dionysius
Alex, even entertains the hypothesis that ayewriala
is the very oiforla of God (Euseb. Prsep. vii. 19), which
the Arians took advantage of for the purposes of their
heresy, (vid. Epiph. Hser. 76,) laying it down as a
fundamental axiom that nothing yevvrrrov could be
God. Hence Eusebius of Nicomedia, in the beginning
of the controversy, rested his heresy on the dictum^
ev TO ayivvriTOv^ adding ev St to vtt' airrov aXriOwg^ koi
ovK 1$' oiftriag avrov. Theod. Hist. i. 5. Eusebius of
Csesarea too speaks of the Supreme Being as ayevvriTog
Koi Twv 8X<ov TTolrrrrig deog, (Ev. Dem. iv. 7, p. 167.)
The word apxh expressed the same attribute of the
Divine Being, and furnished the same handle to the
Arian disputant for his denial of our Lord's Divinity.
The apxri of all was avapxogl how then could our
Lord be the apxVi that is, God, if He was a Son?
But the solution of both forms of the question was
THE 'AyevvriTOV, OR INGENERATE. 349
obvious, being as easy as that of the stock fallacies
inserted, half as exercises, half as diversions for the stu-
dent, to relieve a dry treatise on Logic. It was enough
for Catholics to answer that apxfj had notoriously two
meanings, origin and beginning; that in the philoso-
phical schools these senses were understood to go
together, but that Christianity had introduced a sepa-
ration of them ; that our Lord's Sonship involved His
having no beginning because He was Grod, but His
having an origin, because He was Son. And in like
manner, the Son of God was, as God, ingenerate, that
is, without a beginning, and as Son generate, that is,
with an origin.
Thus Clement calls Him avapxog apxh9 and Arius
scoffingly ayevvrfToyevrig*
As to the assumption that nothing generate could
be God, Athan. maintains on the contrary that our
Lord cannot but be God because He is generate, vid.
art. Son.
350 THE 'AeiyevvBi'.
The ^Aeiyevvig.
Athan., as the other Fathers, insists strongly on the
perfection and the immutability of the Divine Being ;
from which it follows that the birth of the Son must
have been from eternity, for, if He exists now. He must
have existed ever. " I am the Lord, I change not." It
was from dimness and inaccuracy even in orthodox
minds, in apprehending this truth, that Arianism arose
and had its successes.
Athan. says, "Never was the substance of the
Father incomplete, so that what belonged to it should
be added afterwards; on the contrary, whereas it
belongs to men to beget in time, from the imperfection
of their nature, Grod's Offspring is eternal, for God's
nature is ever perfect." Orat, i, § 14, (Disc. n. 24.)
" Though a parent be distinct in time from his son, as
being man, who himself has come into being in time,
yet he too would have had his child ever co-existent
with him except that his nature was a restraint, and
made it impossible. Let these say what is to restrain
Grod from being always Father of the Son ? " Orat. i.
§ 26, 27 ; iv. § 15.
"Man," says S. Cyril, "inasmuch as he had a
beginning of being, also has of necessity a beginning
of begetting, as what is from him is a thing generate ;
but .... if Grod's substance transcend time, or
THE ^Auyevvig, 351
origin, or interval, His generation also will transcend
these; nor does it deprive the Divine Nature of the
power of generating, that He doth not generate in time.
For other than human is the manner of divine gene-
ration; and together with Grod's existing is His
generating implied, and the Son was in Him by gene-
ration, nor did His generation precede His existence,
but He was always, and that by generation." Thesaur.
V. p. 35. vid. also p. 42, and Dialog, ii. fin. This was
retorting the objection; the Arians said, "How can
Grod be ever perfect, who added to Himself a Son?'*
Athan. answers, "How can the Son not be eternal,
since Grod is ever perfect?" vid. Grreg. Nyssen. contr.
Eunom. Append, p. 142. Cyril. Thesaur. x. p. 78. As
to the Son's perfection, Aetius objects, ap. Epiph. Hser.
76, p. 925, 6, that growth and consequent accession
from without were essentially involved in the idea of
Sonship; whereas S. Grreg. Naz. speaks of the Son as
not areXri tt/ootc/oov, eira rlXciov, Sxrwep vo/uoc rijc
fifuieTipag yevetretog. Orat. 20. 9, fin. In like manner,
S. Basil argues against Eunomius, that the Son is
TeXsiog, because He is the Image, not as if copied,
which is a gradual work, but as a ^apaicrfipy or im-
pression of a seal, or as the knowledge communicated
from master to scholar, which comes to the latter and
exists in him perfect, without being lost to the former,
contr. Eunom. ii. 16 fin.
It follows from this perfection and unchangeableness
of the Divine Nature, that, if there is in the begin-
ning a gennesis of the Son, it is continual : — that is the
doctrine of the aeiyewig. Athan. says that there is no
352 THE ^Aeiyevvi^.
iravXa Trjg yBwriaewg. Orat. iv. § 12. Again, " Now man,
begotten in time, in time also himself begets the
child; and whereas from nothing he came to be,
therefore his word also is over and continues not. But
Grod is not as man, as Scripture has said ; but is
existing and is ever; therefore also His Word is
existing and is everlastingly with the Father, as
radiance from light." vid. Orat. ii. § 35.
f In other words, by the Divine yivvtimg is not meant
so much an act, as an eternal and unchangeable fact, in
the Divine Essence. Arius, not admitting this, objects
at the outset of the controversy to the phrase " alwayis
Father, always Son," Theod. Hist. i. 4, p. 749, and
Eunomius argues that, "if the Son is co-eternal with
the Father, the Father was never a Father in act, evepyo^t
but was apyogJ^ Cyril. Thesaur. v. p. 41. S. Cyril
answers that it is works, ifyya, that are made £^(i>0ev,
froiti witlwut ; but that our Lord is neither a " work " nor
"from without." And hence, he says elsewhere, that,
while men are fathers first in jpoase then in act, God is
Svvafiei re koX ivsfyyeitf. irarrip* Dial. 2, p. 458. Victo-
rinus in like manner says that Grod is "potentia et
actione Deus sed in aetema," Adv. Ar. i. 33; and he
quotes S. Alexander, speaking apparently in answer to
Arius, of a " semper generans generatio." And Arius
scoffs at auyevvfig and ayEvvrftoyevrig. Theod. Hist. i.
4, p. 749. And Origen had said, 6 (T(ur?}/o aei yevvarai.
ap. Routh. ReUq. t. 4, p. 304, and S. Di(mysius calls
Him the Radiance, avapx^v koI aetysvig. Athan. S. D.
15. And Athan., "As the Father is good always and by
nature, so is He always generative by nature." Orat.
THE ^Aeiyevvig. 353
iii. § 66. S. Augustine too says, " Semper gignit Pater,
et semper nascitur Filius." Ep. 238, n. 24. Petav. de
Trin. ii. 5, n. 7, quotes the following passage from
Theodorus Abucara, *^ Since the Son's generation does
but signify His having His existence from the Father,
which He has ever, therefore He is ever begotten.
For it became Him, who is properly (icv/oewc) the Son,
ever to be deriving His existence from the Father, and
not as we who derive its commencement only. In us
generation is a way to existence ; in the Son of God it
denotes the existence itself; in Him it has not existence
for its end, but it is itself an end, TeXog^ and is perfect,
riXnovJ^ Opusc. 26. Vid. art. Father Almighty.
Didjmius however says, ovic en yevvaraif de Trin. iii.
3, p. 338, but with the intention of maintaining our
Lord's perfection and eternity, as Hil. Trin. ii. 20.
Naz. Orat. 20. 9 fin. Basil, de Sp. S. n. 20 fin. It is
remarkable that Pope Gregory too objects to " Semper
nascitur '* as implying imperfection, and prefers " Sem-
per natus est." Moral. 29, 1 ; but this is a question of
words.
VOL. II.
364 "Aftcoc* aOforiy^.
This epithet, in its passive sense, as used by St.
Paul, Eph. ii. 12, (not in the sense of disowning or
denying God, but of being disowned by Him,) is
familiar with the Fathers in their denunciation of
heretics and heathen, and with the heathen against
Christians and others, who refused to worship their
country's gods. Of course the active sense of the
word is here and there more or less implied in the
passive.
Thus Athan. says of Arius that " he is on all sides
recognised as godless (atheist) Arius," Orat. i. § 4. And
of the Anomoean Aetius, "Aetius who was sumamed
godless," Syn. § 6. Asterius too he seems to call
atheist, including Valentinus and the heathen, Orat.
iii. § 64. Eustathius calls the Arians avOpdjwovg adiovg^
who were attempting Kparritrai tov 0c£ot;. Theod. Hist,
i. 7, p. 760. And Arius complains that Alexander
had expelled him and his from Alexandria, wg avOptj-
TTovg aOiovg, ibid. i. 4.
% Since Christ was Grod, to deny Him was to deny
Grod; but again, whereas the Son had revealed the
" unknown God," and destroyed the reign of idols, the
denial of the Son was bringing back idolatry and its
attendant spiritual ignorance. Thus in the Orat. contr.
Gent. § 29 fin., written before the Arian controversy,
^'Adcocj aOeoTTig. 355
he speaks of "the Greek idolatry as full of all
Atheism" or ungodliness, and contrasts with it the
knowledge of " the Guide and Framer of the Universe,
the Father's Word," "that through Him we may
discern His Father, and the Greeks may know how far
they have separated themselves from the truth." And,
Orat. ii. § 43, he classes Arians with the Greeks, who,
" though they have the name of God in their mouths,
incur the charge of Atheism, because they know not
the real and true God, tlie Father of our Lord Jesus
Ghristr (vid. also Basil, in Eunom. ii. 22.) Shortly
afterwards Athan, gives a further reason for the title,
observing that Arianism was worse than previous
heresies, such as Manicheism, inasmuch as the latter
denied the Incarnation, but Arianism tore from God's
substance His connatural Word, and, as far as its
words went, infringed the perfections and being of the
First Cause. And so ad Ep. Mg. § 17 fin. he says,
that it alone, beyond other heresies, "has been bold
against the Godhead Itself in a mad way, (/zavticwre-
/oov,) denying that there is a Word, and that the
Father was always Father."
K In like manner he says, ad Scrap, iii. 2, that if
a man says " that the Son is a creature, who is Word and
Wisdom, and the Impress, and the Eadiance, whom
whoso seeth seeth the Father," he falls under the
text, " Whoso denieth the Son, the same hath not the
Father." "Such a one," he continues, "will in no
long time say, as the fool, there is no OodJ^ In like
manner he speaks of those who think the Son to be
the Spirit, as "without (c^w) the Holy Trinity, and
z2
356 "AOcoc* adeoTTfg.
atheists," Scrap, iv. 6, "because they do not really
believe in the God that is, and there is none other but
He." And so again, "As the faith delivered [in the
Holy Trinity] is one, and this unites us to God, and he
who takes aught from the Trinity, and is baptised in
the sole name of the Father or of the Son, or in Father
and Son without the Spirit, gains nothing, but remains
empty and incomplete, both he and the professed
administrator, (for in the Trinity is the perfection,)
[initiation,] so whoso divides the Son from the Father,
or degrades the Spirit to the creatures, hath neither
the Son nor the Father, but is an atheist and worse than
an infidel, and anything but a Christian." Scrap, i. 30.
K Elsewhere, he speaks more generally^ as if Ari-
anism introduced "an Atheism or rather Judaism
against the Scriptures^ being next door to Heathenism,
so that its disciple cannot be even named Christian,
for all such tenets are contrary to the Scriptures ; " and
he makes this the reason why the Nicene Fathers
stopped their ears and condemned it, Ep. ^g. § 13.
Moreover, he calls the Arian persecution worse than the
pagan cruelties^ and therefore " a Babylonian Atheism,"
Ep. Encycl. § 5, as not allowing the Catholics the use
of prayer and baptism, with a reference to Dan. vi.
11, &c. Thus too he calls Constantius atheist, for his
treatment of Hosius, ovre rov deov 0oj3»jOctc o aOeog^
Hist. Arian. 45 ; and Nazianzen calls Lucius, on account
of his cruelties in Alexandria, "this second Arius,
the most copious river of the atheistic fountain." Orat.
25. 11. And Palladius, the Imperial officer, is avrip
aOeog. ibid. 12.
"Adcoc* aOeoTTig. 357
% Another reason for the title seems to have lain in
the idolatrous character of Arian worship on its own
showing^ viz., as paying divine honours to One whom
they yet maintained to be a creature.
f As to other heresies, Eusebius uses the word of the
Sabellian, Eccl. Theol. p. 63; of Marcellus, p. 80; of
Phantasiasts, p. 64 ; of Valentinus, p. 114. Basil applies
it to Eunomius.
f As to the heathen, Athan. speaks of the tlStoXtov
adeoTtiraf contr. Gent. § 14 and 46 init. Orat. iii. § 67,
though elsewhere he contrasts apparently atheism with
polytheism, Orat. iii. § 15 and 16. Nazianz. speaks of
the Tro\60tog a0€ca, Orat. 25. 15. vid. also Euseb. Eccl.
Theol. p. 73.
If On the other hand, Julian says that Christians
preferred " atheism to godliness." vid. Suicer. Thes. in
voc. It was a popular imputation upon Christians, as
it had been before on philosphers and poets, some of
whom better deserved it. On the word as a term of
reproach, vid. Voet. Disput. 9, t. 1, pp. 115, &c. 195.
358 Aldtv*
By altjvt age, seems to be meant duration, or the
measure of duration, before or independent of the
existence of motion, which is the measure of time. As
motion, and therefore time, are creatures, so are the
ages. Considered [as the measure of duration, an age
has a sort of positive existence, though not an ovtrla or
substance, and means the same as " world," or an
existing system of things viewed apart from tinie and
motion, vid. Theodor. in Hebr. i. 2. Our Lord then
is the Maker of the ages, thus considered, as the
Apostle also tells us, Hebr, xi, 3, and Grod is the King^
of the ages, 1 Tim, i. 17, or is before all ages, as being
eternal, or irpoaiwviog. However, sometimes the word
is synonymous with eternity: "as time is to things
which are under time, so ages to things which are
everlasting," Damasc. Fid. Orth. ii, 1, and "ages of
ages" stands for eternity; and then the "ages," or
measures of duration, may be supposed to stand for
the '/Seat or ideas in the Divine Mind, which seems
to have been a Platonic or Gnostic notion. Hence
Synesius, Hymn, iii., addresses the Almighty as al(ov6'
TOKE, Parent of the Ages. Hence sometimes Grod
Himself is called the Age, Clem. Alex. Hymn. Paed. iii.
fin., or the Age of ages, Pseudo-Dion, de Div. Nom. 5,
p. 581, or again, altjviog. Theodoret sums up what
has been said thus : " Age is not any subsisting sub-
Ai(jjv» 359
stance, but is an interval indicative of time, now
infinite, when Grod is spoken of, now commensurate
with creation, now with human life." Haer. v. 6. If
then, as St. Paul says in Hebr. xi. 3, the Word is Maker
of the ages. He is independent of duration altogether ;
He does not come to be in time, but is above and beyond
it, or eternal, vid. Deer. 18. Elsewhere he says, "The
words addressed to the Son in the 144th Psalm, * Thy
kingdom is a kingdom of all ages,' forbid any one to
imagine any interval at all in which the Word did not
exist. For if every interval is measured by ages, and
of all the ages the Word is King and Maker, therefore,
whereas no interval at all exists prior to Him, it were
madness to say, * There was once when the Everlasting
{aidjviog) wag not.'" Orat. i. 12. And so Alexander:
" Is it not unreasonable that He who made times, and
ages, and seasons, to all of which belongs *was not,'
should be said not to be? for, if so, that interval in
which they say the Son was not yet begotten by the
Father, precedes that Wisdom of Grod which framed
all things." Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 736. vid. also Basil,
de Sp. S. n. 14. Hilar, de Trin. xii. 34.
The subject is treated of at length in Greg. Nyssen.
contr. Eunom. i. t. 2. Append, p. 93 — 101. vid. also
Ambros. de Fid. i. 8 — 11. As time measures the
material creation, so "ages" were considered to
measure the immaterial, as the duration of Angels.
This had been a philosophical distinction. Timseus
says, UK(!)V e<m \p6vog rd^ ayBwart^ XP^^^y ^^ alJiva
worayoptvofieg. Vid. also Philo, p. 298, Quod Deus
Immort. 6. Euseb. Laud. C. p. 501. Naz. Orat. 38. 8.
360 "AKfmrog*
"Aic/oarocj
Simple, absolute, untempered, direct ; an epithet appKed
both by Catholics and Arians to the creative Hand of
Grod, as if the very contact of the Infinite with the finite,
which creation involves, would extinguish the nascent
creature which it was bringing into being. The
Arians attempted to find in this doctrine an argument
in favour of their own account of our Lord's nature.
They said that our Lord was created to be the instru-
ment whereby the world could be created. without that
perilous intervention of the Almighty Hand, which made
creation almost impossible. Deer. § 8, Orat. ii. § 25^ 30,
Epiph. Haer. 76, p. 951. Cyril. Thes. pp. 150, 241. de
Trin. iv. p. 523. Basil, contr. Eunom. ii. 21, Orat. ii. 29.
But how was it, asked Catholics, that creation was pos-
sible at all, that is, in the case of our Lord Himself, on
supposing Him a creature ? vid. Deer. § 8. Catholics on
their side had no diflSculty to overcome : they con-
sidered that the Creator, by a special and extraor-
dinary grace, supplied whatever was necessary for
bearing the mighty Hand of Grod, as also a parallel
grace is supplied for receiving safely the great privi-
leges of the Grospel, especially the Holy Eucharist.
" Not as if He were a creature, nor as having any
relation in substance with the universe, is He called
Firstborn of it ; but because, when at the beginning
"AlC/OOTOC* 361
He framed the creatures, He condescended to them
that it might be possible for them to come into being.
For they could not have endured His untempered
nature and His splendour from the Father, unless,
condescending by the Father's love for man, He had
supported them and taken hold of them and brought
them into substance." Orat. ii. § 64.
K He does not here say with Asterius that Grod could
not create man immediately, . . . but that He did not
create him without at the same time infusing a grace
or presence from Himself into his created nature, to
enable it to endure His external plastic hand ; in other
words, that man was created in Him, not as something
external to Him (in spite of the Sia and Iv in reference
to the first and second creation, In lUud omn. 2). Vid.
art. Avian TenetSy &c., and Gent, 47, where the
trvyKara^amg is spoken of.
362 'AXfiOua.
'AXfiOna,
Truth, whether true doctrine or true reasoning, means
the objective truth in contrast to subjective opinion or
private judgment. Sometimes aXridHa is used by itself,
sometimes aX?/0£iac \6yog9 sometimes Xoyog (vid. arts.
RvZe of Faith and opOog). E.g. 6 r^c aXriOdag Xoyoc
i\iy\ei9 Orat. ii. 35. <Sjg 6 rfig aXridBiag aTrgrei Xoyocj
Ap. c. Ar. 36, where it is contrasted with a»c vOekov
(vid. above, art. Private JudgmeifU) ; also Scrap, ii. 2.
Epiphanius: r^c oX» X. avrnriirru avrt^y Haer. 71, p.
830. Eusebius : 6 t^c aX. X. j3o^, Eccl. Theol. i. p. 62,
and avTi(l>6ey^BTai avrd^ fxiya (iofitrag 6 rrjc aX. X. ibid,
iii. p. 164. And the Coimcil of Sardica: Kara rov rrig
aX. X. ap. Athan. Apol. contr. Ar. 46, where it seems
equivalent to " fairness " or " impartiality." Asterius :
oi Trig aX. airo<j>aivovTai Xoy i<rfioif Orat. ii. 37, i. 32. de
Syn. § 18 cir, fin., and so also rote aX. Xoy itrjuLoig, Sent.
D. 19. And so also, ri aX. SifiXey^Sf Orat. ii. § 18. ij
<l>v<rtg Koi i) aX. " draw the meaning to themselves," § 5
init. rov Xoyou Scticvvvrocj ibid. 3 init. ISc^kwev 6 Xoyog^
13 fin. Tqg aX. iu^a<Tr\g^ 65 init. 60, iXiy\ovTai wapa
Trig aXriOeiag^ 63, fi aXfiOeia Seitcvvtrif 70 init. Trig aX.
jULaprvpritTCKTrigy 1 init. to Trig aX. t^povrifxa fieyaXriyopeiv
wpewei, § 31 init. and Deer. 17 fin. In some of these
instances the words aXi^dcca, X070C, &c., are almost
synonymous with the Eegula Fidei; vid. vapa Trjv
aXriOnavs Orat. ii. § 36, and Origen de Princ. Praef. 1
and 2,
'AXiiOeia. 363
f "Had these expositions proceeded from orthodox'
men {6p0oS6^(ov\ Hosius," &e., &c. Ep. Mg. 8. And,
"Terms do not disparage His Nature; rather that
Nature draws to Itself those terms, and changes them."
Orat. ii. § 3. Also de Mort, Ar. fin. And vid. Leont.
contr. Nest, iii. 41. (p. 581, Canis.) He here seems
alluding to the Semi-Arians, Origen, and perhaps the
earlier Fathers.
% One of the characteristic points in Athanasius is his
constant attention to the sense of doctrine, or the mean-
ing of writers, in preference to the very words used.
Thus he scarcely uses the symbol o/xoovo-eov, (one in sub-
stance,) throughout his Orations, and in the de Synod,
acknowledges the Semi-Arians as brethren. Hence,
Deer. § 18, he says that orthodox doctrine "is revered
by all, though expressed in strange language, provided
the speaker means religiously, and wishes to convey
by it a religious sense." vid. also § 21. He says that
Catholics are able to "speak freely," or to expatiate,
irapprftriaZofisOaf "out of Divine Scripture." Orat. i.
§ 9. vid. de Sent. Dionys. § 20 init. Again: "The
devil spoke from Scripture, but was silenced by the
Saviour; Paul spoke from profane writers, yet, being
a saint, he has a religious meaning." de Syn. § 39.
Again, speaking of the apparent contrariety between
two Councils^ " It were unseemly to make the one con-
flict with the other, for all their members are Fathers ;
and it were profane to decide that these spoke well
and those ill, for all of them have slept in Christ."
§ 43 ; also § 47. Again : " Not the phrase, but the
meaning and the religious life, is the recommendation
of the faithful." ad Ep. .Eg. § 9.
364 'AXoyta, "AXoyoq.
'AXo^m, "AXoyoc*
This epithet is used by Athan. against the Arians,
as if, by denying the eternity of the Logos (Season
or Word), first, they were denying the Intellectual
nature of the Divine Essence ; and, secondly, were for-
feiting the source and channel of their own rational
natui-e.
1. As to the first of these, he says, " Imputing to Grod's
nature an absence of His Word, aXoytav, . • • they are
most impious." Orat. i. § 14. Again, "Is the Grod,
who iSf ever without His rational Word?" Orat. i.
§ 24, iv. § 4 and 14. Also Sent. D. 16, 23, &c. Serap.
ii. 2. Athenag. Leg. 11. Tat. contr. Grraec. 5. Hippol.
contr. Noet. 10. Nyssen. contr. Eunom. vii. p. 216.
Orat. Catech. 1. Naz. Orat. 29. 17 fin. Cyril. Thesaur.
xiv. p. 145. (vid. Petav. de Trin. vi. 9.)
f It must not be supposed from these instances that
the Fathers meant that our Lord was literally what is
called the attribute of reason or wisdom in the Divine
Essence, or in other words that He was Grod merely
viewed as Grod is wise ; which would be a kind of Sabel-
lianism. But, whereas their opponents said that He
was but called Word and Wisdom after the attribute,
they said that such titles marked, not only a typical re-
semblance to the attribute, but so full a correspondence
and (as it were) coincidence in character with it, that
^AXoyia^ *'A\oyog* 365
whatever relation that attribute had to Grod, such in kind
had the Son; — that the attribute was the Son's sym-
bol, and not His mere archetype ; — that our Lord was
eternal and proper to Grod, because that attribute was
so, which was His title, vid. Athan. Ep. Mg. 14 ; — that
our Lord was that Essential Eeason and Wisdom, not
by which the Father is wise, but without which the
Father was Tiot wise; — not, that is, in the way of a
formal cause, but in fact. Or, whereas the Father
Himself is Beason and Wisdom, the Son is the neces-
sary issue of that Reason and Wisdom, so that, to say
that there was no Word, would imply there was no
Divine Beason ; just as a radiance supposes a light ; or,
as Petavius remarks, Trin. vi. 9, as the eternity of the
Original involves that of the Image: rrig vTrofrraaetog
xnrapxovarigy Travrwg ehdvg eivai Set tov xapaKrripa koX
iiKova ravrrtg. Orat. i. § 20. vid. also § 31. Deer. § 13.
Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 737.
f Secondly, he says of the Arians themselves,
" Denying the Word of Grod, Divine Beason have they
forfeited." Deer. § 2. And again, "If they impute
change to the Word, their own reason is in peril." Orat.
i. § 35. Hence Arianism, as denying the Word, is
essentially madness. "Has not a man lost his mind
who entertains the thought that Grod is Wordless and
Wisdomless?" Orat. ii. § 32. This will help us to
understand how it is he calls them apeiofiavlTai. vid»
art. in voc.
366 "* AvOptifwoQ*
In Greek, and homo in Latin, are used ^by the Fathers
to signify our Lord's manhood, and again, human
nature, with an abruptness which, were it not so fre-
quent, would be taken to give some sanction to
Nestorianism.
Thus Athan., speaking of His receipt of grace, says,
" The Word being united to the TnaUy' Orat. iv. § 7.
" Separating the hypostasis of God's Word from the
Man from Mary," ibid. § 35. " I, the Word, am the
Chrism, and that which has the Chrism from Me is the
man," ibid. It illustrates this use of the word, that it
is also used for human nature ; e.g., " Of that was
6 avOpiowog in want, because of . . . the flesh and of
death," Orat. i. § 41, vid. also iv. § 6.
t I will set down one or two specimens of the parallel
use of homo among the Latins : " Deus cum homine mis-
cetur; hominem induit," Cypr. Idol. ed. Ven. p. 538.
" Assumptus homo in Filium Dei," Leon. Serm. 28, p. 101.
" Suus [the Word's] homo," ibid. 22, p. 70. " Hie homo,"
Ep. 31, p. 855. " Hie homo, quem Deus suscepit." Aug.
Ep. 24, 3. vid. the author's Tract. Theol. fxia (jivmg^ fin.
AvTidomg twv !8i(o/iiar(ov. 367
^AvTiSomg rdv iSiwfiarwv.
Since G-od and man are one Person, we are saved
from the; confusioni which would otherwise follow from
the union of two contrary natures. We may say intel-
ligibly that Grod is man and man is Grod, because the
attributes of those two contrary natures of Christ do
not rest and abide in, and thereby destroy, each other,
but belong to the one Person, and become one because
they are His ; and when we say that Grod becomes man,
we mean that the Divine Person becomes man; and
when we say that a man is the object of our worship,
we mean that He is worshipped who is^ Himself also j
truly a man.
The word " Person," as the received term for ex-
pressing this union of natures, is later than Athan.,
who uses instead " He " and " His," the 'personal pro-
nouns ; but no writer can bring out j^the theological
idea more forcibly than he.
If ovK aXXovy aWa rov Kvpiov' and so ovk kripov rivog,
Incam. 18; also Orat. i. § 45, and iv. 35. Cyril. Thes.
p. 197, and Anathem. 11, who defends this [phrase
against the Orientals.
f iBiov is another word by which Athan. signifies the
later word "Person." "For when the flesh suffered,
the Word was not external to it ; and therefore is the
passion said to be His : and when He did.'divinely His
368 'AvrtSoertc twv iSiwfxarwv*
Father's works, the flesh was not external to Him, but
in the body itself did the Lord do them," &c. . . . juL^ra
Twv iSewv waOiovy &c. Orat. iii. § 31, 32, 3.
For JStov, which occurs so frequently in Athan., vid*
also Cyril. Anathem. 11. iSioTroiovfievovy Orat. iii. § 33
and 38. ad Epict. 6. fragm. ex Euthym. (t. i. p. 1275,
ed. Ben.) Cyril, in Joann. p. 151. And ocfcefairai, contr.
ApoU. ii. 16, Cyril. Schol. de Incam. t. v. p. 782,
Concil. Eph. t. 1, pp. 1644, 1697, (Hard.) Damasc.
F. 0. iii. 3, p. 208, (ed. Ven.) Vid. Petav. de Incam.
iv. 15.
For Koivov, opposed to TStov, vid. Orat. iii. § 32, 51.
Cyril. Epp. p. 23 ; " communem," Ambros. de Fid. i. 94.
Vid. Orat. iv. 6. This interchange is called theolo-
gically the avrlSoaig or communicatio iStoijuaroiv. " Be-
cause of the perfect union of the flesh which was assumed,
and of the Godhead which assumed it, the names are
interchanged, so that the human is called from the divine
and the divine from the human. Wherefore He who
was crucified is called by Paul, Lord of glory, and He
who is worshipped by all creation of things in heaven,
in earth, and under the earth, is named Jesus," &c.
Nyssen. in ApoU. t. 2, pp. 697, 8.
" And on account of this, the properties of the flesh
are said to be His, since He was in it, such as to
hunger, to thirst, to suffer, to weary, and the like, of
which the flesh is capable; while on the other hand
the works proper to the Word Himself, such as to raise
the dead, to restore sight to the blind, and to cure the
woman with an issue of blood. He did through His
own body. The Word bore the infirmities of the flesL
J>lil l J jl ___g Sg
as His own, for His was the flesh ; and the flesh minis-
tered to the works of the Q-odhead, because the Grodhead
was in it, for the body was Grod's." Orat. iii. § 31.
" The birth of the flesh is a manifestation of human
nature, the bearing of the Virgin a token of divine
power. The infancy of a little one is shown in the
lowliness of the cradle, the greatness of the Highest is
proclaimed by the voices of Angels. He has the rudi-
ments of men whom Herod impiously plots to kill. He
is the Lord of all whom the Magi delight suppliantly
to adore, &c., &c. To hunger, thirst, weary, and sleep
are evidently human ; but to satisfy five thousand on
five loaves, and to give the Samaritan living water,'*
&c., &c. . . Leon. Ep. 28, 4. Serm. 51. Ambros. de Fid.
ii. n. 58. Nyssen. de Beat. t. Ij p. 767. Cassian. Incarn.
vi. 22. Aug. contr. Serm. Ar. c. 8. Plain and easy as
such statements seem in this and some parallel notes,
they are of the utmost importance in the Nestorian
and Eutychian controversies.
f " If any happen to be scandalised by the swathing
bands, and His lying in a manger, and the gradual
increase according to the flesh, and the sleeping in a
vessel, and the wearying in journeying, and the hunger-
ing in due time, and whatever else happen to one who
has become really man, let them know that, making a
mock of the sufferings, they are denying the nature;
and denying the nature, they do not believe in the
economy; and not believing in the economy, they
forfeit the salvation." Procl. ad Armen. p. 2, p. 615, ed.
1630.
VOL. II. A a
370 THE 'ATra/ooXXaicrov.
The 'ATrapaXXaicrov,
Unvarying or eocact^ i.e. Image. This was a word
used by the Fathers in the Nicene Ck)uneil to express
the relation of the Son to the Father, and if they even-
tually went farther, and adopted the formula of the
Homoiision, this was only when they found that the
Arians explained its force away. " When the Bishops
said that the Word . . . was the Image of the Father,
like to Him in all things and aTrapaXXaicrov, &c. . . .
the party of Eusebius were caught whispering to each
other that * like ' &c. were common to us and to the
Son, and that it was no difficulty to agree to these . . .
So the Bishops were compelled to concentrate the sense
of the Scriptures, and to say that the Son is * consub-
stantial,' or * one in substance,' that is, the same in
likeness with the Father." Deer. § 20.
f The Eusebian party allowed that our Lord was
like, and the image of, the Father, but in the sense in
which a picture is like the original, differing from it in
substance and in fact. In this sense they even allowed
the strong word airapaXXaKTogy exact image, which, as^
I have said, had been used by the Catholics, (vid.^
Alexander, ap. Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 740,) as by the
Semi-Arians afterwards, who even added the words kut
ovtTiaVf or " according to substance." Even this strong
phrase, however, kot oixriav aTrapaXXoKTog ilKU)v, or
THE 'AirapaWaKTOV. 371
airapaXXaicnog 0/1010^9 or aTrapaXXaicroc ravTOTrig, did
not appear to the Council an adequate safeguard of the
doctrine. Athan. notices, Syn. § 53, that "like" ap-
plies to qualities rather than to substance. Also Basil.
Ep. 8, n. 3. " In itself it is frequently used of faint
similitudes, and falling very far short of the original."
Ep. 9, n. 3. Accordingly, the Council determined on
the word 6fioov<Tiov as implying, as Athan. Deer. § 20
expresses it, " the same in likeness," rovrov r^ ofxoiuxreiy
that the likeness might not be analogical, vid. Cyril.
in Joan. 1. iii. p. 302.
K Athan. says that in consistency those who professed
the aTrapaWaKTov should go further one way or the
other. Syn. § 38. When they spoke of " like," Athan.
says, they could not consistently mean anything short
of "likeness of substance," for this is the only true
likeness ; and while they used the words aTrapaXXaicrog
clfccav, unvarying image, to exclude all essential like-
ness, they were imagining instead an image varying
utterly from its original. While then he allows it, he is
far from satisfied with the phrase Sfioiog Kar oixrlav or
6fi6io{f(Tiog ; he rejects it on the very ground that when
we speak of " like," we imply qualities, not substance.
Every image varies from the original, because it is an
image. Yet he himself frequently uses it, as do other
Fathers ; vid. Orat. i. § 26, ofioiog rrjg ovmag. And all
human terms are imperfect ; and " image " itself is
used in Scripture.
If * AirapaXXaicrog elKwv Kar' ohmav was practically the
symbol of Semi-Arianism, not because it did not admit
of a religious explanation, but because it did admit of
Aa 2
372 THE 'ATTopaXXaicrov.
a wrong one. It marked the limit of Semi-Arian ap-
proximation to the absolute truth. It was in order to
secure the true sense of aTrapaXkaicrov that the Council
adopted the word 6fioov<Ti6v. ^ATrapaXXaicrov is accord-
ingly used as a familiar word by Athan. de Deer. supr.
§ 20, 24. Orat. iii. § 36. contr. Gent. 41, 46 fin.
Provided with a safe evasion of its force, the Arians
had no difficulty in saying it after him. Philos-
torgius ascribes it to Asterius, and Acacius quotes a
passage from his writings containing it. (vid. Epiph.
Hser. 72, 6.) Acacius at the same time forcibly
expresses what is meant by the word, to eicnnrov kojl
Tpavig eKfiayeiov rov Oeov rrig ovaiag. In this he speaks
as S. Alexander, rfjv Kara iravra ofioiorryra avrov hz
(jivrreiog aTrofjLa^afjLevogs Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 740.
XapaKTYipy Hebr. i. 3, contains the same idea. "An
image not inanimate, not framed by the hand, nor
work of art and imagination, {einvoiag^) but a living
image, yea, the very life (avroovo-a); ever preserving
the unvarying (to awapaXXaKTov), not in likeness of
fashion, but in its very substance." Basil, contr.
Eunom. i. 18. The Auctor de Trinitate says, speaking
of the word in the Creed of the Dedication, " WiU in
nothing varying from will {cnrapaXXaKTog) is the
same will; and power nothing varying from power
is the same power; and glory nothing varying from
glory is the sams glory." The Macedonian replies,
"Unvarying I say, the same I say not." Dial. iii.
p. 993 (Theod. t. v.); Athan. de Deer. 1. c. seems
to say the same. That is, in the Catholic sense,
the image was not aTrapaXXaicrocs if there was any
THE 'ATrapaWaKTov. 373
diflference, if He was not one with Him of whom He was
the image, vid. Hil. de Syn. 91.' ad Const, ii. 5. And
the heretical party saw that it was impossible to deny
the ofioovfTiov and ir^piyjiyp-qtriq, and yet maintain the
airapaWoKToVi without holding two Grods. Hence the
ultimate resolution of the Semi-Arians, partly into
orthodox, partly into Anomoeans.
f " What sort of faith have they who stand neither
to word nor writing, but alter and change everything
according to the season? For if, Acacius and
Eudoxius, you do not decline the faith published at
the Dedication, and in it is written that the Son is
* Exact Image of Grod's substance,' why is it ye write
in Isauria, We reject * the Like in substance ' ? for if
the Son is not like the Father in respect of substance,
how is He * exact image of the substance ? ' But if
you are dissatisfied at having written * Exact Image of
the substance,' how is it that ye anathematise those
who say that the Son is unlike ? for if He be not accord-
ing to substance like. He is altogether unlike : and the
Unlike cannot be an Image. And if so, then it does
not hold that he that hath seem, the Son, hath seen the
Father, there being then the greatest difference possi-
ble between Them, or rather the One being wholly
Unlike the Other. And Unlike cannot possibly be
called Like. By what artifice then do ye call unlike
like, and consider Like to be unlike, and so pretend to
say that the Son is the Father's Image ? for if the Son
be not like the Father in substance, something is
wanting to the Image." Syn. § 38.
374 ^ kiraiyadfia.
'ATravyacT/io,
Eadiance or shine. This is St. Paul's word, Hebr.
i. 3, taken from Wisdom vii. 26, and suggesting the
" Light from Light " of the Nieene Creed. It is the
familiar illustration used by Athan. to convey the idea
of the Divine Sonship, as consubstantial and from
eternity. He sometimes uses the image of fire, Orat.
iv. § 2 and 10, but it is still fire and its radiance.
However, we find the illustration of fire from fire,
Justin. Tryph. 61, Tatian. contr. Grraee. 5. At this
early day the illustration of radiance might have a
Sabellian bearing, as that of fire in Athan.'s had an
Arian. Hence Justin protests against those who con-
sidered the Son as " like the sun's light in the heaven,"
which **when it sets, goes away with it," whereas it is
as " fire kindled from fire." Tryph. 128. Athenagoras,
however, like Athanasius, says "as Light from Fire,"
using also the word airoppoiay efflibence. Vid. also
Orig. Periarchon, i. 2, n. 4. Tertull. Apol. 21. Theogn.
ap. Athan. Deer. § 25.
'Airoppoii. 375
'Atto/S/cJo^.
This word, though in itself unobjectionable as an
expression of the divine ylwijcrec* is generally avoided
by the Fathers, as being interpreted by the Arians in
a material sense. " The offspring of men are portions
of their fathers," says Athanasius, " and men awoppiovai
in begetting, and gain subs|iance in taking food; but
Grod, being without parts, is ^S^er of a Son without
partition or passion, for there is neither awoppori in the
Immaterial nor iwippofiy and, being uncompounded by
nature, He is Father of One only Son. And He too is
the Father's Word, from which may be understood the
impassible nature of the Father, in that not even a
human word is begotten with passion, much less the
Word of God." Deer. § 11.
f S. Cyril, Dial. iv. init. p. 505, speaks of the
OpvXXovfiivri airoppofi ; and disclaims it, Thesaur. 6,
p. 43. Athanasius disclaims it. Expos. § i. Orat. i.
§ 21. So does Alexander, ap. Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 743.
On the other hand, Athanasius quotes it in a passage
which he adduces from Theognostus, Deer. § 25, and
from Dionysius, de Sent. D. § 22, and Origen uses it,
Periarchon, i. 2. It is derived from Wisd. vii. 25.
The passage of Theognostus is as follows: —
f " The substance of the Son is not anything gained
376 ^Airoppori.
from without, nor provided out of nothing, but it
sprang from the Father's substance, as the radiance
of light, as the vapour of water; for neither the
radiance, nor the vapour, is the water itself or the sun
itself, nor is it alien; but it is an effluence of the
Father's substance, which, however, suffers no parti-
tion. For as the sun remains the same, and is not
impaired by the rays poured forth by it, so neither
does the Father's substance suffer change, though it
has the Son as an Image of Itself." Deer. § 25.
"Vapour" is also used in Wisdom vii., Origen, &c.,
as referred to supr.
f Hieracas the Manichaean compared the Two Divine
Persons to the two lights of one lamp, where the oil
is common and the flame double, thus implying a sub-
stance distinct from Father and Son of which each
partook, or to a flame divided into two by (for in-
stance) the papyrus which was commonly used instead
of a wick. vid. Hilar, de Trin. vi. 12.
^ ApuofiaVirai. 377
^ Kpuofiaviraiy
A TITLE of the Arians. "The dumb ass forbade the
madness of the prophet," irapa^poviav. On the word
^ AptiofiavlTaiy Gribbon observes, "The ordinary appel-
lation with which Athanasius and his followers chose
to compliment the Arians, was that of Ariomanites,"
ch. xxi. note 61. Rather, the name originally was a state
title, enjoined by Constantine, vid. Petav. de Trin. i. 8
fin. Naz. Orat. 43. 30, p. 794, note c, and thenceforth
used by the general Church, e.g. Eustathius of Antioch,
ap. Theod. Hist. i. 7. Constant, ap. Concil. t. i. p. 456.
Hilar, de Trin. vii. ii. 7, note. Julius ap. Athan. Apol. c.
Ar. 23. Council of Egypt, ibid. 77, yid. also 6. Phoe-
badius contr. Arian. 22. Epiph. Hser. 69, 19. (6 fiaviioSrig
"Apeiog.) Grreg. Naz. Orat. 2. 37, Trjv 'Apeiov KoXCtg
ovofiaaOeXaav fiavtav^ and so 6 Trig fiavlag eirtjvvfiog,
Orat. 43. 30, vid. also Orat. 20. 5; and so Proclus,
rfjv ^Apelov fiavlav^ ad Armen. p. 618 fin. And Athan.
e.g. i^Lavtav SiajSoXov, ad Scrap, i. 1 ; also ad Scrap, i.
17 fin. 19 init. 20, 24, 29. ii. 1 fin. iv. 5 init. 6 fin. 15
fin. 16 fin. In some of these the denial of the divinity
of the Holy Grhost is the madness. In like manner
Hilary speaks continually of their "furor," de Trin.
i. 17.
f Several meanings are implied in this title ; the
real reason for it was the fanatical fury with which it
378 'A/>€co/[aivTreu.
spread and maintained itself; (cf. on the other
hand, 6 fiaviKog ipatrrrig rov xpiarovs enthusiastic.
Chrysost. in Esai. vi. 1. Horn. iv. 3, t. 6, p. 124.) Thus
Athan. contrasts the Arian hatred of the truth with
the mere worldliness of the Meletians, Ep. Mg. 22.
Hence they are a(re/3€?c» x/^tcrro/Lioxot, and governed by
KaKOvoia and KaKO(^poin)vr\.
Again, Socrates speaks of it as a flame which
ravaged, iTrevifiero, provinces and cities, i. 6. And
Alexander cries out, & avoalov rvt^ov koX a/utirpov
fiavlag. Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 741. vid. also pp.
735, 6. 747. And we read much of their eager
spirit of proselytism. Theod. ibid. The word raania
may be taken to express one aspect of it in English.
Their cruelty came into this idea of their " mania ; "
hence Athan. in one place calls the Arian women, in
the tumult under George of Cappadocia, Mcenadea.
"They, running up and down like Bacchantes and
furies, juiaivaSeg koX epivvvegy thought it a misfortune
not to find opportunity for injury, and passed that day
ia grief in which they could do no harm." Hist. Arian.
59. Also, "profana Arianorum novitas velut qusedam
Bellona aut Furia." Vincent. Common. 4. Eustathius
speaks of ol irapaSo^oi rrig apeiov dvfiiXrig peaoxopoi.
ap. Phot. 225, p. 759. And hence the strange parono-
masia of Constantine, "A/occj apeie^ with an allusion to
Hom. II. V. 31.
f A second reason, or rather sense, of the ap-
pellation was what is noted supr. art. aXoyiay that,
denying the Word, they have forfeited the gift of
reason, e.g. rwv ^ Apeiopavirwv t?)v aXoyi'av* de Sent,
' ApeiojuuivXTai. 379
Dion. init. vid. ibid. 24 fin. Orat. ii. § 32. iii.
§ 63 throughout. Hence in like manner Athan.
speaks of the heathen as mad who did not acknow-
ledge God and His Word, contr. Grent. fin., alsQ 23
fin. Hence he speaks of elSioXofiavia. contr. Gent. 10,
and 21 fin. Again, Incam. 47, he speaks of the
mania of oracles, which belongs rather to the former
sense of the word.
% Other heresies had the word mania applied
to them, e.g. that of Valentinus, Athan. Orat. ii. § 70,
K^v ftaivijrai. Epiphanius speaks of the ijifiavriq
BiSatTKokia of the Noetians. Hser. 57, 2. Nazian-
zen contrasts the sickness, votroc, of Sabellius with
the madness of Arius, Orat. 20. 5; but Athan.
says, fialverai /jlIv "Apetogy jiaiverai Sc SajSeXXtocj Orat.
iv. 25. Manes also was called mad: "Thou must
hate all heretics, but especially him who even in name
is a maniac." Cyril. Catech. vi. 20. vid. also ibid. 24
fin. — a play upon the name. But this note might be
prolonged indefinitely.
380 'Apxfi.
First principle or the beginning. This is a term employed
both in expounding the doctrine of the Holy Trinity
and in that of the Incarnation. For its employment in
the former of these, vid. supr. art. Father Almighty. As
to the second, it expresses the great providential office of
the Second Person towards the universe, spiritual and
material, which He has created. The creature, as such,
is insufficient for itself; and He, who gave it being, gives
it also a grace above its nature to enable it to use and
enjoy that being well and happily. Nor is it a mere
gift of power or health, as a quality, but it is the very
Presence of the Word, the Second Person of the
Blessed Trinity, in the creature, of which Presence a
certain perfection of being and a continuous life is
the result. A still more wonderful dispensation or
Economy is revealed to us pre-eminently in the Grospel,
vid. Deification, Grace, Sanx>tification, Indwelling, &c. ;
but such a gift above nature has been and is exercised
in the first instance towards the material and Angelic
world, and the title given to the Word in exercising
this high Providential office is that of apxv< ^id. also
arts. aKparog, (TvyKaTafiamg, wpiMrroTOKog.
This office of the Word, it is plain, commences from
the first moment of creation, and in its very nature
implies divinity. It is spoken of in Scripture, viz. in
'Apxfi' 381
the Proverbs, — " Dominus possedit Me in initio viarum
suarum;" a passage to which the Arians appealed in
the controversy more than to any other place in
Scripture. It is in refutation of their arguments that
Athan. introduces his own grand dissertation upon the
sense of apxn. The Arians interpreted it as meaning
that the Personal Word and Son of God was the work
with which creation commenced, that is, He was the
first creature, Athan. lays it down that He was not the
beginning in the sense of being the first of the whole
number of creatures, but as heading the creation of
God. He could not have been the first of all, if He
had been one of all. As being an ejfflcax vaitiura^ or an
initium that initiates, He is more than a beginning ;
He is a cause: He could not initiate, unless He were
divine. He entered creation by an act of condescension,
in order to associate it with His own greatness. Vid.
Orat. ii. § 49. And ibid. § 60> "He who is before
all is not a beginning of all, but is other than all."
Yet again, He is a beginning, because He begins the
beginning.
In this there is an analogy to the circumstances of
His Incarnation. His inhabiting and vivifying the
creation implies attributes of the Supreme Being:
He could not be by ofiSce wpiororoKog (first-bom)
without first being jULovoyevrig (only-begotten); and
in like manner in the Gospel He is able to stoop to
be our Mediator, and to be a Priest making atone-
ment for us, and to be our Brother gaining blessings
for us, because, though man. He is more than mere
man. vid. Priesthood. Such is the force, as Athan. says.
382 'Aiox^.
of the "wherefore" in Ps. xliv.; beccmse He is by
nature God, therefore He was able to be exalted as
Mediator.
In consequence of this close analogy between the
circumstances of Creation and Redemption, our Lord
is called apxn by Athan. in both dispensations. There
is an initial grace necessary for the redeemed, if they
are to partake of the redemption, as well as for their
having their place in creation. Vid. the passages
quoted under Spiritual Freedom.
THE "ArpewTog. 383
The "Ar/aeTrrocj
That is, of a nature capable of change in ethical
character. Arius maintained this of our Lord in the
strongest terms in the earlier statements of his
heresy. "On being asked (says Alexander) whether
the Word of Grod is capable of altering, as the devil
altered, they scrupled not to say, *Yes, He is
capable.'" Socr. i. 6. vid. the anathema at Sirmium
on those who said tov \6yov rpoirriv virofJiefievriKOTa.
supr. vol. i. p. Ill, note 4.
It was indeed difiBcult, with their opinions, to exclude
the notion that change of some kind belonged to Him j
nay, that He was not only in nature Tpeirrogy but in
fact aXXoioviuLevog. (vid. Deer. § 23. Orat. ii. § 6.) It
would be strange if they stopped short of this, as soon
as they came to hold that our Lord's superhuman
nature took the place of a soul, and was dependent on
the body; and they scarcely would encumber them-
selves with the mystery of a double fiyejioviKov^ when
they had thrown aside the "mysterium pietatis."
This they seem to have done even in S. Athanasius's
lifetime ; for he speaks of them in contr. ApoU. i. 15, as
supposing that the Saviour took flesh only, and thus
imputing suffering to the impassible Godhead. Vid.
also Ambros. de Fid. iii. n. 38. Also an assumption of
this tenet seems involved (vid. Macrostich 6) in the
384 "Ar/acwToc*
ground assigned for condemning the Sabellians. vid.
supr. vol. i. p. 106.
This tenet was the connecting point between Arians
and Apollinarians. Both held that our Lord was a sort
of man made up of a divine being and what resembles
a creature, and what Athan. and other Fathers say
against the Apollinarians serves against the Arians
also. "Ar/afiTTToc fiivojv^ &c., he says, Orat. ii. § 6,
against the Arians,* and so against Apollinaris he says,
6 Xoyog avOpioTTog ylyovc, jiivisjv Biog* ii. 7. vid. also ibid.
3 circ. init. So o /uev i^v, Siifieivev' 8 Se ovk f^v,
TT/aoo'lXajScv. Naz. Orat. 29. 19. ovtria fiivovtra ottc/o
lorf. Chrysost. ap. Theodor. Eran. p. 47. o ^v 6/uccvc St
iaVToVi KOI S TiOiXriae yiyove &' i^/uac* Procl. ad Arm.
Ep. ii. p. 615, ed. 1630. vid. also Maxim. 0pp. t. 2, ed.
1675. 67r£/D ^v ^lafxivwvy koi yevofULevog owep oifK ^v. p.
286. vid. also p. 264. "Manens id quod erat, factus
quod non erat." August, cons. Ev. i. n. 53 fin.
"Non omiserat quod erat, sed coeperat esse quod
non erat." Hilar. Trin. iii. 16. "Non amittendo
quod suum erat, sed suscipiendo quod nostrum erat."
Vigil, contr. Eut. i. 13, p. 498, (Bibl. P. ed. 1624,)
and so Leo.
BouX)), Kara jiovXritriv* 385
BovXiy, Kara jSovXrjo'iv.
One of the arguments, on which the Arians laid most
stress in controversy, was the received doctrine, as it
may be considered, that our Lord's' gennesis was Kara
TO jSovXrj/ia of the Father. Athanasius says that the
doctrine is not only heretical in its application, but in
its source^ though still not necessarily heretical, viewed
in itself. " The phrase," he says, " is from the here-
tics, and the words of heretics are suspicious." Orat.
iii. § 59, supr. vol. i. p. 192 ; and in corroboration he
might allege various heterodox writers. E.g. of these,
Tatian had said deXruuLari TrpoTrijS^ v Xoyog. Gent, 5.
TertuUian had said, " Ut primum yoluit Deus ea edere,
ipsum primum protulit Sermonem." adv. Prax. 6.
Novatian, "Ex quo, quando ipse voluit, Sermo filius
natus est." de Trin. 31. And Constit. Apost. rbv wpb
ahovwv €vSoic£^ tov warpbg yavvridevTa. vii. 41. Also
Pseudo-Clem. "Grenuit Deus voluntate praecedente."
Recognit. iii. 10. And Eusebius, Kara yv(i/>tijv koI
Trpoaipeaiv (iovXrideig 6 debg and Ik r^c tov irarpbg
/3ovXfjc Koi Svvafietog. Dem. iv. 3. Arius, of course,
deMfiari koi (iovXy vttIotij, ap. Theod. Hist. i. 4, p.
750, and supr. vol. i. p. 84, Arius's Creed.
This is true, but far higher authorities can be cited in
favour of the phrase, so that Athan. feels it necessary to
guard and soften his adverse judgment upon it. Hence
he says, ;" If any orthodox believer were to use these
VOL. II. B b
386 Boi;X?|, Kara /3ovXv|ar£v.
words in simplicity, there would be no cause to be
suspicious of them, the orthodox intention prevailing
over that somewhat simple use of words." Orat. iii.
§ 59 (as supra). And, " Had these expositions of theirs
proceeded from the great confessor Hosius, Maximinus,
Philogonius, Eustathius, Julius," &c. &c. Ep. ^Eg. 8.
But, after all, his admissions in favour of the phrase do
not go far enough, as the following specimens of the
use of it will show: —
S. Ignatius speaks of our Lord as "Son of God
according to the will (0lXij/xo) and power of Grod." ad.
Smym. 1. S. Justin as "Grod and Son according to
His will, /3ovX?iv," Tryph. 127; and "begotten from
the Father at His will, OcXi^crei," ibid. 61 ; and he says,
Svvifin Ka\ /3ovXy oirov, ibid. 128. S. Clement,
"issuing froiji the Father's will itself quicker than
light." Gent. 10 fin. S. Hippolytus, " Whom God the
Father, having willed, jSovXijOcic^ begat as He willed, ip^
^©cXijcrcv." contr. Noet. 16. Origen, ck deXrifiaroc. ap.
Justin ad Menu, (in Concil. Const, ii. p. 274, Hard.)
vid. also "cum filius charitatis etiam voluntatis."
Periarch. iv. 28.
But what is more to the purpose still, Athan. uses
the phrase himself, and thereby necessarily sanctions the
doctrine which it represents, in one passage in his Dis-
courses, viz. in Orat. iii. § 31. " Our Lord was ever
God," he says, " and hallowed those to whom He came,
arranging all things icara to jdovXrijULa rov warpo^" And
similarly he says, "Men came into being through the
Word, ore airoc 6 Trarrip rfOiXriae*'^ Orat. i. § 63.
f Now let us consider what the argument was which
BovXi), Kara j3ovXi?<r«v. 387
the Arians founded on this phrase, and how it was to
be refuted.
They threw it into the form of a dilemma thus:
"Was our Lord's genneais with or without the
Father's will ? If with, then He who willed the Son's
existence, could have not willed it, or could unwill it
now; if without, then it is the blind action of some
unknown cause or fate, not the act of the Living
Almighty God." If the first of these alternatives
was accepted, then followed two conclusions, both
contradictory of our Lord's divinity. " God is self-
existent; but a son depends on his father's will: —
God is eternal; but a son is posterior to his father's
will. For both reasons the Son is not God." If the
second alternative is taken, then Necessity is sovereign,
and God ceases to be.
This reasoning, which in the first instance they
applied to our Lord's gennesis^ they procee^ied to
apply to all His divine acts also. As He was a being
depending for His being, life, and powers on the will of
the Supreme God, His Maker, so His great works in
creation, conservation, and moral governance, in re-
demption and sanctification, were all done in obedience
to definite commands and fiats of His Almighty Father.
Such was the Arian argument, yet it was not very
difficult to expose its fallacy, while admitting the Kara
TO /3ovXf7fca to be orthodox ; and one can only suppose
that Athan. in fact found Catholics perplexed and .
disturbed by the use the Arians made of it, and felt
tender towards those who were not clear-headed. It was
scarcely more than another form of the original objec-
Bb2
388 Boi^A?}, Kara fioi\ri<riv.
tion that a son must be posterior to his father, as if
the conditions of time existed in eternity. "Sooner"
and " later " imply succession, and vanish when time is
no longer. It is customary to lay down that with Omnipo-
tence to say is to do : " He spake and it was done ; " and
if in creation, which is a work in time, to determine and
to effect is one act, how much more really is succession
as regards His own nature foreign to the Ancient of
days, who is at once the Alpha and Omega, the Begin-
ning and the End ! Then as to the alternative of the
Divine acts being subject to necessity or fate,, it is
obvious to ask whether the Supreme Being is not good
and just, omnipotent, and all-blessed, Kara to /3ovXf|/xo,
yet could He change His nature? could He make
virtue vice, and vice virtue? If He cannot destroy
Himself, and would not be Grod if He could or would,
why should He cease to be Grod, if He cannot be, nor can
will to be, without a Son ? Such thoughts are as pro-
fane as they are unmeaning; and in the presence of
them, Athanasius begs Grod to pardon him, if his Arian
opponents force him to entertain them.
The geuTiesia, he says, belongs to the Divine Nature,
as the Divine Attributes do, and, as we cannot explain
why and how the moral law is what it is, so neither
can we understand how Father and Son are what They
are. "They say," he observes, "* Unless the Son has
by the Father's will come into being, it follows that
the Father had a Son of necessity and against His
good pleasure.' Who is it who imposes necessity on
Him ? . . . What is contrary to will they see ; but what is
greater and transcends it, has escaped their perception.
BovXt), Kara j3ovAij(rtv. 389
For, as what is besides purpose is contrary to will, so
what is according to nature transcends and precedes
counselling. . . . The Son is not external to the Father,
wherefore neither does [the Father] counsel concerning
Him, lest He appear to counsel about Himself. As far
then as the Son transcends the creature, by so much
does what is by nature in God transcend the will. . . .
For let them tell us, that Grod is good and merciful,
does this attach to Him by will or not ? if by will, we
must consider that He began to be good, and that His
not being good is possible. . . . Moreover, the Father
Himself, does He exist, first having counselled, then
being pleased, to exist, or before counselling?" Orat.
iii. § 62, 63, supr. vol. i. p. 197.
f Thus he makes the question a nugatory one, as if
it did not go to the point, and could not be answered,
or might be answered either way, as the case might be.
Really Nature and Will go together in the Divine
Being, but in order, as we regard Him, Nature is first.
Will second, and the generation belongs to Nature,
not to Will. He says, "Whereas they deny what is
by nature, do they not blush to place before it what is
by will ? If they attribute to God the willing about
things which are not, why recognise they not what in
God lies above the will ? Now it is a something that
surpasses will that He should exist by nature, and
should be Father of His proper Word." Orat. ii. § 2.
In like manner S. Epiphanius : " He begat Him neither
willing, 0eX(i>v, nor not willing, but in nature, which is
above will, fiovXriv. For He has the nature of the
Godhead, neither needing will, nor acting without
390 BovXi), Kara povXi^rfV.
wilL" Uaer. 69, 26. vid. also Ancor. 51, and Ambros.
de Fid. iv. 4. Vid. others, as collected in Petav.
Trin. vi. 8, § 14—16.
^ It would seem then that the phrase ** by the
Father's will," is only objectionable, as giving rise
to interpretations erroneous and dangerous, vid. Deer.
§ 18. Hence Athan. says, ''It is all one to say 'at
will,' and 'once He was not.'" Orat. iii. § 61. But
as this needed not be the interpretation of the phrase,
and it is well to keep to what has been received, there-
fore as the earlier Fathers had used it, so did those
who came after Arius. Thus Nyssen in the passage
in contr. Eun. vii. referred to lower down. And S.
Hilary, " Nativitatis perfecta natura est, ut qui ex sub-
stantia Dei natus est, etiam ex consilio ejus et volun-
tate nascatur." Hilar. Syn. 37. The same Father says,
" charitate Patris et virtute," in Psalm, xci. 8, and " ut
voluit qui potuit, ut scit qui genuit." Trin. iii. 4. And
he addresses Him as " non invidum bonorum tuorum in
Unigeniti tui nativitate." ibid. vi. 21. S. Basil too
speaks of our Lord as a\fToZ(»)riv koi avroayadov^ " from
the quickening Fountain, the Father's goodness,
ayaOorriTogJ** contr. Eun. ii. 25. And Csesarius calls
the Son ayawriv irarpog. Quaest. 39. Vid. Ephrem. Syr.
adv. Scrut. R. vi. 1, Oxf. Trans, and note there. Maxi-
mus Taurin. says, that God is "per omnipotentiam
Pater." Hom. de Trad. Symb. p. 270, ed. 1784. vid. also
Chrysol. Serm. 61. Ambros. de Fid. iv. 8. Petavius
in addition refers to such passages as one just quoted
from S. Hilary, speaking of God as not " invidus," so as
not to communicate Himself, since He was able. " Si
BovXiy, Kara (iovXri<Tiv» 391
non potuit, infirmus ; si noluit, invidus." August, contr,
Maxim, ii. 7.
Hence, in order to secure the phrase from an
heretical tendency, the Fathers adopted two safeguards,
both of which are recognised by Athanasius. (1) As
regards the relation between the /3ovXij/>to and the
yivvritrig, they made a distinction between the fiovXri
wpoTny ovjiivr^ and the trvv^poiiOQ^ the precedent and the
concomitant will ; and (2) as to the relation between
the ^oiXrifjui and creation &c., they took care that the
Son Himself should be called the (iovXri or (iovXrifia of
the Father, vid. supr. Mediation^ p. 220.
f (1) As to the precederU will, which Athan. notices,
Orat. iii. § 60, supr. vol. i. p. 192 &c., it has been mentioned
in R^cogn. Clem. supr. p. 385. For Ptolemy vid. Epiph.
Haer. p. 215. Those Catholics who allowed that our Lord
was deXritret, explained it as a (rvvSpoinog diXriari^, and not
a wporiyovfjLivfi ; as Cyril. Trin. ii. p. 450. And with the
same meaning S. Ambrose, " nee voluntas ante Filium
nee potestas." de Fid. v. n. 224. And S. Gregory
Nyssen, " His immediate union, a/ico-oc arvvaifteiaf does
not exclude the Father's will, fiovXriaiVi nor does that
will separate the Son from the Father." contr. Eunom.
vii. p. 206, 7. vid. the whole passage. The alternative
which these words, <rbv^pofio^ and Trpomyovjiiviii ex-
pressed was this: whether an act of Divine Purpose
or Will took place before the gennesia of the Son, or
whether both the Will and the gennesia were eternal,
as the Divine Nature was eternal. Hence Bull says,
with the view of exculpating Novatian, "Cum Filius
dicitur ex Patre, quando ipse voluit, nasci, velle illud
392 Boi/A?!} Kara /SovXiytrev.
Patris aetemum fuisse intelligendum," Defens. F. N.
iii. 8, § 8, though Novatian's word qv/indo is against
this interpretation.
f Two distinct meanings may be attached to "by
will," (as Dr. Clarke observes, Script. Doct. vol. iv.
p. 142, ed. 1738,) either a concurrence or acquiescence,
or a positive act. S. Cyril uses it in the former sense,
when he calls it (rvvS/oo/ioc, as "referred to above;
in the latter, when he says that "the Father wills
His own subsistence, OeXtirrig lore, but is not what
He is from any will, Ik ^ov\fi<rtw^ tivoq^ Thes. p. 56 ;
Dr. Clarke would apply to tYiegefaTiesis the Ik /SovX^o-ed^cs
with a view of inferring that the Son was subsequent to
a Divine act, i.e. not eternal; but what Athan. says
leads to the conclusion, that it does not matter which
sense is taken. He does not meet the Arian objection,
" if not by will therefore by necessity," by speaking
of a concomitant will, or by merely saying that the
Almighty exists or is good, by will, with S. Cyril, but
he says that "nature transcerida will and necessity
also." Accordingly, Petavius is even willing to allow
that the ek fiuvXrig is to be asioribedto the yivvritrig in
the sense which Dr. Clarke wishes, i.e. he grants that
it may precede the yivvricrig^ i.e. in order, not in time,
viz. the succession of our ideas, Trin. vi. 8, § 20, 21 ;
and follows S. Austin, Trin, xv. 20, in preferring, to
speak of our Lord rather as " voluntas de voluntate,"
than, as Athan. is led to do, as the "voluntas Dei."
% (2) As to our Lord being the Father's /SovXt), and
thereby the concomitant j3oi^X7)/xa, Athan. declares it,
Orat. ii. § 31. iii. § 63. Thus in the first of these
BovXi7> Kara ftovXriaiv. 393
places, " Since the Word is the Son of God by nature,
and is from Him and in Him, so the Father without
Him works nothing. Ood said^ Let there be light. . . He
epoke and it was done. ... He spoke, not that some un-
der-worker might hear and learn His will who spoke, and
go away and do it, for the Word is the Father's Will."
f Kioara /SovXrj, supr. Orat. ii. 2. Cyril, in Joan,
p. 213. ^co(ra Svvafiigf Sabell. Greg. 5. ^coaa ukwv,
Naz. Orat. 30. 20. ^wtra evipyeia, Syn. Antioch. ap.
Eouth, Reliqu. t. 2, p. 469. ZCjxra larxvgy Cyril, in Joan:
p. 951. Z<o(ra ao^fa, Origen. contr. Cels. iii. fin. ^wv
Xoyoc, Origen. ibid.
% ayaOov Trarpog ayadov j3ovXt}/ia. Clem. Paed. iii.
p. 309. (ro<t>iay xpriarrorng, diva^i^f di\ii\jia TravroKparo-
piKov. Strom, v. p. 546. " Voluntas et potestas patris."
TertuU. Orat. 4. " Natus ex Patre velut qusedam volun-
tas ejus ex mente procedens." Origen. Periarch. i. 2,
§ 6. S. Jerome notices the same interpretation of " by the
will of God," in the beginning of Comment, in Ephes.
S. Austin on the other hand, as just now referred to,*
says, '*Some divines, to avoid saying that the Only-
begotten Word is the Son of the counsel or will of
God, have named. Him the very Counsel or Will of the
Father. But I think it better to speak of Him as
Counsel fron^ Counsel, Will from Will, as Substance
from Substance, Wisdom from Wisdom." Trin. xv. 20.
And so Caesarius, ayairri I? ayairrig. Qu. 39, siipr. vid.
for other instanpes Tertullian's Works, Oxf. Tn Note I.
% And so Cyril. Thes. p. 54, who uses it expressly,
(as has been said above, p. 220,) in contrast to the
Kara (iovXri<riv of the Arians, though Athan. uses Kara
394 BouXi79 Kara (iov\ri<rtv*
TO j3ovXi|/ua, also (as in Orat. iii. 31) : — airrbg tov irarpbg
OiXrifAas says Nyss. contr. Eunom. xii. p. 345. The prin-
ciple to be observed in the use of such words is this :
that we must ever speak of the Father's will, command,
&c., and the Son's fulfilment, assent, &c., as if one act.
If Vid. de Deer. 9. contr. Gent. 46. Iren. Haer.
iii. 8, n. 3. Origen contr. Cels. ii. 9. Tertull. adv.
Prax. 12 fin. Patres Antioch. ap. Routh. t. 2,
p. 468. Prosper in Psalm. 148. (149.) Basil, de Sp. S.
n. 20. Hilar. Trin. iv. 16. vid. art. Mediation.
" That the Father speaks and the Son hears, or con-
trariwise, that the Son speaks and the Father hears,
are expressions for the sameness of nature and the
agreement of Father and Son." Didym. de Sp. S. 36.
" The Father's bidding is not other than His Word ;
so that *I have not spoken of Myself He perhaps
meant to be equivalent to *I was not bom from
Myself.' For if the Word of the Father speaks. He
pronounces Himself, for He is the Father's Word," &c.
August, de Trin. i. 26. On this mystery, vid. Petav.
Trin. vi. 4.
If " When Grod commands others, . . . then the hearer
answers, ... for each of these receives the Mediator Word
which makes known the will of the Father ; but when
the Word Himself works and creates, there is no
questioning and answer, for the Father is in Him, and
the Word in the Father ; but it suffices to will, and
the work is done." Orat. ii. § 31. Such is the Catho-
lic doctrine. For the contrary Arian view, even when
it is highest, vid. Euseb. Eccl. Theol. iii. 3 ; also vid.
supra, art. En8ebiu8y in which passage, p. 164,
BovXi75 Kora /BouXryacv. 39*5
the Father's v^vfiara are spoken of, a word common
with the Arians. Euseb. ibid. p. 75. de Laud. Const.
p. 528. Eunom. Apol. 20 fin. The word is used of
the Son's command given to the creation, in Athan.
contr. Gent. e.g. 42, 44, &c. S. Cyril. Hier. frequently,
as the Arians, uses it of the Father. Catech. x. 5. xi.
passim, xv. 25, &c. The difference between the ortho-
dox and Arian views on this point is clearly drawn
out by S. Basil, contr. Eunom. ii. 21.
396 VivvviiuLa.
Vlvvrtfid,
Offspring. This word is of, yery frequent occurrence
in Athan. He speaks of it, Orat. iv. 3, as virtually
Scriptural. " If any one declines to say * offspring/
and only says that the Word exists with God, let such
a eae fear lest, declining an expression of Scripture,
(to Xcyofctvov,) he fall into extravagance," &c. Yet
Basil, contr. Eunom. ii. 6 — 8, explicitly disavows the
word, as an unscriptural invention of Eunomius.
" That the Father begat we are taught in many places :
that the Son is an offspring we never heard up to this
day, for Scripture says, * unto us a child is born, unto
us a son is given.' " c. 7. He goes on to say that "it
is fearful to give Him names of our own, to whom Grod
has given a name which is above every name ; " and
^ observes that offspring is not the word which even a
human father would apply to his son, as for instance
we read, "Child, (riicvov,) go into the vineyard," and
" Who art thou, my son ? " moreover that fruits of the
earth are called offspring, (" I will not drink of the
offspring of this vine,") rarely animated things, except
indeed in such instances as, ** generation (offspring)
of vipers." Nyssen defends his brother, contr. Eunom.
Orat. iii. p. 105. In the Arian formula " an offspring,
but not as ons of the offsprings,^^ it is synonymous vrith
" work " or " creature." On the other hand Epipha-
Tivvrifia. 3»7
nius uses it, e.g. Haer. 76, 8, and Naz. Orat. 29. 2.
Eusebius, Demonstr. Ev. iv. 2. Pseudo-Basil, adt.
Eunom. iv. p. 280 fin. It may be added, too, that 8.
Basil seems to have changed his mind, for he uses the
word in Hom. cpntr. Sabell. t. 2, p. 192. It is
remarkable that this Homily in substance (i.e. the
" contr. Sabell. Grreg;" which is po like it that it caonot
ireally be another, unless S. Basil copies it) is also given
to S. Athan.
398. THE rtvijrov, VevvriTov.
The Vevrirbv, VevvviTov.
In these Treatises yevrirov and ytvvriTov seem to be
one wordy whatever distinction was made at a later
date. So they were considered by S. Ignatius, by the
Neo-Platonists, and by the Arians, who availed them-
selves of the equivoque of meaning, in order to pro-
nounce our Lord a creature, yiw^fia^ though not as
other creatures. So also by Athan. and Basil. Hence
perhaps it is that Basil is severe on the application of
yivv^fia to our liOrd, his brother Gregory supporting
him. Athanasius on the other hand uses it of our Lord
with an explanation. After a time the distinction was
made, and this will account for other Fathers, Nazianz.
&c., following Athanasius. vid. supr. art. yivvrijuLa. Also
Damasc. F. 0. i. 8, p. 135, and Le Quien's note ; also
note in Cotelerius, in Ign. Eph. t. 2, p. 13.
If Athanasius considers that Scripture sanctions both
the one and the two uses ; and he considers the one and
the same word, in its two forms, to have the meaning of
Son, but that " Son " admits of a primary sense and of
a secondary. He virtually says, "It is true that the
Word of God and the creatures whom He has made
may both be called ycwi^fiara, but both in a very
different sense. Both may be called *Sons of Gtxi,'
but the Word of God is true yivvrifia by nature,
whereas creatures are sons, yevvrifiaray only by adoption,
THE VevTiTOV, FtwriTov. 399
and that adoption through a mere fiBroutria or par-
ticipation of the divine nature, which is a gift of grace ;
but our Lord possesses the very oicrta of the Father,
and is thereby His fulness, and has all His attributes."
Hence Athan. says, " Things generate, yewijra, cannot
receive this name, (God's handiwork though they be,)
except so far as, after their making, they partake of
the Son who is the True Generate, and are therefore
said to have been generated also, not at all in their
own nature, but because of their participation of the
Son in the Spirit." Orat. i. § 56. Vid. art. ^Apxn.
IF It is by a like neglect of the one v and the two, that
our liord is called /lovoysvrig with a single v. And Athan.
speaks of the yivemg of human sons, and of the Divine, de
Deer. §11; and in de Syn. § 47, he observes that S, Ig-
natius calls the Son yevrirog koi aytviyroc, without a hint
about the distinction of roots. Again, one of the original
Arian positions was that our Lord was a yiwrifia aXX'
oifK wg ev tmv yevvriiiaTwv^ which Athan. frequently
notices and combats, vid* Orat. ii. 19. But instead of
answering it by showing that our Lord's epithet should
have a double v and creatures a single, he allows
ytvvri^aTiJjv to be applied to creatures improperly, and
only argues that there is a proper sense of it in which
it applies to the Word, not as one of a number^ as the
Arians said, but solely, inoommunicably, as being the
fnovoyevrig. It may be admitted, as evident even from
this passage, that though Athan. does not distin-
guish between yevtirbv and yfiwijrov, yet he considers
yey€vvfi<T9ai and yivvti\pLa as especially appropriate to the
Son, ytyovivai and yevofievog to the creation.
400 Ari/uiiovpyoQ*
Arjfiiovpyog* - •
The yli/i/ijo-ec of the Eternal Son is intimately con-
nected with the idea of creation ; so much so that Origan
'_' thought that the creation was eternal because the Son
was so; and TertuUian thought that the Son was not
eternal because the creation was not.
These were erroneous conclusions, but Catholic
theologians allow thus much of truth in them, not that
the Creator and the creation were co-eval, but that the
mission of the Son to create is included in the eternal
^ennesis ; so that, as by the Father's teaching the Son
is meant "doctum et scientem genuisse," and, as His
committing judgment to Him is "judicem ipsum gig-
here,^' so the mission to create signifies the gennesis of
a Son in eternity who is in time to be Creator, vid.
Petav. de Trin. viii. 1, § 10. Hence S. Augustine says,
" In Verbo Unico Dei omnia praecepta sunt Dei, quae
ille gignens dedit nascenti." contr. Max. ii. ' 14, 9, and
still more definitely I understand S. Thomias ' to say,
"Importatur in Verbo ratio factiva eorum quae Deus
facit." Summ. 1, qu, 34, art. 3.
Immediately upon the creation follows the second
act, viz. of conservation ; for the Divine Hand is of such
incomprehensible force and intensity in operation, that
the thing created needs, by the intervention of its
Creator, to be enabled to bear creation. " Things
Arifiiovpyog. 401
created," says Athanasius, "could not have endured
His absolute nature and His splendour from the
Father, unless, condescending by the Father's love for
man. He had supported them and taken hold of them,
and brought them into substance," &c. Orat. ii. § 64.
vid, aKparog,
VOL. II. C c
402 Aia(io\iKog.
A(aj3oXeKOC9
Diabolical. This is Athan.'s judgment about the Arians.
vid. Deer. § 5 fin. Orat. ii. § 38, 74. iii. § 17. Ep.
iEg. § 4 — 6. de Sent. Dion. 27 fin., where he says,
" Who then will continue to call these men Christians,
whose leader is the devil, and not rather diabolical ? ** and
he adds, " not only Christ's foes in fight, xpitrrofiaxoi,
but diabolical also." Again, " though the diabolical
men rave," Orat. iii. § 8 ; " friends of the devil, and
his spirits." ad Ep. -^g. 5.
f In Orat. iii. § 8, there seems an allusion to false
accusation or lying (which is the proper meaning of. the
word SmjSaXXoiv), as occurring shortly before. And so in
Apol. ad Const, when he calls Magnentius StajSoXoC) it
is as being a traitor, 17 ; and soon after he says that his
accuser was tov ScajSoXov rpoirov ai/aXa)3(uv, where the
word has no article, and 8ea)3£j3Xi?/Ltot and SecjSX^diiv
have preceded; vid. also Hist. Ar. 52 fin. And so in
Sent. D. 3, 4, his speaking of the Arians' " father the
devil," is explained by rovg iraripag SiafiaXXovrwv and
Trig ilg tov iir i(r kottov Staj3oXiic*
If Another reason of his so accounting them, was
their atrocious cruelty towards Catholics ; this leads
him elsewhere to break out, " new heresy, that has
put on the whole devil in irreligious doctrine a^id con-
duct! " Hist. Arian. § 66 ; also Alexander, ** diabolical,"
ap. Theod. Hist. 1. 3, p. 731 ; " satanical," ibid. p. 741.
vid. also Socr. i. 9, p. 30 fin. Hilar, contr. Const. 17.
ETSoc. 403
ETSoc-
*Ev6c ovToc eiSovg Scorryrocj says Athan. Syn. § 52,
The word cfSoc^ face, east of countenance, assemblage
of features, is generally applied to the Son, and is
synonymous with hypostasis ; but it is remarkable that
here as elsewhere it is almost synonymous with ovala
or (jivmg. Indeed in one sense nature, substance, and
hypostasis, are all synonymous, i.e. as one and all
denoting the Una Ees, which is Almighty God.
They differed, in that the word hypostasis regards
the One God as He is the Son. The apparent confusion
is useful then as reminding us of this great truth, that
God is One ; vid. infr. art. Mia i^vaiq.
In Orat. iii. § 6, first the Son's cTSoc is the cISoc of the
Father, then the Son is the cTSoc of the Father's God-
head, and then in the Son is the cISoc of the Father.
These expressions are equivalent, if Father and Son
are, Each separately, oXoc Ococ. S. Greg. Naz. uses the
word owltrOia, (Exod. xxxiii. 23, which forms a contrast
to €78oc,) for the Divine Works. Orat. 28. 3.
If Vid. also in Gen. xxxii. 30, 31, Sept., where it is
translated "face," in Vulg., though in John v. 37
"species." vid. Justin Tryph. 126. In Orat. iii. § 15,
€l8oc is also used in composition for " kind." Athan.
says as above, " there is but one face of Godhead ; " yet
the word is used of the Son as synonymous with " image."
c c 2
404 Elgoc.
It would seem as if there were a certain class of words,
all expressive of the One Divine Substance, which admit
of more appropriate application, either ordinarily or
under circumstances, to This or That Divine Person who
is also that One Substance. Thus " Being " is more
descriptive of the Father as the ntiyri foonrroc* and He
is said to be " the Being of the Son ; " yet the Son is
really the One Supreme Being also. On the other hand
the word " form," fiopip^t and "face," elSogt are rather
descriptive of the Divine Substance in the Person of
the Son, and He is called " the form " and " the fece
of the Father," yet there is but one Form and Face of
God, who is at once Each of Three Persons ; while
"Spirit" is appropriated to the Third Person, though
God is a Spirit. Thus again S. Hippolytus says lie
[tov warpog] Svvafiig Xoypc, yet shortly before, after
mentioning the Two Persons, he adds, Svvafuv 8c • filav.
contr. Noet. 7 and 11. And thus the word "Sub-
sistence," u7rooTa<Tic» which expresses th« One Divine
Substance, has been found more appropriate to express
that Substance viewed personally. Other words may
be used correlatively of either Father or Son ; thus
the Father is the Life of the Son, the Son the Life of
the Father; or, again, the Father is in the Son and
the Son in the Father. Others in common, as " the
Father's Godhead is the Son's," ri warpucii viov fcoriic,
as indeed the word owla itself. Other words on the
contrary express the Substance in This or That Person
only, as " Word," " Image," &c. The word ciSoc also
occurs Orat. i. 20. Ep. -^g. 17. contr. Sabell. Greg. 8
and 12.
*'Ev<rapKog 7ra/)ov<Tta— 'E^af/oeroi;. 4Q5
"EvtrapKog irapovma.
This phrase or its equivalent is very frequent with
Athan. vid. Orat. i. § 8, 53, 59, 62 fin. ii. 6, 10, 55,
66 twice, 72 fin. iii. 28, 35. Incam. 20. Sent. D.
9. Ep. iEg. 4. Serap. i. 3, 9. Vid. also Cyiil. Catech. iii.
11. xii. 15. xiv. 27, 30. Epiph. Hser. 77, 17. The
Eutychians avail themselves of it at the Council of
Constantinople, vid. Hard. Cone. t. 2, pp. 164, 236.
Instead of it iwiSriiiiia is used Orat. i. § 59, three times ;
(cTreSi^firjcrfv, iii. 30, and Ivawparovy i. § 53.)
'E^oi/»€roi/,
Or prerogative, Orat. ii. § 19, iii. 3, iv. § 28, literally
special, singular. Vid. also Euseb. Eccl. Th. pp. 47,
73, 89, 124, 129. Theod. Hist. p. 732. Nyssen. c.
Eunom. iii. p. 133. Epiph. Haer. 76, p. 970. Cyr. Thes.
p. 160.
406 THE 'E^ouKovrtov.
The 'E^ovKovriov,
A TITLE of the Arians, from 1^ oiic ovtwv^ "out of
nothing," one of their original positions concerning
the Son. Theodoret says that they were also called
EzacionitsB, from the name of their place of meeting,
Haer. iv. 3, and Du Cange confirms it so far as to show
that there was a place or quarter of Constantinople
called Exocionium or Exacionium. Some have thought
that Exucontians and Exocionites are perhaps the same
word corrupted. At the same time, since the Arians
of Constantinople were of the violent sort who were
called by various names, Anomoeans, Aetians, Euno-
mians, Acacians, as well as pure Arians, it is not
improbable that, in order to distinguish them from the
more moderate heretics, they were also called in
Constantinople from Exocionium, the district of the
great metropolis to which they belonged.
'Eirtvoia. 407
'ETTtvoia,
Kar' eTrfvoiav, iwivouvy conception. This is a word
very common with Athanasius. It expresses the view
taken by the mind of theological realities, whether
that view be the true view or not ; thus it is used both
in reference to heretical error and to Catholic faith.
Thus Athan., Orat. i. init., speaks of heresies as kmvoif
(ratrai jxaviavy implying that there is no objective truth
corresponding to those conceptions which they so
vehemently insist upon. And Socrates, speaking of
the decree of the Council of Alexandria, 362, against
ApoUinaris : '* for, not as originating, iwivoi]<TavTt^^ any
n>o*vel devotion, did they introduce it into the Church,
but what from the beginning the Ecclesiastical Tradi^
tion declared." Hist. iii. 7. And the Arians allowed
what was imputed to them as far as this, that they
were strenuous from the first in maintaining that the
titles given to our Lord, viz. Word, Wisdom, &c.,
were not to be taken as expressing literal facts, but
were mere names given to Him in honour and as a
reward. Thus in the Thalia, " He is conceived in num-
berless conceptions, imvoimgJ'^ de Syn. § 15. Hence
Athan. says they held that " He who is really Son is
but Kar iirivoiav Word, as He is Vine, and Way, and
Door, and Tree of Life, and that He is called Wisdom
also only in name (vid. art. ^Ovofxara^ the proper and
408 'Enlvoia.
true Wisdom of the Father, which co-exists ingene-
rately with Him, being other than the Son, by which
He even made the Son, and named Him Wisdom as
partaking of Wisdom.** Orat, ii, § 37. Not that they even
allowed Him really to be Son, except in the sense that
we are sons of God, that is, because adoption involves
a gift of the Spirit, which is a real principle of a new
birth. Thus Athan. quotes or charges Arius elsewhere
as saying, " He is not the very and only Word of the
Father, but is in name only called Word and Wisdom,
and is called by grace Son and Power." Orat. i. § 9;
and just after he contrasts "true" Son with the Arian
tenet, Son " by adoption, which is from participation "
of the Spirit "and kot' cTrfvotav." vid. also de Sent.
D. 2. Ep. Mg. 12, 13, 14. Orat. iv. § 2. .
The word, however, has ako a* good meaning and
use, as expressive of the nearest approximation in
human thought to the supernatural truths of Eevelation,
and thus equivalent to economical, (vid. art. in voc.)
Thus in our thoughts of the Almighty, though He is
in reality most simple and uncompounded, without
parts, passions, attributes, or properties, we consider
Him as good or holy, or as angry or pleased, denoting
some particular aspect in which our infirmity views — in
which alone it can view — what is infinite and incompre-
hensible. That is. He is Kar iwtvoiav holy or merci-
ful, being in reality a Unity which is all mercifulness
and also all holiness, not in the way of qualities, but as
one indivisible Perfection, which is too great for us to
conceive as It is. And for the very reason that we
cannot conceive It simply, we are bound to use thank-
'Eirivoia — 'EwKrireipag. 409
fully these conceptions, which are true as far as they
go, and our best possible; since some conceptions,
however imperfect, are better than none. They stand
for realities which they do not reach, and must be
accepted for what they do not adequately represent.
But when the mind comes to recognise this existing
inadequaoy, and to distrust itself, it is tempted to rush
into the opposite extreme, and to conclude that because
it cannot understand fully, it does not realise anything,
or that its hrivoiai are but oi/o/xara.
^EirKTirelpag.
Vid. Scriptwre Pasmges.
410 EhfTi^Bia.
Eifffifieia.
Evffifieia, affifieia^ &c., here translated piety, &c.,
stand for orthodoxy and heterodoxy, &c., throughout,
being taken from St. Paul's text, /icya to rfjc cicrcjSefac
fnv&rfipiovi 1 Tim. iii. 16, iv. 8. "Magnum pietatia
mysterium," Vulg.
E.g. rriv Trig alpitrewg affifisiav, Deer. init. oaov
tvaefiovg ^povi\<r€ia)g ri ^Apuavrj alpsmg itrriprfrai. ibid.
§ 2. Ti iXenri Si^affKokiag ilg evffifteiav ry KadoXiidi
EKKkriai^ ; Syn. § 3. ij oiicoi;/i£V(fc?i crvvoSoc rbv "Apeiov
i^ifiaXe ov <^ipovaa rriv atrl^eiav. Orat. i. § 7, et
passim. Hence Arius ends his letter to Eusebius Nic.
with aXriOwg Evffi^u. Theod. Hist. i. 4.
% A curious instance of the force of the word as a
turning-point in controversy occurs in a Homily,
(given to S. Basil by Petavius, Fronto Ducaeus, Com-
befis, Du Pin, Fabricius, and Oudin, doubted of by
Tillemont, and rejected by Cave and Gamier,) where it
is said that the denial of our Lady's perpetual virginity,
though "lovers of Christ do not bear to hear that
God's Mother ever ceased to be Virgin," yet "does
no injury to the doctrine of rdigion,^^ /xijS^v rtf rfjc
evtrefieiag TrapaKvfJLaiv^rai Xoy<t>, i.e. (according to the
above explanation of the word) to the orthodox view of
the Incarnation, vid. Basil. 0pp. t. 2, p. 599. vid. on the
passage Petav. de Incam. xiv. 3, § 7, and Fronto-Duc. in
ioc. Pearson refers to this passage, and almost trans-
^Evtrifiua. 411
lates the X070C eiftre^dag by " mystery," Apost. Creed,
Art. 3. " Although it may be thought sufficient da to the
mystery of the Incarnation^ that, when our Saviour was
conceived and bom, His Mother was a Virgin, though
whatsoever should have followed after could have no
reflective operation upon the first-fruit of her womb,
. . . yet the peculiar eminency," &c.
If John of Antioch, however, famishes us with a
definition otpietas^ as meaning obedience to the word of
God. He speaks, writing to Proclus, of a letter which
evidenced caution and piety, i.e. orthodoxy: "piety,
because you went along the royal way of Divine
Scripture in your remarks, rightly confessing the word
of truth, not venturing to declare anything of your
own authority without Scripture testimonies ; caution,
because togdher with divine Scripture you propounded
also statements of the Fathers^ in order to prove what
you advanced." ap. Facund. i. 1.
412 Qeav^piKri evipyeia.
GtavSpiKrj ivipyeitty
Operatio Ddvirilis^ "the Man-God's action." By the
word evipyeia is meant in theology the action or opera-
tion, the family of acts, which naturally belongs to and
discriminates the substance or nature of a thing from
that of other things ; and not only the mere operation^
but also inclusively the faculty of such operation; as
certain nutritive or medicinal qualities adhere, and serve
as definitions, to certain plants and minerals, or as the
ivepyeid and the ipyov of a seraph may be viewed as
being the adoration of the Holy Trinity.
This being laid down, it would seem to follow that
our Lord, having two natures, has two attendant ipya
and two evipyeiai^ and this in fact is the Catholic doe-
trine; whereas the Monothelites maintained He had
but one, as if, with the Monophysites, they held but
one nature of Christ, the divine and human energies
making up one single third energy, neither divine nor
human, — for, in the Monophysite creed, Grod and man
made one third and compound being, who would
necessarily have one compound energy, and, as will
is one kind of energy, one only will.
This one and only energy of our Lord, as proceeding
from what they considered His one composite nature,
they denoted by the orthodox phrase, ^^Ivipyua
OrnvSpiKTi" diverting it from its true sense. Catholic
QeavSptKrj evepyeia. 413
theologians, holding two energies, one for each na-.
ture, speak of them in three ways, viz. as a divine
energy, a human, and a union or concurrence of the
two; this last they call Omv^piKrif but in a sense quite
distinct from the use of the word by the Monothe-
lites. Sometimes our Lord exerts His divine en&rgia^
as when He protects His people; sometimes His
human, as when He underwent hunger and thirst;,
sometimes both at once, as in making clay and restoring
sight, or in His suflfering for His people; but in this
last instance, there is no intermingling of the divine
and the human, and, though it may be spoken of as a
double energy, still there are in fact two, not one.
It is this OeavSpiKYj evipyeia that is spoken of in the
following passages : —
"And thus when there was need to raise Peter's
wife's mother who was sick of a fever. He stretched
forth His hand humanly, but He stopped the illness
divinely. And in the case of the man blind from the
birth, human was the spittle which he gave forth from
the flesh, but divinely did He open the eyes through
the clay. And in the case of Lazarus, He gave forth
a human voice, as man; but divinely, as God, did He
raise Lazarus from the dead." Orat. iii. 32.
" When He is said to hunger and thirst, and to toil,
and not to know, and to sleep, and to weep, and to
ask, and to flee, and to be bom, and to deprecate the
chalice, and in a word to undergo all that belongs to
the flesh, let it be said, as is ^congruous, in each case,
* Christ's then hungering or thirsting /or us in the fleshy
and saying He did not know, and being buflfeted and
414 QeavSpiKri ivipyeia.
toiling for U8 in the fleshy and being exalted too, and
born and growing in the fleshy and fearing and hiding
in the fleshy and saying, If it he possible let this chalice
pass from Me, and being beaten and receiving gifts
for us in the flesh ; and in a word, all such things for us
in the fleshy* " &c. Orat. iii. § 34.
"When He touched the leper, it was the man that
was seen ; but something beyond man, when He
cleansed him," &c. Ambros. Epist. i. 46, n. 7. Hil.
Trin. x. 23 fin. vid. Incarnation and Two Natures, and
S. Leo's extracts in his Ep. 165. Chrysol. Serm. 34
and 35. Paul, ap Cone. Eph. t. iii. (p. 1620, Labbe.)
Qeofiaxog, Xpi<TTOfiax6c» 415
ViD. Acts V. 39. xxiii. 9. text. rec. These epithets are
in very frequent use in Athan., in speaking of the
Arians; also avrifiaxofi^vot r<jJ (rayrripi, Ep. Encycl.
§ 5. And in the beginning of the controversy,
Alexander ap. Socr. i. 6, p. 10, p. 11, p. 13. Theod.
Hist. i. 3, p. 729. And so dcofcaxoc y\ilj<T<Ta. Basil,
contr. Eunom. ii. 27 fin. xP^<TTo^ax(»)Vs in his Ep. 236
init. Vid. also Cyril. Thesaur. p. 19, p. 24. Gsofiaxoi
is used of other heretics, e.g. the Manichees, by Greg.
Naz. Orat. 45. § 8.
f The title contains, in Athan.'s use of it, an allusion
to the antediluvian giants ; e.g. ylyavrag Oeo^axovvra^^
Orat. iii. § 42. vid. also Naz., of the disorderly bishops
during the Arian ascendency. Orat. 43. 26, and Socr.
V. 10. Sometimes the mythological giants are spoken
of. Orat. ii. § 32. In Hist. Arian. 74, he calls Con-
stantius a ylXdg,
f Xoyofiaxia too is used with reference to the divine
X070C and the fight against Him, as x/>£(rro/iaxEtv and
Sco/LiaxeTv. Thus Xoyo/xaxctv /iicXErr/cravrECj icai Xoiirbv
7rvEv/iaro)Lcaxovi/rcc> ifrovrai fier^ oXeyov v€Kpoi ry aXoy/^.
Scrap, iv. 1.
416 e£ort|c.
GeoTfig (vid. Trinity).
If the doctrine of the Holy Trinity admits of being
(sailed contrary to reason, this must be on the ground
of its being incompatible with some eternal truth,
necessary axiom, &c., or with some distinct experience,
and not merely because it is in its nature inconceivable
and unimaginable ; for if to be inconceivable makes it
untrue, then we shall be obliged to deny facts of daily
experience, e.g. the action of the muscles which fol-
lows upon an act of the will.
However, clear as this is, the language by which we
logically express the doctrine will be difficult to inter-
pret and to use intelligently, unless we keep in mind
the fundamental truths which constitute the mystery,
and use them as a key to such language. .
E.g. the Father's Godhead is the Son's, or is in the
Son. Orat. i. § 52. 'H TrarpiKri axn-ov Oeorrig. Orat. i.
§ 45, 49. ii. § 18, 73. iii. § 26. 17 irarpiKii f^vmg ainov.
i. § 40. TO irarpiKOv fftiog 6 ma^^. iii. § 53. ri OtoTtig Kai
ri iStorijc Tov irarpoQ to elvai row viov itm. iii. § 5.
The Son is worshipped Kara Tfjv iraTpiKriv iSioTnra. i.
§ 42. He has ttiv Trig ofioiwffewg Ivorijra. Syn. § 45.
He is 6 airrog ry ofioiw&ei to the Father. Deer. § 20.
He has r?)v cvor»|ra Trjg (f^inrewg koI tyjv TairroTtfra
TOV i^cjTog. Deer. § 24. ravrorijra rfjc ^vctoic* Basil, Ep.
8, 3. TYig ovfflag, Cyril, in Joan. iii. p. 302. He is 1^ ovmag
Gcorijc- 417
oixTitoSrig. Orat, iv, § 1. ri ohtria avri} rrig ovtriac rrjg
narpiKrig £<m yivvrifia. Syn. § 48. And we are told
of the prophet EK/3oi?(ravroc rrjv iraTpiKfjv virotrramv
wept ainov. Orat. iv, § 33. vid. the present author's
Tract, fiia f^vm^^ § 6 fin.
. f 0v(rec seems sometimes in Athanasius to be used,
not for ovcrm, as would be the ordinary application of
the word, but for viroaraaig or person. Thus he says,
" whereas the nature of the Son is less divisible rela-
tively to the Father " than radiance is relatively to the
sun, . . . "wherefore should not He be called con-
substantial?" de Syn. § 52. And at least this is an
Alexandrian use of the word. It is found in Alexan-
der ap. Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 740, and it gives rise to
a celebrated question in the Monophysite controversy,
as used in S. Cyril's phrase, jjLia il>v<ng (reaapKWfiivri.
S. Cyril uses the word both for person and for sub-
stance successively in the following passage : " Perhaps
some one will say, *How is the Holy and Adorable
Trinity distinguished into three Hypostases, yet issues
in oTie Tiature of Godhead?' Because, the Same in
substance, necessarily following, the difference of natures^
recalls the minds of believers to one nature of Godhead."
contr. Nest. iii. p. 91. In this passage "One Nature"
stands for one substance ; but " three Natures " is the
One Eternal Divine Nature viewed in that respect in
which He is Three. And so S. Hilary, " naturae ex naturft
gignente nati vitas," de Syn. 17; and "essentia de es-
sentia," August de Trin. vii. n. 3, and " de seipso genuit
Deus id quod est," de Fid. et Symb. 4: i.e. He is the
Adorable foor»ic viewed as begotten. These phrases
VOL. II. D d
418 Geotijc-
mean that the Son wito is the Divine Substance, is from
the P^ather wIto is the [same] Divine Substance- As (to
speak of what is arialogouSy not parallel) we might say
that " man is father of man," not meaning by man the
same individual in lx)th cases, but the same nature, so
here we speak, not of the same Person in the two cases,
but the same Individuum. All these expressions resolve
themselves into the original mystery of the Holy Trinity,
that Person and Individuum are not equivalent terms,
and we understand them neither more nor less than we
understand it. In like manner as regards the Incarna-
tion, when St. Paul says, " God was in Christ," he does
not mean absolutely the Divine Nature, which is the
proper sense of the word, but the Divine Nature as
existing in the Person of the Son. Hence too (vid.
Petav. de Trin. vi. 10, § 6) such phrases as "the Father
begat the Son from His substance." And in like man-
ner Athan. just afterwards speaks of **the Father^s
Godhead beiTig in the Son." Orat. i. § 52.
The fULOvag Oeorrfrog is aSiaipirog, Orat. iv. § 1, 2.
Though in Three Persons, they are not jnefitpKriaivaif
Dion. ap. Basil. Sp. S. n. 72. Athan. Expos. F. § 2 ;
not amppriyfiivaiy Naz. Orat. 20. 6 ; not aire^evw/iivm
KOL SaoTrac/ili/oi, Orat. 23. 6, &c. ; but afiipi<rrog
cv fx^fx^pi(TfxivoiQ v foorijC' Orat. 31. 14.
If Though the Divine Substance is both the Father
Ingenerate and also the Only-begotten Son, it is not
itself ayivvnrog or yEvvnrri; which was the objection
urged against the Catholics by Aetius, Epiph. Haer.
76, 10. Thus Athan. says, de Deer. § 30, "He has
given the authority of all things to the Son, and,
Gcorijc* — GeoroKOc- 419
having given it, is oruse morey irakivy the Lord of ail
things through the Word." vol. i. p. 52. Again, " the
Father having given all things to the Son, has all
things once again, iraXiv ... for the Son's Godhead
is the Godhead of the Father." Orat. iii. § 36 fin.
Hence ri Ik tov trarpog elg rov viov Scorijc appevffTwg
KOI aSiaipirtjjc rvyxavH. Expos. F. 2. " Vera et aeterna
substantia, in se tota permanens, totam se cosetemae
veritati nativitatis indulsit." Fulgent. Besp. 7. And
S. Hilary, " Filius in Patre est et in Filio Pater,
non per transfusionem, refusionemque mutuam, sed
per viventis naturae perfectam nativitatem.** Trin,
vii. 31.
OwTOKog.
Vid. Mary.
J>d2
420 Karamraff^a.
Karairirafffia.
" As Aaron did not change," says Athanasius,
Orat. ii. 8, " by putting on his High-priest's dress, so
that, had any one said, * Lo, Aaron has this day be-
come High-priest,' he had not implied that he then had
been bom man, ... so in the Lord's instance the
words, * He became ' and * He was made ' must not be
understood of the Word, considered as the Word,"
&c. &c.
This is one of those protests by anticipation against
Nestorianism, which in consequence may be abused
to the purposes of the opposite heresy. Such ex-
pressions as 7r€/ocri0l/i€voc ttjv errOiiTa^ licaXvTrrcTO,
ivSvdafiivoc o-bi/Lia, were familiar with the Apollinarians,
against whom S. Athanasius is, if possible, even more
decided. Theodoret objects, Haer. v. 11, p. 422, to the
word TT/ooicaXv/i/ia, when applied to our Lord's manhood,
as implying that He had no soul ; vid. also Naz. Ep.
102 fin. (ed. 1840). In Naz. Ep. 101, p. 90, irapa-
irhafffia is used to denote an ApoUinarian idea. Such
expressions were taken to imply that Christ was not
in nature man, only in some sense human ; not a sub-
stance, but an appearance ; yet S. Athan. (if Athan.)
contr. Sabell. Grreg. 4, has Trapaireirerafffiivrivy and
KoXvfifiay ibid. init. ; S. Cyril Hieros. icaraTrlraa/ua,
Catech. xii. 26, xiii. 32, after Hebr. x. 20, and Athan.
Kdr airlr ao-jua . 42 1
ad Adelph. 5; Theodor. TrapaTrcracr/xa, Eran. 1, p. 22,
and TT/ooicaXv/i/ia, ibid. p. 23, and adv. Gent. vi. p. 877 ;
and oToXi], Eran. 1. c. S. Leo has "caro Christi
velamen," Ep. 59, p. 979. vid. also Serm. 22, p. 70 ;
Serm. 25, p. 84.
422 Kvpiog^ Kvpiug.
Kvpiog^ Kvpiiog,
The meaning of Kup'nogy when applied to language, on
the whole presents no difficulty. It answers to the
Latin propri^f and is the contrary to irapropri^. Thus
Athan. says, "When the thing is a work or creature,
the words *He made' &c. are used of it properly,
Kupitog ; when an offspring, then they are no longer
used Kvpitog" Orat. ii. § 3.
But the word has an inconvenient latitude (vid. art.
Father Almighty ^ fin.) Sometimes it is used in the sense
of archetypal or transcendent, as when Athan. says,
" The Father is icupitog Father, and the Son icvpitjg Son,"
Orat. i. § 21 ; and in consequence in Their instance alone
is the Father always Father and the Son always Son,
ibid. Sometimes the word is used of us as sons,
and opposed to figwrativdy^ Ik jiiTai^opag, as in Basil c.
Eunom. ii. 23 ; while Hilary seems to deny that we are
sons propria. Justin says, 6 fxovog Xeyo/ievog icvpiwg w«oc>
Apol. ii. 6, but here Kvpltog seems to be used in reference
to the word Kvpiog^ Lord, which he has just been using,
KvpioXoyeiv being sometimes used by him as by others
in the sense of " naming as Lord." like OeoXoyeiv. vid.
Tryph. 56. There is a passage in Justin's ad Graec. 21,
where he (or the anon, writer), when speaking of eyd) elpi
6 wvf uses the word in the same ambiguous sense ; oiSlv
yap ovofia liri diov KupioXoyeitrdai Svvarov ; as if Kvpiog,
Kvpiog, Kvpiwg. — Aoyoc* 423
the Lord, by which "I am" is translated, were a sort
of symbol of that proper name of God which cannot
be given.
f On KvpioXoyias vid. Lumper, Hist. Theol. 1. 2,
p. 478.
Aoyoc,
IvSiaOhTog Koi irpof^opiKog*
Vid. art. Word.
424 MerovtTia*
MeTovaia>
To all creatures in different ways or degrees is it given
to participate in the Divine attributes. In these it is
that they are able or wise or great or good; in these
they have life, health, strength, well-being, as the case
may be. And the All-abounding Son is He through
whom this exul)erance of blessing comes to them
severally.
They are partakers, in their measure, of what He
possesses in fulness. From the Father's ohaia^ which is
His too, they have through Him a fuLerovtria. Here lies
the cardinal difference of doctrine between the Catholic
and Arian: Arians maintain that the Son has only
that fxiTovma of God, which we too have. Catholics
hold Him to be God, and the Source of all divine
gifts. The antagonism between Athanasius and
Eusebius is the more pointed, by the very strength of
the language of the latter. He considers the Son
12 airfjc ''*?€ irarpiKriQ [^ot oifffiag, but] fierovcFiagy
oxTTTC/o airo Tn^-y^c^ €7r' [vid. supr. Etisebius] airrov
Trpo\toiJLivr\Qi irkr^povixtvov, Eccl. Theol. i. 2. But Atha-
nasius, oiSi Kara jULerovtrtav airrov ^ aAA' oAov iSfov airrov
yivvtifia. Orat. iii. § 4.
If Athanasius considers this attribute of communi-
cation to be one of the prerogatives of the Second
Person in the Divine Trinity. He enlarges on this
Merouo-ea. 425
doctrine in many places: e.g. **if, as we have said
before, the Son is not such by participation, but, while
all things generated have, by participation, the grace
of Grod, He is the Father's Wisdom and Word, of
which all things partake, if so, it follows that He, as
the deifying and enjightening power of the Father, in
which all things are deified and quickened, is not alien
in substance from the Father, but one in substance.
For by partaking of Him, we partake of the Father ;
inasmuch as the Word is proper to the Father.
Whence, if He was Himself too from participation,
and not the substantial Godhead and Image of the
Father, He would not deify, being deified Himself.
For it is not possible that he who but possesses from
participation, should impart of that portion to others,
since what he has is not his own, but the Giver's;
as what he has received is barely the grace sufficient
for himself." Syn. § 51.
If " As the Father has life in Himself, so has He also
given to the Son to have life in Himself," iiot by
partidpathm, but in Himself. What the Father gives
to the Son is a communication of Himself ; what He
gives to His creatures is a participation. Vid. supr.
Orat. i. § 16. "To say that God is wJwlly partaksn is
equivalent to saying that He begets.''^
426 Mm ^iJcrtc.
(of our Lord^a Godhead and of, His Manhood).
Two natures are united in One Christ, but it does
not follow that their union is like any other union of
which we have cognisance, such, for instance, as the
union of body and soul. Beyond the general fact, that
both the Incarnation and other unions are of substances
not homogeneous, there is no likeness between it and
them. The characteristics and circumstances of the In-
carnation are determined by its history. The One Self-
existing Personal God created, moulded, assumed, a
manhood truly such. He, being from eternity, was in
possession and in the fulness of His Godhead before man-
kind had being. Much more was He already in existence,
and in all His attributes, when He became man, and
He lost nothing by becoming. All that He ever had
continued to be His ; what He took on Himself was
only an addition. There was no change; in His
Incarnation, He did but put on a garment. That
garment was not He^ or, as Athan. speaks, avroc> or,
as the next century worded it, "His Person." That
airoc was, as it had ever been, one and the same with
His Divinity, overm, or 0v<rcc 5 it was this 0v<r(C9 as one
with His Person, which took to Itself a manhood. He
had no other Person than He had had from the begin
ning ; His manhood had no Personality of its own
Mia (fivaig. 427
it was a second t^vai^y but not a second Person ; it never
existed till it was His ; for its integrity and complete-
ness it depended on Him, the Divine Word. It was
one with Him, and, through and in Him, the Divine
Word, it was one with the Divine Nature; it was but
indirectly united to It, for the medium of union was
the Person of the Word. And thus being without
personality of its own, His human nature was relatively
to Himself really what the Arians falsely said that His
divinity was relatively to the Father, a ttc/oi avrov, a
7re/0£j3oAi7, a ovfcjSe/Bjjicocj a " something else besides His
substance," Orat. ii. § 45, e.g. an opyavov. Such was
His human nature; it might be called an additional
attribute ; the Word was " made man," not was made
a man.
f Thus Athanasius almost confines the word ovtria to
denote the Word, and seldom speaks of His manhood
as a nature; and Cyril, to denote the dependence
of the manhood upon His Divine Nature, has even used
of the Incarnate Lord the celebrated dictum, ju/a
fpvmg Tov Oeov \6yov <re<ra/0K(«>jLtlvi}. This was Cyril's
strong form of protesting against Nestorianism, which
maintained that our Lord's humanity had a person as
well as the Divine Word, who assumed it.
If Athan.'s language is remarkable : he says, Orat. ii.
§ 45, that our Lord is not a creature, though God, in
Prov. viii. 22, is said to have created Him, because to be
a creature. He ought to have taken a created substance,
which He did not. Does not this imply that he did
not consider His manhood an oitma or (jiumg ? He says
that He who is said to be created, is not at once in His
428 Mia (f>v(riQ.
Nature and Substamce a creature : ri Xi^ic rt erepov SiyXoi
TTCpe CKeTvov, Kot ov to Xsyojievov KTit^efrOai ffSri ry ^wrei
Koi ry ovtrlq KTifTfia, As the complement of this
peculiarity, vid. his constant use of the oixrla row Aoyow,
when we should use the word "Person." Does not
this corroborate St. Cyril in his statement that the say-
ing, ")U!a 0u<T«c <r€<ra/»icwfclvij " belongs to Athanasins?
for whether we say one ^Ixrig or one oixria does not
seem to matter. Observe, too, he speaks of something
t^aking phice in Him, ir^pi ckecvov, i.e. some adjunct or
accident, (vid. art. Trc/otjSoA?} and <rwfc/3€/3i?icoc,) or, as he
says, Orat. ii. § 8, envelopment or dress. In like
manner he presently, ii. § 46, speaks of the creation of
the Word as like the new-creation of the soul, which is
a creation not in substance but in qualities, &c. And
ibid. § 51, he contrasts the ovtria and the avOpwirivov of
the Word; as in Orat. i. 41, ohaia and ij avOpwTrorrig ;
and tpvtrig with <ra/t)5, iii. 34, init. ; and A070C with crafty
38, init. And he speaks of the Son "taking on Him
the economy,''^ ii. § 76, and of the virofrraffig rov Xoyov
being one with 6 avOpumogy iv. 35 ; why does he not,
instead of avOpfoirivov, use the word (ftvmg ?
It is plain that this line of teaching might be wrested
to the purposes of the Apollinarian and Eutychian
heresies; but, considering Athan.'s most emphatic
protests against those errors in his later works, as well
as his strong statements in Orat. iii., there is no hazard
in this admission. We thus understand how Eutyches
came to deny the " two natures." He said that such
a doctrine was a new one ; this is not true, for, not to
mention other Fathers, Athan, Orat. iv. fin. speaks
Mia <l>v(ng. — Mova/ox^a. 429
of our Lord's " invisible nature and visibley^ (vid. also
contr. Apoll. ii. 11, Orat. ii. 70, iii. 43,) and his ordi-
nary use of avOputirog for the manhood might quite
as plausibly be perverted on the other hand into a
defence of Nestorianism ; but still the above pecu-
liarities in his style may be taken to account for the
heresy, though they do not excuse the heretic* Vid.
also the Ed. Ben. on S. Hilary (praef. p. xliii.), who uses
natura absolutely for our Lord's Divinity, as contrasted
to the dispensatioy and divides His titles into naturalia
and aasumpta.
H St. Leo secured at Chalcedon this definition of the
•* Two Natures " of Christ, instead of the Alexandrian
" One Nature Incarnate." In this he did but follow
the precedent of the Nicene Fathers, who recalled the
dogmatic authority of the ofioovmovy which in the pre-
ceding century had been superseded at Antioch.
Movap\ia»
Vid. Father Almighty.
430 Movoycv^C*
The Arians had a difficulty as to the meaning, in their
thBology, of the word imovoyevijg. Eunomius decided
that it meant, not iiovo^ ycwijflacj but ytwiiBuq irapa
fULovov. And of the first Arians also Athan. apparently
reports that they considered the Son Only-begotten
because He /iovoc was brought into being by God
fULovog. Deer. § 7. The Macrostich Confession in like
manner interprets fnovoyevfig by ^lovog and iiovw^y Syn,
§ 26, (supr. vol. i. p. 107,) i.e. the only one of the
creatures who was named "Son," and the Son of
one Father (with Eunomius above), in opposition to
the irpofioXfi of the Gnostics, (vid. Acacius in Epiph.
Haer. p. 839.) Naz., however, explains fiovwg by oix wc
ra awfiara. Orat. 25. 16. vid. the Eusebian distinction
between bfioovaiog and bfioiovaiogf Soz. iii. 18, in art.
ofioovfTiog infr. It seems, however, that Basil and
Gregory Nyssen, (if I understand Petav. rightly, Trin.
vii. 11, § 3,) consider fiovoyevfjg to include wo /iovoii, as if
in contrast to the Holy Spirit, whose procession is not
from the Father only, or again not a genneais.
If If it be asked, what the distinctive words are
which are incommunicably the Son's, since so many of
His names are given also to the creature, it is obvious
to answer, JScoc vlog and fcoi/oy£V7)c9 which are in
Scripture, and the symbols "of the substance," and
Movoycv^C* 431
" one in substance," used by the Council ; and this is the
value of the Council's phrases, that, while they guard
the Son's divinity, they allow full scope, without risk
of trenching on it, to the Catholic doctrine of the
fulness of the Christian privileges, vid. art. Son,
For 'AyaTTirToc, vid. Matt. iii. in Scripture Passages.
432 THE "O/Liotov.
Tlie "Ojuocov.
God is both One and Three: neither as One nor as
Three can we speak of likeness in connection with
Him; for likeness, as Athan. says, relates not to
things but to their qualities, and to speak of likeness
between Father, Son, and Spirit, is to imply that
instead of being One and the Same, They are three
distinct beings. Again, so far as They are three. They
do but differ from each other, and are not merely
unlike ; They are k e in nothing, viewed as Persons ;
They have not so much likeness as to admit (in the
ordinary sense) of numbering. Those things, strictly
speaking, alone are like or equal which are not the
same : the Three Divine Persons are not like Each
Other, whether viewed as Three or One.
However, in the difficulty of finding terms, which
will serve as a common measure of theological thought
for the expression of ideas as to which there is no
experimental knowledge or power of conception, and
in the necessary use of economical language, both
these terms, likeness and equality, have been received
in orthodox teaching concerning the Supreme Being.
The Athanasian Creed declares that the Three Persons
in the Godhead have "aequalis gloria," and are
"co-sequales," and S. Athanasius himself in various
places uses the word "like," though he condemns its
THE "Ofioiov. 433
adoption in the month of Arians, as being insufficient
to exclude error.
That is, he accepts it as a word of orthodoxy as far
as it goes, while he rejects it as sufficient to serve as
a symbol and test. Sufficient it is not, even with the
strong additions, which the Semi-Arians made, of ojioiog
kara iravra, o/ioioq kut oifmav or bfioiovtrio^^ and
iiirapaWaKTOQ eiicwv, because what is like, is, by the
very force of the term, not equivalent to the same.
Thus he says, Syn. § 41 and 53, " Only to say * Like
according to substance,' is very far from signifying * Of
the substance' (vid. art. Eusebius); thus tin is only
like silver, and gilt brass like gold. . . No one disputes
that like is not predicated of substances, but of habits
and of qualities. Therefore in speaking of Like in sub-
stance, we mean Like by participation, Kara fJLBrovaiavy
and this belongs to creatures, for they, by partaking, are
made like to God . . . not in substance, but in sonship,
which we shall partake from Him. ... If then ye speak
of the Son as being such by participation, then indeed
call Him like God in substance and not in nature God,
. . . but if this be extravagant. He must be, not by par-
ticipation, but in nature and truth. Son, Light, Wisdom,
God ; and being so by nature and not by sharing, there-
fore He is properly called, not Like in substance with
the Father, but One in substance," — that is, not
ofioiovmog, but ofioovffiog, Consubstantial.
Yet clear and decided as is his language here, never-
theless, for some reason (probably from a feeling of
charity, as judging it best to inculcate first the revealed
truth itself as a mode of introducing to the faithful
VOL. ir. E e
434 THE "O/uoiov.
and defending the orthodox symbol, and showing its
meaning and its necessity,) he uses the phrases o/uococ
Kara iravra, and bfioiowiog more commonly than
ofioovmogi this I have noted elsewhere.
If E.g. ofioiog Kara iravra. "He who is in the
Father, and like the Father in all things." Orat.
i. § 40. "Being the Son of Grod, He must be like
Him." Orat. ii. § 17. "The Word is unlike us, and
like the Father." Orat. iii. § 20 ; also i. § 21, 40 ; ii, § 18,
22. Ep. iEgypt. 17.
If And o/iofoc icar ohfriav. " . . Unless indeed they
give up shame, and say that ' Image ' is not a token
of similar substance, but His name only." Orat. i.
§ 21. Vid. also Orat. i. § 20 init. 26 ; iii. § 11, 26, 67.
Syn. § 38. Alex. Enc. § 2.
If Also Athan. says that the Holy Trias is ofioia
iavT^9 instead of using the word ofioovma. Scrap, i. 17,
20, 38; also Cyril. Catech. vi. 7.
. % In some of the Arian Creeds we have this almost
Catholic formula, ojjloiov Kara iravra^ introduced by the
bye, marking the presence of what may be called the
new Semi-Arian school. Of course it might admit of
evasion, but in its fulness it included "substance."
At Sirmium Constantius inserted the above (Epiph.
HsBr. 73, 22) in the Confession which occurs supr.
vol. i. p. 72. On this occasion Basil subscribed in this
form : " I, Basil, Bishop of Ancyra, believe and
assent to what is aforewritten, confessing that the Son
is, like the Father in all things ; and by * in all things,'
not only that He is like in will, but in subsistence, and
existence, and being ; as divine Scripture teaches,
■V.
THE "Ojuoiov. 435
spirit from spirit, Jife from life, light from light, Grod
from Grod, true Son from true, Wisdom from the Wise
Grod and Father ; and once for all, like the Father in
all things, as a son is to a father. And if any one
says that He is like in a xjertain respect, Kara n, as
is written afore, he is alien from the Catholic Church,
as not confessing the likeness according to divine
Scripture." Epiph. Haer. 73, 22. S. Cyril of Jerusalem
uses the Kara iravra or Iv ttcktiv ojuloiov, Catech. iv. 7 ;
xi, 4 and 18; and Damasc. F. 0. i. 8, p. 135.
f S. Athanasius, in saying that like is not used of
substance, implies that the common Arian senses of
ofioiov are more natural, and therefore the more pro-
bable, and therefore also the less admissible by Catholics,
if the word came into use. These were, 1. likeness in
will and action^ as <ni/i0a>vca, of which vid. Orat. iii. 11.
2. likeness to the idea in God's mind in which the Son
was created. Cyril. Thesaur. p. 134. 3. likeness to the
divine act or energy by which He was created. Basil,
contr. Eun. iv. p. 282. Cyril, in Joan. c. 5. iii. p. 304.
4. like according to the Scriptures, which of course was
but an evasion. 5. like Kara iravra, which was, as
they understood it, an evasion also.
% According to Athanasius, supr. p. 371, the phrase
"unvarying image" was, in truth, self-contradictory,
for every image varies from the original because it is
an image. Still he himself frequently uses it, as other
Fathers, and Orat. i. § 26, uses ofj-oiog rfjc owlag.
If As "of the substance" declared that our Lord
was v/ncfreatey so "one in substance" declared that He
was equal with the Father; no term derived from
E e 2
436 THE "Ofioiov.
^* likeness," even "like in substance," answering for
this purpose, for such phrases might all be understood
of resemblance or representation, vid. Deer. § 23,
Hyp. Mel. and Hil. Syn. 89. Things that are like can-
not be the same; whereas Athan. contends for the
ravTov ry bfioiwaeif the same in likeness, Deer. § 20.
"Una substantia religiose praedicabitur, quae ex
nativitatis proprietate et ex naturae similitudine ita
indifferens sit, ut una dicatur." Hil. Syn. § 67.
If By "the Son being equal to the Father," is but
meant that He is His " unvarying image ; " it does
not imply any distinction of substance. "Perfectae
aequalitatis significantiam habet similitude." Hil. de
Syn. 73. But though He is in all things the Father's
Image, this implies some exception, for else He would
not be an Image, merely like or equal, as I said just
now, but the same. " Non est aequalitas in dissimilibus,
nee similitude est intra unum." ibid. 72. Hence He
is the Father's image in all things except in being the
Father, elKtov 0v<r«icr) koi cnrapaWaKTog Kara travra
SfULOia Ti^ trarpiy irXriv tTiq ayevvr)(Tiag Koi Trig iraTpoTitTog.
Damasc. de Imag. iii. 18, p. 354. vid. also Basil contr.
Eun. ii. 28. Theod. Inconfus. p. 91. Basil. Ep. 38, 7 fin.
For the Son is the Image of the Father, not as Father,,
but as God. The Arians on the other hand, objecting
to the phrase " unvarying image," asked why the Soti
was not in consequence a Father, and the beginning
of a Oeoyovta. vid. Athan. Orat. i. § 14, 21. Eunom.
in Cyril. Thes. pp. 22, 23.
If The characteristic of Arianism in all its shapes
was the absolute separation of Father from Son. It
THE "Ofiotov. 43J
considered Them as two ov(riaiy like perhaps, but not
really one ; this was their version of the phrase rlXctoc-
Ik reXeiov. Semi-Arians here agreed with Arians.
When the Semi-Arians came nearest to orthodoxy in
words, it was the irepixwprimg that was the test whether
they fell short in words alone, or in their theological
view.
438 Ofioov(Tiog.
'OfjLoovtnoQ.
The term bfioovmo^y one in svistaTice or conaubstantud,
was accepted as a symbol, for securing the doctrine of
our Lord's divinity, first by the infallible authority of
the Nicene Council, and next by the experimental
assent and consent of Christendom, wrought out in its
behalf by the events of the prolonged Arian contro-
versy.
It had had the mischance in the previous century of
being used by heretics in their own sense, and of in-
curring more or less of suspicion and dislike from the
Fathers in the great Council of Antioch, a.d. 264 — 272,
though it had been already in use in the Alexandrian
Church ; but, when the momentous point in dispute, the
divinity of the Son, was once thoroughly discussed and
understood, it was forced upon the mind of theologians
that the reception or rejection of this term was the
difference between Catholic truth and Arianism.
f "We were aware," says Eusebius to his people,
" that, even among the ancients, some learned and
illustrious Bishops and writers have used the term
*one in substance,' in their theological teaching con-
cerning the Father and Son." And Athanasius in like
manner, ad Afros 6, speaks of " testimony of ancient
Bishops about 130 years since;" and in de Syn. § 43,
of " long before " the Council of Antioch. Tertullian,
'Ofioov(Tiog. 439
Prax. 13 fin., has the translation " unius substantise,"
as he also has "de substantia Patris," in Prax. 4;
and Origen perhaps used the word, vid. Pamph. Apol.
5, and Theognostus and the two Dionysius's, Deer.
§ 25 y 26. And before them Clement had spoken of
the ivwaig Trig /iovaSiK^c oixrlag^ ** the union of the
single substance," vid. Le Quien in Damase. Fid. Orth^
i. 8. Novatian too has " per substantias communionem,"
de Trin. 31. Vid. Athan. ad Afros 5, 6; ad Serap.
ii. 5. S. Ambrose tells us, that a Letter written by
Eusebius of Nicomedia, in which he said, " If we call
Him true Son of the Father and uncreate, then are we
granting that He is one in substance, bfiooiKTiov" de-
termined the Council on the adoption of the term, de
Fid. iii. n. 125. He had disclaimed " of the substance,"
in his Letter to Paulinus. Theod. Hist. i. 4. Arius,
however, had disclaimed ofioovmov already, Epiph.
Hser. 69, 7, and again in the Thalia. Gibbon's un-
tenable assertion has been already observed upon (vid.
Nicene Tests) supr., viz., that the Council was at a loss for
a test, and that on Eusebius's " ingenuously confessing
that his ofULoovaiog was incompatible with the principles
of [his] theological system, the fortunate opportunity
was eagerly embraced by the Bishops," as if they were
bent at all hazards, and without reference to the real
and substantial agreement or disagreement of them-
selves and the Arians, to find some word which might
accidentally serve to exclude the latter from com-
munion.
If When the Semi-Arians objected that the Council
of Antioch, 264 — 272, determined that the Son is not
44^ 'OfULooiKTiog'
consubstantial with the Father, de Syn. supr. 49 — 52,
Athan. answered in explanation that Paul of Samo-
aata took the word in a material sense, as indeed
Arius did, calling it the doctrine of Manes and Hiera-
icas, S. Basil, contr. Eunom. i. 19, agrees with Athan.,
but S. Hilary on the contrary reports that Paul him-
self accepted it, i.e. in a Sabellian sense, and therefore
the Council rejected it. " Male homoiision Samo*
satenus confessus est, sed numquid melius Arii nega-
verunt ? " de Syn. 86. Doubtless, however, both reasons
told in causing its rejection. But Montfaucon and
Bull consider it a difficulty. Hence, it would seem, the
former, in his Nova Collection t. ii. p. 19, renders oi/kovv
by ergo non ; he had not inserted Tion in his addition of
Athanasius.
If The objections made to the word ofiooumov were, 1.
that it was not in Scripture ; 2. that it had been dis-
owned by the Antiochene Council against Paul of
Samosata ; 3. that it was of a material nature, and be-
longed to the Manichees ; 4. or else that it was of a
Sabellian tendency ; 5. that it implied that the divine
substance was distinct from Grod.
f The Eusebians tried to establish a distinction be-
tween bfioovdiov and ofioiovgiov, " one in substance "
and " like in substance," of this sort : that the former
belonged to things material, and the latter to imma-
terial, Soz. iii. 18, a remark which in itself was quite
sufficient to justify the Catholics in insisting on the
former term. For the heretical party, starting with the
notion in which their heresy in all its shades consisted,
that the Son was a distinct being from the Father,
Ofioovaiog. 441
and appealing to a doctrine which might be plausibly
maintained, that spirits are incommensurable with one
another, or that each is at most not more than 8ui
simUiSf concluded that ^Hike in substance" was the
only term which would express the relation of the Son
to the Father. Here then the word "one in sub-
stance" did just enable the Catholics to join issue
with them, as exactly expressing what Catholics
wished to express, viz. that there was no such
distinction between Them as made the term "like"
necessary, or even possible, but that Their relation
to Each Other was analogous to that of a material
offspring to a material parent, or that, as material
parent and offspring are individuals under one
existing correlation, so the Eternal Father and
Son are Persons under one common individual
mihatanx^e.
" The East," says Sozomen, " in spite of its being
in dissension after the Antiochene Council " of the De-
dication, "and thenceforth openly dissenting from
the Nicene faith, in reality, I think, concurred in
the sentiment of the majority, and with them con-
fessed the Son to be of the Father's substance;
but from contentiousness certain of them fought
against the term *One in substance;' some, as I
conjecture, having originally objected to the word
. . . others from habit . . . others, aware that the
resistance was unsuitable, leaned to this side or that to
gratify parties ; and many thought it weak to waste
themselves in such strife of words, and peaceably held
to the Nicene decision." Hist. iii. 13.
442 '0/Lioot/<rioc-
Athan. is very reserved in his use of the word
ofioovuiov in these three Orations. Indeed I do not
recollect his using it but once, Orat. i. § 9, and that
in what is almost a confession of faith. Instead he
uses 6/AOiog Kara irai/ra, ofioiog kot' ohalav^ ofioi^vri^y
&c.
'Ovojuara. 443
'Ovo/nara.
The various titles of the Second Divine Person are
at once equivalent and complementary to each other.
Son, Word, Image, all imply relation, and suggest and
teach that attribute of supereffluence which is one of
the perfections of the Divine Being, (vid. Father
Almighty.)
** The Son of God, as may be learnt from the divine
oracles themselves, is Himself the Word of God, and
the Wisdom, and the Image, and the Hand, and the
Power ; for God's Offspring is one, and of the genera-
tion from the Father these titles are tokens. For if
you say the Son, you have declared what is from the
Father by nature ; and if you imagine the Word, you
are thinking again of what is from Him, and what is in-
separable; and, speaking of Wisdom, again you mean
nothing less, what is not from without, but from Him
and in Him ; and if you name the Power and the Hand,
again you speak of what is proper to substance; and,
speaking of the Image, you signify the Son ; for what
else is like God but the Offspring from Him ? Doubt-
less the things which came to be through the Word,
these are foiiTided in Wisdom ; and what are laid in
Wisdom^ these are all made by the Hand, and came to
be through the Son." Deer. § 17.
1 As Sonship is implied in " Image " (art, Son\ so it
444 'Ovojuara.
is implied in " Word " and ** Wisdom." For instance,
" Especially is it absurd to natigie the Word, yet deny
Him to be Son, for, if the Word be not from God,
reasonably might they deny Him to be Son ; but if He
is from God, how see they not that what exists from
anything is son of him from whom it is ? " Orat. iv.
1 5. Again, aei Oeog Hv koI viog l<rre, Xo-yoc ^V' Orat.
iii. 29 init. vibg rig rj 6 koyog ; de Deer. 17. And still
more pointedly, cl julyj vibg, ovSl Xoyoc, Orat. iv. 24 fin.
And so " Image " is implied in Sonship : " being Son
of God, He must be like Him," ii. § 17. It is implied
in ** Word : " Iv rij iSitg. eifcovt, ririQ corti/ 6 Xoyog airrov.
§ 82, also 34 fin. On the contrary, the very root
of heretical error was the denial that these titles im-
plied each other,
H All the titles of the Son of God are consistent
with each other, and variously represent one and the
same Person. " Son " and " Word " denote His de-
rivation ; " Word " and " Image," His Likeness ;
"Word" and "Wisdom," His immateriality; "Wis-
dom " and " Hand," His co-existence. " What else is
Like God, but His Ofifspring from Him ? " de Deer. § 17.
"If He is not Son, neither is He Image." Orat. ii.
§ 2. " How is there Word and Wisdom, unless there
be a proper Offspring of His substance ? " ii. § 22. vid.
also Orat. i. § 20, 21, and at great length Orat. iv.
§ 20, &c. vid. also Naz. Orat. 30. 20. Basil, contr.
Eunom. i. 18. Hilar, de Trin. vii. 11. August, in
Joann. xlviii. 6, and in Psalm. 44, (45,) 5.
H It is sometimes erroneously supposed that such
illustrations as these are intended to explain how the
'Oi;ojuara. 445
Sjicred Mystery in question is possible, whereas they
are merely intended to show that the words we use
concerning it are not self -contradictory y which is the
objection most commonly brought against them. To
say that the doctrine of the Son's generation does not
trench upon the Father's perfection and immutability, or
negative the Son's eternity, seems at first sight incon-
sistent with what the words Father and Son mean, till
another image is adduced, such as the sun and radiance,
in which that alleged inconsistency can be conceived
to exist in fact. Here one image corrects another;
and the accumulation of images is not, as is often
thought, the restless and fruitless effort of the mind to
enter into the Mystery ^ but is a safeguard against any
one image, nay, any collection of images, being sup-
posed adequate. If it be said that the language used
concerning the sun and its radiance is but popular, not
philosophical, so again the Catholic language concern-
ing the Holy Trinity may, nay, must be economical,
not exact, conveying the truth, not in the tongues
of angels, but under human modes of thought and
speech, vid. supr. articles Illustration^^ p. 174, and
Econotnical Language, p. 94.
% It is usual with the Fathers to use the two terms
" Son " and " Word " to guard and complete the or-
dinary sense of each other. Their doctrine is that our
Lord is both, in a certain transcendent, prototypical,
and singular sense; that in that high sense they are
coincident with one another; that they are applied to
human things by an accommodation, as far as these
are shadows of Him to whom properly they really
446 'Ovo/uaro.
belong ; that, being but partially realised on earth, the
ideas gained from the earthly types are but imperfect ;
that in consequence, if any one of them is used exclu-
sively of Him, it tends to introduce wrong ideas re-
specting Him ; but that their respective imperfections,
as lying on different sides, when used together correct
each other. The term Son, used by itself, was abused
into Arianism, and the term Word into Sabellianism ;
the term Son might be accused of introducing material
notions, and the term Word of suggesting imperfection
and transitoriness. Each of them corrected the other.
"Scripture," says Athan., "joining the two, has said
* Son,' that the natural and true Offspring of the Sub-
stance may be preached ; but, that no one may under-
stand a human offspring, therefore, signifying His
substance a second time, it calls Him Word, and
Wisdom, and Radiance." Orat. i. § 28.
Vid. also iv. § 8. Euseb. contr. Marc. ii. 4, p. 54.
Isid. Pel. Ep. iv. 141. So S. Cyril says that we
learn "from His being called Son that He is from
Him, TO iK avTov ; from His being called Wisdom and
Word, that He is in Him," to Iv avrtf. Thesaur. iv.
p. 31. However, S. Athanasius observes, that pro^
perly speaking the one term implies the other, i.e. in
its fulness. " Since the Son's Being is from the Father,
therefore It is in the Father." Orat. iii. § 3. "If
not Son, not Word either; and if not Word, not Son.
For what is from the Father is Son ; and what is from
the Father, but the Word ? " &c. Orat. iv. § 24 fin.
On the other hand, the heretics accused Catholics of
inconsistency, or of a union of opposite errors, because
'Ovo/uara. 447
they accepted all the Scripture images together. But
Vigilius of Thapsus says, that " error bears testimony
to truth, and the discordant opinions of misbelievers
blend into concordance in the rule of orthodoxy." contr,
Eutych. ii. init. " Grrande miraculum, ut expugnatione
sui Veritas confirmetur." ibid. 3. vid. also i. init. and
Eulogius, ap. Phot. 225, p. 759.
f Every illustration, as being incomplete on one or
other side of it, taken by itself, tends to heresy. The
title Son by itself suggests a second God, as the title
Word a mere attribute, and the title Minister a crea-
ture. All heresies are partial views of the truth, and
are wrong, not so much in what they say, as in what
they deny. The truth, on the other hand, is a positive
and comprehensive doctrine, and in consequence neces-
sarily mysterious and open to misconception. When
Athan. implies that the Eternal Father is in the Son,
though remaining what He is, as a man is in his child,
he is intent only upon the point of the Son's con-
naturality and co-equality, which the Arians denied.
In like manner he says in a later Discourse, "In the
Son the Father's Godhead is beheld. The Emperor's
countenance and form are in his image, and the
countenance of his image is in the Emperor. For the
Emperor's likeness in his image is a definitive likeness,
inrapaWaKTog, so that he who looks upon the image,
in it sees the Emperor, and again he who sees the
Emperor recognises that he is in the image. The
image then might say, * I and the Emperor are one.' "
Orat. iii. § 5. And thus the Auctor de Trin. refers to
"Peter, Paul, and Timothy having three subsistencies
448 'Oi/ojuara.
and one humanity." i. p. 918. S. Cyril even seems to
deny that each individual man may be considered a
separate substance, except as the Three Persons are
such, Dial. i. p. 409 ; and S. Gregory Nyssen is led to
say that, strictly speaking, the abstract Tnany which is
predicated of separate individuals, is still one, and this
with a view of illustrating the Divine Unity, ad Ablab.
t. 2, p. 449. vid. Petav. de Trin. iv. 9.
t The title " Word " implies the ineffable mode of
the Son's generation, as distinct from mateo^uU pamllels,
vid. Gregory Nyssen, contr. Eunom. iii. p. 107. Chry-
sostom in Joan. Hom. 2, § 4. Cyril Alex. Thesaur. 5,
p. 37. Also it implies that there is but (hie Son. vid.
Orat. i. § 16. "As the Origin is one substance, so its
Word and Wisdom are one, substantial and subsisting."
Athan. Orat. iv. 1 fin.
f Vid. passim. AH- these titles, "Word, Wisdom,
Light,'* &c., serve to guard the title "Son" from
any notions of parts or dimensions, e.g. " He is not
composed of parts, but being impassible and single,
He is impassibly and indivisibly Father of the Son . . .
for . . . the Word and Wisdom is neither creature, nor
part of Him whose Word He is, nor an offspring
passibly begotten." Orat. i. § 28.
f As the Arians took the title Son in that part 'of
its earthly sense in which it did not apply to our Lord,
so they misinterpreted the title Word also ; which de-
noted the Son's immateriality and indivisible presence
in the Father, but did not express His perfection, vid.
Orat. ii. § 34 — 36. "As our word belongs to us and
is from us, and not a work external to us, so also the
^Ovofiara. 449
Word of Grod is proper to Him and from Him, and is
not made, yet not as the word of mauy else one must
consider Grod as man. Men have many words," &c.
Orat. ii. § 36. vid. art. Word.
t The name of Image was of great importance in
correcting heterodox opinions as to the words Son and
Word, which were propagated in the Ante-Nicene
times, and in keeping their economical sense in the
right direction. A son who had a beginning, and a
word which was spoken and over, were in no sense an
"Image" of the Eternal and All-perfect Grod.
VOL. a. F f
450 ^'OpyavQV^
^Opyavovy
Instrument. This word, which is rightly tised of our
Lord's manhood relatively to His Divine Person
(rovT(j> xpwiuLevog opyavt^, Orat. iii. § 31, and opyavov
TT/ooc rffv evipyeiav Kot rfiv eKkajuuipiv rrjg Oedr lyrocj 53),
is simply heretical if taken to express the relation of
His Divine Person towards His Father. In the latter re-
lation the term is inapplicable, unless He " was different
from the Father in nature and substance." Deer. § 23.
vid. Basil, de Sp. S. 19 fin. In this Arians, Socr. i. 6,
Eusebius, Eccl. Theol. i. 8, and Anomoeans would agree.
At the same time, doubtless, some early writers use it
of our Lord's Divine Nature, though not in a heretical
sense, vid. art. Mediation.
H As it was abused by the Arians to mean a servant
or vwovpybgy as if our Lord was a mere creature, so it
was afterwards used heretically in the doctrine of the
Incarnation by the ApoUinarians, who looked on our
Lord's manhood as merely a manifestation of God.
vid. KaTairiraiTixa. Thus a^fxa opyaviKov in Athan. in
Apol. i. 2, 15, also a parallel in Euseb. Laud. Const. 13,
p. 536. However, it is used freely even by Athan.,
e.g. Orat. iii. 31, 53, as above, and Incam. 8, 9, 43, 44.
And he uses the words irpog (fiavipwmv kol 'yv(U<nv, 41
fin., but he also insists upon our Lord's coming being
not merely for manifestation, else He might have come
"Opyavov. 451
in a higher nature, ibid. 8. vid. also 44. It may be added
that (jiavipuxTig is a Nestorian as well as Eutychian
idea; vid. Orat. iii. § 30, Facund. Tr. Cap. ix. 2, 3,
and the Syrian use of parsopa^ Asseman. Bibl. Orient,
t. 4. p. 219. Thus both parties really denied the
Atonement.
Ff 2
452 'Opfio'c.
*Op06g.
What is strange to ears accustomed to Protestant
modes of arguing, S. Athanasius does not simply ex-
pound Scripture, rather he vindicates it from the
imputation of its teaching any but true doctrine. It is
ever o/odoc, he says, that is, orthodox ; I mean, he takes
it for granted that there is an existing doctrinal
tradition, as a standard, with which Scripture must,
and with which it doubtless does agree, and of which
it is the written confirmation and record. Vid. Oxf.
Trans, note, p. 431.
In Orat. ii. § 44, he says, " We have gone through thus
much before coming to the passage in the Proverbs,
that they may rightly read what admits in truth of a
sound {opOrjv) interpretation," as if the authoritative
interpretation required to be applied to Scripture,
before we could assume that the doctrine conveyed by
it was orthodox. And so julbt sixnfieiag just below. Such
phrases are frequent in Athan., e.g. rfiv Siavoiav eWcjSS
Km \iav opOriVi de Deer. 13. KaXoic Kai opOutg^ Orat. iv.
31. yiypawTai p,a\a avayKaioygy de Deer. 14. elicoTwc,
Orat. ii. 44, iii. 53. rrjv Biavoiav iKKkritnatmicriVy
Orat. i. 44 init. tov (tkottov top licKXij(yfa<mKov, Orat.
iii. 58. 17 Siavoia Ix^i rrjv alrlav evXoyovy iii. 7 fin.
vid. also Orat. i. 37 init. 46; ii. 1, 9 init* 12, 53;
iii. 1, 18, 19, 35, 37; iv. 30.
'Op06g. 453
• t Vid. art. Ride of Faith. This illustrates what he
means when he says that certain texts have a "good,"
" pious," " orthodox " sense, i.e. they can be inter-
preted (in spite, if so be, of appearances) in harmony
with the Regula Fidei. And so, to Iv rdlg wapoi/ilaig
piffTovy opQr\v ixov Koi avro T17V ^lavoiav. Orat. ii. § 44.
fipKEi ravra wpog airoSei^iv opOfjv elvai Trjv rov /oijrov
Siavoiav. ibid. § 77. to toivvv XeyofULEvov viro row
fjLaKapiov liirpov opOov. iv. § 35. vid. also iii. 7, &c. &c.
454 Oh<r(a, ov.
Ohaiaf ov*
UsiA, mbatance. The word ovfria in its Greek or
Aristotelic sense seems to have stood for an individual
substance, numerically one, which is predicable of
nothing but itself. Improperly, it stood for a species or
genus, vid. Petav. de Trin. iv. 1, § 2, but, as Anastasius
observes in many places of his Vice dux. Christian
theology innovated on the sense of Aristotelic terms,
vid. c. 1, p. 20; c. 6, p. 96; c. 9, p. 150; c. 17, p. 308.
There is some difficulty in determining how it inno-
vated. Anastasius and Theorian, (Hodeg. 6, Legat. ad
Arm. pp. 441, 2,) say that it takes ovaia to mean an
universal or species, but this is nothing else than the
second or improper Greek use. Eather, in speaking of
God, it takes the word in a sense of its own, such as we
have no example of in creation, of a Being numerically
one, subsisting in three persons ; so that the word is a
predicable, or in one sense universal^ without ceasing
to be individual ; in which consists the mystery of the
Holy Trinity. However, heretics, who refused the
mystery, objected it to Catholics in its primary philoso-
phical sense ; and then, standing simply for an individual
substance, when applied to Father and Son, it either
implied the parts of a material subject, or it involved
no 7'eal distinction of persons, i.e. Sabellianism. The
former of these two alternatives is implied in Athan.'s
text by the " Greek use ; " the latter by the same phrase
Oixrla, ov. 455
as used by the conforming Semi-Arians, a.d. 363.
" Nor, as if any passion were supposed of the ineffable
generation, is the term * substance' taken by the
Fathers, &c., nor according to any Oreek use,^^ &c, Socr.,
iii. 25. Hence came such charges against Catholicism
on the part of Arians as Alexander protests against,
of either Sabellianism or Valentinianism, ovk . . . Sxrirep
SajSeXXfc^ KoX BaXevrivt^ SokbX, &c. Theod. Hist. i. 3,
p. 743. Hence Paul's argument against the Antio-
chene Council in Athan.'s and in Hilary's report.
f By the substance of Grod we mean nothing more
or less than Grod Himself. "If Grod be simple, as
He is, it follows that in saying *Grod' and naming
* Father,' we name nothing as if about {irepl) Him,
but signify His substance, and that alone." Deer. § 22.
In like manner de Synod. § 34. Also Basil, "The
substance is not any one of things which do not attach,
but is the very being of Grod." contr. Eunom. i. 10 fin.
" The nature of God is no other than Himself, for He
is simple and uncompounded." Cyril Thesaur. p. 59.
" When we say the person of the Father, we say nothing
else than the substance of the Father." August, de
Trin. vii. 6. And so Numenius in Eusebius, "Let no
one deride, if I say that the name of the Immaterial is
substance and being." Prsep. Evang. xi. 10.
f In many passages Athan. seems to make uaia
synonymous with hypostasis, but this mode of speaking
only shows that the two terms had not their respective
meanings so definitely settled and so familiarly re-
ceived as afterwards. Its direct meaning is usually
substance, though indirectly it came to imply sub-
456 Owia, ov.
sistence. He speaks of that Divine Essence which,
though also the Almighty Father's, is as simply and
entirely the Word's as if it were only His. Nay, even
when the Substance of the Father is spoken of in a sort
of contrast to that of the Son, as in the phrase oixria
IS oifffiag^ (e.g. " His substance is the offspring of the
Father's substance," Syn. § 48, and e? oixria^ ovanoSii^
icm Ivovo-iocj Orat. iv. 1,) harsh as such expressions are,
it is not accurate to say that oixria is used for sub-
sistence or person, or that two ovtrtai are spoken of
(vid. art. ^v<tic)j except, that is, by Arians, as Euse-
bius (art. Eusebiua), We find <l>v<Tig tov Xoyov, Orat. i,
§ 51 init., meaning His tma without including the idea
of His Person, vid. art. eiSog.
Other passages may be brought, in which usia and
hypostasis seem to be synonymous, as Orat. iii. § 65.
" The Apostle proclaims the Son to be the very impress,
not of the Father's will, but of His usia^ saying, ' the
impress of His hypostasis ; ' and if the Father's usia and
hypostasis is not from will, it is very plain neither is from
will what belongs to the Father's hyposta^sJ^ And so
Orat. iv. § 1 : " As there is one Origin, and therefore
one Gfod, so one is that substance and subsistence
which indeed and truly and really exists." And " The
Prophet has long since ascribed the Father's hypostasis
to Him." Orat. iv. § 33. And 17 virofTTaaig oixria i<rr«,
Ka\ ovSlv aXXo <Tr\fiaiv6fi£VOV i\ti J) avro to ov* ....
i) yap vTroaratnc koI -q oixria inrap^ig cori. ad Afros, 4.
For the meaning in the early Fathers of oixria^
vTr6(TTa<Tig, ^iicric, and elSog, vid. the author's " Theo-
logical Tracts," art. Mia f^xxrig.
UepifioM. 457
n£/t)(j3oXrj.
Athan. seems to say, Deeret. § 22^ and so de
Synod. § 34, which is very much the same passage,
that there is nothing of quality (tte/oI avrbv) in God.
Some Fathers, however, seem to say the reverse.
E.g. Nazianzen lays down that " neither the immateri-
ality of Grod, nor the ingenerateness, present to us His
substance." Orat. 28. 9. And S. Augustine, arguing
on the word ingenitus^ says, that "not .everything
which is said to be in Grod is said according to
substance." de Trin. v. 6. And hence, while Athan.
in the text denies that there are qualities or the like
belonging to Him, irepi airrovy it is still common in the
. Fathers to speak of qualities, as in the passage of S.
Gregory, just cited, in which the words ttc/oi Oebv occur.
There is no difficulty in reconciling these statements,
though it would require more words than could be
given to it here. Petavius has treated the subject
fully in his work de Deo, i. 7 — 11, and especially ii. 3.
When the Fathers say that there is no difference
between the divine * proprietates ' and essence, they
speak of the fact considering the Almighty as He is ;
when they affirm a difference, •they speak of Him as
contemplated by us, who are unable to grasp the idea
of Him as one and simple, but view His Divine Nature
as if in projection^ (if such a word may be used,) and
thus divided into substance and quality as man may
be divided into genus and [difference.
458 niry^.— n/9o/3oX^.
Vid. Father Almighty.
npo^oXri.
What the Valentinian irpo^oXri was, is described in
Epiph. Haer. 31, 13. The -^ons, wishing to show
thankfulness to God, contributed together {ipaviira-
fiivovg) whatever was most beautiful of each of them,
and moulding these several excellences into one,
formed this Issue, TrpofiaWefrOai wpofiXiifm, to the
honour and glory of the Profound, /3u6oc> and they
called this star and flower of the Pleroma, Jesus, &c.
And so Tertullian, " a joint contribution, ex aere
collatitio, to the honour and glory of the Father, ex
omnium defloratione constructum," contr. Valent. 12.
Accordingly Origen protests against the notion of
7r/t>oj3oXi7, Periarch. iv. 28, p. 190, and Athanasius Expos.
§ 1. The Arian Asterius too considers irpofioXri to
introduce the notion of reicvoyovia, Euseb. contr. Marc,
i. 4, p. 20. vid. also Epiph. Hser. 72, 7. Yet Eusebius
uses the word TrpofiaXXetrOai, Eccles. Theol. i. 8. On
the other hand, Tertullian uses it with a protest against
the Valentinian sense. Justin has irpofiXriOev yivv^fia^
Tryph. 62. And Nazianzen calls the Almighty Father
TT/aojSoXcvc of the Holy Spirit. Orat. 29. 2. Arius intro-
duces the word into his creed, Syn. § 14, as an wrgvb-
ttientwrn ad invicUam, Hil. de Trin. vi. 9.
npwTOTOKog. 459
Il/awrcJroicoc-
Primogenitus, ** First-bom."
II UptoTOTOKog and Primogenitus are not exact equi-
valents, though Homer may use tIktu for gigno. Primo-
genitus is never used in Scripture for Unigenitus.
We never read there of the First-bom of God, of the
Father ; but of the First-bom of the creation, whether
of the original creation or of the new.
f First-bom, or the beginning, is used as an epithet
of our Lord five times in Scripture, and in each case it is
distinct in meaning from Only-begotten. It is a word
of office, not of nature. 1. St. Paul speaks of His
becoming, in His incarnation, the " First-bom among
many brethren," Eom. viii. 29 ; and he connects this
act of mercy with their being conformed to His Image,
and gifted with grace and glory. 2. He is " the First-
born of the dead," Apoc. i. 5. 3. As also in Col. i.
18. 4. Col. i. 15. " The First-bom of all creation,"
as quasi the efficient and the formal cause whereby the
universe is bom into a divine adoption. 5. St. Paul
speaks of the Father's "bringing the First-bom into
the world." To these may be added, Apoc. iii. 14,
"the beginning of the [new] creation* of God." In
none of these passages does the phrase " First-bom of
God " occur.
460 IlptjjTOTOKog,
f Our Lord is in three distinct respects Tr/aorroroicoc,
P'irst-bom or Beginning, as the animating Presence
of the Universe, as the Life of the Christian Church,
as the first-fruit and pledge and earnest of the Resur-
rection.
The word never intimates in Scripture His divine
nature itself. " It is nowhere written of Him in the
Scriptures ' the First-bom of Grod,' nor * the crea-
tion of God,' but it is the words * the Only-begotten,'
and ' Son,' and * Word,' and * Wisdom,' that signify
His relation and His belonging to the Father. But
' First-bom ' implies descent to the creation. . . .
The same cannot be both Only-begotten and Firsts
bom, except in different relations ; that is. Only-
begotten, because of His generation from the Father,
and First-born, because of His condescension to the
creation, and to the brotherhood which He has ex-
tended to many." Orat. ii. § 62.
In like manner Augustine says that we must dis-
tinguish between the two titles " Only-begotten and
First-born," that the Son may be with the Father
Only-begotten, and First-bom towards us. vid. the
author's Theol. Tracts, Arianiam^ § 9, circ. fin. And
St. Thomas says, ** In quantum solus est verus et
naturalis Dei Filius, dicitur Unigenitus, . . in quantum
vero per assimilationem ad ipsum alii dicuntur filii
adoptivi, quasi metaphoricd dicitur esse Primogenitus."
Part I. 41, art. 3 (t. 20).
f It would be perhaps better to translate "first-
born to the creature," to give Athan.'s idea ; r^c
KTitrewg not being a partitive genitive, or irpwrirroKO^ a
Il/OtoiroToicoc* 461
superlative, (though he so considers it also,) but a
simple appellative and rfjc icriaetjg a common genitive
of relation, as " th.e king of a country," " the owner of
a house." "First-bom of creation" is like "author,
type, life of creation." As, after calling our Lord in
His own nature "a light," we might proceed to say
that He was also " a light to the creation," or " Arch-
luminary," so He was not only the Eternal Son, but a
" Son to creation," an " archetypal Son." Hence St.
Paul goes on at once to say, " for in Him all things
were made," not simply "by and for," as at the end
of the verse ; or as Athan. says, Orat. ii. § 63, " because
in Him the creation came to be." On the distinction of
Sia and Iv, referring respectively to the first and
second creations, vid. In illud Omn. 2.
% "His coming into the world," says Athan., "is
what makes Him called * First-bom ' of all ; and thus
the Son is the Father's * Only-begotten,' because He
alone is from Him, and He is the * First-bom of crea-
tion,' because of this adoption of all as sons." Thus
he considers that "first-bom" is mainly a title, con-
nected with the incarnation, and also connected with our
Lord's office at the creation, (vid. parallel of Priest-
hood, art. w voc.) In each economy it has the same
meaning; it belongs to Him as the type, idea, or
rule on which the creature was made or new-made,
and the life by which it is sustained. Both economies
are mentioned, Incarn. 13, 14. And so eiKtov koI tvttoq
wpbg aperrivy Orat. i. 51. (vid. art. Freedom^ supr. p. 127.)
And TVTTOv Tiva Xa^ovreg and viroy pafifiovy iii. 20. vid.
also 21, Iv aircJJ ij/ticv wpoTervwtjfiivou ii. 76, init.
462 Il/owroroicoc-
He came tvttov elK6vog evOeXvai, 78, init. rfiv rov
ap\tTVTrov irXamv ava<rrfi<Ta<TOai laurel, contr. ApoL ii.
5. Also KaTe<r<l>payi<r9iifiiv etc to apyervwov r^c cJkovoc*
Cyr. in Joan. v. 12, p. 91. olov otto tivoq apyrig^ Nyss.
Catech. 16, p. 504, fin. And so again, as to the original
creation, the Word is ?8& kw. Ivipyeia of all material
things. Atheh. Leg. 10. 17 iSia . . oirep \6yov elpriK€un>
Clem. Strom, v. 3. iSiav iSeiiJv koI apxfiv Xeicriov rov
TTpiayroTOKov ira<ri|c icr«<r6wc« Origen. contr. Cels. vi. 64,
fin. " Whatever God was about to make in the creature,
was already in the Word, nor would be in the things,
were it not in the Word." August, in Psalm. 44, 5.
He elsewhere calls the Son, " ars qusedam omnipotentis
atque sapientis Dei, plena omnium rationum viventium
incommutabilium." de Trin; vi. 11. And so Athan.
says TrptafTOTOKOQ bIq airoSei^iv rf/c twv iravrtov Sia rov
viov Brifuovpyiag kcH vioTroiri<Te(i}g» iii. 9, fin. vid. the con-
trast presented to us by the Semi-Arian Eusebius on the
passage which Athan. is discussing, (Prov. viii. 22y) as
making the Son, not the iSca, but the external minister
of the Father's iSia (in art. Eusebms, supra). S. Cyril
says on the contrary, " The Father shows the Son what
He does Himself, riot as if setting it before Him drawn
out on a tablet, or teaching Him as ignorant; for He
knows all things as God; but as depicting Himself
whole in the nature of the Offspring," &c., in Joann.
V. 20, p. 222.
'Fevardg. 463
ViD. Deer. § 11. de Synod. § 51. Orat. i. § 15, 16. vid.
also Orat. i. § 28. Bas. in Eun. ii. 23. pitriv. ibid. ii. 6.
G-reg. Naz. Orat. 28. 22. Vid. contr. Grentes, § 41,
where Athan., without reference to the Arian con-
troversy, draws out the contrast between the Godhead
and human nature. " The nature of things generated,"
as having its subsistence from nothing, "is of a
transitory (/tjevorocj melting, dissolving, dissoluble)
and feeble and mortal sort, considered by itself.
Seeing then that it was transitory and had no stay, lest
this should come into effect, and it should be resolved
into its original nothing, God governs and sustains it
all by His own Word, who is Himself God," and who,
he proceeds, § 42, " remaining Himsalf immovable with
the Father, moves all things in His own consistence,
as in each case it may seem fit to His Father." vid.
Mcrovo-m, &c.
464 'SivyKaTa^amg
"Condescension" of the Son. Vid. the author's
"Tracts, Theological, &c.," to. which, on a subject
too large for a Note, the reader is referred.
By this term Athanasius expresses that (so to say)
stooping from the height of His Infinite Majesty,
which is involved in the act of the Almighty's sur-
rounding Himself with a created universe. This may
of course be sometimes spoken of as the act of the
Eternal Father, but is commonly and more naturally
ascribed to the Only-begotten Son. Creation was the
beginning of this condescension; but creation was but
an inchoate act if without conservation accompanying it.
The universe would have come into being one moment
only to have come to nought the next, from its intrinsic
impotence, and moreover from the unendurableness on
the part of the finite of contact with the Infinite, had
not the Creator come to it also as a conservator.
"The Word," says Athanasius, "when in the be-
ginning He framed the creatures, condesceTided to them,
that it might be possible for them to come into being.
For they could not have endured His absolute, unmi-
tigated nature, and His splendour from the Father,
unless, condescending with the Father's love for man,
He had supported them, and brought them into sub-
sistence." Orat. ii. 64. vid. art. aKparog.
^SvyKarafiamg* 465
This conservation lay in a gift over and above
nature, a gift of grace, a presence of Grod throughout
the vast universe, as a principle of life and strength;
and that Presence is in truth the indwelling in it of
the Divine Word and Son, who thereby took His place
permanently as if in the rank of creatures, and as their
First-bom and Head, thereby drawing up the whole
circle of creatures into a divine adoption, whereby they
are mere works no longer, but sons of God. He has
thus, as it were, stamped His Image, His Sonship, upon
all things according to their several measures, and
became the archetype of creation and , its life and
goodness.
As then He is in His nature the Only Son of God,
so is He by office First-bom of all things and Eldest
Son in the world of creatures. Vid. UpwroroKO^.
VOL. II.
»g
466 Si;/i/3€/3»jic6c.
Or Accident. The point in which Arians and Sabel-
lians agreed was that Wisdom was only an attribute,
not a Person, in the Divine Nature, for both denied
the mystery of a Trinity in Unity. Hence St. Atha-
nasius charges them with holding the Divine Nature
to be compounded of substance and quality or accident,
the latter being an envelopment or TrBpifioXfj or irBpi rbv
flcov. Vid. as quoted below. Deer. § 22, and so Syn. § 34,
e^iv (TVfi^aivovfjav icat awoavfifialvovtTav. Orat. iii. § 65.
iTvfijiafjLd. Euseb. Eccl. Theol. iii. p. 150. Also Or. ii.
§ 38. Scrap, i. 26. Naz. Orat. 31. 15 fin. For Trspi
Tov flfov, vid. Deer. § 22, de Syn. § 34. Orat. i. § 14,
27; ii. 45; iii. § 65.
f Thus Eusebius calls our Lord " the light through-
out the universe, moving round (afifjn) the Father."
de Laud. Const, i. p. 501. It was a Platonic idea, which
he gained from Plotinus, whom he quotes speaking of
his second Principle as "radiance around, from Him
indeed, but from one who remains what He was; as
the sun's bright light circling around it, (TrspWiov,)
ever generated from it, while the sun itself never-
theless remains." Evang. Prsep. xi. 17. vid. Plotin. 4.
Ennead. iv. c. 16.
Eusebius could afford to use Platonic language,
because he considered our Lord to be external to the
Sv/x0£/3t,icoc. 467
Divine Nature ; hence he can say, (as Marcellus could
not,) by way of accusation against him, trvvOeTov
el<Triyev rbv Oebv, ovaiav S^X" \6yov avfijSejSijicoc,* 8^ ry
ovaii^Tov Xoyov. Eccl. Theol. ii. 14, p. 121. However,
Athan. says the same of the Arians, vid. references,
supr. in this article; also ad Afros. 8, Basil. Ep. 8, 3.
Cyril. Thes. p. 134. For the Sabellians vid. Ath. Orat.
iv. 2; perhaps Epiph. Haer. 73, p. 852; and Cyril.
Thes. p. 145. Basil, contr. Sabell. 1. Nyssen. App.
contr. Eunom. i. p. 67, &c. Max. Cap. de Carit. t. i.
p. 445. Damasc. F. 0. i. 13, p. 151.
"If then any man conceives as if Grod were com-
posite, so as to have accidents in His substance, or
any external envelopment, and to be encompassed, or
as if there were aught about Him which completes
the substance, so that when we say *Grod,' or name
* Father,' we do not signify the invisible and incom-
prehensible substance, but, something about it, then
let them complain of the Council's stating that the
Son was from the substance of Grod; but let them
reflect, that in thus considering they commit two
blasphemies; for they make Grod material, and they
falsely say that the Lord is not Son of the very Father,
but of what is about Him. But if Grod be simple, as
He is, it follows that in saying *Grod' and naming
'Father,' we name nothing as if about Him, but
signify His substance itself." Athan. Deer. § 22,
And so elsewhere, he says, when resisting the
Arian and Sabellian notion that the wisdom of Grod is
only a quality in the Divine Nature, " In that case Grod
will be compounded of substance and quality; for
Gg2
468 Sv/uj8cj3»jicoc.
every quality is in a substance. And at this rate,
whereas the Divine Monad is indivisible, it will be
considered compound, being separated into substance
and accident." Orat. iv. 2. vid. also Orat. i. 36. This
is the common doctrine of the Fathers. Athenagoras,
however, speaks of God's goodness as an accident,
"as colour to the body," "as flame is ruddy and the
sky blue," Legat. 24. This, however, is but a verbal
difference, for shortly before (23) he speaks of His
being, to ovrtog ov, and His unity of nature, to fiovotj^veg,
as in the number of eTTKTv/xjSejSi/icora avTi^. Eusebius
uses the word <Ti;fij3e/3ijic6c in the same way, Demonstr.
Evang. iv. 3. And hence St. Cyril, in controversy
with the Arians, is led by the course of their objections
to observe, " There are cogent reasons for considering
these things as accidents^ (xv/ijSejSijicora, in Grod, though
they be not." Thesaur. p. 263.
THE TiXeiov. 469
The TiXeiov.
"Perfect from Perfect" is often found in Catholic
Creeds, and also (with an evasion) in Arian. " The
Word who is perfect from the perfect Father." Orat.
iii. § 52. "As radiance from light, so is He perfect
Offspring from perfect." ii. § 35, also iii. § 1 circ. fin.
" One from One, Perfect from Perfect," &c. Hil. Trin.
ii. 8. TsXeiog teXeiov y^yivvr\Kzvy Epiph. Hser. 76, p. 945.
Not only the Son but the Father was areXi^Cj
says Athan., if the Son were not eternal. " He is
rightly called the eternal Offspring of the Father, for
never was the substance of the Father imperfect, Ithat
what belongs to it should be added afterwards. . . . Grod's
Offspring is eternal, because His nature is ever perfect."
Orat. i. 14. A similar passage is found in Cyril. Thesaur.
V. p. 42. Dial. ii. fin. This was retorting the objection :
the Arians said, " How can Grod be ever perfect, who
added to Himself a Son ? " Athan. answers, " How
can the Son be a later addition, since Grod is ever
perfect ? " vid. Grreg. Nyssen. contr. Eunom. Append,
p. 142. Cyril. Thesaur. x. p. 78. Also Origen, as
quoted by Marcellus in Euseb. c. Marc. p. 22, eJ yap au
riXtiog 6 Osbg . . > . ri avajiaXXerai ; &c. As to the Son's
perfection, Aetius objects, ap. Epiph. Haer. 76, p. 925,
6, that growth and consequent accession from without
are essentially involved in the idea of Sonship ;
470 THE TiXeiov.
whereas S. Greg. Naz. speaks of the Son as not
areXirj TT/oorf/oov, Etra riXeioVf Sxrwep vofxoq rriq rifieTipag
ytviaewg. Orat. 20. 9 fin. In like manner, S. Basil
argues against Eunomius, that the Son is riXetog^
because He is the Image, not as if copied, which is a
gradual work, but as a x^P^^^P^ ^^ impression of a
seal, or as the knowledge communicated from master
to scholar, which comes to the latter and exists in him
perfect, without being lost to the former, contr. Eunom.
ii. 16. fin.
If It need scarcely be said, that " perfect from perfect "
is a symbol on which the Catholics laid stress, Athan.
Orat. lii. 35 ; Epiph. Haer. 76, p. 945 ; but it admitted
of an evasion. An especial reason for insisting on it in
the previous centuries had been the Sabellian doctrine,
which considered the title " Word," when applied to our
Lord, to be adequately explained by the ordinary sense
of the term, as a word spoken by us. Vid. on the
Xoyoc TT/oo^o/oiicoc, art. Ford, a doctrine which led to the
dangerous, often heretical, hypothesis that our Lord
was first Word, and then Son. In consequence they
insisted on His to rcXeiov, perfection, which became
almost synonymous with His personality. Thus the
ApoUinarians e.g. denied that our Lord was 'perfect man,
because his personality was not human. Athan. contr.
Apoll. i. 2. Hence Justin, and Tatian, are earnest in
denying that our Lord was a portion divided from the
Divine substance, ov kut airorofiriv^ &c. &c. Just.
Tryph. 128. Tatian. contr. G-rsec. 5. And Athan.
condemns the notion of the Xoyoq iv ti^ flecji areXrigy
ytvvriOtig reXetog, Orat. iv. 11. The Arians then, as
THE TiXnov. 471
being the especial opponents of the Sabellians, insisted
on nothing so much as our Lord's being a real, living,
substantial, Word, (vid. Eusebius passim,) and they
explained riXsiov as they explained away "real," art.
supr. Avian temets. " The Father," says Acacius against
Marcellus, " begat the Only-begotten, alone alone, and
perfect perfect; for there is nothing imperfect in the
Father, wherefore neither is there in the Son, but the
Son's perfection is the genuine offspring of His
perfection, and superperfection." ap. Epiph. Hser.
72, 7. TiXeiog then was a relative word, varying
with the subject-matter, vid. Damasc. F. 0. i. 8,
p. 138.
t The Arians considered Father and Son to be two
oxxriaif Bfioiai, but not ofioovmai. Their characteristic
explanation of the word riXeiog was, " distinct," and
"independent." When they said that our Lord was
perfect Grod, they meant, "perfect, in that sense in
which He is Grod" — i.e. as a secondary divinity. —
Nay, in one point of view they would use the term of
His Divine Nature more freely than the Catholics some-
times used it. Thus Hippolytus e.g. though really
holding His perfection from eternity as the Son, yet
speaks of His condescension in coming upon earth as
if a kind of complement of His Sonship, He becoming
thus a Son a second time ; whereas the Arians holding
no real condescension or assumption of a really new
state, could not hold that our Lord was in any respect
essentially other than He had been before the Incarna-
tion. " Nor was the Word," says Hippolytus, " before
the flesh and by Himself, perfect Son, though being
472 THE TiXeiov.
perfect Word [as] being Only-begotten ; nor could the
flesh subsist by itself without the Word, because that in
the Word it has its consistence : thus then He was
manifested One perfect Son of God." contr. Noet. 15.
Tpiag. 473
Vid. Trinity.
The word r/omc, translated Trinity, is first used by
Theophilus ad Autol. ii. 15. Gibbon remarks that the
doctrine of "a numerical rather than a generical
unity," which has been explicitly put forth by ' the
Latin Church, is "favoured by the Latin language;
rpiag seems to excite the idea of substance, trinitaa of
qualities." ch. 21, note 74. It is certain that the Latin
view of the , sacred truth, when perverted, becomes
Sabellianism ; and that the Grreek, when perverted,
becomes Arianism ; and we find Arius arising in the East,
Sabellius in the West. It is also certain that the word
Trinitas is properly abstract ; and only in an ecclesias-
tical sense expresses rpiaq or "a three." But Gribbon
does not seem to observe that Unitas is abstract as
well as Trinitas ; and that we might just as well say in
consequence, that the Latins held an abstract unity or
a unity of qualities, while the Greeks by fxovag taught
the doctrine of " a one " or a numerical unity. " Sin-
gularitatem banc dico," says S. Ambrose, " quod Graec^
/iovorrjc dicitur ; singularitas ad personam pertinet,
unitas ad naturam." de Fid. v. 3. It is important,
however, to understand, that " Trinity " does not mean
the state or condition of being thre«, as humanity is the
condition of being man, but is synonymous with " three
474 Tpi&Q.
persons." Humanity does not exist and cannot be
addressed, but the Holy Trinity is a three, or a unity
which exists in three. Apparently from not con-
sidering this, Luther and Calvin objected to the word
Trinity. " It is a common prayer," says Calvin, " * Holy
Trinity, one God, have mercy on us.' It displeases me,
and savours throughout of barbarism." Ep. ad Polon.
p. 796. Tract. Theol.
YloiraTtjp* 475
YioTrarwp,
This word is made the symbol of the No£tians or
Sabellians by both Catholics and Arians, as if their
doctrine involved or avowed Patripassianism, or that
the Father suffered. Without entering upon the
(Controversy on the subject raised by Beausobre (Hist.
Manich. iii. 6, § 7, &c.), Mosheim (Ant. Constant, saec.
ii. § 68, iii. 32), and Lardner (Cred. part ii. ch. 41),
we may refer to the following passages for the use
of the term. It is ascribed to Sabellius, Ammon. in
Caten. Joan. i. 1, p. 14 ; to Sabellius and perhaps
Marcellus, Euseb. Eccl. Theol. ii. 5 ; to Marcellus,
Cyr. Hier. Catech. xv. 9, also iv. 8, xi. 16; to
Sabellians, Athan. Expos. F. 2, and 7 Can. Con-
stant, and Grreg. Nyssen. contr. Eun. xii. p. 305; to
certain heretics, Cyril Alex, in Joann. v. 31, p. 243 ;
Epiph. Haer. 73, 11 fin. ; to Praxeas and Montanus, Mar.
Merc. p. 128 ; to Sabellius, Caesar. Dial. i. p. 550 ; to
Noetus, Damasc. Haer. 57.
avroc eavTOv Trarrip is used by Athan. Orat. iv.
§ 2. also vid. Hipp, contr. Noet. 7. Euseb. in Marc,
pp. 42, 61, 106, 119, viov eavrov yive(T9ai. supr.
Orat. iii. 4 init. " Ipsum sibi patrem," &c. Auct.
Praed. (ap. Sirmond. 0pp. t. i. p. 278, ed. Ven.)
Mar. Merc. t. 2, p. 128, ed. 1673 as above. Greg.
Boet. (ap. Worm. Hist. Sabell. p. 17.) Consult Zach.
476 Yiowarafp — ^pi(rTOfxa\oq.
et Apoll. ii. 11 (ap. Dach. Spicil. t. i. p. 25). Porphyry
uses avroirarwpi but by a strong figure, Cyril- contr.
Julian, i. p. 32. vid. Epiphan. in answer to Aetius on this
subject, Hser. 76, p. 937. It must be observed that
several Catholic Fathers seem to countenance such ex-
pressions, as Zeno Ver. and Marius Vict., not to say S.
Hilary and S. Augustine, vid. Thomassin de Trin. 9.
For viowanop^ add to the above references, Nestor.
Serm. 12. ap. Mar. Merc. t. 2, p. 87. and Ep. ad
Martyr, ap. Bevereg. Synod, t. 2. Not. p. 100.
\pi(rrofxaypq*
Vid. Oeofiaxog*
e
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author: Malloch, Douglas, 1877-1938
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
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TOTE-ROAD AND TRAIL
It's chuck in the day and a bunk in the night
TOTE-ROAD AND
TRAIL
Ballads of the Lumberjack
By
DOUGLAS MALLOCH
ILLUSTRATED IN FULL COLOR BY
OLIVER KEMP
INDIANAPOLIS
THE BOBBS-MERRILL COMPANY
PUBLISHERS
Copyright 1917 ^^ '\>'
The Bobbs-Merrill Company ^^ j^ a
y^\^'^
PRESS OF
BFIAUNWORTH & CO.
BOOK MANUFACTURERS
BROOKLYN, N. Y.
OCT 19 1917
TO MY WIFE
Had heaven a star, a single star,
A solitary lamp,
One beacon-light to shine afar
And lead me back to camp-
That one sure star would bring me to
The camp, the waiting fire, and you.
Had life but one, a single one,
But you, unchanging still.
However far my feet might run
Down valley or up hill —
That one true heart, the heart of you.
In good or ill would bring me through.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
facing page
It's Chuck in the Day and a Bunk in the
Night Frontispiece
While Us Poor Skates in Regions Cool Go Out an*
Make His Money 28 '
An' Ev'ry Time You Turn a Bend the Next Bend
Looks the Best 56 '
For There Are the Woods to People, and There Is
the Trail to Make 88 *'
I'd Like to Just Come Walkin' in an' Find You All
A-settin' Here 120 '
Worked a Peavey, Pulled a Saw, Rode the River in a
Thaw 156
CONTENTS
PAGE
Afterward 164
Aspen, The 131
Bad Man, The 165
Behind a Spire 132
Breakup, The 53
Call Us, America 45
Calling Up the Crew 3
Camp in the Woods with a Friend, A 123
Chalt)iere 69
Christella 78
Christina 110
Cruise, The 170
Day, a 90
Discovery 139
Fall, The 15
Forty 134
Fungi 88
Greater the Heart, The 8
Hair of the Dog, The 43
Hero Meddlers, The 67
His Eyes 125
Holy Ground 95
If Fortune Came 119
In Town on New Year's Eve 36
Intercession 97
Interpreters 94
Irish, The 76
Just Alive 49
CONTENTS— C(?»^i«M^d
PAGE
Keep Your Ears Ahead 149
Loafer, The 14
Look Back, A 168
Love of a Man, The 12
Man Who Always Won, The 135
Man Who Could Play, The 86
Man's Road, The . 107
Night Like This, A 100
Oh, To Be a Gypsy 30
One 122
One-Spot, The 129
Pilgrimage, The . 23
Point of View, The 27
Price, The 72
Prosperity 47
Recruit's Request, The 159
Retired 153
Sanctuary 1
Seed 81
Self-Made Man, The 83
Signal, The . • 75
Simple Life, The 33
Star Spangled Banner Forever, The 31
Stony Brook 61
Superannuated 51
Tenderhearted Bill 58
Three Mornings 112
Times, The 141
COlslTENTS— Continued
PAGE
To A Chipmunk 92
Undergrowth 106
Up-River 10
Wedding, The 161
When the Drive Goes Down 56
Widowhood of Doubt, The 151
Widow-Maker, The 40
Winner, The 64
Woodland, The 117
Work in the Woods, The 6
World, The 7
Youth Who Wore an "M," The 18
TOTE-ROAD AND TRAIL
Tote-Road and Trail
SANCTUARY
When some one has slipped you the dirk in the dark,
When eyes that are loving are lies,
When some one you trusted has made you a mark.
And somehow the heart in you dies,
There's dirt for you, hurt for you, trouble enough
To shatter the faith of a man ;
But don't ever think there is trouble so tough
That you can't overcome it — ^you can.
When living is losing its flavor to you.
When worry is making you old ;
When there is no joy in the thing that you do
Nor truth in the thing you are told.
There's balm for you, calm for you, out in the wild,
There's hope for you up on the hill.
Get up in the timber and play like a child ;
you can overcome it — ^you will.
1
SANCTUARY
Get up in the timber ; the trail and the trees
Will make you a man in a day.
The smell of the soil and the breath of the breeze
Will blow all your troubles away.
There's pine for you, wine for you, hope for you
there —
The sun and the moon and the star —
If the ways of the city are not on the square,
Get up in the woods — where they are.
CALLING UP THE CREW
They'll soon be callin' up the crew to cut the Edwards
pine;
You feel it in the lungs of you, you fill 'em full of
wine ;
The night is full of piney smells, the perfume of the
North ;
An' cold an' clear as icicles the starbeams glitter forth.
They'll soon be callin' us to come ; they'll need us in the
bush —
The sturdy sons of Scotia some, the old Toronto push.
The Frenchman with his shinin' saw, the sons of Eng-
lishmen—
They'll need us up the Ottawa to cut their pine again.
We're getherin' at Wullie's bar, we're settin' in the
sun.
We're waitin' for the private car the old Grand
Trunk'll run;
We're tellin' how we spent our cash, an' braggin' of
our girls,
Whilst from the dirty calabash the blue tobacco curls.
CALLING UP THE CREW
But where is Dodson? In the trench. MacPherson?
Dardanelles.
Doret? Home fightin' with the French. The list of
missin' swells.
MacCullough ? With the Princess Pats. Oates ? Some-
where on the foam.
Jones? With a bullet through his slats he's invalided
home.
Carruthers? Well, they think he's dead. They lost
him in Lorraine;
Perhaps a prisoner instead ; he may come back again.
An' James, the blue-eyed Scottish lad? In Flanders,
under sod.
Remember Hawkins? Just as bad — torpedoed to his
God.
They'll soon be callin' up the crew to cut the Edwards
pine,
An' I'll be there my work to do — but not some friends
of mine.
They're sleepin' there in Belgium, they can not hear
the call
That makes the other fellows come, the pine-woods
an' it all.
I'll do my bit with ax an' saw, an', be it pine or spruce,
I'll put 'em down the Ottawa, an' offer no excuse.
4
CALLING UP THE CREW
I'll be the last man in at night, the first man out at
dawn —
I'll do my work, an' do it right, but all the sport is
gone.
An' for the lads who died out there, I wish that they
could sleep
Up where the flowin' waters wear their channel to the
deep.
An' for the lads who suffer hell an' drink the cup of
war,
I'll pray a prayer for them as well, who never prayed
before.
THE WORK IN THE WOODS
The work in the woods, oh, it's heavy the hurt of it,
The long day of labor, the short night of rest,
The camp, and the tramp, and the damp and the dirt
of it.
Afoot when the stars are still out in the west.
The sting of the wind, or the snow and the rain of it,
The cold sky if clear and the wet sky if gray —
And yet there is something, with all of the pain of it,
That finds us and coaxes and calls us away.
The work in the woods ! — There is something in spite
of it
That pulls at the heart like a sailor the sea.
The gay and the gray and the day and the night of it.
The smile of the sun and the sob of the tree ;
Afar from the forest you hear the loud call of it.
Then what do you care if the labor be long?
For, somehow or other, you sort of like all of it —
The work and the play and the sigh and the song!
THE WORLD
The woods world, the man's world, it stretches east
an' west,
A green world, a new world, of all the world the best.
There's work there, an' play there, an' shadow there
an' sun —
There's work there, an' play there, an' sleep when you
are done.
The old world, the whole world, is like the world of
wood,
A big world, a glad world, an' glorious an' good.
There's life there, there's love there, enough for
ev'ry one —
There's work there, an' play there, an' sleep when you
are done.
THE GREATER THE HEART
The man with an ax,
The lad with a saw,
Learn numerous facts
Of natural law.
A thing you will see
As you work at your art :
The older the tree,
The greater the heart.
There are sorrow and storm
As the forest grows old ;
There are Summers too warm.
There are Winters too cold.
Gray the Autumn may be
And the sun may depart —
But the older the tree,
The greater the heart.
Grow old like the pine
Through the smiles and the tears,
Growing better, like wine,
With the passing of years ;
8
THE GREATER THE HEART
Let them say, if they can,
When from Hf e you depart,
"The older the man,
The greater the heart l"
UP-RIVER
Our way to camp we used to drive
Along about this time of year.
A man felt good to be alive
When it come time again to steer
Up-river way. We'd top the hill
An' then the town would drop from sight
An' all the night got calm an' still
An' all the world got pure an' white.
You know, when you let loose of men
An' git up there among the trees,
You slip right back to God again
An' you're a kid on bended knees.
Then things you thought you had forgot
Come back to you by jump an' leap ;
You find yourself, as like as not,
Repeatin' "Lay me down to sleep."
There ain't no mystery in life.
There's nothin' you don't understand,
An' oldtime scraps an' oldtime strife
Look foolish in that silent land.
10
UP-RIVER
The careless doubt, the wonder, cease.
The way is clear that once was dim :
You know there is a Prince of Peace
An' hunger to git back to him.
11
THE LOVE OF A MAN
The love of a woman is sweet ;
In life I have fondled a few,
Have felt the red blood as it beat
The uttermost arteries through.
Yet God in His wisdom divine,
Yet God in His infinite plan,
Made nothing as holy and fine
As the love of a man for a man.
There was one with the dark in her hair,
There was one with the dawn in her eyes,
There was one who had kisses to spare —
For never a memory dies.
But, maids, you were nothing but maids ;
You passed, as the waters that ran.
For what are the angels or jades
By the love of a man for a man ?
The love of a woman is warm.
Her kisses as hot as the South,
And glorious battle to storm
The road to her amorous mouth.
12
THE LOVE OF A MAN
But what is the nectar you drink,
The fragile and beautiful span.
By one indestructible link,
The love of a man for a man?
For when she has thrown you aside,
Has passed from embraces a,nd sight,
And all of the noonday has died
And left but the stars and the night.
You feel on your shoulder a hand.
For comfort you come where you can,
And deep in your heart understand
The love of a man for a man.
He'll go with you over the trail, y
The trail that is lonesome and long ;
His faith will not falter nor fail.
Nor falter the lilt of his song.
He knows both your soul and your sins,
And does not too carefully scan.
The highway to Heaven begins
With the love of a man for a man.
13
THE LOAFER
You can always tell a loafer, if there's loafin* in the
crew;
You can always tell a loafer, for he has so much to do :
When the men are in the maintop he is f ussin' with a
jib;
On the drive he's always lookin' for a chance away to
snib;
In the woods the smallest timber is the timber he will
find;
In the yard the twelve-by-twenty is the kind he leaves
behind.
He will fuss an' he will fiddle huntin' up the softest
snap:
Life is one eternal treadmill for the take-it-easy chap.
Yes, it takes a lot of trouble skippin' labor day by day ;
For a fellah has to figger how to dodge it all the way.
On the drive or in the timber, in the mill or in the yard.
You can always tell a loafer, 'cause he works so bloom-
in' hard.
14
THE FALL
The nights are colder than they was,
The days are shorter, too;
The starry Hght
Shines out to-night
From skies of deeper blue.
The green that lies along the hills
Is turning brown an' sear —
Yet I don't need
No signs to read
To know the time o' year.
An' I don't need no almanac
To tell what time it is,
No Autumn haze
An' shorter days
An' all that kind of biz.
Lord ! Don't I know the Fall is here
When loud the nightwind groans ?
Lord ! Don't I know
The season though? —
I feel it in my bones.
IS
THE FALL
Fm tuggin' at this city leash
Like forty-seven dawgs;
I'm wishin' for
The shanty floor.
The timber an' the lawgs.
I'm longin' for the wanigan,
The tote-road an' it all —
Lord ! Can't the jacks
Who swing the ax
Remember when it's Fall?
A little more an* it will snow
Up in the woods again ;
A little more
The wind'll roar,
A little more an' then
In Michigan the nights will be
All sky an' moon an' stars —
An' then I'll pack
A little snack
An' hike to beat the cars.
The woods they call you in the Spring
When days are warm an' fair,
When robins sing
An' blossoms fling
Their perfume on the air.
16
THE FALL
They call to you in Summertime
When in the town you sweat.
But in the Fall
Oh, then they call,
They call you louder yet.
Give me the old October woods
When leaves are turnin' brown ;
The smell o' pine
Is finer wine
Than any in the town.
Give me the old December snow
That turns the world to white
Up there in Mich. —
Oh, Lord, I wish
That I was there to-night !
17
THE YOUTH WHO WORE AN "M'^
He was the rawest tenderfoot that ever pulled the
briar,
A rookey an' an amachure, a dude an' all of that;
But we was short of sawyers, an' the head push had to
hire
'Most anything that happened 'round the place to
hang its hat.
He was a sort of rah-rah boy, who wore a fancy lid,
With blue an' yellah ribbons in a bow-knot on the
brim.
An' pants that looked a size or more too big for such
a kid —
If Nature ever made a dub, it certainly was him.
We made it just as pleasant for His Dudelets as we
could :
We tossed him in a blanket an' did other little things ;
We set a jumper on him, an' the Frenchman soaked
him good ;
We learnt him penny ante where the deuces beat the
kings.
He didn't git discouraged an' he stuck right on the
job —
18
THE YOUTH WHO WORE AN "M"
He said he got it harder when they took him in the
"frat."
We didn't ketch his meanin', but we knew he was a
lob
(That is, until Thanksgiving but things changed
some after that).
It bein' of a holiday, we jumped the bloomin' camp
An' mootched it to the city, there to give our proper
thanks ;
We took the dude along with us upon that jolly tramp
To be the central figger in some harmless little
pranks.
Recollect that little barroom in the hotel on the hill?
It was there the party gethered for the doin's of the
day;
An' we started in with vigor our respective hides to fill
With all the burnin' redeye that the gang could put
away.
When the stuf? was flowin' freely, some one spotted
Mr. Dude
An' he dragged him to the region where the merry
glasses clink,
An' he ast him, in a manner that perhaps was some-
what rude.
If, upon this glad occasion, he would ruther fight or
drink.
19
THE YOUTH WHO WORE AN "M"
His Dudelets kind of trembled when they offered him
"the same" —
His face was really funny, 'twas so solemn-like an'
white —
But he turned to one that called him by a certain ugly
name
An* remarked in language pleasant that he guessed
he'd ruther fight.
It wasn't fair an' proper for us all to take a hand,
But that challenge meant a lickin', if a challenge ever
did.
We proceeded in a body then to make him understand
That a little more politeness was expected of a kid.
But he didn't put his dukes up an' he didn't shed his
coat —
He just sort of hunched his shoulders an' he shouted
"U-rah-rah!"
Then, with both his arms wide open, through the air
I seen him float.
An' he struck me in the stomach while I covered up
my jaw.
In the very farthest corner there we landed in a heap —
"First down!" was all he hollered, "first down, an'
four to gain !"
Then he mixed with Mr. Murphy, an' he put the Mick
to sleep
20
THE YOUTH WHO WORE AN "M"
When ag'inst the bar he slammed him in a way that
give him pain.
"Second down!" he yelled, "an' touchdown!" Then
he straightened up a bit,
When the Swede come swingin' at him with hot an-
ger in his soul.
An' he stuck his toe out forward an' the Svenska's mug
he hit
As he turned to grapple Frenchy, while he yelled,
"Rah, rah! A goal!"
But there come some reinforcements from the man be-
hind the bar —
With a mallet in his flippers Mr. Barkeep joined the
fray;
With a brotherly intention Johnny's cranium to jar
An' no word of explanation, at his skull he blazed
away.
Then I knew 'twas all for Johnny, that the crack would
make him sick,
When the barkeep swung his hammer on our darlin'
angel child.
It took him in the forehead like half a thousan' brick —
But that kid, would you believe it? why, he just
looked up an' smiled !
21
THE YOUTH WHO WORE AN "M'*
Then he *'kicked a goal from placement," made a
"touchdown" more, or two.
(At least he so announced it ev'ry time he let a yell) ;
In the corner of the barroom he piled up that fightin'
crew
An', to sort of cap the climax, put the barkeep there
as well.
When he thought they had sufficient then he showed
the boys his "M,"
An' explained the Yost "formations" an' just how
the thing occurred ;
To drink a toast to "Michigan" he invited me an'
them —
An', when he ordered soda pop, then no one said a
word.
22
THE PILGRIMAGE
I've heard of a certain Mohammed who dwelt in a hut
on Arabian sands
And every year of his residence felt that a duty he had
on his hands
To make an excursion his Mecca to seek, a trip to the
home of his race,
A sort of original Home Coming Week, now so com-
mon in every place.
He'd pack up his duffle, his tent and his shrine and
would beat it back home for a spell
To see if the cocoanut harvest was fine and if all of his
cousins were well.
This pilgrimage habit grew rapidly so that it now is the
regular thing
And every season Mohammedans go up to Mecca its
praises to sing.
I always have felt sort of kinship to those who go
journey to Mecca afar,
Though I have no Koran concealed in my clothes, nei-
ther know what Mohammedans are.
23
THE PILGRIMAGE
But every year I am up and away to a Mecca, a shrine
of my own,
That calls me as loudly and as surely as they who are
called by a city of stone.
My Mecca's the woods, just the woods in the Fall,
when October comes rolling around —
The camp and the river, the pine and it all, when the
frost takes a-hold of the ground.
It isn't religion that gets me to go and it isn't a psalm
or a prayer —
It's twenty-eight dollars, or thirty or so, they are pay-
ing for swampers up there.
It's chuck in the day and a bunk in the night and the
stake when we quit in the Spring
That coaxes me northward to work and to fight — only
these are the why of the thing.
The folks in the East go to Mecca to lay in a new stock
of faith for the year,
But I, I go up to my Mecca for pay — when I'm busted,
to get in the clear.
I guess that's the way of the East and the West, it's
the way of the new and the old,
That they are content on religion to rest, while we
Yankees are out for the gold.
24
THE PILGRIMAGE
You couldn't get Yankees to go on a hike up to any
Mohammedan shrine,
But offer them thirty a month and they'll strike for the
land of the hemlock and pine.
They say that we worship the dollar too much, we are
crazy for riches, they say;
They say we are worse than the Scotch or the Dutch,
that it's quite the American way.
If pulling the briar or pounding the plugs for a dollar
a day is a crime,
What's asking three hundred for dirty old rugs that
were made in your grandfather's time?
If this is a showdown of Meccas, my friends, of the
Yank or Arabian kind.
We look at the matter from different ends and we each
have a different mind.
The man who looked down on us both from a shelf he
would say, when he saw how we did,-
There's good in a man who will bury himself in the
woods for the sake of his kid.
The fellow who diets on cocoanut milk and who spends
all his moments in prayer
Thinks he has a soul that is finer than silk, that is ready
its winglets to wear.
25
THE PILGRIMAGE
But what of the man in a mackinaw shirt, one who
thinks of the girl that he wed,
Who's wilHng to swamp and to dig in the dirt that the
wife and the kids may be fed?
I'm thinking my Mecca is moral as his, though it's lit
by no altars ablaze;
I guess my religion is work, all it is, yet I think it
deserving of praise.
Perhaps the good Lord, when before Him I go. He
will hand me a crown and will say,
"This man had to make him a living below and I guess
was too busy to pray."
26
THE POINT OF VIEW
The man who owns these metes an' bounds an* tim-
bered quarter sections,
Whose hayroads Hnk our campin' grounds in nearly
all directions,
Awoke one mornin* in the town to find a blizzard
blowin',
An' shivered in his dressin' gown to see that it was
snowin'.
Then what did Mr. Main Guy do? He packed his
fancy duffle,
His spiketail coat an' skypiece new an' shirt with pleat
an' ruffle,
An' hopped aboard his special car attached to 'Frisco
hummer
An' hiked for Californya far, the golden land of Sum-
mer.
There, while the snows in Michigan are driftin' high as
houses
An' blizzards hide the Winter sun while Boreas ca-
rouses,
27
THE POINT OF VIEW
He*ll play his game of pasture pool upon a meadow
sunny,
While us poor skates in regions cool go out an' make
his money.
Each pleasant mornin' he'll git up as soon as he is able
An' find beside his coffee cup fresh grapefruit on the
table,
While we will eat at four a. m. beneath a lantern's
flicker,
An' masticate our graham gem some earlier an' quicker.
An' yet we do not envy you with ev'ry little flurry.
An' if we git a freeze or two, or blizzard, we should
worry.
We don't mind Wintertime a bit — there's somethin*
good about it,
An' fellahs who are used to it can't git along with-
out it.
Your Californya may be fine with Summer altogether,
But I'll take Michigan for mine, in spite of stormy
weather.
There may some pleasure be, perhaps, in little golf
balls chasin'.
An' yet our under zero snaps are twenty times as
bracin'.
28
While us poor skates in regions cool go out an' make his money
THE POINT OF VIEW
An' I will gamble, in the Spring, when Winter passes
over.
An' little birds begin to sing amid the buddin' clover,
We'll come a-gallivantin' down like some Kentucky-
stepper,
Prepared to lick up half the town, we'll feel so full of
pepper.
A man requires some kind of change in ev'ry sort of
diet.
His appetite to rearrange an' make his pulses riot.
An' I would rather be a poor up-river grade of bum-
mer
Than ev'ry week an* month endure your blamed, eter-
inal Summer.
29
OH, TO BE A GYPSY
Oh, to be a gypsy, and drive a gypsy van
Uphill and downhill, and be a gypsy man !
Willow for your whipstock, clover in your hat,
Nothing in your pocketbook at all — ^but what of
that!
Tin pans that rattle, tin pails that swing —
Uphill and downhill merrily they sing ;
Jingle and jangle, clashing out a tune,
Making gypsy melody for a gypsy June !
Uphill and downhill, a blossom in your mouth.
Northward in Summertime, Winter in the South.
Just a van to ward you from the heat or cold,
No house to shelter you, no house to hold !
Money is a burden, dollars are a care,
But a gypsy wanders, wanders anywhere ;
Uphill and downhill, gypsy, let us roam,
Ev'ry night a campfire, ev'ry night a home !
30
THE STAR SPANGLED BANNER FOREVER
If it's men for your ships, if it's men for your shore,
If it's men for your guns on the borders,
If it's guards for your firesides, or fighters for war.
We are ready and waiting your orders.
We will lay down the ax, we will hang up the saw,
We will come from the rafts on the river;
And we'll fight for the land and we'll fight for the law
And the Star Spangled Banner forever !
If it's men for the sea we have river-rats here
Who are kings of the drive and the water ;
If it's men for the line we have swampers to cheer
All the louder when matters get hotter.
If it's over the sea you would have us to go,
There to conquer the foe our endeavor,
We are ready — and only one ditty we know :
That's the Star Spangled Banner forever !
We have handled a saw, we can handle a gun ;
We have made us a trail through the timber,
And we'll swamp you a road to a place in the sun,
For our arms and our axes are limber.
31
THE STAR SPANGLED BANNER FOREVER
The man in the town is a fancier guy,
The man in the town may be clever ;
But we're ready to fight and we're ready to die
For the Star Spangled Banner forever !
22
THE SIMPLE LIFE
You skirt in a hammock, you dame in a swing, you
dude in the stern of a yacht.
You think you are hep to this picnickin' thing, an'
close up to Nature youVe got.
You load up a basket with sissified grub, with sand-
wiches, olives an' jell.
An' travel ten miles on a trolley or tub an' say you
will rough it a spell.
You carry a napkin to wipe off your chin, a tablecloth
folded an' neat,
An' china an' silverware always put in — for otherwise
how could you eat?
You set on the grass an' lay chicken away in under a
maple or pine
An' rave of "the forest primeval" an' say the life that
is simple is fine.
The life that is simple? You gimme a pain. You
think you've a hero behaved
If venturin' half of a mile from the train or off of a
street that is paved.
33
THE SIMPLE LIFE
The life that is simple? — With chicken for lunch to
eat off a genuine plate?
You're the funniest, phoniest, buckwheater bunch that
ever broke loose in the state.
I tell you, my friends in the lawn tennis suits an' cute
little red ribbon lids,
To us in the woods in our snowpacks or boots you're
nothin' but sissies an' kids.
The life that is simple? If really you'd like to be a
real simple life cuss,
Along up the river to camp take a hike an' put in a
Winter with us.
We'll feed you outdoors all you want to be fed, an'
life will be simple enough ;
We won't give you butter to put on your bread, but
stoke you with heartier stuff —
Pork ribs by the yard that are swimmin' in fat an'
other choice cuts of the meat.
Sow belly an' other such dishes as that, rump roast
now an* then for a treat.
Our beans you will Hke, if a noodle you've got, be-
cause that's the easiest way —
It's better to like 'em, because, like or not, you'll git
'em four f eedin's a day.
34
THE SIMPLE LIFE
An' dainties we'll give you, of that never fear, along
with our hunyacks an* coons;
Your palate we'll please an' your appetite cheer with
plenty of pickles an' prunes.
We won't have no tables or pillows or stools, or wait-
ers to pass things around;
Tin plates an' tin cups an' steel forks are the tools,
the grub it is set on the ground.
The only request we'll be makin' of you when our
table de hoty you try
Is that you won't grab the best chunks in the stew or
carelessly step in the pie.
You'll have to look out for yourself like the rest,
there's no one to pour or to carve.
Perhaps you can't eat any chuck but the best? Of
course, if you can't, you can starve.
But, if you partake like the rest of the bunch an'
shovel some food in your phiz,
I guess you'll go back to the town with a hunch you
know what the simple life is.
35
IN TOWN ON NEW YEAR'S EVE
I've hit her up a few myself when Winter days was
done;
With twenty million on the shelf a-waitin' for the sun,
I've brung my Winter stake to town an' moseyed to be
first
Of all the lumberjacks to drown an 18-karat thirst ;
But I renig, an' I give up, an' I lay down an' quit :
I thought that I could quaff the cup an' hit it up a bit ;
But of my thirst I ain't so proud, an' I just set an'
grieve —
For I ain't in it with your crowd in town on New
Year's Eve.
Last year we broke a donkey gear when things was
goin' fine.
The boss he says to me, "Come here. You take the
Number Nine
An' git to town, an' git repairs, an' back here New
Year's Day
Or (sometimes Mister Murphy swears) or there'll be
hell to pay.
36
IN TOWN ON NEW YEAR'S EVE
An' somethin' else, me fine gossoon, to you I would
confide :
If you should see a beer saloon, just tie your thirst
outside."
An' so I rode the Russels down right prompt you may
believe —
That's how I come to be in town last year on New
Year's Eve.
An' there a friend met up with me (they're always on
the spot.
Around where you're supposed to be to lead you where
you're not).
He asked me just to have a beer. I said, "Nay, nay,
Pauline ;
I have a solemn duty here to nursemaid this machine."
"Well, anyhow," he says, says he, "it wouldn't be
a sin
For you to come along an' see us see the New Year
in."
I knew the time was hours away when Number Nine
would leave —
That's how I come in Smith's Cafe last year on New
Year's Eve.
Believe me, Smith's is quite a place, with glitter, glass
an' gilt,
With window curtains made of lace, an' fit for Van-
derbilt.
37
IN TOWN ON NEW YEAR'S EVE
But, fellahs, once inside of there, it wasn't lights an*
gold i
That handed me the punch for fair an' knocked me
stiff an' cold —
It was another sort of sight that met my backwoods
eyes.
It was another thing that night that floored me with
su'prise ;
For, while the booze was slippin' down, the thirsty to
relieve,
There set the ladies of the town that night on New
Year's Eve.
But some of them they didn't set as much as you
suppose ;
For, when her throttle she had wet, at times a dame
arose
An' led the singin' of a song or startin' of a shout
To help the merriment along an' see the Old Year out.
No, these was really ladies, boys, the ladies of the
town;
The wives an' sisters liked the noise an' cries of "Drink
'er down."
An' one who loudest seemed to be, you hardly will be-
lieve,
Had left at home a babe of three, to riot New Year's
Eve.
38
IN TOWN ON NEW YEAR'S EVE
I don't lay claim to be a saint — in fact, Fm purty
rough ;
An' I ain't never heard complaint that I don't drink
enough.
But I've opinions just the same, old-fashioned though
they sound ;
An' when you try the drinkin' game, an' riotin' around,
To me a table an' a bar is much alike, I think,
An', it don't matter where you are, a cocktail is a
drink.
So, on occasions such as these, my wife at home I'll
leave —
I'll do the boozin', if you please, that's done on New
Year's Eve.
39
THE WIDOW-MAKER
A loose limb hangs upon a pine three log-lengths from
the ground,
A norway tumbles with a whine and shakes the woods
around.
The loose limb plunges from its place and zigzags
down below;
And Jack is lying on his face — there's red upon the
snow.
They'll dress him in a cotton shirt, they'll cross his
horny hands ;
They'll dig a hollow in the dirt within the forest lands ;
They'll put him in a wooden box; they'll wonder
whence he came.
And build a monument of rocks without a date or
name.
"He got a letter, that I know." "I wonder where it is."
"I heard him speak not long ago about a wife of his."
"Employment agent shipped him up — he didn't have a
cent."
"He was a most peculiar pup." "He was a gloomy
gent."
40
THE WIDOW-MAKER
And so they'll talk around the fire a little longer yet;
But even idle tongues will tire, and even men forget.
A season passes, and a year. "Why, yes, now thinkin*
back,
A widow-maker hit him here. We used to call him
Jack."
And far away, 'mid city streets Jack staggers down no
more,
A heart, a woman's, madly beats, each knock upon the
door.
She's back with mother in the flat. She thought she
wouldn't care.
Why does she always jump like that, each step upon
the stair?
"For anger burns so quick a flame the year that you
are wed.
I said some things just as they came I never should
have said.
It takes a little time, I guess, the married life to live —
To want your way a little less, to suffer and forgive."
They'll dress him in a cotton shirt, they'll cross his
horny hands ;
They'll dig a hollow in the dirt within the forest lands ;
41
THE WIDOW-MAKER
They'll put him in a wooden box; they'll wonder
whence he came,
And build a monument of rocks without a date or
name.
42
THE HAIR OF THE DOG
There was a lumberjack who tried
To break away from booze,
An' ev'ry Winter nearly died.
An' yet the fight'd lose ;
All Winter he would go without
An' never take a thing;
An' then would kill himself, about,
With whisky in the Spring.
Last Winter up to camp he come
An', as he always would,
Announced that he was through with rum.
An' through with it for good.
He sprung a gold-cure of his own :
To show that he was strong,
That he could leave the stuff alone,
He brought a quart along.
He put that whisky in his bunk ;
He slept with it at night ;
But not a drink he ever drunk.
An' no one saw him tight.
43
THE HAIR OF THE DOG
Each day he said, "All yesterday
I didn't taste the stuff.
I guess, old booze," he used to say,
"You'll see it ain't a bluff."
A week, a month, the Winter passed,
But still it was the same —
For he had won the fight at last
An' proved that he was game.
An', when he come to town again,
He'd lean against the bar
An' tell the other drinkin' men
What omadhauns they are.
No doubt there are a bunch of things
That worry us a lot ;
But maybe we could pull their stings
If close to them we got,
If we that way of his'd try —
Just bunked with them a bit,
Just looked them squarely in the eye,
An' showed a little grit.
44
CALL US, AMERICA!
Call us, America,
If you want men !
Sound the loud clarion
Over the camp ;
We shall come merrily
Marching again
Out of the wilderness.
Out of the damp.
To the blue firmament
Fling the blue flag,
Banner of liberty,
Red, white and blue,
High on the mountain-top's
Uttermost crag —
Call us, America,
Call up the crew !
Call us, America,
Out of the wood,
Out of the timberland.
If it be war ;
Call up the lumberjacks,
They who have stood
45
CALL US, AMERICA
On your red battle-line
Fighting before.
When they have challenged you
We have replied,
Men from the lumber camp
Answered them then —
Guarding the Government,
Guarding the tide,
Call us, America,
If you want men !
46
PROSPERITY
It's easy to haul on the level,
A tote-road that's smooth as a floor ;
You may have to work like the devil
An' pull till your shoulder is sore ;
An' even a hill may not best you,
A little upgrade now an' then —
But there is one road that will test you,
The test of both horses an' men.
An' that is the downgrade, my brother,
The place where you don't have to pull ;
The easy road, somehow or other.
Is one that of trouble is full.
The road up the hill you can master.
The long haul that's level may beat,
But when things are pushin' you faster —
That's when you must keep on your feet.
Hard luck seldom conquers a fellah,
A man of the regular kind ;
But when you will quit, if you're yellah,
Is when things are shovin' behind.
47
PROSPERITY
Right then is the danger of ditchin',
Right then you are wantin' to run —
So brace yourself back in the britchin'
An' keep in the middle, my son.
48
JUST ALIVE
A lawg-chain broke, an* a hemlock load
Come pourin' down on the open road.
It caught Red Jones where he stood at,
It caught Red Jones before he knowed
An' it knocked him down an' it rolled him flat.
We pried 'em loose an' we pulled Red out.
He was bunged up right, an' there ain't no doubt.
He had broke one arm, he had broke one laig,
He had tore his ear, he had broke his snout,
An' his ribs was stove like a soft-boiled aig.
We loaded Red on a lawggin' sleigh
An' we drove all night an' we drove all day
Over corduroy, over rut an' rock,
Till we fetched at last to old Cloquet
An' landed Red with the sawmill doc.
When the doc got through of a-mendin' Red,
An' had him put snug in a trundle bed.
An' he said that Red maybe might survive.
Then what do you think that darn fool said ?
"Well, I'm mighty glad to be just alive !"
49
JUST ALIVE
Then I went downstairs an' I says, says I,
(To myself, of course), "You're a lucky guy!
You ain't broke no laig an' ain't broke no rib,
An' you needn't lay while the days go by
An' eat from a spoon with a baby's bib."
An' it done me good just to swing my stem,
An' my arms — well, I tried out both of them ;
An' I wiggled all of my fingers five.
An' I quoted Red's little vocal gem,
"Well, I'm mighty glad to be just alive !'*
50
SUPERANNUATED
We're breakin' camp on Sunday, we're goin' back to
town,
We'll hit the trail on Monday, the last big stick is down.
I heard it roar an' rumble, I watched the giant fall ;
I saw the pine-tree tumble, the last old boy of all.
Old pine, the truth I'm learnin' : I, too, have had my
day;
I, too, no more returnin' will come along the way.
For Time's keen ax has hit me an' sent me to the
dump;
For Time has come to git me, an' life is but a stump.
There may come other seasons an' other fightin' men,
But I, for Time's good reasons, will not come back
again.
I am a dead pine standin' upon a treeless hill ;
Death waits beside the landin' to claim me as he will.
For forty years I've tramped it by tote-road an' by
trail ;
For forty years I've camped it in rain an' snow an'
hail;
51
SUPERANNUATED
But now my arm no longer will clear away the pine,
An* younger men an' stronger will do this work of
mine.
An* yet I will not sorrow, though age is in my veins.
Though but a short to-morrow to such as me remains.
For, when the strand shall sever, some friend will
come an' say :
"Now give him rest forever — for, God, he worked his
way 1"
52
THE BREAKUP
Now the breakup is here, for the Springtime is near,
an' the Winter has mootched on its way.
We have busted our camp an' are off on a tramp to the
palaces down on the Bay —
Twenty miles by the trail an' a hunderd by rail in the
dawghouse along with the con.
Till we meet up again with them pleasant young men,
with the lads with the diamonds on.
Yep, the Springtime is nigh, an' we're sayin' good-by
to the norway an' pine for a spell ;
We have cussed out the boss, fed our favorite hoss, an'
have kicked the young buUcook farewell.
We have squared with the van for the bills that we ran
for our Peerless an' mittens an' socks.
An' we're off for the town with our walks written down
for the barkeep to change into rocks.
Twenty miles by the trail an' a hunderd by rail in the
dawghouse along with the con,
Till we meet up again with them pleasant young men
with the aprons an' diamonds on.
53
THE BREAKUP
We've a seven months' thirst to be shortly immersed,
for we're rolHn' in easy-got wealth ;
An* the sissified jay who may git in our way he had
better look out for his health.
For we're lousey with cash an' we're weary of hash an'
we long for a sight of the suds.
We've a campstake to blow with the parties below for
their licker an' dinners an' duds.
We've a campstake to spend at the long Winter's end,
an' they're waitin' to see us come down :
They are crackin' up ice an' are raisin' the price of
ev'ry old thing in the town.
But what do we care? We have lucre to spare, an'
there's nothin' too good for us now.
If the limit is ten we will tilt it again, for we're ripe
for a game or a row.
There'll be singin' o' nights an' some beautiful fights
an' a general raisin' of Ned,
An' that little old spot, if it wants it or not, will be
painted a delicate red.
When the campstake is gone an' we see the gray dawn,
when the fiddles are playin' no more.
When the pleasure is past an' we're busted at last, with
a head an' a heart that are sore,
54
THE BREAKUP
With no sighin' or sobs we will hustle for jobs an* will
thank the good Lord we're alive —
For there's work an* there's fun an' white water to
run, up the river along with the drive !
55
WHEN THE DRIVE GOES DOWN
There's folks that Hke the good dry land, an' folks
that like the sea,
But rock an' river, shoal an' sand, are good enough
for me.
There's folks that like the ocean crest, an' folks that
like the town —
But when I really feel the best is when the drive goes
down.
So pole away, you river rats.
From landin' down to lake —
There's miles of pine to keep in line,
A hunderd jams to break !
There's folks that like to promenade along the boule-
vard.
But here's a spot I wouldn't trade for all their pave-
ment hard ;
Ten thousand lawgs by currents birled an' waters
white that hiss —
Oh, Where's the sidewalk in the world that's half as
fine as this ?
So leap away, you river rats.
From landin' down to sluice ;
There's lawgs to run, there's peavey fun
To break the timber loose !
56
An' ev'ry time you turn a bend the next bend looks the best
WHEN THE DRIVE GOES DOWN
An' ev'ry roUin' of a stick that starts her down the
stream
An' ev'ry bit of water quick where runnin' ripples
gleam
Means gittin' nearer to the end, to wife an' babe an'
rest —
An' ev'ry time you turn a bend the next bend looks the
best.
Then peg away, you river rats.
From sluiceway down to mill —
Each rock you clear will bring you near
The house upon the hill !
There's folks that like the good dry land, an' folks
that like the sea.
But rock an' river, shoal an' sand, are good enough
for me.
There's folks that like the ocean crest, an' folks that
like the town —
But when I really feel the best is when the drive goes
down!
S7
TENDERHEARTED BILL
The lumberjack he ain't no saint,
That much I will agree ;
There are occasions when he ain't
Just what he ought to be.
At sayin' prayers he's kind of slack,
An' kind of fond of drink ;
An' yet these fellahs ain't as black
As some folks seem to think.
Now there was Billy Anderson,
A jack from Puget Sound,
A fellah who could lift a ton
Like some men lift a pound.
An' yet he had the kindest heart,
As big as kingdom come —
You'd always see him take the part
Of creatures that was dumb.
Bill never any horse would whip,
No matter how he balked,
An' on an extry longish trip
Big Bill got out an' walked.
58
TENDERHEARTED BILL
Bill never yet was known to kick
The meanest yellow cur ;
An*, when that spotted calf was sick,
How Bill took care of her !
Why, I remember once we had
A cat around the camp ;
She wandered in so thin an* sad,
A reg'lar little tramp.
Bill fed her meat an' fed her milk
An* give her half his chuck,
Until her coat was fine as silk —
She surely was in luck.
Bill Anderson he wouldn't hurt
(So tenderhearted he)
The mole that burrowed in the dirt
Or bird upon the tree.
There's nothin' riled Bill Anderson
As for some big galoot
To start to plaguin', just for fun,
Some helpless little brute.
One night the clerk he tied a can
Upon the kitten's tail
An' turned her loose outdoors — an', man,
You ought to seen her sail !
59
TENDERHEARTED BILL
Then Bill, the tenderheartedest
Of men, just give a gulp
An* jumped upon that joker's chest
An' beat him to a pulp.
60
STONY BROOK
Oh, the Stony Brook is foamin' where the boulders
show their teeth,
Just a-waitin' for a chance to start a jam ;
There is water white a-combin' on the granite under-
neath,
There's a lovely chance for trouble at the dam.
They will sluice her just at daylight an' they'll let a
million through.
They will ram her full of timber to the brim,
They will sluice her in the gray light, an' there'll be
some work to do
For Johnny Long an' them along with him.
Yes, I think it more'n likely that there will,
But there's half a hunderd peavies on the hill,
And there's half a hunderd rats
That are handier'n cats
Just a-longin' for the pond above to spill.
They have mootched it down from Percy's, they have
hiked it from the rear,
They have gethered in from ev'ry blasted camp,
An' they're ready for the mercies of a brook like this*n
here.
An' they ain't afraid of bubbles an' of damp.
61
STONY BROOK
So it's jam, you norway devils, an' it's jam, you crazy
pine —
We will show you how a man can be a mink;
We will join you in your revels an' we'll whip you
into line
Or we'll leave our bones to whiten in the drink.
We may leave our bones below to wash away,
We may give the rocks a choicer bit for play,
We may die along with you.
But we'll drive you, drive you through.
An' we'll land you safe an' solid at Cloquet.
Now a j ill-poke in the alders is a mighty measly
thing —
It can tie a lot of timber in a knot ;
But a pair of granite boulders can a hunderd thousand
wing
Till there's nothin' that'll budge it but a shot.
But, before you try the powder or to break her with
the juice,
Hand some peavies to the river rats an* jacks.
We will roll her an' we'll crowd her an' we'll break
the timber loose,
We will break her, or a half a hunderd backs.
62
STONY BROOK
We may break a half a hunderd men in two,
But we'll git that Injun timber safely through ;
We will pry the Stony Brook
Wider open than a book —
Yes, there's work for Johnny Long an' us to do !
63
THE WINNER
He had come up from the ranks. He drove
A yoke of steers in the good old days
When Michigan all was a treasure trove
And men made money in various ways.
He watched his chance and he made his plays
And he worked at night till the stars were dim-
And presently people began to praise,
And even at last to envy him.
Now, that is the mark of a true success :
When you're doing well and the world is glad
You have partly won — but the thing, I guess.
Is to do so well that the world gets mad.
When the people talk of the luck you had
And begin to wink and to shake the head
And to hint of ways that were dark and bad,
Then youVe won success — so he often said.
But he, 'way down in his heart, he knew
What success had cost, how success had come:
It came on the long trail to the Soo,
It came in the timber of the Thumb,
64
THE WINNER
It came on nights when his legs were numb
With the wear of labor and hurt of cold,
When he asked the future, and found it dumb,
Where the highway lay to the land of gold.
But he worked and figured and fought and planned,
He watched his chance as a fighter must,
And he hammered fate with a good right hand
In the Winter snow, in the Summer dust;
And others might falter and others rust
But his will shone on like a shining sword.
With an endless hope and a tireless thrust.
As a yeoman fought for his ancient lord.
It put the wrinkles upon his brow,
It put the gray in his yellow hair.
It gave him a brand of his own, somehow,
That none of the envious ever wear.
For labor had written its record there
In his shoulders round and his fingers bent —
On his face had printed the stamp of care —
And something, too, of a great content.
There is something envy can never reach.
There is something envy can never touch
With its keenest word or its crudest speech,
When a man has labored and suffered much.
65
THE WINNER
For what are the idle words of such
By the glad approval of one's own soul?
Their words of envy to those who clutch
The thing they sought for, the golden goal?
He is walking down through the final years
(He passes silently on the way),
And the vale behind has been wet with tears
And the hills behind have been glad with day.
And do you think that the things we say,
The sneer of envy, the laugh of spite.
Could bow the head of the man of gray
That has held erect in the hardest fight?
For the thing we win in the war of life
It is not the gold, it is not the fame.
But the inner sense that through all the strife
Unchanged, unfaltering, still we came.
We have won our own, not the world's acclaim.
The thing we wanted to do have done;
And the world may praise or the world may blame —
But our own souls know we have worked, and won.
(^
THE HERO MEDDLERS
So now they are pinnin' of medals on people, I see by
the news :
They're huntin' the highways for heroes an' beatin'
the byways for clues,
An' ketchin', convictin' an' markin', while Andy more
martyrs pursues.
That's all very pleasant an' proper, but leads me to
wonderin' what
They figger down east is a hero, they figger is brave
an' is not ;
I bet, while they're huntin' for heroes, a few of our
own we have got —
A few of our own on the river, that never no medals
will wear
Because all the things they are doin' they always are
doin' out there,
With no one to 'specially notice an' no one to 'specially
care.
67
THE HERO MEDDLERS
It*s courage to fight the quickwater a moment some
mortal to save,
It's courage the rapids to rassle an' rescue some fool
from the grave ;
But to do it for bread an' for butter all day ain't con-
sidered so brave.
I reckon we won't git no medals up here for the
chances we take ;
It's just for the wife an' the babies, the rent an' a gro-
cery stake
We come at the call of the river, the jam an' the roll-
way to break.
We won't git no thousand a-livin', we won't wear no
ornaments dead ;
There ain't none of us that are heroes — we're rats of
the river instead ;
An' we ain't runnin' rapids for glory — we're just fight-
in' trouble for bread.
68
CHAUDIERE
From a pathway of quiet unstirred by commotion,
From the forests of green to the dweUings of brown,
In quest of the river, in quest of the ocean.
The Ottawa waters come peacefully down
And, here by the town.
Throw aside the dull gown
Of their up-river green
For the shine and the sheen
And the gossamer glory of rapids that run.
For the glitter of jewels that flash in the sun.
Here they leap
From their sleep
And in majesty sweep
Through a gateway of stone, through the cataract's lair,
Where the leonine rocks shake the mist from their hair
And startle the shore
With the roar
Of Chaudiere.
From the hush of the forest where censers are swing-
ing,
Where the lilies unfold and the wild roses bloom.
In quest of the world where the saw-song is singing,
The Ottawa timber comes down to the boom ;
69
CHAUDIERE
And here waits the flume
Frothing white with the spume,
Frothing white with the spray
Of the waters at play.
Now the channel is opened that leads to the slide,
And now safe by the rapids the timber-cribs glide.
Just a flash
And a crash
And a plunge and a splash
In the calm of the stream where the waters run fair —
And all vainly the rocks in their mid-river lair
Shall threaten them more
With the roar
Of Chaudiere.
From the land of the forest, the cabins dim-lighted,
From the camp in the woodland asleep in the sun,
In quest of the world that in dreams they have sighted
The men of the shanties come down for their fun,
Come down ev'ry one
When the wild work is done
As the river at play
Leaps to ripples and spray
When it sniffs the St. Lawrence and glimpses the goal
Where the salt breezes freshen and long billows roll.
To be free
As the sea
Ev'ry man longs to be
70
CHAUDIERE
'Mid the lights of the town, 'mid the smiles of the fair —
Then what shall the sturdy young shantyman care
Though tremble the shore
With the roar
Of Chaudiere?
But the years hurry by and the years hurry onward,
The ax-stroke is busy on hill and in glen;
As fade the pale stars when the night travels dawn-
ward,
The trees in the sky tumble earthward again.
They shall vanish — and then
Shall the shoutings of men
Diminish and die
Where the waters run high.
O you maid in the town, hold your shantyman dear
For the men of the river shall vanish from here.
They shall sweep
To the deep
Where the centuries sleep
And shall leave but a kiss and a memory fair.
Like the waters that flow to the mystic Out There,
Returning no more
To the shore
Of Chaudiere.
71
THE PRICE
The drive it ain't such easy graft that I would recom-
mend
To any gink to ride the drink, an', least of all, a friend.
It's up at four an' sluice a dam or sack a swampy rear
Until the sun has got the run an' baby stars appear.
It ain't no job to recommend
To anybody that's a friend.
I've heard some guy from off the plains who'd punched
the cows a spell
Describe the same an' cuss an' claim the cowboy life is
hell-
When cattle beller in the night an' fifty head go down,
When bulls stampede an' rivers bleed from trampled
banks of brown,
While gray coyotes wait to browse
Upon the flanks of wounded cows.
But, Mr. Puncher from the plains, you've never tack-
led this,
Have tried to put a Winter's cut to town without a
miss.
12
THE PRICE
A bughouse bull may scare a herd an' break a hunderd
bones,
An' so a lawg can play the dawg an' snub among the
stones
An' pile a norway drive so deep
A crew will lose a week of sleep.
My puncher friend has seen a man an' boss go out to
mill
The bloodshot eyes an' sweatin' thighs an' flyin' feet
that kill,
Has seen a man an' boss go down before that sea of
meat.
Has seen it pound 'em in the ground beneath a thou-
sand feet —
Has seen the longhorns have their fling
An', where a Man was, leave a Thing.
But I have seen a river-rat, a peavey in his mit,
Below a jam the peavey ram beneath the breast of it ;
An' I have heard the timber break, have heard it groan
an' whine,
Have heard him cry an' seen him die before a wall of
pine —
Have seen the foam a second red
That never yet give up its dead.
7Z
THE PRICE
An* so, I guess, it always is : the cowboy or the rat
They may be slick, but Death is quick an' cattier than
that.
As long as men must fight for bread, must fight an'
work an' cuss.
Some other guy must go an' die to pay the Price for us.
For men who toil on land or tide
Have Death, the foreman, at their side.
74
THE SIGNAL
The time that Peary found the Pole
I saw the strangest thing;
My blanket 'round me in a roll,
I camped beside a spring.
'Twas when outdoors you like to lay
These early Summer nights —
An' in the north, so far away,
I saw the Northern Lights.
I saw the blue sky overhead.
An' then, in flashin' bars,
I saw the stripes of white an' red.
An', over them, the stars.
I saw the red an' white an' blue
Up there at Peary's goal —
I saw the Stars an' Stripes, an' knew
That he had found the Pole !
75
THE IRISH
The sawln' of lumber,
The falUn' of norway,
The old occupation
Of drivin' the pine,
Has brought any number
Of men to our doorway —
Brought every nation
A-crossin' the brine.
But, of every faction.
From swampers to sorters,
Who run on the rivers
Or work in the mill,
The quickest in action
In murmurin' waters.
The cattiest drivers,
Are Irishers still !
Folks talk of Quebeckers
From Saguenay fountains,
They talk of world-beaters
From valleys of spruce.
They talk of the crackers
From Tennessee mountains.
The sow-belly eaters
An' drinkers of juice,
76
THE IRISH
They talk of the Oles,
The foreigner stranger
Who works when the flood of
The pine is at hand —
But the holy of holies,
The altar of danger,
Is red with the blood of
The emerald land 1
The hottest in fighting
The thirstiest drinkin',
The loudest in prayin'
When prayin' is due,
The slowest in writin',
The quickest in thinkin'.
The wittiest sayin'
The thoughts of a crew —
When timber is jammin',
When trouble is makin'.
When water is mirish
Or bubbles alive,
The universe damning
The lawg-jam a-breakin' —
Oh, there are the Irish,
The kings of the drive !
n
CHRISTELLA
I say that I am done with them —
One memory has turned to gall.
I have my little fun with them —
I have my fun, and that is all.
A woman square ? There never was
A woman who was square to me.
Christella — if there ever was
A living devil, it was she.
'Twas Winter in the timber yet
But on the river it was Spring.
And, God, how I remember yet
The woods, the waters, ev'rything.
A vale like that one yonder there,
A road that ran across a hill —
We used to come to wander there ;
'Twas Spring, and it was Winter still.
One night she picked a flow'r or two,
These faded red anemones.
I think we walked an hour or two —
That was the night she gave me these.
78
CHRISTELLA
She said the same things o'er and o'er,
The story that will never tire ;
And, fool, I worshiped more and more.
And all the sky was red as fire.
They caught them many miles away.
The woman and the man at last ;
But something drove the smiles away
From that Christella of the past.
"You do not know !" she cried to me
And looked that look of old again ;
I guess she would have lied to me.
If I had let her, even then.
I struck her — God forgive me that ;
A woman is a woman still.
But God He will believe me that
I struck when other men would kill.
That night, that minute, to the West
I turned my face forever more ;
And not a woman through the West
Has ever passed my cabin door.
My name McKInney ? Yes, it was —
And many more have done the same.
How is it that you guess it was
Who know me by another name ?
79
CHRISTELLA
She said it ? Hold the candle. So
Another reaps the wage of sin?
Be careful how you handle — Go
And get the doctor ! Bring her in !
SEED
My front yard ain't no garden spot —
It's chips an' cans an' other junk,
A whisky bottle, like as not,
Smashed on a woodpile by a drunk —
My front yard is a dumpin' ground
For all the broken stuff around.
An' yet the other day I seen
A crack appear — then peepin' through
There come a little leaf of green,
An' in the mornin' there was two ;
An' now to-day looks up at me
A smilin' young anemone.
I never knew that it was there
All Winter through awaitin' Spring,
I never thought a place so bare
Could ever grow so sweet a thing ;
Yet all the while the tiny seed
Was waitin' Springtime to be freed.
81
SEED
Last night a preacher come to camp
An' sung a song an' read the Word,
An', underneath the dirt an' damp
An' moral junk, a blossom stirred,
A thing I could not understand :
I looked — an' Christ held out His hand.
'Twas not the preacher done it all,
'Twas not his sermon or his smile:
A-listenin' for Jesus' call
My soul had waited all the while —
The seed that heard the parson's pray'r
A word my mother planted there.
82
THE SELF-MADE MAN
The yarn is short. Sit down. Fm glad to tell
The little to be told. Hard work — ^that's all.
Self-made ? I guess that fits me pretty well.
I surely didn't have what you would call
A silver spoon in any mouth of mine
When I was born, for we were poor as mice-
A homestead eighty in a land of pine ;
An even hundred was the purchase price.
Lord, how my father slaved — my mother, too.
I was the oldest, and I got a share.
How fast the babies came and troubles grew,
While still in poverty we wallowed there.
Yet father was the easy-going kind,
And scraped along, as happy as could be ;
And even mother didn't seem to mind —
But I said soon and certain, "Not for me !"
There was a girl — there nearly always is.
I swore that I would never offer her,
My wife, a home like father offered his,
The dingy shanty of a laborer.
83
THE SELF-MADE MAN
They want good clothes, they want a thousand
things
The ordinary man may never guess ;
They want some money — it is money brings
To most of us the most of happiness.
I left the farm and struck out for myself.
I never did get back in all the years.
Work soon put poor old dad upon the shelf,
And mother long ago was through with tears.
I often used to wonder how things went
Back there at home — I bet that they were bad —
But I worked on with just one fixed intent :
To have a little more than father had.
Now, I knew timber — dad had taught me that.
He never had the gumption, though, to get
His hands on any of it. He just sat
Asleep 'mid riches. He just sat and let
No better men grab miles and miles of it,
Good old cork pine, as good as ever grew ;
But when the trail to virgin woods I hit
I knew the game, and knew just what to do.
So I got pine — a forty, eighty, then
A quarter section. Every copper cent
That I could save or get from other men
Into some little bunch of timber went.
84
THE SELF-MADE MAN
I drove a team, I jobbed, I built a mill,
And I knew every trick of every trade.
For thirty years I dug away until
I found a little fortune I had made.
And here I am — not rich as riches go ;
You've got to have a million in these days
To call you rich — ^but, if I had to, though,
Perhaps five hundred thousand I could raise.
Not old — I don't call crowding sixty old ;
I'm quick and spry as many younger are ;
And there is not a luxury that's sold
I can not buy — ^my club, my yacht, my car.
The girl ? They're all alike, these women are.
That's long ago — I neither care nor hate.
But he was there, and, while I wandered far.
She married him, and wrote she could not wait.
This life at best is just a rotten game.
You sometimes wonder why you must exist.
I worked, I won — but few the joys that came.
I guess that there was something that I missed.
85
THE MAN WHO COULD PLAY
As reckless an' roarin* a gang of rats
As ever broke jams or laws
That landed the drive at the Sanford flats
That Spring of the year it was.
An*, when it was snug in the sortin' boom,
The company paid us off,
We crowded the bar for to booze consume
Like pigs at a f eedin* troff.
I needn't say just where we wound it up,
That beautiful jamboree ;
We'd gargled our thirst with the brimmin' cup,
As mellah as men could be.
They had a pi-anna ag'inst the wall,
The ladies had brought to town ;
A wanderin' boozer whose name was Paul
In front of the same set down.
His name it was Paul. That was all we knew,
Exceptin' his brand of dope :
He guzzled enough for a lawggin' crew
An' pulled at a paper rope.
86
THE MAN WHO COULD PLAY
Paul fondled his fingers along the keys
An' tested her with a chord ;
Then lowered his head, an* he bent his knees
An' started to play — an', Lord !
The thunder it roared like a Summer storm.
Wind whistled among the boughs ;
Then skies were blue an' the sun was warm —
In meddahs we heard the cows,
In meddahs we listened to tinklin' bells,
An' far an' away we heard
The drippin' of water in coolin' wells.
An' somewhere a trillin' bird.
As soft as the stir of an evenin' breeze,
As loud as the roar of falls,
He fingered all over the ivory keys.
That boy in the overhalls.
And, when he had stopped an' he raised his head
An' give to his hair a fling.
We clapped an' we clapped, but he only said,
*T used to could play the thing."
87
FUNGI
They sit on their silken cushions and say what a terrible
thing
To be the wife of a woodsman, the queen of a jungle
king-
To dwell in an humble dwelling, to live on a shanty
floor.
With nothing but house and husband, and a red rose
by the door.
But I, I am sick of longing, and I, I am dying here
For a strong man's home in a clearing and the love of
a pioneer.
They prattle of fads and fashions, of dinners and balls
and nights,
These powdered and pretty fungi, these gossiping para-
sites ;
And men who are working wonders and men who are
doing deeds
Must dally and dance attendance, and humor their
dainty needs.
They talk of their virgin virtues, and sell them for
clothes and food —
While some brave heart wants a Woman to battle the
solitude.
88
For there are the ivoods to people, and there is the trail to make
FUNGI
I'm sick of their silly chatter, the cluck of the idle hen ;
Is none of the work for women, and all of the work
for men?
They house, and they feed and clothe us, and we who
have love to sell
Are ready to be their women if only they pay us well.
But not for the highest bidder God ever has made the
bride :
He made us a helpmeet to him, to walk by the work-
er's side.
I long for the tangled forest, I long for the land that's
new!
For there is the work for women, for women and men
to do ;
** For there are the woods to people, and there is the
trail to make,
For the sake of the God who made us, for the sake of
a good man's sake ;
For that is the work for doing, and that is the woman
of worth —
And I'd follow my man, if he asked me, to the utter-
most ends of the earth !
89
A DAY
This is the end of our day, my dear.
Nay, I know that the sun is glowing
High on the mountain above us here —
'Tis the smile of a friend in going.
Warmer now on your cheek he lingers.
Warmer now than in day's high noon,
Touching your eyes with his tender fingers,
Knowing the night shall come so soon.
This is the light of the hour of parting.
This is the holiest hour of all,
When the tears from the heart are starting
While the shades of the evening fall.
This is the hour when we closer cling
Than in our moment that was the maddest ;
This is the fading of everything,
This is the happiest hour and saddest.
Nay, you smile and you look to meadows
Still a-swim in the shimmering sun ;
See you not in the woods the shadows,
Telling us two that our day is done ?
90
A DAY
There are shades in the merriest day,
In the woods there are shadows ever ;
There is an ending to every way,
There is an hour for us all to sever.
Life is a parting and not a meeting,
A comradeship of a lonely mile,
Only an hour for a passing greeting,
Only a friendship for a while.
Surely the God that has brought us twain
Into the world to walk together
Somewhere shall give us two again
Another day in the Summer weather.
91
TO A CHIPMUNK
Now IVe caught you ; hush your squeakin' ;
Now I've got you with the goods.
You're the fellah who's been sneakin*
To my shanty from the woods.
You're the fellah who's been makin*
Such a nuisance of himself ;
You're the fellah who's been takin'
Soda crackers from the shelf.
Thought I'd think a rat had done it.
Thought you fooled me — an' you did.
When you heard me comin', run it
For your burrow an' you hid.
But to-day I caught you squarely,
Caught you with a cracker, too ;
But to-day I caught you fairly.
Now what shall I do with you ?
Don't you know that diggin' under
Some one's shanty any time,
Totin' off your little plunder,
Mr. Chipmunk, is a crime ?
92
TO A CHIPMUNK
Oh, you're sorry, an' you're squealin'.
Now I've got you dead-to-rights ;
Don't you know it's wicked stealin'
Crackers, even little bites ?
Folks a-swipin' from a cabin
For their crime had ought to pay,
Folks a neighbor's goods a-grabbin'
Should be punished right away.
But it seems there now an' then are
People like you that I kaow ;
Maybe you're no worse tlmi men are—
So I guess I'll let you go.
93
INTERPRETERS
There are some thoughts too sad to put in words,
There are some joys too deep for accents gay.
I think that that is why God makes the birds
Such things to say.
There are some moments full of melodies
Too sweet for harps or any human thing.
I think that that is why God makes the trees
Such songs to sing.
There are some souls that down life's highway pass
Too fair to last in hope's bright diadem.
I think that that is why God makes the grass
To shelter them.
There are some hours too lonely for the light,
When laughing sunrays but intruders seem.
I think that that is why God makes the night.
To sleep, and dream.
94
HOLY GROUND
You have made holy ground of this wild land amid the
hemlock trees,
On ev'ry flower have left your kiss, have left your
voice on ev'ry breeze.
You came for but a little while ; you went — forever it
may be ;
But now the sunshine is your smile, the stars your ten-
derness to me.
You have made holy ground of all the paths we walked,
the ways we knew.
And pure as Heaven's jasper wall the hills that once
encompassed you.
You have shut sin from out this place, there is no evil
word nor thought —
By your divinity of face have here a holy wonder
wrought.
You have made holy ground of life wherever life the
way may lead,
Have taught me honor in the strife and decency in
ev'ry deed.
95
HOLY GROUND
Where'er I go, whatever the goal, however far my feet
may stray,
I feel the presence of your soul and know a saint has
passed this way.
96
INTERCESSION
Come prop me on the pillow, nurse,
So I can see the sun ;
Supposin' it should make me worse.
My time is nearly done.
An' one day more or one day less
It takes or gives to me
1*11 never notice, nurse, I guess.
In all eternity.
A fellah never knows how well
He likes that world out there,
That world in spite of all its hell,
Its work an' pain an' care.
Until he lays here white an' weak
Like me upon a cot,
Just startin' out some world to seek
That he has most forgot.
How green the trees look ! an' the grass-
Yet they are no more green
Than was the trees I used to pass,
I used to pass unseen.
97
INTERCESSION
How blue the sky looks ! an' how deep,
How far away it seems ! —
It seems a sort of sea of sleep
Beside a shore of dreams.
An' life seems such a little while
When you go out to sea —
Why, I remember ev'ry smile
That ever come to me !
You smoothed the pillow where I lay
A little while ago,
An' it was just the other day
My mother did it so.
My mother! Girl, I went away
An' never said good-by.
I never watched her hair turn gray,
I did not see her — die.
An' just to think, she laid like me.
When all her work was done,
An' looked acrost that sleepy sea,
A-wishin' for her son,
A-longin' for me — an' I know
She's longin' for me still :
Beyond the sea where I must go
She's standin' on a hill,
98
INTERCESSION
She's standin' as she used to stand,
When down the path I'd roam,
To take her baby by the hand
Again to lead him home.
An' God Himself, with all His laws,
Won't stop me passin' through —
I know He'll let me in, because
My mother ast Him to.
I wish I hadn't been so rough,
With drink an' sin an' oath —
An' yet her soul is white enough,
I know, to save us both.
99
A NIGHT LIKE THIS
A night like this, alone beside the fire,
The world shut out, and by the world shut in,
The woods around as vibrant as a lyre,
Where all sounds end, and where all sounds
begin —
Ah, then the soul becomes a harp of gold
That thrills with thoughts as tender as a kiss,
With visions, dreams, and memories of old,
Alone beside the fire a night like this.
It is so still the very heart may hear
Its own heart beat : a cricket in the grass.
The whisper of the nightwind very near,
The bending of a bough to let it pass.
Then in the deep, mysterious, silent wood
A sleeping bird stirs softly in its nest.
The pine-tree croons a song of motherhood.
Each fragrant note a lullaby to rest.
Afar I hear the crystal waters strike
The little stones, melodiously light.
There is, in all the world, no music like
The sound of waters running in the night :
100
A NIGHT LIKE THIS
So clear, so cool, so musical, so sweet,
To weary hearts as welcome as the touch
Of velvet grasses to the weary feet,
To weary feet that labor overmuch.
Above is spread the canopy of stars,
Resplendent jewels on a robe of blue :
The pretty Pleiades, majestic Mars,
That bathe the earth with silver and with dew.
Peace, peace, is written on the azure dome,
And earth and heaven bridge the old abyss.
Alone beside the fire the heart goes home,
Alone beside the fire a night like this.
Upon the wall of green the shadows play,
As dies the fire or rouses into flame.
There lies to-morrow's road that leads away,
And here the tangled trail by which I came.
A spark flies upward, glowing in the air,
To follow it the vision upward turns ;
Now it is there, and now it is not there ;
But still unchanged old Mars above me burns.
O Memory, you are like my little fire.
My lonely fire beside the lonely trail :
Here are the ashes of the old desire.
The old desire enkindled but to fail.
101
A NIGHT LIKE THIS
Old thoughts leap up, as flames a moment glow,
The resurrection of a holy kiss ;
Old joys, old pains, of other nights I know,
Alone beside the fire a night like this.
Yea, other nights — a night like this in June :
The same half-silence, same divine repose;
Upon the lawn a fountain's tinkling tune,
And, in the dark, the white face of a rose —
A face like hers, a face now white with fear ;
Upon the rose a diamond of dew.
Upon her face the dewdrop of a tear ;
And I was there, and that white rose was you.
That is the mightiest moment of a man.
The most remembered, holiest of all.
When doubt withdrew and perfect faith began —
When first for him he saw a teardrop fall.
He shall remember, all the weary miles.
No idle moment in the happy years
When once his laughter laughed her into smiles,
But some sad hour he talked her into tears.
Half guilt, half glory, will that moment be :
A shame that he had saddened one so fair ;
Half guilt, half glory that for such as he
She bared her soul and wept, and did not care.
102
A NIGHT LIKE THIS
He would have suffered to have saved her sighs,
Yet exquisitely sweet that hour apart ;
For smiles come lightly to a woman's eyes,
But sorrow wells from fountains of the heart.
You wore a scarf of silver, and I dreamed
That it was moonlight fallen from the blue,
A mantle out of heaven that be-seemed
An angel out of heaven such as you.
It lay across your shoulder. I have seen
A square of moonlight lying on the grass.
And years rolled back that long had rolled between,
And almost I have thought I saw you pass —
I saw you pass in your old beauty, as
I saw you pass my campfire even now ;
For this the magic that the moonlight has,
The moonlight has a night like this, somehow.
And once the nightwind touched me on the cheek
(That other night you touched it with a kiss)
And on the wind I heard your whisper speak —
For such things happen on a night like this.
And I remember that you looked not down
That night in June, but lifted up your face
Like that white rose imprisoned in the town
That made, like you, the town a holy place —
103
A NIGHT LIKE THIS
That you looked up at me and at the stars,
Not shy with shame but sad with questioning,
As though you looked beyond their very bars,
In search of something there to which to cling.
I knew, you knew, that here had come the end.
We heard the step of him of better right;
And I could stay and play the part of friend.
Or I could take the trail I tread to-night.
I took the trail — ^there was no more to know ;
I took the trail — there was no more to do ;
But you walk with me every trail I go.
And every campfire is a dream of you.
And, if I doubt, yea, I who doubt no more,
The stars make answer, answer "Do we change ?"
The river follows its accustomed shore.
Unaltered is the granite mountain range.
Have I not seen you pour upon the stone
The sacrifice of sorrow, tenderly?
A night like this beside the fire alone
If my heart ask, my own heart answers me.
A night like this alone beside the fire
I look, like you, beyond the wall of trees.
I ask the stars, the stars that do not tire.
For what they wait the weary centuries.
104
A NIGHT LIKE THIS
I ask the stars, that wait and alter not ;
Perhaps they wait, as wait the souls of men,
Until some time, some time more long than
thought,
When stars and men may claim their own again.
105
UNDERGROWTH
It ain't the trees that block the trail,
It ain't the ash or pine;
For, if you fall or if you fail,
It was some pesky vine
That tripped you up, that threw you down,
That caught you unawares :
The big things you can walk aroun' —
But watch the way for snares.
In life it ain't the biggest things
That make the hardest load ;
It ain't the burden big that brings
Defeat upon the road.
Some fault you hardly knew you had
May hurt more than you think —
Some little habit that is bad
May put you on the blink.
106
THE MAN'S ROAD
Let us sit here on the porch, my son.
Soon the night will come up the valley
Lighting her candles one by one,
Hiding the mill and the lumber alley.
Soon the night will come slowly stealing
Over the housetops and the street ;
Soon the night will come gently healing
All of the hurt of the Summer's heat.
You are weary, my boy, to-night.
And I know it is not the working.
In your heart that was always light
There is another sadness lurking.
Toil may weary the limbs that bear you,
Toil may weary the arm that's strong ;
But there are other wears that wear you —
And I have watched you, son, and long.
Something you wished for, and you lost,
Something, sonny, your life and glory ;
Nothing now but the cruel cost —
No, you never need tell the story.
107
THE MAN'S ROAD
But my hand, boy, is on your shoulder,
Not your father — your elder chum;
You are but younger, I but older —
And on the man's road both have come.
Son, you weep for your heart's desire ;
Grief has folded her mantle o'er you.
Now where the son stands stood the sire
Maybe, my boy, long years before you.
For the lives that are all around us
Run like rivers, as still and deep.
Many see us, but none may sound us ;
Each has his secret thought to keep.
Only the surface we behold —
If a shadow, a shadow fleeting.
Never the story may men unfold
Far too sacred to bear repeating.
Vexed perhaps at a little bother,
Glad perhaps at a little joy —
This the man that you thought your father
Maybe you did not know him, boy.
Let us sit here on the porch, my son.
Soon the night will come up the valley
Lighting her candles one by one,
Hiding the mill and the lumber alley.
108
THE MAN'S ROAD
And my hand, boy, is on your shoulder,
Not your father — ^your elder chum ;
You are but younger, I but older —
And on the man's road both have come.
109
CHRISTINA
Christina don't daintily dress,
Christina don't giggle an' gush.
She ain't got a dollar, I guess;
Christina slings hash for her cush.
She sweats in the dinin'-room rush ;
She scolds now an' then more or less ;
She's boss of the boardin'-house mess
An' rassles the coffee an' mush.
But where can you show me the dame
That has such a hold on a chap?
There isn't a guy in the game
But jumps when she gives him a slap.
She's queen of the White River map ;
She sets all the mill-crew aflame ;
For her all the scrappers are tame ;
For her all the cowards'll scrap.
Christina has blue in her eyes,
Christina has red in her hair;
It wouldn't cause any su'prise
If maybe she happened to swear.
110
CHRISTINA
But noodle ? Christina is there ;
She's sized up the whole of the guys.
Christina is decent an' wise ;
Christina has gingham to wear.
Christina, some female in town
Would pity your lot, if she knew.
She wouldn't think much of your gown.
Think less of the work that you do.
She'd smile at your gingham of blue ;
She'd laugh at your calico brown.
But you can look up an' not down —
Christina, my hat's off to you !
Ill
THREE MORNINGS
You know the kind of morning that it was
(There are three mornings I remember well —
This was the first) : The east a thing of gauze
Where one by one the filmy curtains fell.
So delicately fell, the morning light
Came now from nowhere, only grew and grew —
A little more of day and less of night
Until the west and east were equal blue.
That was the morning we came driving home
After the weekly dance at Coopersville,
When first the grayness stole across the dome;
Remember it was three we danced until?
We did not hurry ; up the woodland road
I let the old horse amble as he would;
For driving lovers seldom use the goad.
And life that morning was so very good.
There may be mortals who have never seen
A morning in the wilderness arise.
Or learned the hundred shades there are of green,
The hundred tints of azure in the skies.
112
THREE MORNINGS
They may know Nature, but they do not know
The inner secrets that she will disclose,
The thousand little beauties she will show,
When turn the walls of black to walls of rose.
To hear the matin twitter of a bird
Is sweeter music than his proudest lay ;
Some mystery a distant branch has stirred,
Some woodland signal of returning day.
And now another sings a sleepy note.
Some little hidden singer answers him,
The low, hushed music of a waking throat,
Soft as the singing in cathedrals dim.
And you were very weary, I recall.
And I was very silent to your mood,
A little closer drew your little shawl,
And thought the thought a waking pigeon cooed.
Then on my shoulder fell a golden head.
That head you held so proudly other times ;
The morning said the things I would have said.
And said them better than a poet's rimes.
That was our mating, mating without speech —
No pledge, no promise, no vehement vow ;
The morning seemed into our hearts to reach ;
We always after understood, somehow.
113
THREE MORNINGS
There are three mornings I remember well,
Three mornings that have been the best and
worst,
When I have sipped of heaven, tasted hell —
There were three mornings — this one was the
first.
A year ; another morning ; by a fire
I woke to feel a shiver in the breeze;
Above a pine sighed dismally, the sire
Of all the circle of his somber trees.
An Indian runner loping down the hill,
Red-visage, sullen, silent, swollen eyes,
Fit messenger to carry tale so ill —
There was no blue that morning in the skies.
You had grown weary of your wedded life.
The constant quarrel and the endless hurt.
The things I said that cut you like a knife,
The husband's heel that ground you in the dirt.
I might return, but you were through with me,
The two who had been one again were two.
I looked afar above the murmuring tree :
But in the sky that morning was no blue.
114
THREE MORNINGS
Then from the west there came a puff of rain,
Not rain that comes majestic in its might:
The slow, damp fog that hides the hill and plain,
A wall of gray to bar the morning light.
The fire burned sickly, heavy hung the smoke ;
No bird attempted song in hour so sad ;
Beneath its weight of wet a sapling broke,
And east and west no hope of morning had.
Forgetting rain, the rain I could not feel,
I sat me down upon the sodden ground
And read your letter like a knife of steel ;
I turned your knife of steel around, around.
The runner took his dollar with no sign
And left me to my thoughts and dying fire,
My dying fire and dying hopes of mine.
When all things died except the old desire.
It was not many mornings after that,
That other morning. All the hours of night
The waters rose upon the marshy flat,
The maddened river, like a horse in flight
Rolled down upon the village by the mill.
Rolled down upon the little sawmill town ;
And some there were took refuge on the hill.
And some there were could only pray and drown.
115
THREE MORNINGS
And then I found you, when upon the east
One trembhng finger wrote a word of dawn
And then a sentence, till the torrent ceased,
The gray sky opened and the night was gone.
And this made such a morning glorious.
The most remembered in my memory,
That, while I sought you madly, madly thus,
I came upon you seeking after me.
That morn we watched the troubled waters fall ;
The crest was over and the danger past.
That was the morning holiest of all,
For we had learned the truth of it at last.
Each wrong, each right, each foolish in a way,
We wrote "forgotten" on our ills of old.
And saw the sunrays of returning day
Change skies to blue, and life again to gold.'
Upon the hill we built our house again.
The sure, high hill that floods could never touch.
And loved a little better ever then,
Who loved too little when we loved too much.
Upon the solid rock of faith we stand,
And, gray the cloud or sunny blue the skies.
We meet them heart to heart and hand in hand —
For all our mornings three have made us wise.
116
THE WOODLAND
If you would love the woodland, it
Must be a living thing to you —
A comrade at whose feet you sit
And look together at the blue.
You must love sun as flowers do
The god of day ; the kiss of rain
Must be as healing sweet to you
As to the daisy on the plain.
You must go faring without fear
The woodland wild, however far —
In some new path a pioneer.
And for your compass but a star.
You must lie down with door ajar
Beside the midnight waters' hem,
You must lie down where wild things are
And feel companionship with them.
You must delight in that delight
The bud enjoys when first it knows
The passing of the Winter night
And wakes to find itself a rose.
117
THE WOODLAND
You must feel pleasures such as those,
The joy of living in the land,
And, as the waking leaves unclose,
Must feel your petaled soul expand.
118
IF FORTUNE CAME
If old Dame Fortune came to-day up in the timber on a
hike
An' told me I could have my way, have any treasure
that I like—
I wonder just what I would say, for just what blessin'
I would strike.
Offhand I guess I'd ask for cash, for money is a handy
thing.
I've had enough to make a splash or two myself in
town in Spring ;
I've drawed my stake an' made a flash an' had my
little yearly fling.
Offhand I guess I'd ask for dough, for that's what most
men think of first —
The thing that keeps us peggin' so, the thirst that's like
a whisky thirst;
The thing that's helped a few I know, an' twice as
many others cursed.
119
IF FORTUNE CAME
I'd ask a million bucks or two, so I could ditch the tim-
ber tall
An' know that it an' me was through, the corduroy
an' four-turn haul —
That all that I would have to do was spend my money,
that was all.
I'd buy myself a house in town with Brussels carpet
on the floor ;
I'd quit the booze an' settle down an' never hit it any
more ;
I'd put on style, an' do it brown — for that's, I guess,
what money's for.
I'd set an' loaf the time away, I'd start again a-livin'
white ;
I'd can this dirty pipe of clay an' get a meersch'um
that was right;
I'd eat my old three squares a day, an' sleep a good
eight hours at night.
But some vacation, so to speak, I'd like to have it now
an' then —
To leave my cash an' take a sneak up here along with
other men
An', say, put in about a week in this old lumber camp
again.
120
I'd like to just come nvalkin' in an' find you all a-settin' here
IF FORTUNE CAME
I'd like to just come walkin' in an* find you all a-set-
tin' here,
An' wash in that old pail of tin, an' drink a cup of
coffee clear.
An' then git out an' work like sin, just as I've done
for forty year.
I'd like to set beside the fire upon the norway deacon-
seat
An' listen to some sawed-off liar his yarns remarkable
repeat ;
Or maybe go an' pull a briar, an' then come in an' eat
an' eat.
An' let me tell you, my good dame, I'd have you
clearly understand
If I can't mootch it just the same to road an' camp
an' timberland —
I wouldn't take it, if you came with twenty million in
your hand!
121
ONE
There runs a pathway by the hedge
And up across the clearing,
A ribbon through the woodland's edge,
Appearing, disappearing,
That fades beyond the hills of gray
Where red the west is burning ;
And many men have passed this way,
And few who came returning.
Full many men have followed it.
The path beside the shanty ;
And some there were with wealth or wit,
And some who sang a chanty ;
And some were sad and some were gay.
And there were some who flattered ;
Yes, many men have passed this way —
But only one who mattered.
122
A CAMP IN THE WOODS WITH A FRIEND
The wealth of a wonderful hall
With splendors of painting and gold,
The pride of a tapestried wall
Or portraiture faded and old,
The treasures of age and of art.
The luxuries riches can lend,
No comfort will bring to the heart
Like a camp in the woods with a friend.
The swallows are singing by day.
The roses are rioting near ;
A bob-o-link over the way
Is adding his carol of cheer.
The road may be stony and hot,
But there is a trail at the end
That leads to life's pleasantest spot —
Just a camp in the woods with a friend.
And then come the eve and the stars,
And then come the dark and the moon ;•
You've lighted your glowing cigars,
You warble together a tune.
123
A CAMP IN THE WOODS WITH A FRIEND
The insects are flashing in flight,
The branches so tenderly bend —
And you are at home for the night
In a camp in the woods with a friend.
124
HIS EYES
Right where you sit she sat
That last, last night we knew—
With roses in her hat,
A dress of blue;
And, just like you,
She would not have a light
But just the fire.
And all outdoors was night,
And night a lyre
That played a hundred tunes.
Old Junes,
Old Junes and new.
It seemed that all the songs I ever heard
Were echoed in the song of just one bird
Who would not stop when westward
sank the sun.
Who would not stop until his song
was done.
His singing through.
But still the musk
Came to us through the dusk,
And low we talked about another day
When she would go away.
125
HIS EYES
"To-morrow, I suppose" —
And that was far.
"To-morrow" — no one knows
How near they are.
The camp
Was sleeping — hunyack, Injun, tramp
And all the crew.
And I sat here
And she sat there like you —
So near,
And yet so far she seemed to be,
For mountains lay between the maid
and me.
There was no light.
She seemed to fade into the night
As goes a friend,
Up hill, beyond the bend.
And out of sight.
Then we sat silent ; silent so
She rose to go.
We said good-by,
And I,
I dared not sigh,
I dared not speak a word.
126
HIS EYES
The valley does not wed the sky,
The weed the bird.
Next day her father's car
Fell like a falling star
Beyond the hill
And left me standing still
With foolish notions thrilling through
my head —
Thank God, unsaid.
And, as the eve
Faded that night of nights —
A warning, I believe —
A little later came the accident
And dimmer lights
And woods that went
In deeper dark.
Until the spark
Fled from my eyes and left on earth
behind
Only her lovely image on my mind—
And I was blind.
I am the filer here, a handy man.
I can feel
As few men can
To sharpen steel-
127
HIS EYES
I file the saws
And play my little part.
Because
To file a saw or hang an ax is art.
I can not see,
But know the woods, the trees,
I can not see,
Yet hear their melodies.
And so
I can not see you, girl, and yet you seem
The living presence of a blind man's
dream.
I can not see — and yet you seem to bring
The pulse of old, the pain, and everything.
You touch me — kiss me — God, can it be true !
And you are you?
I can not see.
Yet see, who could not see before ;
And you shall be
My eyes forevermore.
128
THE ONE-SPOT
Rusty, an' greasy, an' not very beautiful —
Holes in her fire-box, an' scale in her tubes —
Ready to rock in a manner undutiful,
RoUin' the rookies an' scarin' the rubes ;
Loose in her bearin's, an' loose in her habit, too,
Shakin', an' quakin', an' rattlety-bang,
Needin' some paint an' some bolts, an' some babbitt,
too — •
But she's the pride of the whole of the gang.
Rusty, an' greasy, an' dirty she maybe is,
Wantin' some paint an' a week in the shops,
Cranky perhaps as a colicky baby is,
Spittin' exhaust at the track-layin' wops —
But she can climb any grade that's in front of her,
Hold on a hill any train that's behind :
Thirty-five loads is the regular stunt of her ;
Tack on a loader an' she'll never mind.
Railroadin' here ain't the transcontinental kind —
Fifty-pound rail is the best that you get ;
Bridges up here ain't the nice, ornamental kind —
Just a few stringers a-crossin' the wet.
129
THE ONE-SPOT
Humps in the track, that has many a crick to it,
Rails that are spread, an' old ties that are knurled
But, turn her loose with a load, an' she'll stick to it,
Stick to the rottenest road in the world !
130
THE ASPEN
Where all the rivers northward run
Beyond the Height of Land,
And where the law is just a gun.
The judge a steady hand,
The feeble aspen of the drouth
Becomes a giant thing,
The quivering aspen of the South
Becomes an arctic king.
And so the man who journeys where
The road to Hudson's lies.
His wine the sharp Canadian air.
His compass in the skies,
Grows stronger like the aspen tree
That in the North appears —
Takes on the stature presently
Of arctic pioneers.
131
BEHIND A SPIRE
It ain't our wickedness alone
That keeps us out of church ;
An' so, before you cast a stone
An' leave us in the lurch,
Just see if somethin' ain't about
Besides our mortal sin
That keeps us still a-holdin' out
When preachin' asts us in.
We used to have (I won't say where)
An elder in the place
Who led so loud in Sunday pray'r
It shook the throne of grace.
But all the week to feed his game
The busted swampers went ;
He hailed the power of Jesus' name
An' soaked 'em twelve per cent.
Perhaps if eight had satisfied
That shoutin' hypocrite.
Some scoffin' swamper might have tried
To straighten up a bit ;
132
BEHIND A SPIRE
But we dislike the man who tries
To give us title clear
To any mansion in the skies
An' grab our title here.
133
FORTY
Up the hill to Holton is a merry climb ;
I have walked to Holton many is the time :
Dew upon the grasses, roses by the road.
Till you never notice if you have a load.
Down the hill from Holton is a merry way,
Coming home from Holton at the close of day :
Straight ahead the sunset, straight ahead the stars,
And the beacon burning at the open bars.
Up the hill to forty was a merry tramp :
Daisies on the hillside, lilies in the damp,
Friends to walk beside me all the busy years,
Sharing of my laughter, sharing of my tears.
Down the hill from forty, may it be the best ! —
Walking to the refuge waiting in the west :
Straight ahead the sunset, straight ahead the stars.
And the beacon burning at the open bars.
134
THE MAN WHO ALWAYS WON
He
Was poor as me.
An* I was poor
As any beaver workin' in the wet,
Excursionin' ashore
His grub to get.
We dug like beavers, too,
As workers do.
But now I know
That all I worked for was a bed an' food,
But he had dreams
An', in the solitude,
He saw the gleams
Of golden dollars grow
To riches even in the long ago.
The thing success
That come to many in the wilderness
Was not the luck that envy says it was —
It had a cause.
We both were young.
We both were young an* strong.
135
THE MAN WHO ALWAYS WON
I worked as hard,
I know I worked as long.
But dollars clung
To him. Long afterward
I knew the reason why :
He had a dream, an' not a dream had I.
First thing I knew
He was the boss. Yet, of the two,
I was the better cruiser. I could cruise
A tract of timber an' the sections choose
Where wealth was waitin' in the hills of pine ;
So bossin' was his job, an' cruisin' mine.
I cruised for him an', when my cash was gone,
Was mighty grateful that he took me on.
An' then the woman come — they always come
In each man's life,
To some a wife
An' just a dream to some —
An' that was when
I started dreamin' dreams like other men.
She was no timid, blue-eyed, baby thing ;
She was a queen, fit for a forest king.
She was a woman big of hip an' arm,
A farmer's daughter on a buckwheat farm.
On the trail
I used to wonder why some fellahs fail
An' others win ;
136
THE MAN WHO ALWAYS WON
An' I made up my mind
The reason I would find
An' buckle in.
But then again
There was the difference in different men :
He had the start
In dreamin' an' in doin' — an' a heart
Was like a stand of pine,
To take when I had found it. She was mine,
My sky, my sun,
An' yet he won.
I did not kill him, curse him, even hate —
For it was fate.
But sometimes when I leave the woods a spell.
An' it is seldom, an' the fellahs tell
How well he's done.
The man who always won.
Somehow all right it seems —
For he had dreams.
One time I even suppered at his place,
When in to talk about some timberland,
A house so grand
I wondered that I ever had the face
To think that she
Would take the likes of me.
137
THE MAN WHO ALWAYS WON
Yet all the same,
There come a thought that took away the
shame
That I had dared
To want her, raven-haired —
A thought that these,
The luxuries,
The gold, the glass, the auto, an* the fur,
The costly goods,
An* husband, too,
A cruiser in the woods
Had given her —
Although she never knew.
138
DISCOVERY
There lurks in every breast some of the fire
That sent Columbus daring unknown seas,
There lurks in every human heart desire
To find new continents. To such as these
The woodland is a world, and continents
They who go seeking shall as surely find
As he who scorned an earth's experience
And left established error far behind.
Let us go forth, as great Columbus sailed,
And we shall find new archipelagoes —
Sequestered paths that only deer have trailed.
Perhaps another continent, who knows? —
Some cloistered valley far from man removed.
Some fragrant clearing hidden in the firs,
Some lily garden man has never loved.
Waiting our coming, the discoverers.
We may not find Americas, but we
Shall feel the thrill that thrilled a greater breast-
Perhaps a mountain that will glimpse the sea.
Beneath a stump perhaps a partridge nest ;
139
DISCOVERY
We shall make sail across the trackless green,
We shall uncover riches in the flower,
We shall behold new beauties now unseen —
Yea, we shall be Columbus for an hour.
140
THE TIMES
You hear a plenty of complaint
About the times. Folks say they ain't
As good as times had ought to be ;
But why they ain't they can't agree.
Some blame the trusts, an' others blame
The agitation on the same
That keeps the public mind aflame.
An' there's the tariff ; that is what
Some say it is, an' some it's not.
The customer will tell you why
The cost of livin' is so high —
The tariff, blame it ! Bye-an'-bye
The factory whose trade is slow
Will tell you why the price is low —
The tariff, blame it ! made it so.
Well, I dunno. It seems to me
That somethin' else the cause may be —
That there may be some reason plain
Why things cloud up an' look like rain.
I rather guess that maybe you
An' me have more or less to do
141
THE TIMES
With makin' times. It ain't the chaps
In Washington alone, perhaps,
That make 'em good or make 'em dull
An' money scarce or plentiful.
Of course they help. When times is good
They're glad to have it understood
They fixed things like they said they would.
Perhaps they did, perhaps they do ;
Perhaps they did the other, too —
For hard times never hit the purse
But some fool law can make 'em worse.
I rather guess that you an* me
Make panics an' prosperity.
An', if a quiet time should come
An' people have to figger some
To make the same old two ends meet
An' furnish stuff to wear an' eat,
That you an' me an' such as us
Made business so, an' matters thus,
An' not some legislatin' cuss.
Now confidentially, my friends.
Not what he makes but what he spends
It is that separates the ends
Man has such trouble makin' meet —
An' that's the kernel in the wheat.
142
THE TIMES
You know it sort of seems of late
That we are goin' quite a gait —
Are makin' cash hand over fist
With ev'ry business on the Hst.
An* actin' Hke (an* quite a bit)
A drunken sailor spendin' it.
I know, I know, when men git old
They like to set around an' scold
An' talk about the good old days
When people followed better ways.
An' so, whatever I may say,
You'll figger it's because the gray
Is creepin' slowly through my hair-
Because the snow is driftin' there.
But I remember, when a boy
We had a decent share of joy —
I'll bet I laffed as often then
As do these later gentlemen
Who hang around the blazin' bars
Or hit it up in auto cars.
We never seen a cabaret ;
We never drunk a night away ;
We never gambled till the sun —
An' yet, we had a little fun.
143
THE TIMES
Why, boy, I look along the years
Of childhood with the pioneers.
An' memory is sweet with tears.
I see it now : the little town,
A road of plank that wandered down
A street we called "The Avenue,"
A sawdust city through an' through —
Oh, it would never do for you!
The girls wore gingham, calico.
An' other weaves you never know.
Their bonnets saved their cheeks from tan,
But raised the dickens with a man.
For blue eyes peepin' from a poke,
A white neck in a modest yoke.
Were twice as purty, seems to me.
As laigs that all the world can see.
At six the sawmill whistle blew ;
With swingin' pails the sawmill crew
Come walkin' up the sawdust hill
From Ryerson's or Mason's mill
Or White an' Swan's or anywhere
A pathway met the thoroughfare.
Soft eyes of blue an' eyes of brown
Were watchin' in the windowed town
144
THE TIMES
An' blushed, an' pulled the curtains down.
An' then the evenin' an' the moon !
Why, anywhere it's night an' June
An' moonlight is a place to spoon !
They hadn't made the auto then —
A lucky thing for common men
Like us, with just an envelope
Each thirty days, an' love, an' hope.
In fact a girl felt purty big
Whose fellah hired a liv'ry rig
An' drove her to a country dance —
That was enough extravagance.
But, lookin' backward to those nights,
They seem as full of love's delights
As life could be — perhaps because
Man's money don't make lovers' laws.
For I have set upon a stump
An' heard the heart inside me thump
As you who Peacock Alley sweep
Have never felt your pulses leap.
Or I have let the old horse walk
An' took her hand in mine to talk,
An' sneaked an arm around her waist
An' held her only half -embraced —
145
THE TIMES
Yes, half in earnest, half in play,
For fear she'd take my arm away.
An' I have let the ribbons fall
An' never drove the horse at all
An' drawn her closer — Why, my boy.
Is money all there is of joy?
Is love across a glass of wine
A better, bigger love than mine.
In that old buggy 'neath the pine?
How I have wandered ! My intent
To speak in this here argument
Concerned the times. When times is slow
It's me an' you that makes 'em so.
But people now have come to prize
The thing alone that money buys ;
We all have learnt to advertise —
The more it costs the more we boast.
An' he is best who spends the most.
We slave to earn like maddened moles ;
Within the earth we dig our holes
An' wallow there an' sell our souls.
We climb the air, we scrape the sky,
An' wind an' storm an' God defy.
The cottage that we used to own
We've traded for a thing of stone.
146
THE TIMES
We house our babes in caves of steel
An* never teach 'em there to kneel
An' love of home an' hearth to feel.
Why, home meant somethin' in the days
Us graybeards love to set an' praise.
You can't make homes of city flats
With hallway rows an' back yard spats,
Where men an' women, kids an' cats,
Are huddled on a single floor,
With ev'ry noise a call to war.
You've got to own the house, the ground,
An' everything that grows around.
A path that wanders to a gate.
Where little children come to wait
When father's comin' happens late,
That's home — Home ain't in dinin' out
An' eatin' ev'ry where about;
Home ain't electric lights, the flash
Of di'monds, an' the music's crash —
For life is somethin' more than cash.
The times ? Yes, I was talkin' of
The times. You sort of laff at love.
An' so we'll talk of dollars, friend —
A language you can comprehend.
147
THE TIMES
Well, times git tighter now an' then —
They may git tighter here again ;
An* then we pay the price, my boy,
For all our artificial joy.
The joys of old made no one poor,
But made the country more secure.
This land was builded on a rock
Of corncob pipe an' gingham frock.
But now, when trouble comes, my lad,
When times git tight an' business bad.
We're little fixed in soul or purse
To meet conditions that are worse.
We've spent our money, spilled our blood.
An' built no ark to ride the flood
When trouble comes. An' then we quit
An' talk about the cause of it.
We blame some other fellah's game.
When we, ourselves, are all to blame.
The times ? It's us that makes the same !
148
KEEP YOUR EARS AHEAD
On the tote-road, on the street, on the trail or tram,
I have known a hoss or two, teamster that I am:
Steppers with Kentucky blood, ordinary plugs,
Ev'ry kind of animile ever wearin* tugs;
Mustang pony, Percheron, goer, thoroughbred —
But the only hoss worth while kept his ears ahead.
When a plug becomes a plug ain't when he gits old;
For a plug may be a plug from the day he's foaled.
When a critter to the back slants them ears of his,
Then you know the bloomin' brute, know the brute he is.
For he'll either bite or balk, loaf, or bolt instead;
Never trust a hoss unless he keeps his ears ahead.
But a hoss that is a hoss, of the proper kind.
Doesn't listen all the while for the whip behind.
He is lookin' down the road, sniffin', an' all that —
He is takin' interest in the work he's at.
Work is joy to such a nag, farm or fancy bred;
Life is somethin' to a hoss that keeps his ears ahead.
149
KEEP YOUR EARS AHEAD
Man is somethin' like a hoss, with his work to do;
On the tough old trail of life how is it with you?
Do you put your shoulder then in the collar square?
Of the load we have to pull, do you pull a share?
Are you full of pep an* steam, or is your spirit dead?
Are you livin' in the past, or are your ears ahead?
150
THE WIDOWHOOD OF DOUBT
There is a widowhood of doubt, there is a deeper hurt
than death —
A life of always looking out, of listening with halted
breath :
A sudden likeness in the street, a sound familiar in the
tread
Of some one passing — so to meet some daily vision of
the dead.
The Missing, dead yet living, they who live no more,
and never died :
How these their widows day by day must bear a grief
unsatisfied !
Not theirs a great Physician's balm, not theirs to linger
by a cross.
Not theirs the years of sorrow's calm, the blessed certi-
tude of loss.
Still they must wonder if the wood or waters claimed
him, if the tree
It was that made their widowhood — or if unwidowed
they may be.
151
THE WIDOWHOOD OF DOUBT
So many go the woodland trail; the curtains close
about them; then
There comes a rumor or a tale; but they, they come
not forth again.
Then the long widowhood of doubt : Perhaps to-night
he will return;
From heart and window shining out the woman's
sainted candles burn —
Each day a disappointment, each new hour a hope, a
hope to dim,
A wish that constant ray would reach around the
world in search of him.
Ah, weedless widows, widowed, wed to years of such
uncertainty,
Wan widows of the living dead, earth's saddest mourn-
ers, such are ye.
If they be dead your candles seek, God give you proof
and comfort, too;
But, if they live and do not speak, God punish them
and pity you.
152
RETIRED
Yes, I've made a little stake
In the lumber game ;
Yes, I've been a lucky jake,
Managed in my life to make
Somethin' from the same —
Have a mill that's mine.
Have some money laid away,
Saved ag'inst a rainy day.
Own a jag of pine ;
Fuss around the puttin' green,
Travel in a limousine
With a colored shofer,
Have a little cash to give,
Have a little time to live —
Somethin' of a loafer.
Yep, I am the sort of gink
People like to knock.
People who appear to think
That a fellah found his chink
Layin' on a rock.
153
RETIRED
If I have a bit,
Not a dollar that I own
But I paid in flesh an' bone
For the whole of it.
An*, I guess, a lot of men
People slander now an' then
Got it on the level.
Made the money they possess
Like the lumberman, I guess,
Workin' like the devil.
Life it wasn't always so —
Comfort an' content ;
There was days not long ago,
There was days I didn't know
Where to raise a cent —
Figgered, borrowed, saved.
Looked for twenty years ahead.
Minded not what others said.
Studied, suffered, slaved;
Cruised the timber that was new
People said would never do,
Learnt alone to ramble ;
Staked the little all I had,
Ventured when the times was bad,
Bought upon a gamble ;
154
RETIRED
Walked the wilderness by day,
Worried in the night ;
With a timid bank to pay,
Learnt the one an* only way
Was to work an' fight.
Folks who think the pine
An* the money easy come,
I will gladly tell you some
Ways I gethered mine :
Worked a peavey, pulled a saw.
Rode the river in a thaw
When my legs was limber.
Beat the bullies with my fist —
Life an' home an* comfort missed
For the sake of timber.
Then, at last, I got a mill.
With a promise bought;
Lord, an* I remember still.
An* I guess I always will.
Troubles that it brought :
Somethin* breakin* loose,
Crackin* saws an* fallin* steam —
Ev'rything I had would seem
Goin* to the deuce.
Then the price would fade away
An* the lumber piles would lay
155
RETIRED
Waitin' for a taker;
Stumpage droppin' off the earth-
All the timber wasn't worth
Fifty cents an acre.
Yet it helped to make a man.
All the trouble did ;
For to work an' fret an' plan
Is the thing that makes the man
Out of any kid.
An' I'm glad the test
Come among the snows an' thaws
In the wilderness, because
It was for the best.
For I have a notion, too.
Woods of green an' skies of blue,
Snowin', blowin', rainin'.
Can not help but make a man
Honest, decent, squarer than
All your city trainin'.
It's a business that is clean,
Workin' in the wood ;
Skies of blue an' woods of green,
Winter storm or summer scene,
They are plain an' good.
156
^ \^
JVorked a pea-vey, pulled a :a-j:, rode the river in a tliaix:
RETIRED
Timber on the hill
Has a flavor sweet as wine.
An' the sawdust of the pine
In around the mill
Makes a man as clean inside
As the sky that stretches wide
In the brightest weather.
God may walk the city streets
But, when man outdoors He meets.
Then they walk together.
There folks look you in the face ;
There a man's a man ;
There an ace must be an ace,
For the woods it ain't a place
For shenanigan.
There is less of law,
There is less of preachin' there.
But you find a fellah square
In a mackinaw.
Law or creed we mayn't know —
Though it's been a year or so
Since we seen a steeple,
When we buy or when we sell
Then we stack up purty well
With your city people.
157
RETIRED
So, if somethin' I have made
For a rainy day,
If Fve made a lucky trade.
By the rules of Hoyle I played
All along the way.
If I have a mill,
If I have a jag of pine,
Somethin' in the bank that's mine,
Somethin' in the till,
If for me the axes swing.
If for me the pulleys sing
An' the saw is hummin'.
If I take a little rest
When my sun is in the west —
Boys, I've got it comin' !
158
THE RECRUIT'S REQUEST
Sing us no song of the stripes an' the stars
Callin' us heroes an' such;
We are plumb sick of the music of wars,
Star spangled bannered too much.
Give us a hail
From the tote-road, the trail.
Up where the water's alive;
Give us Paul Bunyan, or some such a tale-
Sing us a song of the drive I
We aren't specially hymnin' our hate,
We aren't damnin' the Hun.
Let us f orgit it, a while any rate,
Nix on the sword an' the gun.
Give us a song
As we're marchin' along,
Somethin' to lighten the tramp;
Give us a tune on the old dinner-gong —
Sing us a song of the camp !
When we go up to the guns of the foe,
Where there is dyin' to do,
Some other song we will warble, I know,
Never the red, white an' blue —
159
THE RECRUIT'S REQUEST
Chokin' a tear
For some girl who is dear
Over the hill an' the foam,
We will be lookin' right back over here.
Singin' some ditty of home.
160
THE WEDDING
I've heard of your wonderful weddin'.
My faraway, favorite niece ;
I've read ev'ry newspaper headin'
An' ev'ry "Society" piece.
I'm glad that your weddin' was quiet,
An' simple in garb an' in gown,
An' no matrimonial riot
Upsettin' the whole of the town.
So many there are that are noisy.
With hunderds to cackle an' stare,
Reported from Boston to Boise,
With lists of the notables there —
A church that is crowded with people,
A street that is busy with din,
A fire-alarm rung from the steeple
To gether the curious in.
But yours it was quiet an* simple.
With only your friends an' your folks.
Who laffed at your daintiest dimple
An' smiled at the minister's jokes.
161
THE WEDDING
Their greetin* was honest an' hearty,
The neighbors who come to the door,
A sort of a family party
Without any riot an' roar.
I always have thought gittin' married
Was rather a personal thing ;
For why should a couple be harried —
Two turtle-doves just on the wing —
By crowdin' an' talkin' an' shoutin',
An' hunderds to gossip an' sneer?
A weddin's no picnic or outin'.
As you will discover, my dear.
If I had the act to do over
(I speak as a fellah outdoors
Who likes to wade meadows of clover
An' camp by their musical shores),
I wouldn't have that for a minute.
When I an' the girl were made one ;
I'd have just the song of a linnet,
I'd have just the light of the sun.
I wouldn't care much if the others
Should know I got married or not ;
I'd just want the fathers an' mothers
When hitched double-harness I got.
162
THE WEDDING
rd just want a preacher who's pleasant,
I'd just want a day that is fair ;
I wouldn't care much who was present
As long as the lady was there.
The throwin* of rice I don't care for,
I have some old shoes of my own ;
I wonder what people are there for
An' why all the truck should be thrown ?
The rice an' the shoes an' the kisses
May add to the holiday fuss.
But they wouldn't please me an' the missus
By makin' a target of us.
An' no one would follow the custom
Of kissin' the lady I chose ;
If any one tried it, I'd bust him
Right there on the spot on the nose.
If all of these holiday hooters
Went kissin' the lady I win,
I'd unlimber a pair of six-shooters
An* the party would really begin.
163
AFTERWARD
Well you remember where it was we met :
A cabin in a valley by a stream ;
I can not think you could so soon forget —
That I alone remember and regret,
And dream.
I was a man of labor in the land
To which you came upon a holiday ;
I was a man of labor, ax in hand,
And you a Summer pilgrim, laughing and
Away.
I loved the woodland ways no less than you,
Than you who spoke of them in rhapsodies-
Perhaps their greater beauties better knew
And deeper felt the music singing through
The trees.
I wonder if it always shall be so —
If you look laughing to that year again,
Recall a pleasant Summer with a glow.
While I remain, remember, only know
Its pain?
164
THE BAD MAN
There was a gink
Blew into camp
Not very long ago
Who'd make you think
He had a lamp
Like no one here below.
He bragged about
The fights he had,
He built up quite a rep ;
Without a doubt
We thought him bad,
A party full of pep.
His laigs, his arms,
He said were swell.
His uppercut a peach ;
His other charms
He used to tell —
His footwork an' his reach.
He bullied us,
I must confess ;
165
THE BAD MAN
We let him have his way ;
An' not a cuss
But answered yes,
Whatever he would sav.
The matter might
Have gone along
The way that it had been,
But Monday night,
When feelin' strong.
He sort of sauntered in
An* made a crack
If any hick
Should give him any jaw
He'd beat him black,
For he could lick
The whole of Arkansaw.
I needn't state
The details now
Or which one was the one
That couldn't wait.
But, anyhow.
The jamboree begun.
The gang an' me
Commenced to maul
166
THE BAD MAN
An' pound the geezer good.
He said that he
Could lick us all —
An', darn the luck, he could !
167
A LOOK BACK
You have packed up your duffle and put out your fire,
There is nothing ahead but the trail,
But the trail that leads up to the hill you desire —
You will come nevermore to the vale.
'Twas a shelter from storm and a home for the night,
'Twas a place for a fire and a snack ;
You are through with it now, you are off with the
light-
But you stop and you take a look back.
'Twas a spot for a camp such as seldom you find.
With a slope that would drain it of wet ;
There was green grass in front, there was timber
behind.
And the deadwood was easy to get.
'Twas a bed and a roof for the wandering one,
'Twas a rest and a refuge for Jack ;
Now you're oflP to the east and you're up with the sun —
But you stop and you take a look back.
168
A LOOK BACK
And this life is just that from beginning to end
It's a camp, and a hike, and a camp.
It is greeting a stranger, farewell to a friend,
Ev'ry morning new timber to tramp.
For we can not remain and we can not return,
We must follow old Time in his track;
But the campfires of old in our memory burn —
And we stop and we take a look back.
169
THE CRUISE
When all the years are but a year
Fast drawing to a close,
And I am through with cruising here
Forever, I suppose.
Then upward to the final cross
The last hill I shall climb
And stand before the mighty Boss
Who figures up our time.
He gave me once a world to cruise,
He staked me to a life,
And left me my own way to choose,
A path of peace or strife.
Across the sky He spread His stars,
The sun to travel by.
His great unchanging calendars
For pilgrims such as I.
But there are things He never knew
In this great world of His :
The heavens are not always blue —
The hurricane there is,
170
THE CRUISE
And nights without a star to shine
There are, and sudden snares,
And tangled ways, and trailing vines.
To take men unawares.
And, if He knew it all the while.
That things like these are here.
The pitfall in the pleasant mile,
The gray skies with the clear,
He knows that I for every rose
Was punished with a thorn,
For every passion red He knows
Some burden I have borne.
I did not make a woman's eyes,
I did not make the brew,
I did not make the sweetest lies
Man ever listened to,
I did not make the greed of gold,
And all of human ills — ■
When I was young these things were old
As His eternal hills.
I think He takes men in His hand,
I and all mortal men,
I think that He can understand
And balance things again,
171
THE CRUISE
I think He weighs a man beside
The sort of chance he had,
I think He knows His world is wide,
A good world and a bad.
I think He knows it all along
When figuring our time,
And scratches off the little wrong
The holy call a crime ;
I think that when life's year is past,
However feet may fail.
That He will lead me home at last,
Although I missed the trail.
THE END
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zh | N/A | N/A | **随笔·札记**
**悬壶济世的由来：从食材、星辰到医家标识的葫芦**
**撰文陈永跃**
人们对医生的赞誉通常是“悬壶济世、妙手回春”。这个“壶”由瓠瓜而来，瓠瓜有甜也有苦，未成熟的可以当菜佐食；成熟了，壳可为壶、为瓢，瓤则可以入药。瓠瓜由食材、药材逐步演绎到医生看病的“标识”，可谓以物述理，人文化成。
瓠瓜是地道的中国农作物，葫芦为今人的叫法。《尔雅·释草第十三》说：“瓠栖，瓣。瓠栖：瓠中之子。瓠是蔬菜名。一年生草本。茎蔓生，叶茎有茸毛。叶呈心脏形，叶腋生卷须。花白，结实呈长条形状者称瓠瓜；短颈大腹者称壶卢，今作‘葫芦'。其子(籽)实整齐洁白，常以之比喻美人之齿。亦称‘瓠犀’瓣：瓜中实。指瓜子仁。”
对于传世文献中有关瓠瓜的记录，考古挖掘予以有力的印证。张光直先生在《考古专题六讲·从世界古代史常用模式看中国古代文明的形成》中说：“在华南，所知甚详发掘最多的是河姆渡文化，河姆渡遗址原来是一个建于湖边的木构村落，其遗物有特别丰富的石器、骨器、木器、陶器，和动物与植物的遗存。……而遗址的遗物中充满了这些植物和动物，有野生的，也有家生的，主要包括稻米、瓜、菱、葫芦、猪、狗。”在百草丛中找到瓠并驯化成食材和药材，意义非同寻常，这从侧面反映了先民的智慧，也折射出中华先民的饮食结构。
**悬壶济世的由来：从食材、星辰到医家标识的葫芦** **121**
民以食为天，瓠瓜作为食材必然渊源有自。《诗经·邺风》中有一首以《有苦叶》为题的古诗，说：：“匏有苦叶，济有深涉。深则厉，浅则揭。”这个就是瓠。诗中说韵子苦而不能食，但成熟后是可以佩戴在身以渡河。但现在狍子尚有叶子还未成熟，还没有到可用之时。这个时候要是渡水，当测量深浅后才可渡。闻一多先生在《诗经通义》中说：“古人早已知道抱着葫芦浮水能使身体容易漂起来，所以葫芦是他们常备的旅行工具，而有“腰舟'之称。”
在《卫风·硕人》中，瓠子(籽)的方正洁白而比次整齐被用来比喻美女庄姜的牙齿：：“领如螨变，齿如瓠犀。”而在《小雅·南有嘉鱼》中，则以树与瓠来比喻君子之诚而和贤者与共，“南有樱木，甘瓠累之。君子有酒，嘉宾式燕以绥之”。吕东莱说：“瓠有甘有苦，苦瓠则可食者也。椤木而美实累之，固结而不可解也。”下垂的樱木让瓠蔓攀上而结满果实，这是十分形象的君臣情谊比喻。
《诗经》中的瓠被人们赋予如此的美好喻义，实因瓠本身既是精美的食材，也是生活中难得的、独一无二的生活工具。清朝吴其潜在其所著《植物名实图考》中对苦瓠和瓠子的考证，从食用性与实用性两个方面予以证实：
苦瓠，《本经》下品，即壶卢，有苦、甜二种，甜者为蔬，苦者为器。《诗经》：“瓠有苦叶”，味苦者也；“幡幡瓠叶”味甘者也。《滇南本草》：苦瓠采叶为末，盛瓶内，出行渴时取一分服之，不中水毒；加雄黄，能解哑瘴山岚之毒。凡中夷人之毒，服此方二三分俱可，不可多用。按苦瓠能吐人，凡瘴毒多以吐解，其甘者河以北皆茹之。唐柳班、郑馀庆皆以常食瓠为清德，而陶穀《清异录》乃谓之净街槌，真不知菜根味者。但北地种多风燥，烹之、暴之，无不宜之。南方种植既稀，久雨或就篱干瘪，佳者制为玩具，颇得善价。《山家清供》以岳珂勋阀有诗曰：“去毛切莫拗蒸壶”，叹其知野人风味。余以为岳诗亦只隶事耳，若责南人以食壶为俭，则当与盛筵中之黄芽白菜、营盘蘑菇并驶而争雄矣。
有别于瓠瓜为葫芦状，同书另记瓠子则为细长条状。
《唐本草注》瓠味皆甘，时有苦者，面似越瓜，长者尺馀，头尾相似，与甜瓠蒌体性相类，但味甘冷。通利水道，止渴、消热，无毒，多食令人吐。按瓠子，方书多不载，而唐本草所谓似越瓜，头尾相似，则即今瓠子，非瓠也。《滇本草》：瓠子又名龙蛋瓜，又名天瓜，味甘寒；治小儿初生周身无皮，用瓠子烧灰，调菜油擦之甚效。
《滇本草》中所言的“天瓜”，实由天上的星辰名而来。司马迁在其所著《史记·天官书》中说：“五官即东、南、西、北、中五宫。”在北宫中“杵、白四星，在危南。瓠瓜，有青黑星守之，鱼盐贵”。司马贞认为，按照《荆州占》上所说：：“瓠瓜，一名天鸡，在河鼓东。瓠瓜明，岁则大熟也。”而张守节则以为：：“瓠瓜五星，在离珠北，天子果园。占，明大光润，岁熟；不，则包果之实不登；客守，鱼盐贵也。”以星象占人事，那是神乎其神玄远难解之事，似缺乏科学的力证。但古籍所载则恰恰证实，天上二十八宿中女宿中的“瓠瓜、败瓜”星辰，显然与《诗经》所述的“瓠瓜”前后不远，此是以地上之物比拟天上之星，以人所食瓠瓜长在天上“天子果园”，其寓意也可说是充满了人们的美好期盼。
陈遵妨先生在他的《中国天文学史》里说：“离珠五星，在女宿北。《天皇会通》称：‘离珠女所献之工也。'败瓜五星，在瓠瓜南。《天皇会通》称： _咖_ ‘瓠干则质坚，过时则败。'瓠瓜五星，在离珠北。'”刚柔交错，天文也；文明以止，人文也。观乎天文，以察时变；观乎人文，以化成天下。在古人眼里，“天文”是自然的调理、秩序，阴阳刚柔是自然的道理。光讲自然秩序不成，按照牟宗三先生的说法：：“自然秩序要加以人的力量，所以观乎人文，才能化成天下，才能移风易俗。”如此说来，以地上的瓠瓜、败瓜赋予天上星辰之名，则有化成天下之意。
瓠瓜从先民最早的食材、药材、星辰之名转而变成医生为人治病时悬挂
的标识，这个要到东汉以后。《后汉书·方技列传第七十二》所载《费长房传》是已知最早的故事。费长房为市缘时，曾见到集市中有一个卖药老翁，悬一个葫芦于街面，等到罢市了，便跳到壶中。赶集市人都看不见，唯独长房在楼下见之，他感到很奇怪，便带上酒脯去拜见老翁，老翁得知费长房有学医成仙之意，便对他说：“子明日可更来。”费长房第二天便复拜见老翁，老翁便带着他一同钻入葫芦中。但见里面玉堂严丽，美酒佳肴丰盛无比，二人开怀畅饮后才出来。临别之时老翁告诉费长房不可告诉别人。后老翁告诉长房曰：“我神仙之人，以过见责，今事毕当去，子宁能相随乎?楼下有少酒，与卿为别。”遂随老翁入深山，老翁说他：“子可教也。”后来便能医疗众病。
医家“悬壶”源头即由此而出，此后医家卖药治病也以“悬挂葫芦为标识。细思《后汉书》所载故事本身，其实范晔所录，是将原本浑身既是食材、药材的葫芦神化成了仙人，而且这个仙人是为亿兆黎民治病的仙人。而这种神化物和人的现象是延续远古社会的传统，在远古的始祖诞生神话传统往往会使全氏族获得一个共同的名称和一个族徽(图腾)。这如同木匠推崇鲁班、酿酒者推崇杜康为始祖一样，不同的是壶是植物而神化成人，而鲁班、杜康俱是人而神化。
到了东晋，葛洪著《神仙传》，也讲壶公和费长房的故事。文中说，壶公者，不知其姓名。今世所有《召军符》《召鬼神治病王府符》凡二十馀卷，皆出于壶公，故或名为《壶公符》。接着，又把《后汉书》里的故事照录纸上。当代画家朱万章，在所著古代绘画里葫芦的文章与书画考证中证实，至少从宋元后人物画中，神仙人物的手里拿着甘蔗、腰间挂着葫芦。这个时候，葫芦里装着仙丹妙药已然约定俗成附会到了神仙身上，而若从本质上说，则葫芦里的灵丹妙药依然是葫芦本身。闲
(作者单位：无锡市民政局)
**_124_ 文史知识2022-4** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 灵活管理人性为先——基于私营专卖店的人力资源管理实践
喻 理
企业管理的历史经历了经验管理、科学管理和文化管理三个阶段，实际上是逐步将管理的重心从物放到人上。与之对应的，人力资源管理经历了最初的雇佣管理、劳动人事管理和现代人力资源管理三个阶段，反应了对人的研究和重视程度的不一样。雇佣管理，还是将人看作机器，看作”物”，是手段和成本。当然这种管理，现今仍可以看到，比如中国南方有的血汗工厂。人事管理，人仍然附属于事，着眼于提高劳动效率。到了人力资源管理阶段，人不再仅仅是成本，还是一种可再生资源，可以投资，投资后可以得到最多的产出。人力资源管理可以构建企业优势，成为核心竞争力。
现代人力资源管理理念有不可辩驳之处：什么都可以复制，但人不可以复制，企业由此建立的竞争优势不可复制。事是人做的，人不同，事即不同。人力资源管理有传统几大模块，如招聘录用，绩效管理，培训，薪酬福利，人力资源战略，员工职业生涯管理等。从企业核心竞争力角度出发，有人提出要建立几大系统：以素质模型为核心的潜能评价体系，以任职资格为核心的职业化行为体系，以关键行为指标为核心的绩效评估系统，以职业发展为核心的培训系统，以可持续强化为目的薪酬福利系统。然而如何将上述系统与人性相结合，如何将之转化为适合企业特点的可操作的制度措施和方法，还是一个值得研究的课题。
A公司是云南一家私营企业，是台湾某品牌服装的省级代理商，开设有专卖店。我以人力资源经理身份加入A公司3年，结合自己的经验做出了一些尝试。能做出一些尝试的原因
在于私营企业的灵活性，人力资源管理更有空间。
一、根据企业发展需要，建立内部股份制，公司发展，员工受益
雇员持股是20世纪80年代后一直流行的激励方式。但存在的前提条件是：公司须上市，公司须运作良好，股票能升值。但能上市的机会并不是很多，所以不能上市的公司通常会借鉴此种形式。如公司运作良好，能分红，就能起到激励的作用。我初加入A公司时，公司虽名为公司，实为个体。营业员素质都不高，少有高中毕业的。归功于当时的市场环境，生意还不错。初入公司，人力资源部工作千头万绪，经过了解，公司的战略是尽快多开店，占领市场，赢得先机。我提出了内部股份制设想：
1.单店投资分股份，公司占51%股份，员工可以入总共49%的股份，解决公司资金不足的问题。。(考虑到难以在公司范围内让员工入股，并解决工商注册登记问题，这里以单店运作，借鉴了股份形式，称为内部股份制)。
2.员工自由入股，三月一次结算分红，充分调动职工积极性。
具体方案提出后，很快实施。在地州接二连三开店。然而最初员工入股并不积极。很显然，让员工从一个打工者变为投资者参与经营管理还需要一个过程。通过做工作，下保证，有几个员工决心投资。三个月过去一结算，店店都有分红。示范作用一出，员工投资的积极性提高，从过去的观望变为借钱都要入股。通
过此操作，很快公司利用员工资金在全省建立了二三十家专卖店，占领了市场。员工也以投资入股的形式享受分红，很快收回投资。公司凝聚力大为增强，员工工作积极性大大提高。
内部股份制成功的原因无外乎两点：一是单店操作，财务容易透明，信息不失衡。而在一个公司内进行运作，就达不到这一点。二是专卖店都是有利润的，确保了员工有动力入股。内部股份制运作一年后，弊端就显现出来。分红逐渐成为一项固定收入，失去了激励作用。当初投资没有限制，自由入股，到最后因为员工都要入股，公司没有办法只能限股，平均入股。员工投资少了，收益就少了。积极性明显下降，比如三个月一次的分红会都会不到场，让人代领。
二、根据人性，注意个人绩效，转变股份制为三零三二制
是注重个体的激励还是团体的激励，是注重个人绩效还是团队绩效，是企业在不同发展阶段的选择。公司的股份制从最初的个人激励到最后人人有份，已失去了最初设计的初衷。公司一年后不再缺少资金，市场占有率也达到一定程度，注意力就放到了如何让股份制更有效地激励员工上。新的做法如下：
1.新开的店不再允许所有员工入股，只有优秀的员工才有资格。
2.优秀的员工不用资金入股(故为三零)，而享受单店三个月2/3的利润。
3.优秀员工可以自己去单独操作该店，或者请员工去做店长(特别是后台员工，无法亲自去操作，可以雇佣经验丰富的销售员工去做店长)。
这实际上已成为有限利润分享计戈。通过设置一定障碍，来激励员工成为优秀员工。三零三二的实施，使公司员工争当优秀员工，公司的业绩又上了一个新台阶。此后公司又不以单店为单位，扩大到整个品牌，三个月为期变为在一定条件下可以连续为一年。通过这方面的调整，使人人有机会，人人争做老板，在内部形成你追我赶的可喜局面。
三、以股份为核心，强化绩效管理
单店股份制的操作在于店长，而店长的产生至关重要，在店长的产生上公司采取民主制，在股东分红会上由众员工推选。经过这种方法，7一是新店长大家比较了解，有把握。二是通过这种方法，让店长有被信任感，容易做好。
而改为三零三二制，管理的难度加大。如何产生有限的优秀员工，必须设立标准。分为三类：
1.店长：连续三个月单店完成任务。为了好中选好，又加上排序及末位淘汰。
2.销售员工：单店店内销售排名，取前三名，然后在所有店中进行排序。
3.后台员工：因为没有销售，所以选择的考核因素分为态度、技能及工作情况评分。360度进行评估。
为了防止过分注重销售，忽视内部管理，公司还建立了质量检查制度，7一旦发现有违反公司制度方面的问题，就取消资格。还进行公示，以保证优秀员工的一致性。通过股份操作与员工表现挂钩，达到了激励效果。
四、根据企业发展需要和个人需要，建立稳定的人力资源管理体系
在以股份制为中心确立了人力资源管理重点后，又逐步完善了人力资源管理的其他模块：
1.选对人：拓宽招聘渠道，加大人才测评力度，使更多的适合销售的员工加入公司。
2.培养人：除加大培训外，建立起传帮带制度。一是店长必须培养出助理店长，才能去做股份店，，-二是新进员工必须和指定的”师傅”签培养协议。新员工表现好，师傅同时受奖。新员工流失，要追究师傅的责任。优秀员工的评选最后改为：销售占70%，同事关系占10%，同顾客关系占10%，新员工培养人数占10%。同时设计了员工的职业发展阶梯。
3.任用人：三个月进行一次换店，通过竞标店长可以选店。在员工的选择上店长有70%选择权。其余30%由人力资源部调配，以达到使用与培养的合理性 (下转第129页)
提高，不但说明了个人储蓄性养老保险不断强化，同时也表明改革开放以来中国人民的收入水平和生活质量在不断提高。个人储蓄性养老保险不断被更多家庭及个人认可，但多年来由于保监机构对保险行业监督力度不够，保险公司缺乏规范，保险从业人员素质高低不齐，保险条款含糊不清等给人们在购买商业养老保险时造成巨大的困惑。
综上所述，中国的多层次养老保险体系的构建已经取得了积极的进展。基本养老保险体系趋于稳定，企业补充养老保险得到重视，个人储蓄性养老保险不断强化，可以认为中国的多次养老保险市场的建立及完善，对于减轻政府负担，促进中国资本市场的发展，加速企业
(上接第85页)
目的。店长能上能下，员工也能自由换岗。做到人得其所，人尽其才。
4.绩效管理：大力推行强制排序和末位淘汰，使员工及店长有紧迫感。质检制度时时抓，保证员工工作表现的一致性。
5.薪酬福利：在工资上，前台员工是基本工资加提成制。为了防止员工抢客，挑客，光注重销售，又规定：销售必须两人配合，销售额平分计提成。后台员工是工作分析后实行岗位技能工资制。为鼓励员工长期在公司工作，增加了工作补贴，每工作一年，月工资增加50元。为鼓励学习和提高技能，设有学历津贴。公司还有内部技能考核及技能津贴。福利上因为公司是私营企业，还未达到能全面加入
人力资源的战略发展和改善劳动关系，提高退休人员的生活水平，促进中国保险行业规范，增强中国在国际市场中的竞争力等方面都具有十分重要的战略意义。与此同时我们也必须意识到，中国的多层次养老保险体系尚不够成熟，在许多方面有待于完善。
参考文献：
\[1\]岳颂东.我国人口老龄化趋势及其对策.社会保障制度，2001，5
\[21张瑞辉.我国现阶段养老保险存在的问题与解决对策商业经济，2005，4.
\[3\]毛晓梅.全年保费收入将接近 6000亿元关口.中国证券报，2005-12-27.
(作者工作单位：北京泛海信华置业有限公司)
社会保险的程度，所以设计了一个互助金。员工每月自愿投入20元，公司同样给每人每月加入20元，形成互助，涵盖了员工生病，死亡，意外，结婚等，是公司加入社会保险前的一个过渡。
通过3年人力资源管理工作，公司形成了一个良好的工作氛围，虽然充满竞争但也充满友爱，员工流失率在10%以下，也为公司新的品牌代理积累了人才。公司收入大幅提高，知名度及美誉度也有了提升。在3年的工作中，所有的工作要围绕公司的目标及战略，在抓住人性的同时，最大限度地激励员工。3年的人力资源管理实践说明了这一点。
(作者工作单位：云南丹云商务咨询有限公司) | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **日据时期台湾初等教育课程与教科书析论**
**陈小冲1.2**
**(1.两岸关系和平发展协同创新中心，福建厦门361005；2.厦门大学台湾研究中心，福建厦门361005)**
**摘 要：日据时期台湾初等教育有了比较大的发展，但从课程设置与教科书的角度分析，尊崇日本皇室，增强台湾人对日本的向心力，倾力普及日语是殖民当局初等教育政策的主轴，日本殖民者致力培养的是既能为殖民者创造剩余价值又不妨害其统治地位的低级人才，并以将台湾人同化成为日本台湾人作为教育的最终目标。**
**关键词：口据时期；课程设置；教科书；同化政策**
**中图分类号：K207 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1002-1590(2015)04-0065-08**
**日本殖民统治时期，台湾教育获得了较为长足的发展，表现在各级各类教育机构的设立、适龄儿童入学率的提高、师资力量的逐步完备等。'但是，在殖民当局夸耀的这些所谓“治绩”背后，其秉持的究竟是怎样的教育方针?殖民者所要培养的是什么样的人才?以什么样的方式进行培养?厘清这些问题，将有助于我们进一步了解日本在台殖民统治的实质。本文即拟以日据时期台湾初等教育课程与教科书为中心，对上述问题进行初步分析，敬祈方家指正。**
**一、殖民地初等教育课程与教科书之特点**
**日据时期台湾教育大致可分为学校教育、社会教育与特殊教育三大类，其中学校教育是殖民地教育的主于，而初等教育在日据50年的教育发展上更居于重要地位。首先，日本殖民者在台教育即以初等教育为其发端，从早期的日本语学校、国语传习所到公学校、小学校、番童教育所乃至日据末期的国民学校，标志着殖民地教育的一步步拓展与深入。随后方有中等教育、师范教育、高等教育等的设立；其次，初等教育学校是殖民地台湾社会教育的主要场所，由于招收台湾儿童的公学校与招收日本儿童的小学校教育水平差别较大，因而在升学考试中台湾人往往处于劣势，多数台湾人的教育被迫止步于初等教育阶段，初等教育成为台湾人的主要受教育机会，也是殖民者导化台湾人的重要渠道，势必引起殖民当局的特别关注；再次，正由于初等教育的重要性，探讨口据时期初等教育的发展状况尤其是隐藏其间的深刻内涵，无疑是剖析日本在台殖民地教育实质的最佳靶向。**
**教育是一种培养人的社会活动，教育学者普遍指出：“儿童是民族的幼苗，国家未来的主人翁。**
**基金项目：教育部重大课题攻关项目“海峡两岸历史文化教育中相互认知、表述、态度及影响研究”(12JZD003)**
**作者简介：陈小冲，男，两岸关系和平发展协同创新中心专家委员，厦门大学台湾研究中心、台湾研究院教授。**
**个国家的儿童，有了健全的成长，这个民族就有了希望，这个国家就有了前途。因为今日生长良好的儿童，明爪成为壮大有为的青年。他们是民族的中坚，国家的栋梁；民族的兴衰存亡，国家的强弱兴衰，完全要看这一代儿童的生长是否成材，青年的奋斗有无作为而定。所以重视儿童教育乃是复兴民族，建设独立自由国家的根本。”21在殖民地下的台湾，教育问题向来为殖民者所重视，尤其是针对作为不同民族的台湾人的教育，“于吾国对外国人施以日本式教育，二千五百年来以本岛为嘴矢，事成与否受到世界教育家之瞩目”。\[\]日人认为，教育既与国家民族之未来及殖民地之长治久安有莫大关联，怎样重视都不为过。“盖教育切系民心之感服，其结果之良否，攸关将来国运之消长厉害。”\[4\]“如欲以国民教育为台湾之施政大本者，即不应藉用武力之政权，应以礼待之，以德化之，而将台湾人熔化成为日木之台湾人”\[5\]那么，究竟如何在初等教育活动中贯彻殖民当局的政策要求和价值导向?在青少年人生道路的关键节点进行怎样的思想、知识和技能训练?课程设置与教科书无疑便是贯彻落实殖民地教育方针的重要抓手。**
**如所周知，课程是教育主管机关对学校教育内容的分配与规范，教科书是学校指定的官方学习材料，也是教师的重要教学工具，二者均具有不容置疑的公信力和权威性。课程界定了学生学习的知识面，教科书则是学生获得系统知识的主要材料，也是学生考试答案的标准出处。而对于日本殖民当局来说，除了一般教育功能之外，课程与教科书还是意识形态传递的重要方式或场域，统治者的思想意识与价值取向透过不同的课程设置与教科书这一载体得以直达受教育者，它成为殖民政府社会控制体系的重要一环。概括地说，日据时期台湾初等教育课程设置与教科书之编纂有以下几个突出特点：**
**首先是以所谓大日本帝国“肈国精神”为核心的指导思想的确立。日据时期的台湾，天皇《教育敕语》是教育的最高准则，也是修身课及各类教科书编写审定的指导思想，其文略曰：“朕惟我皇祖皇宗，肇国宏运，树德深厚，我臣民克忠尽孝，亿兆一心，世世济其厥美，此乃我国体之精华，教育之渊实亦存于此。”其中心思想即要求台湾人了解日本“肇国宏运”与“国体精华”，积极“义勇奉公、以扶翼天壤无穷之皇运”\[6\]总督府民政长官后藤新平称：“我国民教育有最宝贵原理原则，如明治23年10月30日颁下的教育敕语就是属此，这实在是我国万代不易之原则，为臣民者都应经常遵奉这圣旨，对教育努力倾心不懈怠才是”?殖民者认为：“恭读教育敕语为目前本岛教育最为重要者。”\*白乃木希典总督时代开始，恭读《教育敕语》成为所有学校的规定仪式，并且针对早期日语普及率不高的情况，将其翻译成汉文，编纂出版相关教科书———《教育敕语述义》，要求“从今以后教师应更加奉体圣旨，时常教诲学生教养之道”一些经历过那个时代的台湾人就曾回顾：“我认为‘教育敕语'就是日本的宪法。日本的教育敕语对做人做事的影响很大，每逢节日各学校都会朗读教育敕语，因此口本的教育思想很容易就灌输到每个人的思想当中。”10**
**其次是对课程与教科书的内容做精心的选择与布局。教科书中要放什么，不放什么，课程设置中哪些课程应当多一些，哪些课程应当先讲等等，看似细微末节，其实事关教学效果的好坏乃至教育宗旨的落实：日据时期的台湾，殖民统治者掌握了课程设置与教科书的审定大权，对于如何开展对台湾人的教育，他们是十分清醒的，台湾总督儿玉源太郎曾有这样的一段“名言”：“教育不可一日忽视，然而徒为灌输文明，养成偏向主张权利、义务之风，将使新附之民，陷于不测之弊害。”山日本殖民者主张：“将来台湾土人教育之至当措置为，以产业上之技能教育为主，低度之普通教育为从，尽可能不施高度之普通教育。”\[12\]其实质就是实施教育的愚民政策。《台湾民报》就此尖锐批判道：“‘凡统治殖民地的原住民族，须使他们无学文盲为安全’，这句话不但是后藤氏和东乡氏的所见，恐怕是殖民地领有者的共通心理。”13反映在课程和教科书上，我们看到普遍重视和推行的是日语、修身、技艺等课程与教材，其特色即以日语普及和技能训练为主，意在为殖民地训练既能够创造剩余价值但又不危及其**
**统治的低能劳动者。**
**第三是努力切断台湾人与祖国——中国的联系。台湾是日本近代的第一块殖民地，如何统治、“化育”异民族的台湾人，成为其在台统治的首要课题。日本殖民者据台之后实施了一系列的两岸分离政策，从政治、经济、文化等等各个方面切断台湾与祖国的脐带联系，按照矢内原忠雄的话就是“拿台湾拉开中国而与日本相结合”，4这当中教育的作用显然不可低估。日人曾感慨地说：“回顾创业之初，当时我国全无殖民地教育经验，甚至其相关知识亦极幼稚，该当如何确立本岛教育之基础并据以安定新附之民，实为不易之大难题。”151但即便如此，在初等教育中致力于消除台湾民众的中华文化传统，引人、灌输日本文化，从一开始就是日本殖民者教育政策的重要目标。首任总督府学务部长伊泽修二明确主张：“除以武力征服其外形外，还必须征服其精神，裨祛除其故国之念，发挥新国民精神。”\[16东乡实亦指出，殖民地的台湾教育，“大体上，即以将作为中华民族的台湾人同化于日本为其根本方针”：17其在课程设置与教科书上的具体体现，譬如增加了日本历史课程，在国语、修身教科书中大篇幅介绍天皇万世一系及日本历史名人故事，而中国历史人物(除了孔子等个别列为世界名人者)与山川河流则几乎不见踪影。所有这些，都是服务于日本在台殖民统治大方针的。**
**二、日语中心主义的课程设置**
**细究日据时期台湾初等教育课程设置，人们发现普及日语——即所谓国语教育自始至终都是其核心内容。如所周知，日本在台殖民统治以同化政策为其主轴，而同化之重要条件一取决于二者间的交流渠道是否畅通，二有待于殖民者的外部思想灌输，日本殖民者深知这一点：“凡得国须得民，而得民须得人心。若欲得人心，首先非得借沟通彼此思想的语言工具之力不可。”18后藤新平声称：“有许多不同的方针主导殖民统治，同化主义可能是其一，压抑主义可能是另一。我要说普及国语与培养特有的品德是迈向同化的第一步。”\[19.其中普及日语尤为殖民当局所重视，“台湾教育始终不渝之目的为国语普及”\[20\]日本侵占台湾之后，虽然由于缺乏殖民地统治经验而曾就治台方略有过一番争论，但以普及日语为教育第一方针的政策很早就已成为日本在台施政的既定目标。1903年11月的一次学事咨询会上，后藤新平就此做了详尽的解读：**
**这些天有人问我：“主导台湾教育的大方针是什么?”虽然我并不完全了解所谓“大方针”的意思，事实上，我还不能确定地说明大方针。当世界列强占领殖民地之前，通常会有军事占领前必要的预备时期，派遣传教士，或者使用其他方法，在占领前了解当地的种种状况。但是，占领本岛，全然没有这种预备。更甚的是，大多数的内地人(日本人)对殖民地或新版图统治，过去毫无经验。**
**因此，就经验方针之确立，必要多大的预备，要有科学调查资料，并详细研究新民族的风格、习惯等资料，根据这些新的资料才会有明确的立场。然后我们必须经过一个阶段，就是一个实验时期，也是无方针时期。这不应认为是推托或回避，因为这暗示在产生一明确的方针之前，是有预先的思考与精密的研究。这并不表示，现在什么事都不做、没有目标、什么都不教。我肯定地说，虽然教育的基本方针还未确立，但是，已经明白说出设立公学校的目的，就是要普及国语。12\]1**
**后藤的这番长篇大论为我们揭示了日本殖民者的一个坚定信念，即普及日语是台湾教育的第一要务，即便是在全盘教育方针尚未定型的时候，国语教育本身就已经是确定了的事项，不受任何干扰。**
**那么，日据时期台湾初等教育课程安排又是如何反映殖民当局的教育总体思路的呢?请参看下表：**
**表1 日据时期台湾初等教育课程设置表**
| **明治四十年(1907年)** | | | **大正十--年(1922年)** | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| **课 程** | **内 容** | **周学时** | **课程** | **内名容** | **周学时** |
| **修身** | **道德之要旨** | **2** | **修身** | **道德之要旨** | **2** |
| **国语** | **简易事项之说法、汉字混用会话文之读法、作文写法** | **14** | **国语** | **普通说话法、读法、作文、写法** | **10** |
| **算术** | **小数、复数及珠算之加减** | **5** | **算术** | **整数、小数、复数、(珠算加减)** | **4** |
| **汉文** | **简易文章之读法、作文** | **5** | **日本历史** | **日本历史概要** | **2** |
| **体操** | **游戏及普通体操** | **2** | **地理** | **日本地理概要** | **2** |
| **唱歌** | **单音唱歌** | **1** | **理科** | **植物、动物、矿物及自然现象、通常物理化学上之现象** | **2** |
| **裁缝** | **通常衣类之缝法、补法** | **4(女)** | **书画** | **简易速描** | **1** |
| **手工** | **简易细工** | | **唱歌** | **单音唱歌、简易复音唱歌** | **1** |
| **农业** | **农事概要** | | **体操** | **体操、教练、游戏** | **2** |
| **商业** | **商事概要** | | **实业科目** | **(农业)农业概要及实习(商业)商业概要及实习(手工)简易制作** | **4(男)** |
| **：** | | | **裁缝及家事** | **简易裁缝及手工艺、家事概要及实习** | **5(女)** |
| | | | **汉文** | **简易文章之读法、作文** | **(2)** |
**资料来源：据财团法人台湾教育会：《台湾教育沿革志》，许锡庆译注，南投：“国史馆”台湾文献馆，2010年，第126-127，172-173页表格编制。本表所列示者为六年制公学校五年级课程。**
**综合观察上表，有以下几个方面值得关注：其一，初等教育课程设置趋于全面和系统。相较而言，1922年增加了历史、地理、理科和书画课，扩大了学生的知识面，而将于工、农业、商业等压缩为一个综合课程，但明显的是，初等教育学制增为6年，增加授课时数，学生的课业负担加重了。其二，汉文越来越被摆在了次要的地位。1907年的课表中，汉文仅次于国语(日语)处于第三位，且占有5个学时。仅仅过了14年，在1922年课表中，汉文就已经被摆在了最后·位，仅仅2个学时，并被打上括号，属于学校可依实际情况灵活处理的情形。汉文在殖民地台湾初等教育中的地位以一落千丈形容实恰如其分：1918年的全岛学务系长会议曾经“全场一致”决议完全废止汉文，只是由于其他原因未能立刻实施，但减少课时成为大趋势。221其二，修身和国语占据着最为重要的位置，修身课雷打不动地居于首位，尽管看上去课时并不算太多，但其强制性和一本正经的“庄重性”却着实让学生们不得不谨慎对待，加上对天皇《教育救语》如同宗教仪轨般念颂尊崇，每日不停地影响着台湾少年儿童，其给受教育者带来的冲击实非几个课时所能机械衡量。“在本岛之初等教育，无比国语科更重要者”，\[23】我们看到，国语课是所有科目中课时最长的，周课时在10-14之间(上引1922年五年级课表国语课时为10，实际上二、三、四学年均为14课时241)，它凸显了殖民教育当局对日语普及的重视。殖民当局多次内部会议均做出了“更上一层贯彻国民精神之涵养”“更加增进儿童的国语能力”的决议。25\]同时国语及修身教育并不仅只在国语、修身课，殖民者强调：“无论任何教学科目应常留意德性之涵养与国语之熟】。”\[26\]换言之，日语、修身渗透到了所有的学校教育领域。271以下揭载的1922年殖民者的一份训**
**令即是对普及日语及强化修身意义的最好注解，其文云：**
**公学校之目的在教育本岛人儿童，培养国民性格与习得实用技能。其教学科目均系为贯彻此目的而选定，原本纵然彼此不分轩轻，然国语为我国民精神之所寄，与修身相辅相成在国民性格养成上占有特殊地位。**
**修身、国语二科如上所述，在国民性格养成上占有特殊地位，故于公学校不论在教室的内外，也不分教科的甲乙，在任何时间任何地点皆应时常注意督促实践之，力求熟悉之，非仅在规定的授课时间内教导示范之，且不应仅只考虑其成绩而已。28**
**在此，事情已经再明白不过了，培养什么样的人才是次要的，而如何借教育的力量同化殖民地人民，使之熟练掌握殖民者给予的语言，形成基于该语言之上的思考模式，养成日本人的国民精神，这才是日本殖民者真正在意的东西。正如殖民当局颁布的《台湾教育令》开篇所述：“教育依据教育敕语之意旨，以培养忠良国民为本义”，\[291一方面是汉文的衰落，另方面是日益扩充的日语普及与日式修身训练，一增一减间，日据时期台湾初等教育课程安排所显现的不正是“拿台湾拉开中国而与日本相结合”为核心的同化政策在教育领域的全面落实与实践吗!**
**三、以同化为核心的教科书编纂**
**以上我们大致梳理了日据时期台湾初等教育课程设置的历史发展轨迹，指出其以日语普及教育为中心的实质特色，但殖民当局的教育指导方针要得到贯彻，还有待于各方面配套措施与之相衔接，教科书即是达成这一目标的关键环节。**
**我们知道，教科书是教育输入的最重要元素之一，教科书提供给受教育者的课文反映了支配阶级的基本文化观念，它反映了一个社会的价值观与社会规范，是官方认可传授给新生代的事实、信息、故事和人们冀望新生代习得的规则、规范和行为模式。教师则借由教科书，在课堂环境下把价值、态度、知识和技能传授给学生，并为学生升学奠定知识基础。教科书既在教育中有如此重要的地位，日本殖民当局自不会放松其重视态度。整个日据时期，全台教科书之审定大权由殖民当局一手掌握，1900年总督府颁布《公学校用教科书审查规程》，设置公学校用教科书审查委员，由总督直接任命，审查委员长则由教育主管之学务课长亲任，审查意见应向总督报告。审查委员除认定官修教科书外，对采自民间的文本，亦负有“检定其适当与否”之责。30.《台湾教育令》第四十八、四十九条规定：“公学校之教科用图书，应为台湾总督府拥有著作权者。若无前项图书时，州知事或厅长得于获得台湾总督认可后，另使用其他图书。”“补习科之教科用图书于获得州知事或厅长之认可后，由学校校长定之。”31义据《台湾公学校规则》第七章第六十五条：“公学校之教科用图书，应使用台湾总督府所编修者。若缺前项之图书，厅长得使用经台湾总督检定之教科用图书，或台湾总督认可之其他图书。若系前项阶段之情况，厅长须预先陈报台湾总督。”：32\]殖民当局还为教科书的编纂增设了专门的教科书编修官，其人员组成与审查委员多有交叉。凡此种种在在体现出日据时期殖民当局对初等教育教科书的高度重视与强力控制。**
**最早的殖民地初等教育教科书可说是在烽火硝烟中诞生的，1895年6月18日，就在日本殖民者在台北举行所谓“始政仪式”的第二天，总督府学务部即告成立，首任学务部长伊泽修二在给台湾总督桦山资纪的意见书中提出：“新领地台湾教育之方针，大体分二途。第一乃目前急需之教育关系事项，**
**第位永远之教育事业是也。日前急需之教育相关事项，一、应开沟通彼此思想沟通之管道：(甲)应设法让新领地人民尽速学习日本语…为达上述……月的，(一)须编辑浅易适切之会话书……”总督府学务部亦认为当务之急为“首先计划会话书之编辑”。\[33-在芝山岩学堂时代，伊洋氏在给总督府民政局长的意见书中再就教科书问题发表看法：“应编辑新领地用的会话篇，教本岛人以日本语，教内地人以土语，藉以沟通彼此思想，又应编辑、出版本岛用的各种教科书，并调查本岛的地理、历史等，编辑新领地志，俾供施政之参考。”计34」**
**教科书是教师授课的主要依据，日人规定：“(教师应依据)规定之教学课程及教科书与参考书，制作一学年中之教课细目及每周授课之教学方案，并就学生之学业进步状况、性格品格、才能、交友、勤惰、赏罚及体格等，做平常视察及记录”。那么日据时期的初等教育教科书的编纂与使用又是怎样贯彻殖民者的教育方针并服务于同化政策的呢?以下我们即以国语教科书为例做一剖析。**
**从历史上看，日据时期台湾公学校国语教科书审定发行大致以1937年皇民化运动为标志，分为前后两个阶段。前期为府定第一期到第四期审定教科书，1913年之前称作《台湾适用国语读本初步》《台湾教科用书国民读本》(1-12卷)，之后称为《公学校用国语读本》(1-12卷)，1937年皇民化运动后为府定第四、第五期教科书，名称初时仍沿用《公学校用国语读本》，后改为《口夕口/二<二》(1-4)《初等科国语》(1-8)，363应是属于殖民当局下令取消公学校与小学校之分，适应初等教育统一为国民学校的改革措施而与之相配套。国语教科书内容也发生了一些新的变化，为了呼应皇民化运动，特别增加了涵养国民精神的内容，课本分量加大，程度也随之提高。137J**
**诚然，初等教育对象为少年儿童，以其纯真的天性适合于什么样的学习内容，实具有人类的普世准则，即便是日本殖民者亦未能逃脱其规律。日本殖民者明文规定：“国语应选择简易且为模范教材教之，避免方言。其教材应为修身、历史、地理、理科、产业、家事及其他生活上必需事项且饶富趣味者。”38\\因此，生活化与趣味性一定是国语教科书的大然样貌。譬如《口方虫》一一课介绍了有关金龟子的知识，课文描述道：“金龟子有许多种，弟弟捉的有我的拇指头大小。翅膀是琉璃色，闪闪发光。在这底下，另有一层薄翅膀横直折叠着。飞的时候，这个薄翅膀，嗡然张开。”趣味性之后是知识性，课文接着写道：“此虫白天大抵静静地停着，但一到晚上，到处飞绕着，啃着草或树叶。此际，邻居的叔叔走来，说道：‘今年因为被金龟子啃枯了，葡萄着实不好。’”\[39\]体现了寓教于乐的教育思想。不过，若以为日据时期的台湾国语教科书就是这样一种如诗如画般的情景那就大错特错了。为揭示日据时期殖民地国语教学的同化教育实质，以下我们试列举若干国语教科书课文予以说明(选择的教科书为府定第二期《公学校用国语读本》)：**
**明治天皇(卷六第一课)**
**明治天皇是伟大的人，就在这一位天皇的朝代，我国变得很昌隆，我们都受到他的恩泽。 _以_ 前台湾有很多土匪加害于人。那时，天皇派了北白川宫能久亲王征讨乱贼，除此之外，天皇也常常挂念台湾的事情，因此我们在这里才能平安的过日子。**
**天皇陛下(卷八第一课)**
**(大正天皇)他自小就非常聪明，文武双全。他秉袭父亲明治天皇的气质，具有仁爱的心，继位以后，更加的关心人民，我们能够在仁爱的天皇底下过日子是多么快乐的事情。**
**总督府(卷十二第二课)**
**台湾总督府，治理台湾整个事情，由总督做统帅，设立辅助官为总务长官，总督府内有总督官房及内务局等六局一部，里面又分几个课，办理各部门的行政。**
**今日我们能过安详的日子，都是因为设立这些机关和学校的关系…….140**
**感念天皇之浩荡皇恩、安享总督治理下安和乐丽的美满生活、努力体会身为日本人的幸福等等，这就是殖民者在普及日语的同时所要传达给台湾少年儿童的强烈信息。台湾学者周婉窈曾根据府定第三期国语读本分类分析，得出结论说：在日据时期初等教育国语教科书中日本历史、文化、地理及天皇、爱国教育只占57课时，而实学知识、近代化占了68课时，台湾事物也占67课时，道德教育为46课时，其余劳动者占6课时，中国事物占5课时，据此，她认为日本相关事物在公学校国语教科书中所占地位并不像人们想象的那样具有压倒性比例，这种现象“很值得探讨”\[41\]在这里周教授没有给出她的分类标准，人们不易了解其究竟将哪些课文归人了哪一类。但是，即便其上述分类是科学合理的，她也忘记了一个基本的事实，这就是我们在文章中反复强调的，日式同化教育不仅仅是看教科书中安排的那些课程，或是看国语课有多少课时，更重要的是它已经全方位地渗透进了所有的教学科日中。在此我们不妨再引《台湾公学校规则》第九条：“公学校对任何教学科目，应经常注意德性之涵养与国语之熟习，力求陶冶国民必要之性格。”42.任何课程与教科书，“在(台湾人)每一个人之脑海内，时时要有日本之观念至为重要”。431因此，机械地偏信国语教科书分类数字而忽视其背后的实际政策推演及其效果，恐怕是会陷于“不识庐山真面目”的境地吧。**
**持平而论，世界各国初等教育在教育宗旨、课程设置和教科书编纂指导原则上，大体还是趋于一致的。如我国清末以“忠君、尊孔、尚公、尚武、尚实”为教育宗旨，民国初年之教育方针为“注重道德教育，以实利教育，军国民教育辅之，更以美感教育完成其道德”。1912年颁布的《普通教育暂行课程之标准》对初等教育课程的规定是：“高等小学校之学科目，为修身、国文、算术、中华历史、地理、博物、理化、图画、手工(兼游戏)，女子加课裁缝。视地方情形，得加设唱歌、外国语、农、工、商业之一科目或数科日。”：44.这种一致性实为初等教育发展规律所决定。然而，日据时期殖民当局初等教育课程与教科书却与此形相似而实异之。在这里，冠名所谓“修身”之道德教育乃基于天皇《教育敕语》，目标是对异民族的台湾人进行日本化的思想改造；“国语”教育中则一方面逐步清除汉文影响力，另一方面授之以殖民者给予的语言，以求殖民者与被殖民者间沟通之顺畅无碍。所有这一切，都是为了一个共同的目标，即同化台湾人民，矢内原忠雄称其为：“确立以国语教育及国民道德的教授为普通教育的根本，而欲以教育的力量同化台湾人及先住民。”\[45\]在教科书编纂上，“化导新国民，尊崇皇室，为要培养爱国之民性，对于两陛下之圣德不用说，对于历代天皇爱抚百姓之事迹亦多提示，其他古今为国而不顾自己生命财产之人士小传逸事……，加强编人各种教材”1461于是人们便看到孝科书所充斥的是尊崇大皇，鼓吹殖民统治有功论，宣扬作为日本人之无比幸福的篇章。因此，殖民者的如此立意使得其与通常国家或地区的初等教育有了本质的区别，不可一概等同视之。当然，日本殖民者对台湾民众实施的同化政策，表面上高调宣扬所谓“一视同仁”，看似光鲜亮丽，内里则夹带着肮脏的私货，其实质早被矢内原忠雄所揭穿：“盖在经济及教育，同化是日本及日本人的利益，拥护这种利益的武器，则在政治的不同化，即专制制度的维持。”47\]换句话说，日据时期殖民当局的教育政策乃是要求台湾人向日本及日本文化的单向、无条件同化，以制造出一批没有政治权利但又具备若干程度文化的殖民地顺民，而殖民者乐于发展台湾教育事业的真正动机亦正在于此。**
**注释：**
**\[1\]陈小冲：《日据时期台湾教育发展述论》，《台湾研究集刊》，1995 年第3/4期。**
\[2\]3 **王连生：《初等教育研究》(修订版)，台北：五南图书出版公司，1995年，第108页。**
**\[3\]\[4\]\[15\]\[22\]\[24\]{25\]\[26\]\[27\]\[28\]\[29\]\[30\]\[31\]\[32\]\[33\]\[34\]\[35\]\[38\]\[42\]财团法人台湾教育会：《台湾教育沿祥志》，许锡庆译，南投：“国史馆”台湾文献馆，2010年，第1页，第24页，第1页，第147 贞，第172页，第147页，第165页，第147页，第146页，第148页，第26页，第168页，第139页，第4-5页，第6页，第75页，第26页，第152页。**
**\[5\]\[6\]\[8\]\[43\]林品桐译著：总督府档案翻译八、教育系列之一：《台湾总督府公文类纂教育史料汇编与研究》(以下简称《台湾总督府教育档案》)(上)，南投；台湾省文献委员会，2001年，第163页，第10页，第161页，第163 页。**
\[7\]\[ **\[37\]参阅王锦雀：《日治时期公民教育与公民特性》，台北：台湾古籍出版有限公司，2005年，第66页，第190-191页。**
**：9\]\[\[23\]\[46\]《台湾总督府教育档案》(下)，第1284页，第1381页，第1382-1383页。**
**\[10\]《宜兰耆老谈日据下的军事与教育》(信兰文献丛刊9)，宜兰：县立文化中心，1996年，第176页。**
**\[11\]宿利重一：《儿玉源太郎》，东京：国际日本协会昭和十八年版，第335页。**
**\[12\]参阅吴密察：《台湾近代史研究》，台北：稻乡出版社，1990年，第160页。**
**\[13\]《排斥愚民教育要求人格教育》，《台湾民报》，大正十四年11月23日，**
**\[14\]\[45\]\[47\]矢内原忠雄：《日本帝国主义下之台湾》，台北：台湾银行，1964年，第87页，第76页，第84页。**
**\[16\]\[19\]\[21\]转引白王锦雀：《日治时期台湾公民教育与公民特性》，台北：台湾古籍出版有限公司，2005年，第50页，第68页，第67-68页。**
**\[17\]东乡实、伊藤四郎：《台湾殖民地发达史》，台北：晃文馆，1916年，第416页。**
**\[18\]参阅吴文星：《日据时期台湾总督府推广口语运动初探(上)》，《台湾风物》，第37卷第1期。**
**\[20\]井出季和太：《南进日本史考》，东京：诚美书阁，昭和十八年，第122页。**
**\[36\]周婉窈：《海行兮的年代——日本殖民统治末期台湾史论集》，台北：允晨文化实业股份有限公司，2004年，第221** 页。
**\[39\]台湾总督府《公学校用国民读本》第一种(第三期)，台北：南天书局，2003年，卷3，第39-42贝；参阅周婉窈：《海行兮的年代——日本殖民统治末期台湾史论集》，第236页。**
**\[40\]年台湾总督府《公学校用国民读木》(第二期)，卷6，第1-2页，卷8，第1-2页，卷12，第3-4页；参见彭焕胜：《台湾教育史》，台北：丽文文化事业股份有限公司，2009年，第256、257页。**
：41周 **周婉窈：《海行兮的年代——日本殖民统治末期台湾史论集》，第226、269页。**
**\[44\]吴小鸥：《中国近代教科书的启蒙价值》，福州：福建教育出版社，2011年，第50、51页。**
**(责任编辑：陈忠纯)**
**On the Curriculum of Primary Education and the Textbooks in Taiwan during the Japanese Occupation Period**
**Chen Xiaochong**
**Abstract：There had had a relatively large development in elementary education in Taiwan during the Japanese oecupation period. However， from the perspective of the course offered and the textbooks， the main purpose of the colonial authorities for the education policy was found to educate Taiwan people to respect the Japanese royal family， enhance the eentripetal force of Taiwan to Japan and do all they could to popularize Japanese in Taiwan. On the other hand， the Japanese colonialists were also committed to training the low-level personnel who could create surplus value for the colonialists but did not hamper their domi-nant position， and finally assimilating Taiwan people into Japanese Taiwanese.**
**Key Words：during the Japanese occupation period， turriculuin selling， textbooks， assimilation policy** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **农民专业合作社存货的会计核算**
**文/赵晓菊 朱 菁 孙秀梅**
**农民合作社存货包括种子、化肥、燃料、农药、原材料、机械零配件、低值易耗品、在产品、农产品、工业产成品、受托代销商品、受托代购商品、委托代销商品和委托加工物资等。可以设置“产品物资”“委托加工物资”、“委托代销商品”“受托代购商品”“受托代销商品”5个会计科目进行核算。**
**一、产品物资的账务处理**
**合作社库存的各种产品和物资通过“产品物资”科日核算。合作社购人并已验收入库的产品物资，按实际支付或应支付的价款，借记“产品物资"科目，贷记“库存现金”、“银行存款”等科月。**
**【例1】某合作社购入N肥5吨，价款总计15000元，货款已用银行存款支付，另用现金支付运费3000元。**
借：产品物资—N肥 18000
**合作社的产品物资领用时，借记“生产成本”“在建工程”、“管理费用”等科日，贷记“产品物资”科日。**
**【例2】上述合作社在生产中领用上述N肥500斤，用于合作社黄瓜生产。**
**500斤N肥成本计算如下：(18000/20000×5)×500=900(元)**
**合作社产品物资销售时，按实际的销售收人，借记“库存现金”、“银行存款”“应收款”等科目，贷记“经营收入”科目；按销售产品物资的实际成本，借记“经营支出”科目，贷记“产品物资”科目。**
**【例3】上述合作社与佳乐家超市实现农超对接，销售蒜薹5000公斤(蒜薹保存在合作社冷库中)，销售价格为每公斤6元，款项暂欠。**
借：应收款一佳乐家超市 30000
**同时，结转本批蒜薹的销售成本18000元(根据成本明细账)。**
借：经营支出一蒜薹 18000
**合作社的产品物资应当定期清查盘点，盘亏和毁损产品物资，经审核批准后，按照责任人和保险公司赔偿金额，借记“成员往来”、应收款”等科目，按责任人或保险公司赔偿金额后的净损失，借记“其他支出”科目，按盘亏和毁损产品物资的账目余额，贷记“产品物资”科目。**
**【例4】上述合作社仓库管理员李伟没有保管好黄瓜种了，造成1000克黄瓜种子变霉，此黄瓜种子购买价格为300元，经研究决定，由李伟承担2/3责任，其余由公司承担。**
借：成员往来--李伟 200
其他支出 100
贷：产品物资 _300_
**二、委托加工物资的账务处理**
**合作社的委托加工物资通过“委托加工物资”科目进行核算，通过本科日核算合作社委托外单位加工的各种物资的实际成本；发给外单位加工的物资，按委托加工物资的实际成本，借记“委托加工物资”科月，贷记“产品物资”等科目。**
**按合作社支付该项委托加工的全部费用(加工费、运杂费等)，借记“委托加工物资”科目，贷记“库存现金”“银行存款”等科目，**
**【例5】上述合作社将库存的款式陈旧的农业机械零件10个，账面价值800元，送到加工厂进行加工改造，用现金支付加工费及运费200元，加工完成后重新人库备用。**
**借：委托加工物资一机械零配件**
**支付运费及加工费时：**
**借：委托加工物资一机械零配件 200**
贷：现金 200
**零配件加工完成入库：**
借：产品物资一零配件 1000
贷：委托加工物资 1000
**三、委托代销商品的账务处理**
**合作社委托代销商品应通过“委托代销商品”科目进行核算。发给外单位销售商品时，按委托代销商品的实际成本，借记“委托代销商品”科目，贷记“产品物资”等科目。**
**【例6】上述合作社将本社储存的圆葱委托佳乐家超市代销，本月共代销圆葱5000斤，库存成本为每公斤5元，总计12500元、**
借：委托代销商品—圆葱 12500
**合作社收到代销单位报来的代销清单时，按应收金额，借记“应收款”科目，按应确认的收入，贷记“经营收人”科目；按应支付的手续费等，借记“经营支出”科目，贷记“应收款”科目；同时，按代销商品的实际成本(或售价)，借记“经营支出”科目，贷记“委托代销商品”科目；收到代销款时，借记“银行存款”科目，贷记“应收款”科目。**
**【例7】上述合作社收到佳乐家超市的圆葱代销清单，代销价格为每斤10元；代销手续费为销售价格的20%。**
借：应收款一佳乐家超市 25000
贷：经营收人 25000
借：经营支出 5000
**【例7】上述合作社收到佳乐家代销圆葱款20000元，款项以支票结算。**
借：银行存款 20000
贷：应收款 20000
**四、受托代购商品的账务处理**
**合作社收受托代购商品业务时，通过“受托代购商品”科日进行核算，收到受托代购商品款时，借记“库存现金”“银行存款"等科目，贷记“成员往来”等科目。**
**【例7】上述合作社收到社员委托购买的种子款8000元。借：库存现金 8000**
**合作社将受托代购商品交付给委托方时，按代购商品的实际成本，借记“成员往来”、“应付款”等科月，贷记“受托代购商品”科目。如果受托代购商品收取手续费，按应收款的手续费，借记“成员往来”等科目，贷记“经营收人”科目，收到手续费时，借记“库存现金"、“银行存款”等科目，贷记“成员往来”等科目。**
**【例8】上述合作社统一给本社社员代购回种子，并不收取任何手续费。**
借：受托代购商品一种子 8000
**五、委托代销商品的账务处理**
**合作社接受委托代销商品的通过“委托代销商品”科目进行账务处理，该科目核算委托代销商品的实际成本。**
**合作社收到委托代销商品时，按合同或协议约定的价格借记“委托代销商品”科目，贷记“成员往来”等科目。**
**合作社售出受托代销商品时，按实际收到的价款，借记“库存现金"、“银行存款”等科目，按合同或协议约定的价格，贷记“委托代销商品”科目，如果实际收到的价款大于合同或协议约定的价格，按其差额贷记“经营收人"等科目；如果实际收到的价格小于合同或协议约定的价格，按其差额，借记“经营支出”等科目。合作社给付委托方代销商品款时，借记“成员往来”等科目，贷记“库存现金”、“银行存款”等科目。**
**【例9】上述合作社收到本社社员委托代销干辣椒5000公斤，合同委托价格每公斤10元。**
**【例10】上述合作社将社员委托代销商品全部售出，销售价格每公斤12元，款项通过银行结算。**
借：银行存款 60000
贷：委托代销商品 50000
经营收人 10000
**【例11】合作社结算社员委托代销的土豆，款项以现金支付。**
借：成员往来一各户 50000
贷：库存现金 50000
**作者单位：山东省平度市农业局**
**(责任编辑：小** **轩)** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 对不同客体上的汗潜指纹的显现与提取
谢继兵1，郑中华2，胥 慧1
(1.建湖县公安局，江苏建湖224700；2.盐城市公安局，江苏盐城224001)
摘 要：对汗潜指纹的显现与提取，应根据其客体的不同而选择不同的粉末和方法。如使用方法得当，就会获得满意的效果。
关键词：汗潜指纹；磁性粉末；磁性刷
在日常的勘查工作中，对于汗潜指纹，应根据其客体的不同而选择不同的粉末和方法进行显现和提取。如使用方法得当，就会获得满意的效果。
一、案例资料
案例1：2004年12月，江苏省建湖县李某家被盗。犯罪嫌疑人趁事主熟睡之机，从厨房阳台翻窗人室。阳台用白色铝合金封闭，由此分析作案人进人厨房必须攀爬阳台窗框。经仔细观察发现，窗框下方白色瓷砖上留有汗潜指纹。瓷砖表面有少量污垢，较为潮湿。分析认为是作案人入室过程中，用手按压窗框下方的瓷砖表面所形成的。
由于金粉、银粉的吸水性和附着力太强，加之客体表面相对潮湿，在其表面会被完全吸附，因此会使乳突线花纹和小犁沟难以区分，形成模糊一片，甚至破坏指纹。又由于客体表面为白色，经过分析和比对，我们选择了黑色磁性粉末，用磁性刷蘸粉末对遗留指纹的客体表面进行刷显：稍等几分钟，让粉末充分吸收水分，后再用毛刷将多余的粉末清理掉，直至显现出清晰的指纹。用胶带粘取指纹后进行扫描，发送至省公安厅指纹大库进行查询，经比对，认定与衡水市公安局捺印的四川籍人员曲某的指纹一致。
案例2：2005年2月，江苏省盐城市开发区某路段电缆被盗，犯罪分子将管线挖开后将 PVC 保温层剥开。技术人员分析，PVC保温层碎片上极有可能遗留有犯罪分子的潜在汗
液指纹，遂将保温层碎片带回进行处理。
保温层本身具有较大的弧度，表面附着有灰尘等物质，如果使用常规的显现方法进行显现，则难以收到良好的效果。技术人员用磁刷蘸取碳粉，用磁粉末端与 PVC碎片接触，将另一块磁极与磁刷相反的磁铁端放在 PVC 碎片的另一面，然后隔着 PVC碎片反复移动两侧的磁刷，直至显现出理想的潜在指纹。刷显完成后，将多余的粉末用洗耳球吹走，这时 PVC 碎片表面显现出一枚清晰的指纹。此方法与常规显现方法相比较具有反差大、立体感强等优点。
二、讨论
案例1中，粉末显现的原理在于潜在手印的沉积物与粉末的机械吸附和静电吸附作用。潜在手印沉积物中的汗液和油脂具有一定的吸附力，当显现粉末附着于客体表面时，粉末与手印沉积物产生强烈的亲和作用，使手印着色。用磁性粉末显现潜在汗液指纹，纹线清晰，背景光洁，特征点稳定，从而为认定犯罪嫌疑人奠定了良好的基础。
案例2中，指纹显现的原理是：当PVC 碎片的另一侧放有另一块磁铁时，两端的磁力线穿过 PVC 碎片形成磁场。在磁力线的作用下，磁粉紧密接触 PVC 碎片，增大了磁粉与客体表面之间的压力，使潜在指纹尽可能多地吸附磁性粉末，从而显现出理想的指纹。但应注意的是客体不宜过厚。当客体的厚度超过 6cm 时，将影响显现效果。
收稿日期：2008-09-06
作者简介：谢继兵(1975一)，男，江苏建湖人，江苏省建湖县公安局刑事科学技术室主任，痕检工程师；郑中华(1978一)，男，江苏建湖人，江苏省盐城市公安局刑侦支队痕检工程师；胥慧(1984一)女，江苏建湖人，江苏省建湖县公安局刑事科学技术室痕检助理工程师。 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | ·贸易监测·
2020年1~6月中国农产品贸易监测
李蔚青 韩 啸
(农业农村部农业贸易促进中心 北京100125)
2020年上半年，尽管新冠肺炎疫情在全球蔓延，中国农产品贸易仍然保持增长态势，增幅比2019年同期增长6个百分点。贸易逆差扩大三成，比2019年同期增长20个百分点。
1 2020年1~6月中国农产品贸易总体情况
上半年中国农产品贸易额1166.8亿美元，同比增长7.4%。其中，出口额354.2亿美元，下降3.8%；进口额812.6亿美元，增长13.1%；贸易逆差458.4亿美元，扩大30.9%。
前5大出口市场依次为东盟、、日本、欧盟、中国香港和美国，出口额合计245.3亿美元，占农产品出口总额的69.3%。与2019年同期相比，对东盟和美国出口额增长，对日本、欧盟和中国香港均下降，降幅最大的是中国香港，为12.7%。
前5大进口来源地依次为巴西、东盟、欧盟、美国和澳大利亚，进口额合计532.8亿美元，占农产品进口总额的65.6%。与2019年同期相比，自澳大利亚进口额下降6.8%，自其余4大进口来源地进口额均增长，增幅最大的是美国，为55.4%。
2
2020年1~6月中国重要农产品贸易变化
谷物净进口增加超四成，食用油籽和食糖进口分别增长近两成，棉花进口减少超两成，食用植物油进口略有减少。
2.1 谷物净进口增加，高粱产品进口激增
谷物净进口量1103.8万t，同比增长43.3%、厍
其中，小麦产品进口量335.2万t，增长90.3%；玉米产品进口量365.7万t，增长17.6%；稻谷产品进口量123.8万t，减少2.4%；大麦产品进口量244.5万t，减少20.8%；；高粱产品进口量177.7万t，增长154.8倍。另外，作为玉米制品，玉米酒糟((DDGs)进口量1.9万t，减少47.7%。木薯(主要是干木薯)进口量197.7万t，减少0.9%。
小麦产品前5大进口来源地为法国、澳大利亚、加拿大、立陶宛和哈萨克斯坦，自5国进口量占小麦产品进口总量的92.2%，小麦产品自法国和澳大利亚的进口量激增。
大麦产品进口来源地很集中，主要进口自澳大利亚和加拿大，两国进口量占进口总量的86.7%、自澳大利亚进口量减少33.3%。
高粱产品自美国进口量激增，由2019年同期的157t 增至173.6万t，占进口总量的97.7%。
2.2
棉花进口量、进口额均下降
棉花进口量94万t，同比减少23.6%；进口额15.9亿美元，下降32%。此外，棉花替代性产品棉纱~进口量86.5万t，减少16.3%。
前5大进口来源地依次为巴西、美国、印度、澳大利亚和苏丹，自上述5国进口量占棉花进口量总量的91.6%、其中，自印度、澳大利亚和苏丹进口量减少，自巴西和美国进口量分别增长30.1%和22.5%。
棉纱在进出口统计归类中属于工业品。
2.3 食用油籽进口增长，大豆自前4大进口来源地进口均增长
食用油籽进口量量4 811.7万t，，同比增长16.6%，进口额196.4亿美元，增长11.9%。其中，大豆进口量4504.4万t，增长17.7%；油菜籽进口量 147.5万t，减少23.4%。
大豆进口国别主要是巴西、美国、阿根廷、乌拉圭和俄罗斯，从上述5国进口量占大豆进口总量的99.8%，从巴西、美国、阿根廷和乌拉圭进口量均增长。
2.4
食用植物油进口减少，主要是棕榈油自印度尼西亚进口减少
食用植物油进口量485.8万tt，同比减少1.3%，进口额35.7亿美元，增长12.6%。其中，棕榈油进口量260.3万t，减少19.5%，占食用植物油进口总量的53.6%。棕榈油主要进口自印度尼西亚和马来西亚，两国进口量合计259万t，占进口总量比重为99.5%。自印度尼西亚进口量减少42.7%。
2.5
食糖进口量、进口额均增长
食糖进口量124.3万t，同比增长16.2%；进口额4.6亿美元，增长23%。主要进口来源地为巴西、古巴、萨尔瓦多、印度和泰国，从上述5国进口量占食糖进口总量的88.2%。
3 2020年1~6月中国出口优势农产品贸易情况
中国水产品贸易顺差大幅收窄，蔬菜顺差收窄，茶叶顺差扩大。
3.1 水产品出口额下降，贸易顺差大幅收窄
水产品出口额84.5亿美元，同比下降16.3%。贸易顺差5.4亿美元，收窄60.8%。
水产品细分种类较多，出口产品集中度较低，前10大出口产品出口额合计41.9亿美元，占水产品出口总额的49.6%。
水产品前5大出口市场依次为日本、美国、韩国、中国香港和泰国，其中，除对泰国出口额增长16.6%外，对其余4大出口市场出口额均下降10%以上。
3.2 蔬菜出口额下降，贸易顺差收窄
蔬菜出口额71.5亿美元，同比下降1.0%、贸库三
ationalSocial Sciences号 Database易顺差66.2亿美元，收窄1.8%。蔬菜出口仍以鲜冷冻蔬菜和加工保藏蔬菜为主，两者出口额合计占蔬菜出口总额的78.6%。与2019年同期相比，鲜冷冻蔬菜和加工保藏蔬菜出口量、出口额均增长。
按出口额排序，上半年出口额前10的蔬菜产品依次为大蒜、蘑菇(干)、蘑菇(加工)、生姜、番茄(加工)、辣椒(干)、大蒜(干)、木耳、洋葱和马铃薯，出口额合计39.9亿美元，占蔬菜出口总额的55.8%。其中，蘑菇(干)、番茄(加工)、木耳和洋葱的出口额下降。
蔬菜前10大出口市场基本稳定，依次为日本、中国香港、越南、马来西亚、韩国、美国、泰国、俄罗斯、印度尼西亚和新加坡，出口额合计51.3亿美元，占蔬菜出口总额的71.7%。
3.3 茶叶出口量减少、出口额增长，贸易顺差扩大
茶叶出口量18.3万t，同比减少2.4%；出口额10.7亿美元，增长5.3%。贸易顺差9.8亿美元，扩大8.1%。出口茶叶以绿茶为主，上半年出口6.3亿美元，同比增长1.5%，占茶叶出口总额的59.5%。
按出口额排序，茶叶前5大出口市场为中国香港、摩洛哥、越南、马来西亚和美国，出口额合计5.9亿美元，占出口总额的55%。
4
主要农产品贸易逆差情况
水果贸易逆差略有扩大，，畜产品贸易逆差大幅扩大近六成。
4.1
水果贸易逆差扩大
水果出口额29.9亿美元，同比增长21.0%；进口额66.7亿美元，增长11.6%；贸易逆差36.8亿美元，扩大5%。
出口方面，与2019年同期相比，水果汁出口额激增76.6%，鲜冷冻水果和水果罐头出口额分别增长27.5%和9.3%。前5大出口水果出口额均增长，增幅最大的是苹果(汁)，为98.6%。水果前10大出口市场中，对越南、美国、泰国、菲律宾、马来西亚、中国香港和缅甸出口额增长，增幅最大的是缅甸，为75.3%；对日本、印度尼西亚和俄罗斯出口额下降，降幅最大的是俄罗斯，为36.5%。
进口方面，与2019年同期相比，鲜冷冻水果进口额增长13.8%，水果汁和水果罐头进口额分别下
降26.8%和23.8%。前5大进口水果中，榴链和樱桃进口额增长，葡萄、香蕉和山竹果进口额下降。前10大进口来源地中，自菲律宾、新西兰、秘鲁、厄瓜多尔和美国进口额下降，降幅最大的是菲律宾，为26.4%；自泰国、智利、越南、澳大利亚和印度尼西亚进口额增长，增幅最大的是印度尼西亚，为58.7%
4.2
畜产品贸易逆差大幅扩大
畜产品进口额240.0亿美元，同比增长43.4%；出口额26.4亿美元，下降18.1%；贸易逆差213.6亿美元，扩大58.1%。其中，猪肉进口量207.4万t，增长1.5倍；牛肉进口量99.7万t，增长42.9%；羊肉进口量20.6万t，减少4.4%；奶粉进口量74.8万t，减少2.9%。
出口方面，出口额超过1亿美元的畜产品是家禽产品、肠衣、生猪产品、羽毛、蜂产品、动物毛和乳品7类产品，出口额合计23.3亿美元，占畜产品出口总额的88.3%。与2019年同期相比，仅蜂产
品出口额增长8.3%，其余6类产品出口额均下降，降幅最大的是乳品，为48.4%。畜产品前5大出口市场为中国香港、日本、越南、德国和美国，对5大市场出口额均下降，降幅最大的是越南，为35.4%、
进口方面，进口额超过1亿美元的畜产品是生猪产品、乳品、牛产品、家禽产品、动物毛、羊产品、动物生皮、肠衣和肉骨粉9类产品，进口额合计234.2亿美元，占畜产品进口总额的97.6%。与2019年同期相比，动物毛、动物生皮和肉骨粉进口额分别下降36.2%、23.2%和17.1%，其余6类畜产品进口额均增长，其中生猪产品进口额激增2.1倍。畜产品前5大进口来源地为新西兰、巴西、澳大利亚、美国和荷兰，其中自澳大利亚进口额下降5.4%，其余4大来源地进口额均增长，增幅分别为6.8%、1.3倍、1.7倍和33.8%。
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zh | N/A | N/A | 前不久，我市首次面向社会，从492名报名应考人员中，经过资格审查、笔试、面试、体检、考察和公示等各个环节，公开选拔了市直部门7名副县级领导干部。这是我市根据市场经济发展的要求，通过平等竞争、优胜劣汰，对人才合理配置的一次成功尝试。它不仅拓宽了选人用人的视野和渠道，发现和任用了一批年轻优秀人才，极大地调动了干部学理论、重实践、办实事、创实绩的积极性，而且也为我们今后公开选拔领导干部工作更加规范化、制度化提供了借鉴。
一、公开选拔要作为选拔任用干部的重要形式，长期坚持
公开选拔领导干部，是适应市场经济需要，在干部选拔任用中引人竞争机制，通过“三荐二考一试"和“双向选择”的方式，在更大范围内择优选拔各方面优秀人才的重要改革。它与建立社会主义市场经济体制有着内涵上的适应性，与国家公务员制度有着特征上的一致性。因此，公开选拔领导干部绝不仅仅是一种尝试，而应该成为一项经常性的工作，并要在今后的实践中逐步扩大范围和层次。那么，什么情况下适谊采用公开选拔的方式选拔领导干部呢?通过这次为市直部门公开选拔副县级领导干部，我觉得应该把握好以下三点：：一是要认真分析是否具备公开选拔的条件。公开选
拔的职位，首先应当是空缺的职位，而
且具有较强的吸引力。从广泛发现人才以便好中选优的角度考虑，公开选拔的职位…般应确定在综合部门、经济管理部门以及专业性较强的部门。其次应当具有批量的特征。将有类似岗位要求的缺职职位集中在一起选拔，可以形成规模效益，降低选拔成本。二是要准确选择公开选拔的类型。一般来讲，公开选拔可分为以职位为中心和以人选为中心两种类型。前者适宜于某一职务或某一领导班子正副职的选拔，后者适宜于青年十部、妇女干部或非党干部的选拔。这次我市采用了第一种类型，就是因为这种选拔类型以某一职务作为选拔目标，7职位具有单一性和独立性，即使选拔不成功，也不至于对领导班子建设产生大的影响，风险比较小；职位容易确定，且不影响用其他方式配备同领导班子中的其他职位；竞任人选容易达到规定的比例。三是要合理确定竞任人选与选拔名额的比例。竞任人选应当是经资格市查合格准予参加笔试的人员而不是报考者的全部。比例定得过高，会因报考人数不足而被迫放弃选拔，有违选贤任能的初衷；比例定得过低，则会影响公开选拔的质量，不利于择优。根据我市的实践，结合各地的经验，选拔县处级领导干部，上述比例不应低于1：10；选拔县(市、区)
所属科局级领导干部，上述比例不应低于1：5。
二、公开选拔工作中要把握好四个重要环节，严密组织
第一，在宣传动员阶段，要注意参与的广泛性。广大干部、群众的积极参与是做好公开选拔工作的基础，没有群众的参与和支持，干部选拔工作的民主性就无从体现，公开选拔就会落入“在少数人中选人，由少数人来选人”的俗套。随着干部人事制度改革的不断深化，公开、平等、竞争、择优的用人观念正逐步深人人心，许多年轻优秀干部已经具有较大的竞争勇气。但同时也有不少年轻优秀干部缺乏这种勇气，对公开报考领导职务仍有不少的思想顾虑，有的怕别人说自己是伸手要官，有的怕单位领导认为自己不安心工作，有的怕考不上丢面子，等等。针对这种情况，我市这次公开选拔副县级领导干部注意广辟“三个渠道”：--是广辟宣传渠道。充分利用电视、报刊等大众媒体，来取张贴公告、新闻发布会、电视讲话等多种形式，就群众关心的公选热点、疑点问题进行解答。二是广辟荐人渠道。做到个人自荐与组织推荐相结合，不断拓宽选人视野。各级党组织也积极鼓励、动员本单位符合条件的人报名参与竞争，并创造条件，为参与对象提供时间和物质等方面的保证。三是广辟监督
渠道。把公开选拔的全过程置于群众监督和法律监督之下。这些措施使更多的干部群众参与到了公开选拔领导干部的工作中。
第二，在考试阶段，必须把好“四
关”。公开选拔领导干部与传统方法
第三，在考察阶段，必须坚持三个选拔任用领导干部最大的区别，就是 原则。公开选拔领导干部中的考察，与增加了考试这种定量考察方式，使“公用传统方法选拔任用干部的考察相开、平等、竞争、择优”中的“平等”体现 比，明显具有“考察对象的公开性，考得更为直接、明显和充分。由于考试察人选的限定性，考察结果的比较性”(笔试和面试)在公开选拔中处于举足 等突出特点。在通过考试对竞任者的轻重的地位，因此必须把好四个关口： 部分才能进行了了解之后，考察中应一是出题及面试人员组成关。人员素 该把握三个原则：一是德才兼备原质过硬、互相配合默契，是保证考试的 则。既要了解被考察人的原则性，思想科学性、严谨性和合理性的前提。出 品德、团结合作、廉洁自律等方面的情题及面试人员的构成，从总体上说必 况，又要了解被考察人的决策决断能须结构合理，搭配匀称，职能全面：从 力、组织协调能力和开拓创新能力。凡个体上说，每个人都必须具有一定的 是碰到“缺点”多、对其认识难统一的权威性、专业性和较高的道德修养。 干部，要认真分析，不要轻易下结论；二是试题质量关。试题必须具有较强 对政治素质差、品德修养差的干部，要的针对性、实用性、先进性和科学性， 坚决排除在外。二是注重实绩原则。要有丰富的内涵和张力，涉及时事政治、深入了解被考察对象在原单位履行岗领导艺术、心理学，法律法规、专业知 位职责情况、任期工作目标完成情况识等方方面面。同时，难易程度要适 和其他工作任务完成情况等，掌握其中，应侧重对应知应会知识及综合能 工作特点和取得的成绩，做到凭实绩力的考核，以能够检验出干部的思维 用干部，不惟分数取人。三是注重公论能力、应变能力、分析能力和表达能力 原则。参与的广泛性和监督的群众性为目的，不刻意求深求奇，不要求死记 是公开选拔领导干部的重要标志，公硬背。根据实际，可以采取文件筐测 论又是这种标志的进一步体现。在考验、无领导小组讨论、情景模拟等一些 察中，采取有组织部门、被考察人以及比较科学、简便、易行的测试方法。从 群众共同参与的定性考察方法，运用长远考虑，最好的办法还是健全试题 被考察对象所在单位的干部群众填写命题机制，做好试题建库工作。三是 《民主测评表》、被考察对象接受考察试题保密关。为了确保应考人员能够 组谈话等形式，对被考察对象进行评公平竞争，在考试阶段必须搞好保密 议。工作。这次公开选拔，我们严密组织， 第四，在试用阶段，要注意搞好培使出题、印卷、笔试评分及考官培训均 养和考核。公开选拔出来的干部，其突在封闭状态下进行，地点设在无线通 出特点是有朝气，有强烈的事业心和讯信号窗区，并对工作人员的通讯工'责任感，但往往与岗位所需要的经验具实行管制，从而排除了可能出现的 与阅历有一定的差距，与本单位、本系各种干扰，保证了考试工作的顺利进 统成长起来的干部相比，对本职工作行。四是面试程序关。严格程序是搞 缺乏了解，或了解得不深人、不系统，好面试的保证。考官怎样提问、怎样 不利于自己工作的开展。因此，在试用追问，必须有严格的规定。面试试题， 期间，要本着“扶上马，送一程”的原包括考官的每一句问话，都要经过专 则，注意加强培养。一是要在工作上家反复推敲。在提问时，主考官应完 “加码”，压担子、交任务，让其在实践整准确地发问，不能随意发挥；提问次 中提高；二是要在业务上“帮扶”，单位
数也必须严格规定，若非考生要求，不得重复；如何追问，也必须提前设计追问试题，明确追问方式，否则，可能会出现明为“追问”实为“提示”，或者厚此薄彼的现象。
领导要多沟通、多指导、多提供情况，让其尽快熟悉业务、进入角色；三是在勤政廉政上要多打“防疫针”，促其保持公仆本色。按照规定，公开选拔的干部要有一年的试用期，试用期满，经组织部门考核合格，才能正式任用。因此，试用期间和期满后，还要注意搞好考核。要采取个人述职、个别谈话、民主测评等方式，全面了解其试用过程中的表现，正确给予评价。对民主测评中得分较低的项目，要重点了解，实事求是写出说明。对那些民意测评中得票率不高、确属不胜任现职工作的干部，应果断免职，安排其回原单位工作。
三、公开选拔要坚持党管干部原则，不能偏废
公开选拔领导干部工作政策性强、涉及面广、影响大，是一项非常严肃的工作，必须自始至终坚持党管干部的原则，自始至终在党委的直接领导下进行。一是要加强对整个公开选拔工作的领导，组织、纪检、宣传等部门的干部要参与具体工作，确保公开选拔工作在坚持公开、平等、竞争、挥优原则的基础上健康顺利地进行。二是要严格按照中共中央组织部《关于进一步做好公开选拔领导干部工作的通知》要求，拟定选拔对象范围和条件，确定选拔工作的步骤和程序，坚持做到原则不动摇、条件不降低、程序不变通。三是要在坚持干部“四化”方针和德才兼备原则的基础上，充分发扬民主，广泛听取群众的意见和社会对干部的评价，严格按照“三个代表”的要求，把那些脚踏实地、能说更能干、社会公论好的干部公开选拔上来。四是要把通过考试考察确定的拟定人选，提交党委会集体讨论决定，并按干部管理权限任免。五是公开选拔领导干部必须与各项干部人事制度改革如领导干部任期制、试用制、公示制、离任审计制度等配套进行，做到多种方式方法并存，避免“一枝独秀”，这是党委从宏观上应该把握的重要指导原则。
(作者系中共陕西渭南市委常委、组织部长) | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 洛坝铅锌矿废弃不同时间渣地植被恢复演替动态
谢 永4.2，张仁陟1，周书灵2，赵建华1，董 博1
1.甘肃农业大学资源与环境学院，甘肃兰州 730070
2.宿州学院，安徽宿州 234000
摘要：对甘肃省徽县洛坝铅锌矿不同废弃时间的废渣地进行的化学分析表明，其主要污染物为重金属Ph 和Zn，其w(Pb)和w(Zn)最大值分别为6298和480800 mg/kg.重金属在废渣地中的质量分数随废弃时间的增长而减少；对废渣地恢复植被演替调查发现，Pb 和Zn是影响植物自然演替的限制因子.在现场考察的基础上对洛坝废渣地进行了植被恢复演替调查.结果表明：从废弃时间序列上看，废渣地植物种类在增加、荒漠化在逆转，3，6和ll a的废渣地植物数分别为12，17和40种；从废渣地植被恢复演粹序列上看，各时期植物都在更替，3a废渣地以野艾蒿(Artemisia vulgaris)+升马塘( Digitaria sanguinalis)+车前草
(Plantago asiatica)群落为主；6a废渣地以野艾蒿+针叶蒿(Tripolium culgore)+商陆( Phytolacca acinosa)+小蓬草(Erigeron
annuau)群落为主；11a废渣地又增加有固氮植物三叶草(Trifolium pratense)、苜蓿(Medicago lupulina)及紫薇(Lagerstroemia indica)、
臭椿( Ailanthus altissima)的成功定居，已形成卓-灌-乔简单植被结构.
关键词：徽县；铅锌矿；废渣地；植被演替；动态
中图分类号：X173 文献标志码：A 文章编号：1001-6929(2009)11-1312-05
Succession Dynamics of Restored Vegetation in Lead-Zinc Mine Wastelands in Luoba over Different Time Periods
XIE Yong， ZHANG Ren-zhi'， ZHOU Shu-ling， ZHAO Jian-hua'， DONG Bo'
1\. College of Resources and Environmental Sciences， Gansu Agricultural University， Lanzhou 730070， China
2\. Suzhou University， Suzhou 234000， China
Abstract： Chemicnl analysis of Luoba lead-zinc mine wastelands after being abandoned for different times indicated that the main pollutant types were some heavy melals such as Pb， Zn and others. The soils of the wastelands contained high concentrations of Pb and Zn； the highes content of Zn was 480，800 mg/kg， and the highest content of Pb was 6，298 mg/kg. The heavy metal mass fraction in the wastelands decreased with amount of time growing alter abandonment. The restoration vegctation succession investigation discovered that the phytotoxicity of Pb and Zn may be the major obstacles for plant succession on the wastelands. From the time of abandonment on， the number of species of plants was increasing， and desertification was reversing. 12. 17， and 40 species of plants were found growing on 3， 6， and 11 year wastelands， respectively. From the time of vegetation succession on， the plant species change with various periods. There were major communities of Artemisia wigaris， Digitarin sanguinalis and Plantago asiatica on the three year wasteland， and there were major communities of Ariemisia uilguris， Tripolium vuigare， Phytolucca acinosu and Erigeron annuu on the six year wasteland. On the 11 year wasteland， the nitrogen-fixing
plants of Trifoliusn pratense and Medicago lupuling， Lagerstroemia indica and Ailanthus altissimu were growing successfully， and simple grass
shrubs-arbor vegetation structures had formed.
Key words： Hui County； lead-zinc mine； wasteland； vegetation succession； dynamics
矿产资源开采规模日益扩大，矿山开发推动了本地经济的发展，但矿渣废物侵占农田、毁坏山林、
收稿日期：2009-03-11
修订日期：2009-05-29
基金项目：挂肃省环保世纪行基金资助项目
作者简介：谢永(1973-)，男，安徽灵璧人，硕士，从事环境生态学与生态恢复研究，[email protected].
\*责任作者，张仁陟(1961-)，男，甘肃静宁人，教授，博导，主要从事早地恢复生态学、保护性耕作等研究，zhangrz@ gsau.edu.cn
污染水源，导致环境恶化与矿山利益引发的生态问题突显\[1.2\]徽县铅锌矿业是支柱产业，在柳林镇河谷随处可见废渣场.为缓解生态压力、减少危害，必须对此加以治理.矿区植物通过参与营养物循环、重金属吸收和能量流动而对生态系统功能具有重要作用3-4\]，根据植物生态特点，可将矿区植物分为适应贫瘠环境的“寡营养性”和适应肥沃环境的“富营养性”5-6\].重金属多以水溶态为主要迁移方式”，
地上植被群落和地下重金属质量分数紧密相连，具有正负反馈的互相制约机制日.尽管关于植被演替规律的研究不少，但矿区重金属与植物多样性或组成互相响应关系还不明晰，尤其是在不同废弃时间的矿渣地背景下.铅锌矿的坑口废渣地是一类重金属含量极高、对植物生长产生毒害的生境910.如何遏制含有重金属的石漠化所造成的生态环境恶化已成为各级政府和相关部门的当务之急.笔者通过考察不同废弃时间的铅锌矿渣地植被演替过程中植物的多样性组成，揭示其对地下重金属质量分数的响应，以期为铅锌矿区在生产的同时进行生态治理提供理论依据.
1 材料与方法
1.1 自然地理概况
徽县位于甘肃省东南部，地处秦巴山地中的徽成盆地，素有“陇上江南”之美誉.其地理坐标为东经106°17'~106°34'，北纬33°30'~33°43'，南北为山地，中部为浅山丘陵，海拔1500~2600m，属于温带向亚热带过渡地区.其季节特征分明，夏季较短，气候温和，雨量充沛.年均气温12.4℃，无霜期237d，平均降水量 499.6 mm. 洛坝铅锌矿位于徽县柳林镇洛坝村，该矿体是西成铅锌矿带的西秦岭小陇山中的延伸带.由于矿坑中铅锌矿石被采尽，形成了停产时间3，6和11a的废弃渣台，分布在半山坡上，面积达 10 hm，其人为干扰较少，风蚀较严重，与周围郁葱的丛林形成鲜明的对比，
1.2 植被调查方法
先行对洛坝废渣地进行考察，在掌握了地形基本情况后进行生态调查.废渣地生境异质性严重，植被分布和生长高度极度不均.因此，在植被区有代表性地设置了20个1mx1m的样方，拍照和记录样方内植物种、株数、植株高度、总投影盖度和植被盖度.通过统计各样方植物出现频度和植被盖度高的且目测地上生物量大的植物，将其确定为优势植物.
1.3 数据处理
1.3.1 样方各植物种的综合优势测定
物种多样性采用 Simpson 指数测定.物种分布均匀度采用 Shannon- Weiner指数11-12\]测定.
种群重要值：
SDR，=(高度比+盖度比+频度比)/3×100%多样性指数：D=1->P2
均匀度指数：E=HIHa
式中，P为第i个种的个体数(N)占总个体数(N)的比例；S为群落中的总种数；H为实际观察的种类多样性； Hmo为最大的种类多样性.
1.3.2 废渣地中重金属质量分数
在废弃3，6和11a 无植物的渣地上，分别随机取4份(0~20cm)渣土样，对照土样2份(0~20 cm)取自附近山坡耕地.用信封将土样带回实验室，去杂四分，先用玛瑙碾细过 0.15 mm 尼龙筛，用ICP133分析得到废渣地中重金属的质量分数(见表1).由表1可以看出，该废渣地的污染物类型是Zn 和 Pb，在不同废弃时间的土样中，废弃6a的w(Zn)高达480 800 mg/kg，废弃3a的w(Pb)高达6 298 mg/kg.从数据的总趋势上看，渣地废弃时间越长重金属质量分数越低，但废弃11a后各重金属质量分数依然远高于周边山坡耕地.
表1 洛坝铅锌矿废渣地的基本化学性质
Table 1 Chemical properties of eurface soil of in lead-zinc mine wasteland in Luoba
| 样品 | wf(mg/kg) | | | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 样品 | Zn | Pb | Cu | Cd |
| 3a废渣地 | 13 420 | 6 298 | 105.50 | 2.078 |
| 68废渣地 | 480 800 | 1761 | 30.02 | 1.929 |
| 11a废渣地 | 4015 | 704 | 33.90 | 1.729 |
| 对照 | 206 | 95 | 25.92 | 0.428 |
注：对照为山坡耕地；采样深度为0~20cm.
2
结果与讨论
2.1 不同废弃时间坑口台地的植被组成动态分析
表2的调查结果显示，3a废渣地上的优势种为
多年生草本植物野艾蒿( Artemisia vulgaris)和节节草( Equisetum
ramosissimum )、狗牙根
(Cynodon
dactyllon)；6a废渣地在环境条件改善的情况下，野艾蒿依然是优势植物并成为群落的建群种，针叶蒿
(Tripolium vulgare)、小蓬草(Erigeron annuu)、狗尾草
(Setaria faberii)等则成为其群落的伴生种；此时，虽然蒲公英、狗牙根等有所衰退，但仍和菊科蒿属伴生，构成群落的优势种；在11a废渣地上节节草已
有所衰退，商陆(Phytolacca acinosa)、野草莓(Rubus
parvifolius)等根茎植物的优势逐渐显现，灌木紫薇
(Lagerstroemiaindica)和乔木臭椿( Ailanihus
altissima)等组成了完整的植被群落垂直结构，形成了稳定废渣地自然恢复植被生态系统的雏形.
从不同废弃时间的废渣地自然恢复阶段的植被种类组成上看，野艾蒿是具有共同耐Pb和 Zn 废渣
的建群种.废渣地上植被自然恢复十分缓慢，废弃时间越长的废渣地的重金属毒性在自然环境的影响下逐渐稀释(见表1)，高w(Pb)制约植物的入侵生长，先锋植物缓慢地改善废渣生境.从实质上说，废渣地的植被定居就是复制其自然演替.
洛坝铅锌矿废渣地中，重金属Pb和 Zn 及其质量分数对不同时间梯度上的植物群落多样性结构的
影响明显.3a废渣地多以一年生植物居多，多年生植物只有4种；6和11a废渣地多年生植物分别增加到10和18种，特别是11a废渣地出现了灌木和乔木.从植物生理上看，叶片中的重金属质量分数一般高于茎，这可能是植物对重金属耐性的一种对策，因为其可以通过落叶将重金属排出体外\[4\]、多年生植物的落叶，促进了其对废渣地更强的适应性，
表2不同废弃时间渣地植被种类组成的种群重要值
Table 2 Species composition of plant communities in diflerent wasteland times of lead-zinc mine
| 种类 | 生活型 | 科属 | 3a废渣地 | 6a废渣地 | 11a废渣地 |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 野艾蒿( Artemisia ruiguris) | 多年生 | 菊科 | 0.254 | 0.168 | 0.318 |
| 针叶蒿(Tripolium sulgare) | 多年生 | 菊科 | | 0.053 | 0.139 |
| 小蓬草(Erigeron annuu) | 一年生 | 菊科 | 0.016 | 0.032 | 0.084 |
| 车前草(Plantago asiatica) | 一年生 | 车前科 | 0.014 | 0.021 | 0.042 |
| 天蓝苗(Medicago lupulina) | 多年生 | 豆科 | | | 0.077 |
| 碱茅( Puecinellia chinampoensis) | 一年生 | 禾本科 | 0.002 | 0.026 | 0.031 |
| 野草莓( Rubus partifolius) | 多年生 | 蔷薇科 | | | 0.019 |
| 碱高( Artemisin anethifolia) | 一年生 | 菊科 | | | 0.008 |
| 老鹳草( Geranium dahuricum) | 多年生 | 拢牛苗科 | | | 0.007 |
| 灰绿藜( Chenopodium glaucum) | 一年生 | 藜科 | 0.036 | | 0.005 |
| 紫茎菊蒿(Tanacetum vulgare) | 年生 | 菊科 | | | 0.030 |
| 毛苕子( Vicia villosa Roth) | 一年生 | 豆科 | | | 0.015 |
| 醉马草(Digitotia ssp) | 一年生 | 禾本科 | 0.021 | | 0.004 |
| 商陆(Phytolaeca acinora) | 多年生 | 商陆科 | | 0.103 | 0.107 |
| 二叶草(Trifolium pratense) | 一年生 | 豆科 | | | 0.032 |
| 紫茎艾蒿( Artemisia anruo) | 多年生 | 菊科 | | | 0.047 |
| 蒲公英( Taraxacum mongolicum) | 一年生 | 菊科 | 0.027 | 0.016 | 0.039 |
| 节节章(Equisetum ramosissimum) | 多年生 | 木贼科 | 0.011 | 0.023 | 0.020 |
| 鱼葱艾蒿( Artemisia igniaria) | 多年生 | 菊科 | | | 0.010 |
| 艾蒿( Artemisin argyilerl) | 多年生 | 菊科 | 0.035 | 0.028 | 0.067 |
| 绿绒蒿(Meconopsis chelidonifolia) | 一年生 | 罂粟科 | | | 0.010 |
| 狗尾草( Setaria faberii) | ~-年生 | 禾本科 | | 0.053 | 0.061 |
| 黄蒿( Herba Artemisiae Annuae) | 一年生 | 菊科 | | 0.038 | 0.056 |
| 天名精( Carpesiumabrotanocdes) | 多年生 | 菊科 | | | 0.007 |
| 反枝苋(Amaranthus retroflexus) | 一年生 | 马齿苋科 | | | 0.008 |
| 无芒稗(Echinochlou crusgalli) | 一年生 | 禾本科 | | 0.016 | 0.014 |
| 绿蓟( Lxeris sonchifolia) | 多年生 | 菊科 | | | 0.011 |
| 苦芭菜(Lexeris denticulatn) | 多年生 | 菊科 | | 0.029 | 0.035 |
| 地锦草(Parthenocissus quinque) | 一年生 | 大戟科 | | | 0.024 |
| 紫花地丁( Viola philippica subsp) | 多年生 | 堇菜科 | | 0.003 | 0.005 |
| 升马( Digituria sanguinalis) | 一年生 | 不本科 | 0.016 | | 0.004 |
| 龙葵( Solanurr nigrum) | \--年生 | 茄科 | | | 0.019 |
| 狗牙根(Cynodon dactyllon) | 多年生 | 禾本科 | 0.013 | | 0.011 |
| 苍耳( Xarthium sibiricum) | 年生 | 菊科 | 0.016 | | 0.007 |
| 酸模叶萝(Polygonum persicaria) | 多年生 | 蓼科 | | 0.02 | 0.006 |
| 蜂斗菜( Petasites japonicus) | 多年生 | 菊科 | | 0.013 | 0.018 |
| 三叶刺针草(Bidens pilosa) | 一年生 | 菊科 | | 0.014 | 0.016 |
| 地梢瓜( Cynanchum thesiodes) | 多年生 | 萝摩科 | | 0.028 | 0.013 |
| 臭格(Ailanthus altissima) | 乔木 | 苦木科 | | | 0.011 |
| 紫薇(Lagerstroemia indica) | 灌木 | 千蕨菜科 | | | 0.022 |
2.2 不同废弃时间渣地的植被演替的重要值分析
从表2可以看出，废渣地植被恢复进程中不同演替时段各群落种类的重要值变化明显.
演替时间为3a的废渣地是植被恢复的起点，
先锋植物野艾蒿和灰绿藜( Chenopodium glaucum)的
重要值最大，分别为0.254和0.036；艾蒿(Artemisia
argyilenl)和蒲公英(Taraxacum mongolicum)这些伴生
种的重要值为0.035~0.027；狗牙根、苍耳
(Xanthium sibiricum)、醉马草(Digitatia ssp)、升马塘Digitaria
sanguinalis )、
碱 茅
( Puccinellia
chinampoensis )、节节草和车前草(Plantago asiatica)者
出现在该演替阶段，其重要值不高，为0.020左右，这是因为废渣地中较高的w(Pb)和w(Zn)值严重限制了植被的生长.
演替时间为6a时，废渣地上野艾蒿的重要值降至0.168，灰绿黎、狗牙根、醉马草、苍耳和升马塘等5种植物消失，而11种新人侵物种的出现，表明演潜进入新阶段；同时商陆出现后重要值迅速升至0.103，节节草的重要值从0.011升至0.023，其他一些入侵物种的重要值也在小幅上升，特别是野艾蒿的伴生种——针叶蒿、小蓬草和狗尾草，其重要值分别为 0.053，0.032 和0.053，表明w(Zn)高达480800mg/kg对植被生长的抑制有限，这与w(Pb)降低有关，物种更替明显.
演替时间为11a时，野艾蒿的重要值高达0.318，灰绿藜重新出现但重要值很小，为0.005；针叶蒿、小蓬草的重要值进一步上升为0.139和0.084，表明它们为该演替阶段群落类型的优势种；与其相同的还有车前草、碱茅和蒲公英，其重要值分别增至0.042，0.031 和0.039，在演替过程中的表现证明它们也是建群种；狗尾草也处于适应之中，其重要值增至0.061；另外还有很多新人侵物种的重要值大多在0.010左右，但野艾蒿的伴生种在该演替阶段的表现尤为突出，如天蓝苜蓿(Medicago
lupulina)、三叶草( Trifolium pratense)的重要值分别为
0.077 和0.032，表明较高的w(Pb)对植物生长的限制力正在降低.该演替阶段植被的稳定垂直结构已初步形成，先锋种菊科蒿属的重要值在群落中最大；同时，新人侵物种中出现了灌木紫薇和乔木臭椿，其重要值分别为0.022和0.011，表明11a废渣地的植被群落构成还很不稳定，演替远未结束，新植物出现和重金属质量分数的降低15正在进行中.
2.3 废渣地植被演替过程中的动态特征分析
由表3可以看出，研究区植物生长的旺盛期，从3a废渣地到11a废渣地，植物种丰富度由12逐渐增至 40，Shannon - Wiener 指数由 0.495逐渐增至1.698.其中，从6a废渣地到11a废渣地，群落的物种多样性变化很大，种丰富度和多样性指数的增幅分别为 135.0%和96.3%；而从3a废渣地到6a废渣地，种丰富度和多样性指数增幅不大，分别为41.7%和 74.7%，表明6a废渣地群落的种间均匀度高于3a废渣地，而11a废渣地贝高于6a废渣地.
由表3还可以看出，在废渣地自然恢复过程中，不同阶段的植被盖度差异显著.从3a废渣地到11a废渣地，植被盖度依次增大，3a废渣地的植被盖度只有5.5%~10.5%，几乎呈裸露状态；11a废渣地的植被盖度已达30.5%.不同阶段废渣地自然恢复过程中植物高度表现出明显的差异.禾本科植物多贴地生长，而野艾蒿则向高空间生长.在3，6和11a废渣地间禾本科植物高度差异不大，而野艾蒿高度差异则从24.3 cm增至187.0 cm，表明野艾蒿优势种显著、地上生物量增幅快，是很好的乡土建群种，且其对废渣地适应性强，该特性对选其为铅锌矿废渣地生态恢复的生物学意义明显.
表3 不同废弃时间废渣地的植被特征值
Table 3 Vegetational characteristic value in different wasteland times of lead-zinc mine
| 植被特征 | 3a废渣地 | 6a废渣地 | lla废渣地 |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 种丰富度 | 12 | 17 | 40 |
| Shannon - Wiener 指数 | 0.495 | 0.865 | 1.698 |
| 植被盖度/% | 5.5~10.5 | 18.5~20.0 | 25.0~30.5 |
| 野艾蒿高度/cm | 3.2-24.3 | 5.6~32.4 | 4.8~187.0 |
注：调查时间为6月下旬.
值得关注的是，3~6a废渣地的重金属释放变化剧烈，其中u(Pb)以年均1 512 mg/kg的速度向环境释放，而w(Zn)在3a间激增了35.8倍(见表1)，可见w(Pb)更大地制约了物种和 Shannon - Wiener指数的增幅，影响植物空间发展高度，弱化了植被对地面的扩散侵占能力(见表2).但野艾蒿以其特殊的重金属废渣地生存适应特性能够成功地侵人和定居在铅锌矿废渣地，在矿区植被恢复实践中值得重视1161
3 结论
a.沙坝铅锌矿的11a废渣地的植被盖度由于w(Pb)和w(Zn)过高的影响还很低，植被演替还只是处于起步阶段.随着废渣地重金属质量分数的降
低，其对植物多样性增加的影响有变弱的趋势.
b. 随着坑口台地废弃时间的增长，废渣地的荒漠化在逆转，矿渣地植被物种组成数量逐渐增加，同时对群落生境具有指示作用的一些种成为不同恢复阶段的优势种或建群种.
c.6a废渣地较高的重金属质量分数与植被的环境适应能力形成明显的反馈，植物生存竞争力被弱化.
d. 11 a的演替序列上的各阶段优势种群明显，它们在群落的地位和作用最大.种群重要值在演替序列的动态特征较好地对应着种群在群落演替过程的数量动态，能较好地解释演替过程群落环境的演变、物种的环境适应性和种间关系等生态过程的变化.
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(责任编辑：潘凤云) | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | WiMAX频率相关问题的研究
肖征荣，张智江，张范
(中国联通有限公司 北京100032)
摘要 随着 WiMAX 技术的不断成熟，WiMAX的频率问题越来越突出，制约着 WiMAX 的实施。本文对我国现有相关频率的划分进行了分析，讨论了相关频段分配给 WiMAX的可能性。
关键词：WiMAX频率：分配
引言
近几年，随着 WiMAX 技术的不断发展，相关的标准不断成熟，设备认证也开始进行，WiMAX的应用离我们越来越近。但是， WiMAX 的发展离不开合适的频率资源，在无线通信领域，频率资源的政策将极大地影响·个无线通信产业的发展。WiMAX 的频率规划首先需要分析 WiMAX业务对带宽的需求，包括对用户数量的分析预测，用户使用数据业务类型的分析预测，不同业务的带宽需求分析等内容。另外，还应该考虑实际应用环境下系统级的频谱利用率，包括业务模型、组网方式、扇区的配置、频率复用技术和干扰问题等方面。
在 802.16的标准中没有规定特定的频点和频率间隔，只是给出了 2~66 GHz 中不同频段的使用方式，10~66 GHz用于视距传播，2~11 GHz 频段则用于非视距传输。如果用丁支持移动性，则推荐采用6 GHz 以下频段。在 WiMAX联盟中建议用于固定和游牧方式下的频点为3.5 GHz、5.8 GHz频段， 在支持移动特性的环境下，则考虑采用2.5 GHz 或 1 GHz以下的频段。 WiMAX 正在与 ITU等国际组织合作，拓展 WiMAX 产品可用的频谱。由于802.16是一种新的技术，大部分国家日前还没有明确在2-6 GHz
频段中如何为 802.16e分配频率。在 ITU中也在讨论未来宽带无线接人的频率问题，与其他业务(如卫星)等的协调问题和国际漫游问题等。
从理论上分析， WiMAX 技术对频率有以下需求。对于固定接人，需要大信道带宽以支持高容量传输，对频段要求不敏感：而对于移动类接人，需要信道带宽尽量大，可用频段尽量低，以降低布网成本，提高服务质量。频率是影响移动组网成本的重要因素，对于移动 WiMAX 而言，频率问题就是成本问题。
2
我国 2~6 GHz 频率划分现状
1992年的世界无线电大会(WRC92)已经对全球在2 GHz 频带的频率进行了划分：陆地部分170 MHz，卫星部分 60 MHz，而陆地业务部分义分为 FDD(频分双工)方式和 TDD(时分双工)方式。其中中国的 FDD 方式：1 920~1 980 MHz 2 110~2 170 MHz 共 120 MHz；TDD方式：1885~1920 MHz 2 010~2 025 MHz 共 50 MHz。2 300~2 400 MHz：用于TDD业务，是分配给
TD-SCDMA 的频率，现在还有雷达业务。
2 400-2 483.5 MHz：ISM(工业、科学和医疗)频段。我国无线电管理部门规定该频段作为无线局域网、无线接人
系统、蓝牙系统、点对点或点对多点扩频通信系统等各类无线电台站的共用频段。
2 483.5~2 500 MHz：分配给固定和移动业务，但是卫星无线电测定业务是目前主要业务。
2 500~2 690 MHz：用于固定业务、卫星固定业务、移动(除航空移动)业务、卫星移动、卫星广播、无线电定位业务，但已经划给第三代移动通信作为扩展频段，并且在中国无线电频率划分 CHN12 规定：2655~2 690 MHz 频带射电天文也为主要业务，现用于北京、南京、江苏江阴、贵州喀斯特地区，其他业务不得对其产生干扰。
3 000~3 400 MHz：该频段是可以工作于 TDD 方式的许可频段，我国吕前规划为无线电定位、固定、移动、业务使用，但是很少使用。
3 400~4 200 MHz：属于卫星通信C波段，同时还有大量的微波在使用，
4 400~4 990 MHz：根据 CHN21 规定，4400~4 990 MHz固定业务主要用于大容量微波接力干线网，但是仍然需要对某些射电天文业务进行保护。其中4 950~4 990 MHz 以次要业务使用空间研究和地球探测业务。同时在 WRC03会议上，还强烈建议 4 940~4 990 MHz 用于公共防护和应急业务。
4 990~5 000 MHz：主要业务为固定业务，但是还存在射电天文业务。
5 150~5 725 MHz：用于无线电导航业务、卫星地球探测业务、无线电定位业务等，但在 WRC03 会议上已经对5 150~5 725MH频段的无线电业务进行调整，增加了固定和移动业务。
5 725~5 850 MHz：开放频段，允许点对多点扩频通信系统、宽带无线接人系统、高速无线局域网、蓝牙技术设备及车辆无线自动识别系统等无线电台站的共用频段。
5 850~5 925 MHz；可以用于固定、移动、卫星固定、尤线电定位，同时要对部分地区的射电天文进行保护，并且此频段在 WRC03 会议上也建议用于公共防护和应急业务，在此频段内还有C波段的卫星通信。
5 925~6 000 MHz：有大规模的微波在使用，并且在此频段内还有C波段的卫星通信。
3 相关频段分析
从我国频率划分的现状和相关设备制造商提供的频率的需求来看，2.5 GHz、3.3~3.4 GHz、3.5 GHz 5 GHz、
5.15~5.725 GHz 5.8 GHz 频段是关注的重点。(1)2.5~2.69 GHz
从移动通信的电波传播特性和空间衰减特性来看，2.5 GHz 频段是移动宽带系统比较好的选择，该频段具有较好的非视距传输能力，可以有效地提升基站覆盖距离，降低基站和终端的研发成本，真正让宽带无线接人产品具有移动能力。但是，此频段现已划分给了空间业务。在WRC03大会上，还将此频段定为IMT-2000的扩展频段，卫星广播业务和无线电定位业务也在其中。因此，在此频段内使用 WiMAX 难度较大。
(2)3.3~3.4 GHz
该频段是分配给 TDD 方式的许可频段，但是到目前为止使用的并不是很多，2005年7月14日信息产业部无线电管理局发布2005年45号文件和50号文件，指出在办理无线电管理局规定的相关的手续后，可以在 3.3~3.4 CHz上进行 TDD 方式本地宽带无线接人业务与多种无线电业务之间共用的电磁兼容技术试验，但也规定了宽带无线接人时，不得对同频段内的无线电定位业务、射电天文业务产生有害的下扰。
(3)3.5 CHz
3.5 GHz 频段是典型 MMDS(多路微波分配系统)频段，覆盖及性价比较好，传播雨衰性能好，适合 WiMAX 系统使用，可以较大面积覆盖使用。2001~2004年，政府主管部门先后进行了三期招标工作，对3.5 GHz频率资源在全国范围内进行了分配，但是 3.5 GHz 网络建设和运营并不理想，带宽资源太有限，每一运营商在每一城市仅可能得到10.5 MHz 带宽，难以实施较有效与规模化网络规划及多业务运作。而且，3531~3 600 MHz是C波段卫星的扩展频段，虽然日前还没有投人使用，但是将发射的 Chinasat8 卫星的部分转发器使用了3 500 MHz 3 520 MHz， 覆盖了中国的全境。而且由于特殊原因在此频段内可能还有无线电定位业务，收集这些电台具体的参数是非常困难的，因此要考虑这种情况产生的一些相关问题。总之，未来 3.5 GHz 频段内怎样发展还要进行相关的协调和等待相关的政策，但这个频段的资源柑对比较紧张，系统能提供的容量有限。
5 GHz 频段(4900~5000MHz)可用于固定业务，该频段还有微波和射电天文业务。日本已经在此频段内使用宽带无线接入业务，所以此频段也可以考虑。
在 WRC03 无线电大会229号决议中，对5 150~5 725 MHz频段的无线电业务进行调整，增加了固定和移动业务，对5 150~5 725 MHz 频率范围内给移动、固定、卫星地球探测和空间研究业务新的和附加划分的规则条款问题进行了详细讨论与审定，在采用动态频率选择技术、发信功率控制、限于室内使用及 EIRP(有效全向辐射功率)功率密度限值等条件下无线接入获得5151~5250MHz (室内) 5250~5350 MHz(室内/室外)及5470~5 725 MHz(室内/室外)共 455 MHz带宽频率划分，5350~5 650 MHz范围内提升为主要业务的无线电定位业务，可以和现有业务共存，5 460~5 570 MHz范围内新增的有源卫星地球探测业务与有源空间研究业务可与现有的和新增的其他业务共存。
(6)5.8 GHz
5.8 GHz频段(5725~5850 MHz)，由于5.8 GHz 是非认证频段，审批手续相对简单，所以大幅度地降低了运营的准人门槛。与3.5 GHz 无线接人相比较，5.8 GHz 无线宽带接人方式具有设备成本低，安装容易，投资回收快等特点，有利于大规模推广应用。综合比较不同频段的穿透性能和电磁环境多项指标，5.8 GHz 频段总体性能较好，该频段大气衰耗为每 10 km 仅 0.1 dB；5.8 GHz 无线产品采用OFDM(正交频分复用)调制方式，可以实现 40~50 km 的无线连接。但是，不同的运营商都可以使用 5.8 GHz频段 125 MHz 的带宽，或者使用的频点相互间可以部分重叠，这也不可避免地出现了干扰问题。随着大规模的应用，各运营商设备间的干扰也会日趋严重，从而降低了系统的可用性。并且对于厂商来说，因为不断有新的干扰源出现，厂商要不停地给用户解决问题，造成后期服务成本的增加。目前，在5.8 GHz频段上既有点对多点的无线接入，又有点对点的扩频通信，已经存在干扰问题，所以能否在此频段内使用还需要进一步研究。
(7)26 GHz
26 GHz 频段 LMDS(本地多点分配系统)是点对多点固定无线接人技术。LMDS 工作在20~40 GHz， 工作频率高，频谱资源丰富，可用带宽宽，因此系统容量大，业务能力强，但由于要求视距传输，且易受雨衰等环境因素影响，这样就限制了覆盖范围和适用地区，典型覆盖范围为3~5km，并且不能支持移动性，投资成本相对比较高，一般适用于相对平坦、降雨少、无障碍物阻挡、用户密集、业务需求高的热点地区。几年前我国虽然已经将此频段投人使用，但仍然没有较好地使用，从国家的角度来看如果能较好地使用该频段则对频谱利用情况来说是非常有益的事情，所以WiMAX 是否能在此频段上使用也需要进一步的研究。
4
结束语
现在，美国、韩国、新加坡和印度都已经为 WiMAX分配了相应的频率资源，为 WiMAX 的部署奠定了坚实的基础。从2007年1月的 ITU-R WP8F 会议开始，WiMAX 就开始了加入 IMT-2000的过程。在2007年5月日本的ITU-R WP8F 会议上， 作为 WiMAX 特别子集的 IMT-2000 新地面无线电接口“OFDMA TDD WMAN”被提交批准为下一次会议审批议题，这标志着 WiMAX 进人 3G体系的战略成功走出了关键的一步。如果在下一次WP8F 会议上 WiMAX顺利通过， WiMAX 就可以融人IMT-2000， 可以使用分配给3G、IMT-Advanced 的频率资源。这对于 WiMAX 这项技术、厂商、服务提供商以及最终用户都意义深远，这也能够使运营商在选择网络部署和提供服务时更具有灵活性。但是在我国， WiMAX 的频率资源问题依然存在，政府主管部门是否开放相应的频率资源给 WiMAX 仍然是一个未知数，所以 WiMAX 频率的分配在我国仍是一个难题。
Study of WiMAX Frequency Band
Xiao Zhengrong，Zhang Zhijiang，Zhang Fan
(China Unicom Corporation Limited ，Beijing 100053，China)
Abstract With the mature of WiMAX technology， the frequency is becoming more and more important in the deployment of WiMAX. This paper analyzed the relating frequency， described the possibility of assignment to WiMAX.
Key words WiMAX， frequency， assignment
(收稿日期：2007-06-19) | null | null | null | null | null |
en | hf cc0-1.0 | https://huggingface.co/datasets/storytracer/US-PD-Books | The awakening of Harrisburg; some account of the improvement movement begun in 1902;
author: McFarland, John Horace, 1859- [from old catalog]; YA Pamphlet Collection (Library of Congress) DLC [from old catalog]
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THE AWAKENING OF
HARRISBURG
Some Account of the Improvement Movement
Be^un in 1902; with the Progress of
the Work to the End of 1906
By JF HORACE MCFARLAND
Orisioally 'Presented at the Boston Conference of the National Municipal League in 1902, and
printed as its Pamphlet No. 8. Now revised and brought up to date by the author, with
additional illustrations, and published in cooperation with the Municipal League of
Harrisburg and the Harrisburg Board of Trade, by The National Municipal League.
Price, 10 Cents
Fl5q
1^1
D,
\
JUL 1 »9i6
The Awakening of Harrisburg
BY J. HORACE MCFARLAND
President American Civic Association, Secretary Municipal League pf Harrisburg
THE capital city of Pennsylvania, with unusual advantaged
of geographical situation, and surrounded by much natural
beauty of river and mountain, island and valley, had pursued
the even tenor of its growth in wealth and population for some-
thing over a century, with but little thought of esthetic develop-
ment. To the problems of water-supply^ street paving, sewage
disposal and the other questions that must beset congestion of
population, only incidental attention had been paid, without any
comprehensive view of the situation or any attempt to provide
adequately for the future.
In the course of time, individual citizens began to make com-
ment on the failure of the town to measure up to the more agree-
able conditions found in other municipalities, and numberless plans
were proposed for improvement. As usual with such propositions,
their most useful effect was in creating discussion, for it is seldom
that the citizens of any community will agree to adopt as best the
plans or suggestions of other members of the same community. "A
prophet is not without honor, save in his own country."
It may fairly be said that the real improvement of Harrisburg
began with an illustrated talk on "The City Beautiful," presented
. December 20, 1900, by Miss Mira Lloyd Dock,
. , - before a large number of Harrisburg citizens gath-
ered in the Board of Trade auditorium. Miss
Dock, one of the energetic founders of the Civic Club, had long
been a prophet of improvement. She now showed pictorially the
disgusting civic conditions in Harrisburg, contrasting these with
enlightened conditions elsewhere. Hundreds of citizens then real-
ized, for the first time, that a rarely beautiful river bank was not
the best place for a public dump, and that a modern city owes its
inhabitants, in return for taxation, something more than police pro-
tection, typhoid-laden water, imperfect sewerage, dirty and unpaved-
street^, and deficient park and playground facilities.
(i)
. ' > / .* • ' • i
2 THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG
The smoking spark of municipal betterment was by this lecture
fanned into a flame. The newspapers gave constant attention to
the more outbreaking nuisances in the city, and talk, more talk,
and yet more talk, followed.
Definite progress began when, on May 3, 1901, Mr. J. V. W.
Reynders, an active business man, a noted bridge engineer, and,
, best of all, a good citizen, published a letter in the
' . . Harrisburg "Telegraph," reciting the futility of
mere talk, saying that money should be appropri-
ated by the councils for the obtaining of expert advice upon the
Harrisburg difficulties and their remedies, and proposing that if the
city councils could not or would not provide the funds, he would be
the first contributor of $100 to a fund of $5,000 for this purpose.
This suggestion was strongly approved, and, as it was followed by
Mr. Reynders' energetic personal effort, the subscription required
was completed in ten days. It came from sixty persons, and is
notable because of its amount relative to the city's population and
wealth, and relative to the unselfishness of the subscription, which
was really for the purpose of discovering how these same citizens
might tax themselves for doing better by the town. To do as well
in proportion. New York would need to raise in ten days more
than $400,000 for a local public purpose not connected with any
charity; Chicago about $200,000, and Philadelphia just a little less.
Yet, as will be noted, Harrisburg's citizens doubled the $5,000
within barely six months.
A meeting and organization of those who had subscribed this
fund followed. The remarkable condition appeared that the city's
more conservative and phlegmatic citizens were now become its
most progressive residents. The Harrisburg League for Municipal
Improvements was formed, and an Executive Committee was charged
with the duty of obtaining expert advice, and with power to expend
the $5,000. The mayor, the city engineer, and a representative from
each branch of the city councils were invited to act with this com-
mittee, thus securing "semi-official cooperation, and recognizing the
existing political conditions.
After careful and painstaking inquiry, this Ex-
Selection of . ^ . 11
_ ecutive Committee retamed three emment engi-
neers: Mr. James H. Fuertes, of New York, to
report upon the sewerage and filtration problems; Mr. Warren H.
THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG 3
Manning, of Boston, to formulate plans for parks; and Mr. M. R.
Sherrerd, of Newark, New Jersey, to report upon the question of
paving. These gentlemen promptly took up the work assigned,
and during September, 1901, three comprehensive reports, supple-
mented by numerous detailed drawings and diagrams, were presented
to' the Executive Committee.
It was discovered that Harrisburg's debt could be increased by
$1,090,000, upon consent of the voters, under the constitutional
provision limiting the debt to seven per cent of the assessed valua-
tion. It was also discovered with very great satisfaction by the
Executive Committee that the recommendations of the engineers,
with but shght modification, could be carried out within the city's
resources.
The reports of the engineers, with the essential maps and dia-
grams, and a concise summary and recommendation by the Execu-
tive Committee, were published in pamphlet form. This pamphlet,
entitled "Proposed Municipal Improvements for Harrisburg, Penn-
sylvania," has long been out of print, though in constant and urgent
demand by the many other municipaHties which are following the
example of Harrisburg.
It should be noted that this movement was entirely unofficial up
to this time. To become effective, the consent of the citizens was re-
quired to the proposed increase of debt, — that consent to be obtained
through an election ordered by the city councils for the purpose.
Harrisburg was not without those citizens who cannot see beyond
the penny upon which their eyes are always focused, and it also had
a large number of inhabitants who were properly conservative and
required to know what the money was to be used for, and how,
before voting for additional loans.
It was realized, therefore, that if this effort was to succeed, the
people must be fully informed as to the proposed improvements, and
„ , ,. convinced that it was wise to enter upon the expen-
Safeguarding ,. • , « i- f 1 1
.. ° . diture required. A prevainng fear that the money
the Work. •,,• 1 jji
might be misspent was also considered and com-
pletely dissipated by the preparation and passage of an ordinance —
introduced with the ordinance authorizing the election to determine
upon the loan — creating a Board of Public Works, charged with
the expenditure of most of the money involved in the loan. These
ordinances were pressed to immediate passage, and three citizens of
4 THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG
ability, integrity and high standing, universally satisfactory to the
people, were appointed as this Board of Public Works, long in
advance of having a dollar to expend or any work to do. That is,
before the vote was taken, the people in Harrisburg knew who was
to spend the money they were asked to vote.
To promote knowledge amongst the people as to the advisability
of the large increase in the public debt proposed, an additional fund
of $5,000 was raised, the total of both funds, indeed, amounting to
$10,221.55, of which 90 per cent was contributed by the sixty
citizens who pay nearly one-eighth of the taxes in the city. This,
as previously mentioned, is equivalent to a subscription of over
$800,000 in New York city.
The preliminary organization was now made permanent, with
the name of the Municipal League of Harrisburg, under a simple
but model constitution. Surely Harrisburg might now lay claim to
having awakened!
The Executive Committee of the League and its sub-committees
now planned a comprehensive and somewjiat sensational campaign
„, „ . of education. An abridged edition of the report of
The Campaign , ,,,,•• r
, p , .. the engmeers was prepared under the direction or
a Press Committee, which committee also was
charged with the duty of presenting a carefully progressive series of
arguments through the three daily papers each day of the six weeks'
campaign. These daily papers, it should be noted, gave most freely
and fully of their space, influence and help to this movement, with-
out which help success could not have been attained. Through a
corps of paid distributors, chosen from among the high-school boys,
two from each voting precinct of the city, a progressively argumen-
tative series of documents, tracts and appeals was placed in every
house in the city twice each week during the campaign.
A Committee on Meetings arranged for public gatherings in
various parts of the city, at which were presented, through the
stereopticon and by the voice of eloquent speakers, the various plans
and propositions involved, as well as pictorial representations of the
unpleasant conditions it was hoped to correct. Headquarters were
opened in the business center of the town, and a courteous attendant
there explained the proposed improvements, showed the diagrams
and handed literature to all callers.
A Committee on Cooperation wrote to every clergyman in the
Pennsylvania Railroad Bridge, just above Harrisburg, over the beautiful Susquehanna River
(See page 5)
Beeches in Wetzel's Swamp, now included in the new park system as part of Wildwood Park
(See pages 8 and 10)
The shores of the Susquehanna within the city's limits, showing unsanitary beach — 1902
North Front Street, on the bank of the Susquehanna, in 1902. An unpleasant dump was close by
on the river-bank; it has since been improved and a park established. The street
has been paved with asphalt, with a grass-plot on the right.
Street-car used to awaken voters before and on election day (1902). (See page 11)
South Frpnt Street, showing on right Riverside Park. The street is paved with asphalt, and there is
a grass-plot on the left.— 1906
A school-house in Harrisburg, 1902, showing the style of tree-trimming then approved, as well as
the older school architecture
The "Lincoln" school building in Harrisburg, completed 1905. Note central grass-plot in street
(See page 18)
THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG 5
city, urging his support through the preaching of at least two ser-
mons upon the gospel of municipal cleanliness, and a competent
speaker explained the plans of improvement to the Ministerial Asso-
ciation at an assigned meeting. The clergymen responded, as they
always do to every proper effort, and three-fourths of the pulpits
rang with this gospel of civic decency before the day of election.
The Catholic bishop of the diocese issued a letter urging his par-
ishioners to support the improvement loan, and the Jewish rabbi
joined in the movement. Every organization in the city, of what-
ever nature, was addressed and furnished with arguments and
literature.
While the newspapers and the more progressive business men
were earnestly supporting this movement, there was not wanting a
substratum of active and vigorous opposition, in
YF ., , , one case emphasizing itself in a house-to-house
Manifested. ... o
canvass agamst the improvement movement, oome
landlords threatened a large increase in rents if the loan was voted,
and just how this threat reacted in favor of the movement will be
shown later.
In the first arousing meeting held in the Court House, which
was thronged, as well as in the subsequent meetings in various parts
of the city, we threw upon the screen the ordinance, showing the
legal form of the loan which the people were asked to approve, so
that there could be no misrepresentation. (See third cover page.)
One of the essential features of this comprehensive and coordi-
nated plan of improvement, including water filtration, sewer exten-
sion, street paving and a park system, was the
„ alteration of the city's sewage disposal system and
Sewers. , . ; • t:'- -i .
the improvement of its sewers, rive miles above
the city, the Susquehanna river breaks through the low hills which
in primeval days held in check its waters, in a beautiful gap, now
spanned by the largest stone railroad bridge in the world, erected
by the Pennsylvania railroad. The driveway along the clean and
beautiful east bank of the Susquehanna toward the city showed
nothing but encouraging conditions until civilization was encoun-
tered within the city limits, where billboards, dumps and the stony
and sewage-encrusted beach of the river took the place of native
trees and grassy banks. In the meetings held, pictures of these
dumps and Ijillboards always brought a gasp of surprise from citizens
6 THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG
who had grown to accept them as inevitable, but were thus caused
to realize for the first time their nastiness. A beautiful line of
Norway maples in bloom right near the city's pumping station was
contrasted with the unpleasant conditions of the river-bank adja-
cent, and then a cartoon showing old John Harris, presumed to be
holding his nose as he revisited the once green banks of the river
along which lies the city he founded, brought the laugh which
always helps the assimilation of disagreeable information.
The problem of a pure water supply was of the greatest impor-
tance to Harrisburg. Drinking unfiltered Susquehanna river water
after it had received the sewage of twenty-four cities and towns,
with 522,799 population, it was not to be wondered at that the
typhoid fever statistics were disgracefully alarming.
We showed graphically that smallpox and diphtheria were inno-
cent diseases compared with the less feared typhoid fever, and that
„ „, . a radical increase in the percentage of typhoid cases
Unfiltered , t. , . /
— , was occurnng each year, 1 akmg mto account
the fact that all deaths from typhoid fever in excess
of six in the one hundred thousand are insisted by sanitary experts
to be simply municipal murder, we showed that Harrisburg, which
could without fault answer for three deaths per year, had killed in
the preceding year twenty-four persons beyond the proper limit.
At this point in the illustrated addresses it was the custom to
SMALLPOX — DUE TO INFECTION AND DIRT
In 1901 — 103 cases reported — I death
DIPHTHERIA — due to infection and dirt
In 1901 — 1 17 cases reported — 13 deaths
TVDUnin milTD 98 P®*" ««"* «•"« *<> drinking
lirnUlU rLVLK — unfiltered river water
In 1901 — 211 cases reported — 27 deaths
Thus TYPHOID FEVER, a preventable diseasei due to sewage-
laden water, in I90I killed
TWICE as many as Diphtheria, and
27 times as many as the dreaded Smallpox
VOTE THE ANTI-TYPHOID TICKET
Lantern-slide used in the campaign of education— 1902
THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG 7
throw on the screen a great interrogation mark, and to ask for
questions. They came, and sometimes in no friendly
. , , fashion! At one of the meetings, held in a section
of the city most hostile to the movement, in a
cold hall, one cold January night, with a still colder audience, a
man who had been following the lecturer about the city and
fomenting covert opposition, blurted out with the query when the
interrogation mark came on, "Do you know, sir, that there are five
hundred thousand bacteria in a cubic inch of milk?" The lecturer
assured him that he had not recently counted the bacteria, and that
we were not discussing milk, adding the return question, "Do
you know how the bacteria got into the milk?" It was answered
by a loud-voiced gentleman at the rear of the room, seemingly
inspired by Providence to say, "Because the cows drink unfiltered
Susquehanna river water!" The laugh which followed raised the
temperature of the room, though it did not silence the objector,
who returned to the charge by saying that this talk about bad
water was all nonsense; that he had used the water for years; that
it was good water, and that typhoid fever was not caused by it.
He was then accused by the lecturer of having a filter in his own
house, which he admitted, unwisely adding, "But it cost only
$1.85." The lecturer instantly seized the opportunity by shaming
this man (a large property-owner, with his money invested in real
estate rented at high prices) for thus securing the little trickle of
partially pure water he cared for himself at a cost of $1.85, while
for less than two dollars taxation on the thousand of valuation he
could help to give all the people all the pure water they needed, not
only to drink but to bathe in! The man's opposition was nullified
by the hilarity which followed this animated exchange of question
and answer, and the improvement temperature of the room became
quite tolerable. The speaker was not again thus annoyed.
In addition to furnishing the water which Harrisburg drank
unfiltered, the broad Susquehanna river, fronting the length of the
. city, received the sewage of the city, turned into
J. it by means of many sewers, the outfalls of which
caused an intolerable nuisance at the low stages
of the river prevaihng in the summer months. Mr. Fuertes' plan
involved the erection near the southern limit of the city, at a favor-
able point, of a low dam, in order to maintain a constant minimum
8 THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG
height of water in front of the city, thus covering the sewer out-
falls, providing by sluiceways for the rapid disposal of the sewage,
and also affording delightful boating facilities through the slack
water which would thus take the place of the strong current exist-
ing. This proposed dam aroused much opposition in the part of
the city nearest to which it was to be erected. It also introduced
a little element of humor, for the lecturer who explained its plan
and location was gravely assured at several meetings that a dam
four and a half feet high would inevitably cause a rise in the water
level of that many feet, even in a twenty-foot flood ! The engi-
neer's diagrams were used to combat this error, backed up by an
actual instance produced from a river in India in which a dam had
been erected under similar conditions. These arguments proved
convincing, and while the dam, it may be said in passing, has not yet
been built, the money is assigned for its erection, and when certain
legislative difficulties are removed it will undoubtedly be built.
A serious menace to the health of Harrisburg existed through
the turning of the sewage of about two-fifths of the city's popula-
^ tion into Paxton Creek, a small stream running
The Paxton „ , , r , c u
parallel to the course of the busquehanna river,
y^TQ&k. JNUISSUCB. r ^ t • ^ 111 t_
east of the low ridge serving as a backbone to the
city. Paxton Creek, flowing through a beautiful natural park known
at the beginning of this improvement movement as Wetzel's Swamp,
but now much more appropriately entitled Wildwood Park, was an
altogether clean and sightly stream until it flowed into civiHzation,
where the usual adornment of dump, filth and liquid wastes changed
it into a foul open sewer. The pictures following this stream
through, its woodland course into the city, and giving in large detail
the dumps, sewer outfalls and filth, so far as these could be rep-
resented by the camera (the stench being unphotographable !),
invariably produced a sensation when shown. The fact thus
impressed that, while Paxton Creek could receive at low water
without damage to health the sewage of a thousand people, it was
receiving all the time the sewage of twenty thousand, strongly
enforced the vital importance of this part of the improvement work.
The engineer's plan for remedying this trouble included the
erection of a great intercepting sewer parallehng Paxton Creek and
receiving all but the flood -water discharge of the section of the city
draining into it. He also provided for the improving of the channel
THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG 9
of the creek, so that it would become a clean and wholesome
stream. This work has been completely accomplished, and the
intercepting sewer has been in successful service for more than two
years. The improvement in the appearance of Paxton Creek is
most noticeable.
Harrisburg had a most inadequate park provision at the incep-
tion of this movement, as has before been suggested. Setting aside
_ ^ ^ the unkept and irregular strip of grass along the
Inadequate . . ... ,
Parks "^^^ front, sometimes edgmg an unpleasant dump,
and the little Capitol Park of sixteen acres, mostly
taken up by the buildings of the state administration, Reservoir
Park, of less than twenty-five acres, inconveniently situated more
than a mile from the center of the city, afforded the only recreation
spot. Of playgrounds there were none, save as the ladies of the
city had temporarily converted several of the unpleasant school-yards
into summer playgrounds, maintained for a short time only. When
the pictures of these playgrounds were shown to people, contrasted
with an orchard view close to one of the schools — but separated
from it by a barbed-wire fence — there was no difficulty in noting the
desire of all the people for adequate park and playground facilities.
In this connection, some Httle attention was paid to the crowded
streets of the city, to the telegraph poles which hne its highways,
„.„, , , and to the billboards which sometimes hide beau-
Billboards and -r 1 • T 1 , ni 1 j:
p , titul vistas. In one particular case, a billboard of a
most offensive character shut out the view of a
tract of land proposed in Mr. Manning's plan to be taken as a
small park. When the question was asked, "Which do you prefer,
the trees on the banks or the billboards on the streets?" there was
always a shout of "Trees!"
Attention was also paid to the mutilation of existing trees on the
city streets, through the operations of so-called "tree trimmers,"
^ „ , who are usually nothing but ignorant butchers.
Tree Butchers. .. ,. r,,,u
A picture showing one of these butchers in the
act of ruining a good tree was most effective, and it is a significant
commentary on the work thus undertaken to know that one of
these men whose living was made ready by ruining trees has
recently broken into the public prints with a two-column stream
of abuse of the man who called attention to his acts of mutilation,
and who, he says, is interfering with his "business."
lo THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG
HARRISBURG LEAGUE FOR MUNICIPAL IMPROVEMENTS
ACTUAL COST TO TAXPAYERS OF
ALL PROPOSED IMPROVEMENTS
UNDER PROBABLE CONDITIONS:
For Pure Water . \ In 190a— WO I NCREASE WHATEVER
'* Paxton Creek I " '903 — % mill increase
Clean-up • . I ., . ^ -n «
'^ I '904 — 1 mill "
" Better Sewers /
" 1905— IX '"•'•s •'
'• Less Mosqui- I ..,906-2 mills ••
toes and Ma- /
laria ... I
" More Parks . \ AVERAGE ^X MILLS,
"Justice in I o** '^^^ than one-third of a cent per
Street Paving / day on $1,000 valuation
Lantern slide used in campaign of education. The tax-rate increase for 1907 was one-half mill
LESS than the promise for 1906
The lack in Harrisburg of public bathing facilities was touched
upon in this campaign, and later, with the result of creating a strong
. desire for the establishment of public baths.
p hV T5 fh ^^^ need for street paving in Harrisburg re-
quired but little discussion, for all were cognizant
of it. True, we had one or two paved streets, but the seldom-swept
asphalt, thickly coated with mud and filth, had long been lost to view.
When entering this campaign, it had been my personal conten-
tion with the Executive Committee that I should have permission
to enlarge upon the necessity for parks. My excellent associates
were not convinced either of the absolute necessity for parks or of
the advisability of pressing the park movement among the people.
Dechning to do the work upon any other basis than that of giving
full importance to the provision of proper outdoor recreation facili-
ties, I was permitted to have my way. The presentation of our park
needs to the people soon justified itself absolutely ; for in some parts
of the city in which little attention could be secured to matters of
THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG ii
HARRISBUBG LEAGUE FOR MUNICIPAL IMPROVEMENTS
COST TO RENT-PAYERS OF ALL
IMPROVEMENTS, IF LANDLORDS
DO THE SQUARE THING
On a Property Assessed at $1,000 for City Tax the
INCREASE In City Tax will be:
In 1902— NOT A SINGLE PENNY
in 1903—50 CENTS for the year
In 1904 — $1 for the year
In 1905— $1.50 fo*" *he year
In 1906 — $2L foi" ^^^ year
Or, .'f the MOST UNFAVORABLE conditions exist, the aver-
age after 1902 would be S1,8T PC y®*""' — about 15X
cents per month.
Lantern-slides used in the campaign of education. {Set page 12)
sewerage, filtration and paving, the appeal of near-by green trees and
grassy lawns, located where tired mothers might give their children
the recreation due to every American child, was noticeably strong.
The park propaganda became a strong element in obtaining favor.
I have mentioned before the possibiHty of a great natural park,
known at the time this movement began as Wetzel's Swamp, and
,.„ . esteemed by most of the citizens of Harrisburg to
Wetzel s .
„ ,, be a boggy neighborhood, available only as a burial-
place for deceased domestic animals and as a resort
for tramps. Only a few of us knew that this "swamp," inserted, as
it were, into the very center of what must be the future city of
Harrisburg, was one of the greatest potentialities in America for
a superb natural park. Mr. Manning had enthusiastically advocated
the including of all of it, so as to provide here a park of over five
hundred acres in the city's system. Very little of the land included
was used for agricultural purposes, and, at first laughed at, the
proposition soon became a most important adjunct to our improve-
ment propaganda. A^s pictures were shown indicating the beauties
12 THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG
of this natural park, — with its great trees, grassy roads and pleasant
open spaces ; with its succession of wild flowers, from the hepatica
in earliest spring, through the time of violets, dogwoods, redbuds,
irises, marshmallows, and other members of the rich flora of Central
Pennsylvania, to the close of the blooming season with the witch
hazel's defiance of the frost, — a strong desire was evident to possess
this land for the good of all. It required little argument to show the
advisability of taking as park territory land in which great trees of
the oak, maple, tulip and ash were already matured.
But after all this appeal, it was absolutely necessary to discuss
each time the question of economics. This the Executive Com-
mittee had foreseen, and a statement had been se-
T ^ cured from the city treasurer and a city controller,
Improvements. . i , , i • r •
showmg the actual probable mcrease of taxation
for five years, under favorable conditions and under unfavorable con-
ditions. These statements were thrown upon the screen, accom-
panied by one showing the cost to rent-payers of all improvements,
"if landlords did the square thing."
Just here may be mentioned the fact that the chief opposition
to the improvement loan came from the landlords of the humbler
houses, rented at relatively high figures. In some cases the- land-
lords had taken time by the forelock and had raised rents from one
to two dollars per month as soon as the improvements were sug-
gested, and long before the election which was to decide as to
whether or not they should be effected ! Inasmuch as it was shown
that the increase in rents should average but one dollar per year on a
property assessed at a thousand dollars, this arbitrary action on the
part of the landlords reacted in favor of improvements. Many rent-
payers said, "If vve are to be taxed anyway, we might as well have
the improvements, and we vyill vote for them." It was soon made
obvious that the increase in rents was due to the growth of the city,
and to the operations of law of supply and demand rather than to
any probable increase of taxation.
The campaign I have outlined was waged with the utmost
vigor from the ist of January to the i8th of February. There was
"something doing" every day, and the seven Executive Committee-
men, all of them active business men, were assisted by many others
who gave time and effort to this movement which promised so
much for the city. The ladies of the Civic Club were of very great
THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG 13
assistance. Through their agency a simple and admirable gospel of
improvement was read to 8,000 school children in the various
public schools, and by this action the truth reached many homes
otherwise closed to it.
As the campaign worked to a finish, the public meetings fostered
civic enthusiasm in addition to promoting civic education. The
last meeting in the Court House, addressed by the
_. . p . , governor of the state, two eloquent clergymen, a
senator and a business man, was designed to arouse
strongly the local patriotism of the citizens. Our slogan in these
last weeks was "Don't give your own town a black eye," and this
we emblazoned on both sides of a trolley car kindly provided by the
Traction Company, which was run all of the Monday preceding
the election up and down the city streets. The novelty of this
method of campaigning was enhanced by the big and noisy hand-
organ kept going inside the car.
Hating billboards, we used them, nevertheless, at the end of
this campaign, for displaying great posters urging a vote for improve-
ments. Late on the Saturday night preceding the election, a four-
page paper entitled "The Harrisburg Plan" was placed in every
house. By arrangement, most of the pulpits in the town preached
civic improvement the next day, and for once real politics and real
religion combined in a most admirable effort to create better con-
ditions on earth as a preparation for the world to come.
A perplexing political situation faced those in charge of this
movement. A mayor, a city treasurer and a city controller were to
be elected at the same time that the vote was to
„.^ ^. be taken upon the million - dollar loan. Harris-
Situation. , ,, r. .1- J u
burg, naturally a Kepubhcan city, was under the
administration of a Democratic mayor, whose interest in the real
welfare of the city was dubious. An admirable Republican city con-
troller desired reelection, and the Democratic city treasurer, just as
capable, was also a candidate. The Republican candidate for mayor
had been proposed by the same machine which had brought about
the election of the existing inefficient Democratic mayor. This
Republican candidate, while personally of good character, was weak,
boss-controlled, and would not pronounce for the improvements,
or for anything in particular. One of the heartiest supporters of
the improvement movement, a wealthy young Democrat of the
14 THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG
highest character who had been doing splendid service in the
Common Council of the city, had been nominated by his party for
the mayoralty.
Inasmuch as partisan lines were rather strongly drawn in Harris-
burg, the Municipal League could not directly endorse any of these
candidates. A careful block system for the fostering of the loan
vote had been established, and it was hoped that the people would
be able to distinguish for themselves the necessity of electing an
administration of an advanced character.
The result of the election was everything that could be asked.
Out of a total vote of 1 1 ,039, the million-dollar loan received a
majority of 3,590. The mayor we wanted, Vance
„. C. McCormick, was elected by 2,566, though a
Democrat in a Republican city, with the full
power of the "machine" against him. The efficient and upright
Republican city controller and the Democratic city treasurer were
both elected by majorities closely approximating those received by
Mayor McCormick. This time, it will be seen, the people were
selecting men, regardless of partisan politics! Indeed, they even
took the best three out of six candidates for city assessors, including
two Republicans and one Democrat.
So much for the situation on February 19, 1902. Full five years
have now elapsed, and the city administration has necessarily been
^. „ changed. There has been ample time for the
Five Years . , , . • 1 • ^ 1 1 ■
. , impulse for improvement to smk into the old-time
apathy of indifferent citizenship.
It is therefore with intense satisfaction that I briefly detail the
present status of the various movements thus inaugurated in what
was probably the first concrete and comprehensive campaign for mu-
nicipal advancement ever undertaken in America. I do not wish to
be misunderstood in this statement, for the volume of improvements
involved is not so great, compared with the many millions spent in
the larger cities. It is the method employed: that of engaging
expert advice for the preparation of a concrete plan so that all the
needs of the town might be met through a coincidently proceeding
and harmoniously interlocking plan of improvements, that challenges
attention. With filtration incomplete and typhoid murders yet
proceeding in Philadelphia after many years of effort, with wealthy
THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG 15
Pittsburg drinking raw typhoid-laden water, with the inadequacy
of even great Boston in some respects, with the limited success of
spasmodic improvement movements in many other cities, it is dis-
tinctly the most important part of this story to call attention to the
entire and unqualified success of this, the first movement under-
taken upon a harmoniously complete and definite plan.
The administration of Mayor McCormick was a revelation.
The city was cleaned up, morally and physicially, as fast as this
active young man could bring it about. Sacrifi-
The McCormick .. ,. j,ii
■ , . . ^ ^. cmg important busmess mterests to do the hard,
Admimstration. , , , , • rr 1 n 1 • 1
arduous work of his ofiice, he called into consul-
tation constantly the best citizens of the town. No man was
appointed to office who was not competent, and those retained in
office were given to understand that efficiency was their only back-
ing, inasmuch as the "pull" had gone out of business! The police
department was completely reorganized. The highway department
was also placed upon a business footing, and within the time of
Mayor McCormick's administration, but three short years, Harris-
burg had the satisfaction of becoming one of the cleanest cities in
the United States; for its twenty-two miles of paved streets are
swept every day the year round, and the excellent asphalt pavements
are really visible at all times.
Under this same highway department, the $I00,000 involved in
the million-dollar loan for the payment of the cost of paving street
intersections was combined with more than a million dollars realized
by assessing abutting properties, so that the paved area of the city
has increased, as I have stated, to twenty-two miles, all kept clean.
So changed has the attitude toward paving become in the city,
that another loan has recently been voted by the people to pay for pav-
ing more intersections. This has permitted the mak-
AnotherLoan . . . , r tt • l >
„ ^ , ingof contracts to increase the area of Harrisburg s
Voted.
paved streets to more than forty-five miles.
Under a capable organization through the city engineer's depart-
ment, and under the vigilant eye of the mayor, the competition for
, , street paving resulted in unusually low rates, pro-
p . posed by the two largest asphalt paving concerns.
What these concerns expected to deliver I do not
know. What they did deliver to the city I do know, for the inspec-
tion bureau, organized under the direction of the mayor, backed
i6 THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG
up by expert investigation paid for by the Municipal League, kept
them down rigidly to the. specifications, also prepared by the Mu-
nicipal League's expert. The paving that we have had laid down
is good paving, and the city has been well served at a low rate.
The test of the temper of the city came at the expiration of the
term of Mayor McCormick, he being ineligible for reelection under
^ „ the Pennsylvania constitution. The "machine"
The Gross .... ■ , a r ,
. , ... ,. was agam m evidence m the eiiort of the previous
objectionable mayor to be reelected, every one
knowing that his reelection meant a return to the former "wide-
open" conditions. He made a desperately active personal canvass,
but was defeated by Edward Z. Gross, the Republican candidate,
representing the progress and the decency of the city. I can say of
him that he has continued and extended the admirable administra-
tion of his predecessor. An active business man, he yet gives most
of his time to the city affairs, and regards himself, as he should, as
the head of the city's administration, and not as a mere perfunctory
and relatively ornamental official.
The matter of the sewerage problem and the filtration of the
water had, preceding the election of February i8, 1902, been placed
._. in charge of the Board of Public Works, including,
o ,. J as I have before said, three admirable citizens.
The city councils promptly passed the necessary
legislation to enable this Board to get to work. It selected the
same excellent engineer, Mr. James H. Fuertes, and it has com-
pleted its work, except for the erection of the drainage dam (pre-
vented by legislative difficulties) most successfully. Filtered water
was served to the city beginning October, 1905, and thus in but a
little over three years from its organization this Board, after making
for six months exhaustive tests of the water of the Susquehanna,
followed with the installation of a modern filtration plant able to
supply from nine to twelve million gallons a day of pure, clear,
sparkling. water, in place of the muddy, culm-mixed and typhoid-
polluted fluid previously served to our defenceless citizens. Careful
daily bacteriological examination of the filtered water is maintained.
_, ^ As previously mentioned, the great intercepting
The Intercept- , , 1 1 , 1 r 1
o sewer has been completed, and a number of other
mg Sewer. . 11
main sewers have been added to the city's drainage
system. Its term expiring, and several of its able members declining
Work proceeding on line of Cameron Parkway, along Spring Creek. — 1906
Wetzel's Swamp or Wildwood Park grass road. This indicates tlie beauty of this natural playground
Outdoor gymnasium and wading pool at Twelfth Street Playground.— 1906
Riverside Park, North Front Street. In the circle is the "Depressed Path" along the river-bank.- 1906
Tennis courts in Reservoir Park.— 1906
'^•0^- ■ 'S'
<-#^*";'Tr-"- ,;. ^ I ^''^'-^M'':$3t'
'MAmMit'
'|SW^«.^^;|
In Reservoir Park, near picnic grounds. — 1906
Dedication of formal city entrance, April 20, 1906. The columns are from the old colonial Capitol,
destroyed by fire. The bases carry commemorative bronze tablets relating to the burned
Capitol and to the old "Camel-back" bridge. This entrance was erected under
the auspices of the Civic Club of Harrisburg, and presented to the
city by the estate of Col. Henry McCormick. (See page 18)
West State Street, from Capitol. Shows central grass-plot in 120-foot street.— 1906
THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG 17
reelection because of the very great drain upon their time required
in the three years of arduous labor, a new board was elected, of no
less capable character, and under the new loan voted in 1905 is pro-
ceeding with further extensions of the sewerage system and with
the rebuilding of a viaduct connecting two parts of the city.
I have mentioned the street paving which has been effected
under the provisions of the loan ordinance, and which is being
-. Of f extended under the second loan. The organization
of the street-cleaning work under the city highway
department of Harrisburg is unique, in that this is probably the only
city of less than 75,000 inhabitants maintaining a regular uniformed
street-cleaning force, working with a high degree of efficiency.
The cost is approximately $1,500 per mile per year — a very low
cost for the admirable work performed.
Naturally nearest my own heart is the park proposition involved
in the loan ordinance. Concerning it, I can report that the city has
been transformed through the operation of the park scheme. Mr.
Warren H. Manning, the same engineer who had proposed the
original plan, was retained to carry it into effect. A Commission
of five citizens has proceeded vigorously with the work.
To briefly recount its accomplishments, I may say that the river-
front has been combined into one splendid strip of green more than
„. _. ., a mile long, giving a superb view over the unsur-
The Riverside . . • j • 1 j
p , passed panorama of river, and island and mountam
to the west, and affording easily reached breathing
places for a vast multitude of people. Just what this means can be
realized when it is stated, upon the authority of the Harrisburg Park
Commission, that 368,000 people used the Riverside parks alone
during the six months of 1906.
More than two miles of additional river-front have been secured,
or are in process of being secured, by the Park Commission, so that
before long the city of Harrisburg will have the unique distinction
of a river front untouched by commerce or residence, maintained
as a continuous park and open for the pleasure and recreation of all
its citizens along not less than four miles.
This Riverside park forms an essential part of
p 1^ the parkway scheme which is to encircle the whole
of the city of Harrisburg, with approximately eigh-
teen miles of driveway. Of these eighteen miles, nearly one-third
1 8 THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG
have been already secured and partially opened. It is a notable
evidence of the public spirit of property ow^ners to call attention to
the fact that all the property required for the parkway, vv^hich
follow^s for the most part small streams in valleys of great beauty,
but of little agricultural or residental value in themselves, has been
contributed without cost to the city. While it may easily be argued
that in thus permitting the establishment of a parkway, these
citizens increase the value of contiguous property, it can also be
shown that high prices have been exacted elsewhere.
The small and inadequate Reservoir Park has been more than
trebled in size, including now eighty-nine acres of rolling land, top-
^ . -r^ , ped by three notable summits. Lawns, drives,
Reservoir Pa.rk ^ j ' »
tennis courts, a golf course, swings, playgrounds,
picnic grounds, rest-houses and a flower-garden have made this a
most attractive spot. Each summer, through the liberality of the
citizens and the local traction company, a series of band concerts is
maintained in a great open natural auditorium, seating 2,500 persons
and providing comfortable hearing for 4,000. This park is on the
line of the parkway before mentioned.
A playground of ten acres has been opened in a locality con-
venient to most of the city, but immediately contiguous to what
„ ,, . „ was the worst slum district. A great change in
Twelfth Street , , juiu/u -uuuju
T>, J the order and health of the neighborhood has
Playground. .
followed the establishment of this playground,
which includes up-to-date apparatus and a wading-pool, the latter
serving as a skating pond in winter. This example has led to the
beautification of business premises close by, and, indeed, all through
the city the park example has caused adornment to follow.
The city's filtration plant was established on an island in the
Susquehanna river facing the central part of the city. The southern
J -p t P^^' ^^ ^^^^ island, including some twenty acres,
has recently been secured for park purposes on a
long lease at a nominal rental, from the pubhc-spirited corporation
controUing it, and ball fields, a running course, and tennis courts
have been established therein, to the great delight of the young
people of the city. A park nursery, also estabHshed on this island,
saves much money to the city.
The proposed great natural park to the north and east of the
city, known in the campaign as the "Wetzel's Swamp" neighbor-
THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG 19
hood, was fully included in Mr. Manning's comprehensive plan. By
cooperation with the Board of Public Works, and in connection
with a plan for the prevention of floods in the
1 woo Paxton Creek valley, a storage lake has been in-
eluded with this park, now known as Wildwood
Park. Fully two-thirds of the property involved has been acquired
for the city, and portions of the park will be made available to the
citizens during 1907. The total area to be included in Wildwood
Park and Wildwood Lake approximate six hundred and fifty acres.
The Parkway skirts its whole length on the east.
During all this period of construction, the Municipal League
has maintained a watchful eye upon proceedings. When a weak-
ness was apparent in respect to paving specifica-
. ^. tions and paving performance, the ablest paving
League Active. . r , l t. u u
engmeer of the country was brought here at the
expense of the League to inspect and report. When an officious
paving company attempted by questionable methods to capture
most of the paving contracts, its head was sent for, interviewed,
caused to see that politics could not take the place of performance,
and to withdraw entirely from the field. When it appeared that
the city councils, which have always capably assisted the improve-
ment work, did not have a proper comprehension of a modern park
system as a whole, the Municipal League arranged for a special
trip to Boston, taking there not only the city councils but the
Park Commission and the mayor, to see, under the kindly guidance
of the Boston officials, the admirable Boston park system. This
visit had a most wholesome effect.
A notable advance has been scored in city architecture, as evi-
denced in improved school buildings, surrounded by better open
grounds. No less notable has been the introduc-
^ ^ tion of some miles of grass plats, both central and
Entrance. • ^ • 1
at the sidewalks, decreasing the cost of pavmg and
greatly increasing comfort. The Riverside Parks before alluded to
include a beautiful walk, known as the "depressed path," and as a
central feature of this river-front park there is the beautiful city
entrance. This, I am informed, is the only formal city entrance in
the United States. Its distinguishing features are two columns from
the old colonial State Capitol, set on dignified bases and with suit-
able capitals, and made historically important by two bronze tablets
20 THE AWAKENING OF HARRISBURG
reciting the circumstances. This entrance was erected, through"
the intervention of the Civic Club, by the heirs of Colonel Henry
McCormick, and given to the city at a notable formal presentation
ceremony held April 20, 1906.
It can hardly be surprising that the whole face of the city of Har-
risburg has been changed by this movement for improvement.
„■ When the cost of it is inquired into, a marvel ap-
Small Increase , , -i 1 r , ,
. ^ pears ; tor while the most favorable construction
placed upon the cost proposed, in 1906, an increase
in the city taxes of two mills, the effect of the improvement feeling
in increasing enterprise, the further efifect of a better adjusted valu-
ation, and the city's advance along all. lines, enabled the city author-
ities to keep house properly with an increase of but one-half mill in
the tax rate for 1906. That is, the increased cost has been barely
one-fourth that proposed under the most favorable conditions at the
time the movement was projected. For 1907 the tax rate has been
fixed at a rate one-half mill less than the 1902 promise.
During the time of the improvements here recounted, the
state has been erecting a Capitol building to replace the old colonial
structure destroyed by fire February 2, 1897. That
P . . Capitol building, now completed, stands in the very
center of the city, dominating it as its crown of
beauty. Itself one of the most majestic and richly adorned buildings
in the world, it incites the city to further effort for beautification.
The all too narrow space about this great building, preventing a full
appreciation of its majesty, will undoubtedly be increased in the near
future by the extension of the Capitol Park.
In conclusion, I may properly call attention to the fact that there
is no feeling of regret at the improvements undertaken and carried
out. On the contrary, our citizens are looking forward to greater
achievements. A modern sewage disposal plant ; the burying of the
wires which now obstruct our streets ; the inclusion in the great
Wildwood Park as part of a flood-protection scheme of a pleasure
lake more than a mile long ; the erection of a City Hall in harmony
with existing structures, so that there shall be even in this small city
a proper grouping of public buildings — ?re all in mind; and "Harris-
burg, a growing city," can fairly now lay claim to being also, "Har-
risburg, a live city."
WHAT WE ARE VOTING ON
(Ordinance No. 20, File of Common Council)
"That the debt ol the City of Harrisburg should be increased
$1,090,000 for the following purposes:
"$310,000 for the extension, improvement and filtration of the water
supply;
"$365,000 for the extension and improvement of the sewerage system;
" $65,000 for the construction of a dam in the Susquehanna River to
form part of the improved sewerage system;
"$250,000 for acquiring land and property for parks and for making
park improvements; and
"$100,000 for the creation of a fund out of which the city may defray
the cost of paving the intersections of streets hereafter
authorized to be paved."
THE ONE QUESTION is the increase of the city's indebtedness for the
purposes above noted. All the details belong to the Board of Public Works
— Messrs. Gilbert, Stamm and Gorgas — subject to the appropriating power
of the Councils. The plans supplied are only suggestions, and bind no
one. They may be entirely discarded or changed in any way found best
for the public good.
The issue is: IMPROVEMENTS or NO IMPROVEMENTS;
A Greater Harrisburg, good to live in,
or A Dead Town? only fit to get out of I
THE OBJECTS OF THE PROPOSED IMPROVEMENTS
1. The Abatement of the Paxton Creek Nuisance. (It is suggested to
deepen the channel to prevent floods and to construct an intercepting
sewer to take the drainage of half the city, thus making Paxton creek
clean and safe.)
2. The Correction of the Defective and Dangerous Sewers of the City.
( This means the removal of all present difficulties and dangers to
public health, and a great saving of money.)
3. The Filtration of the Water Supply. (This will remove disease germs
as well as culm and clay, and make the water safe to drink as well as
fit to use.)
4. The Building of a low Dam to keep the Susquehanna River about four
feet above low-water mark. (This will cover the mouths of the
sewers, and prevent malaria and mosquitoes.)
5. The Creation of a Park System for the City. (This means the exten-
sion of Reservoir Park and the opening of other parks and playgrounds,
to be easily reached by all the people without necessarily riding on the
trolley-cars.)
6. The Provision of a FtMd for Paving Street Intersections. When prop-
erty owners petition for pavements, Councils can then provide for the
intersections.
Extract from "The Harrisburg Plan" as placed in every house in the city
the Saturday evening before election
Filtration plant on Hargest's Island, in Susquehanna river, Harrisburg, Pa. Capacity, 12,000,000
gallons daily. Loan voted February, 1902; in service, October, 1905
3477-250
lot 29
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zh | N/A | N/A | 浅论股东表决权信托法律关系的客体
邓 峰
(贵阳学院法律系，贵州 贵阳 550005)
摘 要：股东表决权信托的客体究竟是股份还是基于股份所产生的表决权，意义重大。结合实践，从股东表决权的功能、英美法系的财产法理、以及与股份信托、股东表决权拘束契约制度的比较研究的角度对表决权信托进行法理分析，股东表决权信托客体确定为表决权更为妥当。
关键词：股东表决权信托；客体；股份；表决权
中图分类号：D922.282 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1673-6133 (2007)03-0046-04
An Exploration of the Law Relation Object of Stockholder’s Voting Power Trust
DENG Feng
(Law Department， Guiyang University， Cuiyang Guizhou 550005， China)
Abstract： It is of great significance whether the object of stockholder voting power trust is share or share - based voting power. Based on the practice， it is necessary to carry out a comparative jurisprudence study from perspectives of the function of stockholders voting power， the propertys legal principle of the UK and the USA and the system of restraining stockholder trust and stockholder voting power. A conclusion can be drawn that the object stockholder voting power should he determined as voting power.
Key words：stockholder voting power trust； object； share； voting power
股东表决权信托概述
席卷全球的“公司治理”运动旨在修正现行的制度，倡导股东参与公司决策，使消极股东成为积极股东，因之股东表决权机制的重大修正和制度完善就成为公司治理结构优化的主要议题…。加强表决权行使的制度性保障有助于真正实现表决权的功能，而美国法上所独创的股东表决权信托制度不失为一种有效选择。所谓表决权信托，是指股东在一定期限内以不可撤回的方式，将基于其持有的股份所产生的表决权信托给受托人，由受托人按照委托股东的意愿以自己的名义，为特定目的而行使表决权的一种法律制度。它是公司法上表决权间接行使机制与信托制度的融合，其实质是股东将其出席股东大会并行使表决的权利集中于一个或数个受托人，使受托人透过董事的选举或其他决议事项的表决，以影响或控制公司业务决策并使其达到符合委托股东意愿和要求的一种法律设计2。自19世纪中后期实行以来，历经波折，逐渐推广，到现今被域外诸国移植引进，显示出其强大的制度活力。若能结合我国国情对之加以改造利
收稿口期：2007-07-11
作者简介：邓峰：(1974-)，男，湖南邵阳人，贵阳学院法律系教师，民商法硕士。
用，实乃有利于我国公司表决制度的完善。
但学者对具体制度设计分歧颇多，其中表决权信托法律关系的客体是争论的热点之一。表决权信托法律关系的客体事关委托人、受托人以及表决权信托证书持有人(即受益人)公司和其他股东等利害关系人的权利义务的界定。可以说在理论上，关系到公司法、信托法、证券法的制定和完善；在实践上，影响到股份公司、证券交易所、信托公司以及广大股东的行为规范和证券市场的良性运作。
股东表决权信托法律关系客体之争
表决权信托法律关系的客体，即为表决权信托的标的，是指信托关系各方当事人权利义务所指向的对象，是信托法律关系的核心，无之，信托不能成立，也不能存续。表决权信托的标的物究竟是指委托股东所持有的股份，还是仅指其股东股权中所包含的表决权，学界的分歧较大。持“股份标的说”的论者认为，表决权信托的标的物应为股东持有的股份而非股东权中的表决权。如有学者认为，表决权信托并非仅以表决权为标的所设立的信托，而是以转移股份为手段，统一行使表决权为目的而设立的信托。因为，信托标的须为财产或财产权，表决权只是从股权中分离出来的非财产权，属于股东权的一部分，若单纯以表决权本身为标的设立信托，与信托制度的构成要件相违背。更有学者指出，单从股东权利中分离出表决权，在公司法上也是不允许的，并据此认为受托人在法律上居于股东的地位，受托人对公司不只是行使表决权，还享有股东享有的一切权利，履行股东应履行的一切义务，原股东对公司的一切权利不能直接行使，而只能通过受托人而享有受益权吗。也有学者认为，在美国盛行的表决权信托不只是对表决权进行信托，它是对全部股东的股权进行信托，之所以采用这个名称是因为表决权是股东权利的核心内容，其作用在股份公司的董事会选举中具有基础性，表决权信托的主要日的是表决权的行使5\]。持“表决权标的说”的学者认为，表决权信托的标的物应为股权中的表决权而非股东持有的股份。如有学者认为，表决权信托是股东将其股份派生的表决权，在一定期限内，以不可撤回的方式，将其让与所指定的受托人，以谋求表决权统一行使的信托制度。
表决权作为表决权信托法律关系客体的法理剖析
1.从股东表决权的功能及英美法系的财产法理上看
股东表决权( Voting rights of shareholder)，又称股东议决权，是指股东通过出席股东大会并对股东大会的议案作出一定的意思表示从而决定或影响公司意思形成的权利，它是股东权所派生出来的一种固有权，非依法律不得剥夺或限制，属共益股东权的范畴。如果说股东可以实现其“作为出资者按投人公司的资本额享有所有者的资产受益、重大决策和选择管理者等权利”的话，那么表决权则为股东获得这一系列权利的基础。股东表决权的行使代表着公司出资人对公司命运的关注和支配，是投资者由“消极股东”转为“积极股东”的关键。正如美国学者指出，如果认为有限责任是公司法最为显著的特征，则股东表决权是公司法的第二显著特征。加拿大著名公司法专家齐格尔(Ziegel)教授也认为所有者可利用的、约束经营层自利行为的法律与市场控制机制在于表决权制度安排的独立价值。我国学者更打了个形象比喻：“如果说股东的自益权是那风险之海中漂泊的小船，而表决权则是那小船上的帆和桨。”作为股东“权力束”的主要成员之一，表决权对于维系股东自身利益息息相关。但对于其性质的认识，各国理论界有不同见解1。在英美法系国家，由于其独特的财产法区别于大陆法系的物权法和债权法而自成体系，且包括了对信托关系的调整\[。公司董事长期以来被视为处于受托人地位，对股东负有信托责任，因此，股东对其投人公司的财产及其相应获得的权利当然地被视为财产权的性质，同时强调表决权作为单独股东权的自由行使价值，也就将表决权视为财产权。这种观念在判例法有明显的表现，如1937年毛海姆大法官( Lord Maugha ln)在 Carruth V. Imperial Chemical lndustries Ltd. 一案中指出：“股东的投票权是一种财产权，而且可以按其认为最适合自身利益的方式行使。”1974年沃尔顿(Waton)大法宫在 Northern
Countries Securities Ltd 诉 Jackson & Steeple Ltd.一案中再次重申了此种理念：股东在表决时只是在行使财产权。因而，表决权作为表决权信托的客体应当是合乎信托法所要求的信托标的规定。
2.从与股份信托的比较研究上看
我们可从表决权信托与股份信托的比较研究中得出表决权应为表决权信托的客体。在以股份作为信托财产设立股份信托的法律关系中，股份无疑就是股份信托法律关系的客体，而且，在股份信托权能的具体行使中，股份受托人往往以股份表决权为主要方式。此时，股份受托人的股份表决权的客体应是委托股东所持有的股份。但股份信托与股东表决权信托毕竟不是一回事。在此一前提下，对表决权信托的客体的界定，则取决于如下几个方面的因素：首先，取决于表决权信托的制度功能。表决权信托的制度功能不在于设定股份转让的权利，而在于通过股份表决权的集中和稳定行使，使法律上构建的公司法人治理结构能发挥其正常的作用。这是因为在委托股东出席股东大会不经济或单一委托股东的表决权不能发挥对大股东制衡作用的情况下，表决权信托所产生的法律效力和后果只是使表决权行使更为经济、更为专业、更为集中，而并不产生委托股冻的股份或股权转让与表决权受托人的法律效力。至于在表决权信托的设立过程中，通常要办理股份变更手续，表决权受托人取得登录股东的资格，只是为了使表决权受托人在股东大会上行使表决权有充分的法律依据，同时也是为了从外部限制委托股东在信托有效期间任意转让或处分股份，使股东(通过表决权受托人)把关注的重心放在公司内部的积极经营、管理与监督上，而非在证券市场上进行消极的投机，从而真正变消极股东为积极股东，并保持表决权信托的稳定性。其二，取决于表决权信托的权能内容。从表决权信托的权能内容来分析，受托人所行使的权利是委托股东股权中的股份表决权，而不是委托股东股权的全部。而且，委托股东虽将其所持股份登记于受托人的名下，但公司名册上注明“表决权信托”字样实质在于排除表决权受托人转让、赠与、质押委托股份的权利，并具有对外公示该股份具有不可转让、赠与、质押的法律属性。因此，在表决权信托的法律关系中，委托股东与表决权受托人所关注的重心并不是股份本身，也非股权中的全部权能，而在于股权中的表决权。其三，取决于股份表决权的法律属性。股份表决权是一种基于股份而产生的营业决定权，其实质不在对股份或股权本身的直接处分(如转让、赠与等)，而是对由全体股东股份(无疑包括委托股东的股份在内)构成的公司资本的经营与决策的参人和控制，此种权利为股权中的核心，具有相对的独立性。因此，可以说，股份表决权是一种股份财产的经营权利，而不是一种纯粹的身份权，可以独立地成为信托的客体。其四，取决于表决权信托制度的价值取向。如前所述，表决权信托制度的设立目的：一在于方便中小股东行使表决权，从而切实维护中小股东利益；二在于便利少数受托人对公司进行控制。若将股份或股权作为客体，受托人通过行使包括表决权在内的所有股权，就可能易于集中各中小委托股东的权利以达到支配公司的目的。而各委托股东则只是消极的单纯接受利润分红的受益人，对公司的控制则完全仰仗于受托人，在缺乏对受托人进行监控而委托股东又丧失直接对公司行使股权的情况下，无疑对中小股东权益的保护极为不利。而若只将表决权作为信托客体，则中小股东不必亲自行使表决权，又能使其保留全部自益权和部分共益权(如代表诉讼提起权、知情权、涉及公司分、合并、解散等重大特别事项决定权，但信托契约特别授权的除外)。这样更有利于保障中小股东的合法权益4。
3.从股东表决权拘束契约制度上看
表决权作为对公司重大事务的参与决策权、原股东权中的共益权是所有权支配权能的变形物，是一种独立的权利类型，已经客体化，如它可作为表决权拘束契约的客体。表决权拘束契约又称股东表决协议或联合协议(在日本称表决权限制合同，在德国又称集团契约)，是指股东之间或股东与第三者约定，就特定的股东大会待决议事项，按照约定的方式行使表决权以达到控制公司经营的契约。美、德两国立法原则上附条件承认其效力。表决权拘束契约通常为股东们在股东大会召开前进行协商，确定统一意见达成联合协议，协议成员受协议的约束，并按协议统一、集中行使表决权，股东们有时甚至还与人(某一股东)签订长期性的委任统一行使表决权的合同。因而，股东表决权既然可以作为表决权拘束契约的客体，同样也可
作为表决权信托的客体。
综上所述，笔者认为表决权信托的客体应为基于委托股东所持股份而产生的股份表决权。至于说从股东权利中分离出表决权为公司法上所不允许，似乎难以令人信服。法律制度的创设无非是为了满足社会生活的需要。法律制度理应与社会同步发展，与时俱进，正如有学者指出的那样，“法律上引人信托制度，是为了实务上发扬光大信托设计\[15。”信托客体从最初的不动产，到后来的动产、股份、公司债、矿业权、渔业权、知识产权等，财产与权利可谓尽在其中。以股份表决权作为信托客体，正是源于保护委托股东利益的需要。
参考文献：
\[1\]Frank H. Easterbrook，Daniel R. Fischel. The Economic Structure of Corporate Law\[M\]. Harvard University press，1991：63-65.
\[2\]杨崇森.论表决权信托\[J\].中兴法学(台北)民国63(9)：27.
\[3\]赖源河，王志诚.现代信托法论\[M\]北京：中国政法大学出版社，2002：78-79.
\[4\]刘俊海.股份有限公司股东权的保护(修订本)\[M\].北京：法律出版社，2004.
\[5\]中野正俊.股东表决权的信托行使.经济法论丛(第3册)\[M\].漆丹，译.北京：中国方正出版社，2003.
\[6\]梅慎实.现代公司法人治理结构规范运作论\[M\].北京：中国法制出版社，2001：323-333.
\[7\]Carol Goforth. Proxy Reform as a Means of lncreasing Shareholder，Participation in corporate Governance：Too Little， But not Too
Late. The American university Law Review\[J\]. 1994，Vol43 ，397-403.
\[8\]Ziegel Daniels，Johnston Macintosh. Cases and Materials on Partnerships and Canadian Business Corporations\[M\]. Second Edi-tion. Voll，A Carswell student Edition，1918，370.
\[9\]刘俊海.股份有限公司股东权的保护\[M\].北京：法律出版社，1997：135.
\[10\]丁红.股份有限公司表决权制度研究\[D\].成都：四川大学：5-6.
\[11\]彭汉英.财产法的经济分析\[M\].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2000：40.
\[12\]Carrnth V.Imperial Chemical Industries\[M\]. Ltd(1937)Ac707.
\[13\]丁红.股份有限公司表决权制度研究\[D\].成都：四川大学：6.
\[14\]肖海军，邓峰.股东表决权信托制度研究\[A\].21世纪商法论坛·2004年国际研讨会论文集\[C\]//北京：清华大学商法研究中心，2004.
\[15\]周小明.信托制度比较法研究\[M\].北京：法律出版社，1996：6-64.
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zh | N/A | N/A | 人 的 异
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——-席勒和青年马克思美学思想的比较\*1
汪 树 东
(武汉大学人文学院中文系，湖北武汉430072)
摘 要：克服异化，返回自由，是席勒和青年马克思深刻关怀的问题。但结论不同：席勒认为，经过审美游戏，建立美的王国是出路所在。青年马克思却认为，通过私有财产的积极扬弃，建立共产主义社会才是出路所在。青年马克思比席勒的人的理想更全面，程度更高。
关键词：席勒；青年马克思；美学思想；比较研究
中图分类号： B83 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1000-2820(2002)02-0088-05
人的事实状态常是异化，而他的本真状态应是自由。因此，人生中性命攸关的问题便是如何克服异化返回自由，换而言之，即人在白驹过隙般有限的人生中如何把握住提升人生并赋予其意义的无限。弗洛姆在《爱的艺术》中曾说：“人类---在任何时代，任何文化中——都面临着同一个问题，都要解决同一个问题：怎样克服分离，怎样实现结合，怎样超越个人的自身生活，并找回和谐。”1J(P.238)的确，克服分裂和异化，返回和谐与自由，这是真正伟大的思想家运思的中心，也是人类学美学的核心议题。席勒和青年马克思就曾为这同一问题所困扰，《审美教育书简》和《1844年经济学哲学手稿》分别是他们思考的结晶。那么，他们是如何认识人的异化事实的?他们又指出了什么克服异化返回自由的出路?最后，他们又是如何描述人的理想状态的?下面我们拟就这些问题把席勒和青年马克思的人类学美学思想作一粗略的考察，希望借此能深人时代问题之中。
一、分裂和异化
每个时代都会铸造出独特的时代问题。席勒的时代发生了两件惊天动地的大事：一是1789年爆发的法国大革命；二是德国古典哲学先驱康德哲学的诞生。这两件大事第一次以一种极端的方式暴露了人类文明的危机，法国大革命的领导者企图通过暴力革命为国人们觅回卢梭早已允诺的自由；康德在《纯粹理性批判》和《实践理性批判》之后不得不再著《判断力批判》以为人从自然的真到人的善找到相通的津梁，从而为人类的自由再次莫基。席勒显然深受这两个事件的影响，他深入地考察了当时
的时代问题，写成著名的《审美教育书简》。在此，他企图为他的时代找到一条通向自由的路。问题的解决首先基于对问题的认识、描述，席勒是如何描述他的时代问题、时代状况的呢?
席勒敏锐地认识到，科技理性已经开始日益牢固地主宰整个社会和人们的身心。人们越来越屈服于肉体生活的物质需要，人的精神日益沦丧，古希腊的诸神和中世纪的上帝已经杳如黄鹤。实用成了那个时代崇拜的偶像，一切力量和才智都拜倒在它的面前。文明并没有给人们带来自由，它在我们身上培植起的每一种力量都只是发展出一种潜在的新需要：人沉溺于物中。此外，整个社会开始渐渐地分裂为两个阶级。下层阶级有的是粗野和无法无天的冲动，一旦社会秩序被冲决，他们就以无法控制的狂暴急于得到兽性的满足。而上层文明阶级则是一幅懒散和性格败坏的令人作呕的景象，利已主义像瘟疫一样蔓延。真理不在任何一个阶级。社会的这种分裂是致命的，当然更为致命的是在一个文明世纪的人们中间那一种可怕的心理对立。那就是现实主义和理想主义的对立。现实主义者注重感性现实，有清醒的观察精神，服从自然必然性，脚踏实地而目光短浅，总想着追求快乐和幸福；理想主义者则常常企望着绝对，精神躁动不安，只服从理性的必然性，高蹈尘外而不切实际，总想着追求自由和崇高。席勒指出，这种心理对立比偶然的利益冲突所能产生的冲突更为严重。2\](PP.291-302)
席勒更为热情地关注了个人的普遍状况。席勒指出，古希腊人的人性基本上是和谐发展的，他们每一个人都可以作为族类的代表而毫无愧色，但是现代人却仅仅是单调的碎片，他们谁也不能作为族
收稿日期：2001-09-12
作者简介：汪树东(1974一)，男，江西上饶人，武汉大学人文学院中文系博士研究生。
类的代表。使现代人沦于这种万劫不复之境的正是文明本身，一方面是因为知识的丰富而不得不更加精细地划分各种科学；另一方面是无尽的等级和职业的划分。于是，“人的天性的内在联系就要被撕裂开来，一种破坏性的纷净就要分裂本来处于和谐状态的人的各种力量。”3K(P.68H)此外，“国家与教会，法律与道德习俗都分裂开来了；享受与劳动，手段与目的，努力与报酬都彼此脱节了。人永远被束缚在整体的一个孤零零的小碎片上，人自己也只好把自已造成一个碎片。他耳朵里听到的永远只是他推动的那个齿轮发出的单调乏味的嘈杂声，他永远不能发展他本质的和谐。他不是把人性印在他的天性上，而是仅仅变成他的职业和他的专门知识的标志。”\[创(P.689)也就是说，劳动分工使人丧失了本质的和谐和丰富的可能性，而使他拘囿于破碎而贫瘠的现实之中。人沦人这种不幸的惨状，在席勒看来，这是历史的必然。文明要发展，人类要进步，劳动分工以及人的异化都是不可避免的。人的异化有可能把人类引向真理，但不可避免地把个人引向迷误。那么，个人是否就该为了人类明天可能的真理而彻底牺牲他那不可重复的现世生命呢?不能。因此当务之急是为个人找到一条通向人性全面发展的和谐与自由之路。
那么青年马克思又是如何描述他的时代状况的呢?青年马克思指出，随着资本主义生产方式进一步发展，整个社会日益分裂为两大阶级：无产阶级和资产阶级。这两个阶级壁垒鲜明，针锋相对。与席勒全面的否定不一样，青年马克思认为历史的希望正在无产阶级身上，真理将会被它掌握。为争取人类的解放和自由，最重要的是争取工人的解放和自由。“因为工人的解放包含全人类的解放，其所以如此，是因为整个人类奴役制就包含在工人同生产的关系中，而一切奴役关系只不过是这种关系的变形和后果罢了。”4(P.101?工人与劳动息息相关，因此要分析人的异化事实，归根结底就是分析工人的异化劳动。青年马克思以一种天才的笔触分析了工人的异化劳动。它首先表现在工人与他的劳动产品的异化上。工人辛辛苦苦生产出来的产品不再归他自已所有，而被别人掠为己有。因此，“工人生产的财富越多，他的产品的力量和数量越大，他就越贫穷。工人创造的商品越多，他就越变成廉价的商品。物的世界的增值同人的世界的贬值成正比。\[4\](P.90)异化劳动不仅表现在结果上，而且表现在劳动过程中；劳动过程中的异化才是更为根本而深刻的异化。“首先，劳动对工人说来是外在的东西，也就是说，不属于他的本质的东西；因此，他在自己的劳动中不是肯定自己，而是否定自己，不是感到幸福，而是感到不幸，不是自由地发挥自己的体力和智力，
而是使自己的肉体受折磨、精神遭摧残。”\[4(P.93)因此，这种异化劳动根本上就是工人的不幸；在这种劳动中，工人不是确证自我、享受自我，而是使自我沦丧，使自己的完整性破灭分裂。异化劳动的第三个规定是把人的类生活变成维持个人生活的手段，使人把自己的生命活动、自己的本质变成仅仅维持自己生存的手段。这是最可悲的墮落，至此，人的尊严不复存在，人的优越也不复存在，人被迫重新坠入动物境界，变得纵欲、麻木和粗野。
席勒和青年马克思都试图从劳动、劳动分工这一根源来分析人的异化事实，这是他们的卓越之处。但是青年马克思远比席勒看得深远。他指出，整个人类不幸的根源就是异化劳动。这种异化劳动直接生产出私有财产和私有制，随后私有财产和私有制也反过来使得异化劳动变本加厉。异化劳动还直接生产出社会的分裂：无产阶级和资产阶级。它不仅把工人投人绝望的深渊，还把整个人类推上歧途。它使得人与自身、他人、自然界和族类本质全面地异化，人变得如此缺乏社会性，以致于他只能呆在他那局促而偏狭的职业和本能的角落里阴郁地打量着世间的一切。此世的美与善在他的眼中均不复存在，他只知命运和不幸。“私有制使我们变得如此愚蠢而片面，以致一个对象，只有当它为我们拥有的时候，也就是说，当它对我们说来作为资本而存在，或者它被我们直接占有，被我们吃、喝、穿、住等等的时候，总之，在它被我们使用的时候，才是我们的。”\[4\](P.124)至此，人的丰富性被简化到无以复加的地步，人的本质必须被归结为这种绝对的贫困。一个如此全面异化的私有制下的人怎么可能是一个自由人呢?但人应是自由人，否则人而不人，生又何用?
总之，席勒和青年马克思都以无比的天才描述了他们所面临的独特的时代问题，而这种描述有异曲同工之妙。他们都看到社会分裂的危险，席勒希望尽快弥合这种分裂，而青年马克思则希望这种分裂尽快走向极端，从而达到更高的解放。相比较而言，席勒的描述更为抽象而简略，而青年马克思的描述却更为具体、繁富、深刻而独到。
二、游戏和劳动
席勒天才地看到人的异化乃是不可避免的，而且认识到劳动分工和自然国家是人性和谐丧失的根源。但是席勒显然未停留在这个层次的分析上，他以一种哲学的抽象深人到普遍的人性之中，企图从中找到异化的最终根源。若把人进行极高的抽象，我们便可以得出与人有关的两个概念，即人格和状态。抽象的人格就是自我、形式、理性；抽象的状态就是现象、材料、感性。前者亘古长存，后者变
动不居。若人只是人格，他便不是经验的存在，而仅为抽象的精神；若人只是状态，他便没有独立性，尚被世界所拘囚，仅是没有形式的物质。与之相应，人性中有两种冲动，即形式冲动和感性冲动。感性冲动是由人的状态或说是由人的感性天性而产生的，它总想把人投人时间的限制之中，使人变成物质：可以说是以有限去宰割无限。而形式冲动却是由人的人格或者说是人的理性天性而产生的，它竭力使人得以自由，使人得以超出时间之外，在虚静状态中保持住纯然独立的人格；可以说是以无限升华有限。这两种冲动若都谨守自己的疆域，便不会冲突；但是人们常常不是使感性冲动占绝对上风，以感性代替理性，从而变成粗鄙的野人；就是使形式冲动占绝对上风，以理性代替感性，从而变成无情的蛮人。而这都不是人性的和谐。这样，席勒就把异化的根源追溯至人性自身的悖谬和腐化。在他看来，整个世界历史恰恰就是人性自身的悖谬和腐化、和谐与辉煌外化的历史。在这向内转的过程中，席勒就把自己推上了那条陡峭的唯心主义之路。
既然人的异化的根源是人性自身的悖谬和腐化，那么克服异化的方法就只能是改善培育良好的人性。鉴于此，席勒在人的感性冲动和形式冲动之外引进了第三种冲动，即游戏冲动。所谓游戏冲动就是感性冲动和形式冲动结合在一起进行活动的那个冲动，它企图在时间中扬弃时间，使演变与绝对存在，使人格与状态，使精神与物质合而为一。席勒认为，感性冲动使我们受到自然必然性的强制，而形式冲动使我们受到理性必然性的强制，惟有游戏冲动使我们在感性与理性之间达到一种平衡，依循我们的内在必然性，从而获得自由。感性冲动的对象是最广义的生活，而形式冲动的对象是本义和转义的形象；游戏冲动的对象就是活的形象，即最广义的美。席勒说：“人同美只应是游戏，人只应同美游戏。”\[3j(P.740)因此，席勒所理解的游戏就是审美游戏，本质上是一种自由活动。。它与现实中以非常物质性的对象为目标的那些游戏以及空洞无物的想象力的游戏有着宵壤之别。审美游戏归根到底起于人的本质和生命的太过丰盈，他不得不创造某种东西以自娱或自遗。雄狮在空寂的山林中因力的丰盈而以雄壮的吼声自娱，而本质丰盈的人则在审美游戏中自娱。正是在审美游戏中，人既摆脱了物质的强制，又摆脱了理性的强制，依循其内在天性的必然与丰富，从容自如地展现自我、肯定自我、享受自我，从而人性的概念得以完美地实现，人得以克服异化。席勒说：“只有当人是完全意义上的人，他
才游戏；只有当人游戏时，他才完全是人。，\[3\](P.740)他认为，这一论断足以承载起整个美学的大厦；美之谜，甚至人之谜也就包含在这一论断中。正是在审美游戏中，实在与形式、偶然与必然、受动与自由等等全都统一起来了，人性的和谐不再是遥不可及的梦想，而是唾手可得的现实。
席勒从人的异化现实出发，经过抽象的人性分析，终于给人们指出一条克服异化的道路，那就是审美游戏，说到底就是艺术之路。因此，他所说的自由终归是精神上的自由。青年马克思能否赞成席勒的指导?
让我们先来看看青年马克思是如何分析人的。在他看来，人首先直接是自然存在物，也就是说，他是自然的、肉体的、感性的对象性的存在物。作为对象性的存在物，人只能客观地现实地表现自己，在对象界中确证自己。这表现了人的有限性和依存性。另一方面，人又是类存在物、社会存在物。人的本质恰恰在于人是类存在物、社会存在物，其根本特征便是人是自由自觉的存在物。这表现了人的无限性和独立性.①一方面人是自由自觉的社会存在物，一方面人又是对象性的自然存在物；那么人的这两种特性在什么活动中才表现得最为充分呢?青年马克思认为那就是劳动。劳动就是人的本质力量的对象化，应是创造性的自由活动，是人性的完满实现。青年马克思所理解的劳动不仅是指精神生产实践，如宗教、哲学和艺术等，更是指而且是更为根本地指向人们的物质生产实践。在劳动中，人作为族类的代表与自然界和他人打交道，改造对象世界，确证自己的类本质。正是劳动才能证明人是社会存在物；人也是在劳动中能动地现实地复现自已，在他所创造的世界中直观自己。关于人的劳动，青年马克思有两个本质规定：一是人在劳动中把自已的内在尺度运用到对象上去，也就是按照美的规律来建造；二是人能自由地对待自己的产品。正是鉴于此，青年马克思提出那个著名的论断：“劳动创造了美。”L4JK(P，93)这一论断足以把美学牢固地奠基在历史唯物论和人类学之上。由此，我们也可以说，正是劳动创造了人。
但是在现实中，却是异化劳动猖獗肆虐。异化劳动中，人不是在对象中确证自我，而是否定自我；不是自我的获得而是自我的丧失；不是自由而是奴役。原因何在?劳动作为人的本质力量的对象化会蜕变为异化劳动，不外有以下三种情况。一是我的对象不是我的本质力量的确证，臂如我是个音乐家，不是被邀请去演奏音乐，而是被迫去下田耕种，
①很显然，在青年马克思的分析中，有着席勒思想的影子。但他所说的社会存在物就远比席勒所说的人格和形式冲动更为具体而精到。青年马克思得自黑格尔哲学的关于人是对象性的存在物的观点就远比席勒所说的感性冲动更为精僻。
这在很大程度上是由劳动分工所造成的。二是我的本质力量太弱小，不足以驾驭对象，对象以其蛮横的威力盲目地嘲弄我的本质力量。三是对象化活动根本不需要人的本质力量的参与，譬如大工业社会中越来越多的机械性劳动。在青年马克思看来，这三种情况的产生以及其愈演愈烈之势均可在私有财产、私有制中找到其根源。正是私有财产、私有制的存在，一方面依赖于劳动分工，另一方面使劳动分工达到无以复加的地步，使人的本质变得绝对的贫困，从而极易被奴役。正如他所说的：“私有财产不过是下述情况的感性表现：人变成了对自已说来只是对象性的，同时变成了异己的非人的对象；他的生命表现就是他的生命的外化，他的现实化就是他失去现实性。\*4J(P.123)因此，私有财产的积极扬弃就势在必行。只有私有财产被积极扬弃后，人的一切感觉特性彻底解放，人重新占有类本质，异化劳动才可能被克服，人的自由才有可能，人才有可能，美才有可能。
青年马克思在分析异化劳动时，敏锐地抓住了其根源——-私有财产，从而为自己的革命学说找到了坚固的基石。席勒通过审美游戏企图把人引向精神的解放与自由，而青年马克思则通过私有财产的积极扬弃、人的真正的劳动得以实现把人引向全面的解放与自由。由此看来，青年马克思的劳动虽说在作为自由活动的本质这一点上与席勒的游戏相通，但可以说是在更高程度上对它的扬弃。在青年马克思看来，人的解放就是全面的解放。在真正的劳动中，人身心强健，本质丰盈，神清气朗，自由欢悦。①
三、美的王国和共产主义社会
席勒写《审美教育书简》的初衷之一就是希望德国能避免采取法国大革命那种极端措施来改善国家。他认为，最初的国家总是自然国家，物质的强力是其准则。人们成长起来后便不会满足于这种国家，他们要求建立以道德的法则为核心的伦理国家；但是自然国家不能直接变成伦理国家，它必须先变成审美国家。与之相应，人的成长要经过三种状态，从自然状态到审美状态再到道德状态。很显然，席勒关于国家变革的看法是建立在他对抽象的人性分析的基础上的。这样，所有的问题都归结为美的问题。正如他所说的：“人们在经验中要解决的政治问题必须假道美学问题，因为正是通过美，人们才可以走向自由。”\[3J(P.671)那么，席勒所说的美到
其实，在某种程度上说，席勒所说的美与他所说的游戏的所指是一致的。按照通常的看法，游戏是就动态的行为而言，美是指静止的状态而言。而席勒认为，美既是我们的状态，又是我们的行为。美的最高理想就是实在与形式尽可能最完善的结合和平衡。它的本质是自由、是各种法则的和谐，是最高的内在必然性。自然是人的第一创造者；人被初创时，仅是一种空的无限。美是人的第二创造者；人被美再造时，便是一种充实了内容的无限。席勒说：“美既不善于建立性格也不善于启蒙头脑。因此，通过审美的修养，一个人的个人价值或尊严仍然是完全未受规定，只要这种价值或尊严还能依赖于此人而存在；美什么也达不到，除了从天性方面使人能够从他自身出发为其所欲为-—把自由完全归还给人，使他可以是其所是。但也正因为如此，才达到了某种无限。”\[3}(P.767)这种美的境界大致相当于道家所说的大制不割浑然一体的道的境界。人在自然状态中倍受命运的嘲弄，在道德状态中又倍受法则的威慑，惟有在美的状态中人才是自由的。这样，席勒原来是要为人从自然状态过渡到道德状态找到一条路，现在却在大路上欣赏起美景，留连不去，并以大路为家了。正如他所说的，自由运动本身既是目的又是自由的手段。集手段和目的于一身的美便是席勒的目的地、家园。
与此相类，关于国家的变革，席勒也仅钟情于美的王国。他说：“在力的可怕王国与法则的神圣王国之间，审美的创造冲动不知不觉地建立起第三个王国，郎游戏和假象的快乐王国。在这个王国里，审美的创造冲动给人卸去了一切关系的枷锁，使人摆脱了一切称为强制的东西，不论这些强制是物质的，还是道德的。”3(P.811席勒设想，在美的王国里，人与人只能作为形象彼此相见，人与人只能作为自由游戏的对象相互对立。这个国家的基本法则就是通过自由给予自由。在美的王国中，人成为天性和谐的人，作为族类的代表在天地间享受人生，游戏人生。
席勒把现实的人的异化问题放在抽象的精神领域里来解决，是一种典型的美育救世主义；他所设想的美的王国终究只具一个渺茫难寻的乌托邦，是精神为自娱而创造的海市蜃楼。后来，他在著名的《新世纪的开始》一诗中感叹道：“在梦之国里才能找到自由，在诗歌里才开出美的花朵。”\[3\](F.B7)这就为他的乌托邦抹上了浓重的感伤色彩。与之相反，
动：但长危籽平起来的省平臻林之舞，秀伟壶信三公，界知是有凄司然望缸崇，非信图老作在量，性养要的不能要是念全，我場高楚
子道?不甚了了，但有一点可知，若技进于道，便为艺了，此处庄子所说的“道”与青年马克思所说的“类本质”是否有相似之处?尚可深究，此外，孔子说："志于道，据于德，依于仁，游于艺。\*(《论语·述而》)能“游”于艺，就表明人是自由的。但是人“游于艺”的前提是“志于道，据于德，依于仁”，否则，人只能溺于技、溺于艺。
青年马克思指出，理论的对立本身的解决，只有通过实践方式，只有借助人的实践力量，才是可能的。也就是说，人要克服异化，返回自由，获得解放，不能仅仅在精神领域里展开，还得在现实经验领域里展开。整个革命运动将在私有财产的运动中找到其理论和实践的根据，是工人阶级的政治革命和人类的工业革命。共产主义是未来的必然形式和有效原则。
共产主义是私有财产即人的自我异化的积极扬弃。这首先意味着人对人的本质的真正占有，也就是青年马克思所说的人向人自身、向社会的人的复归。在私有制条件下的异化状态中，人是极其排他利己的。他常常只知一已私利，而且这种私利常常是围绕着他自身肉体欲望这个令人昏眩的中心。人一再地丧失自由，堕回动物境地。他无法与他人、自然界等等建立起良好的关系。对他而言，社会仅是陌生而敌对的存在物。人表现为极其缺乏社会性。而在共产主义社会中，个人是社会存在物；社会生产人，人也生产社会。个人的活动和享受都是社会的活动和享受。此时的社会是人同自然界的完成了的本质的统一，是自然界的真正复活，是人的实现了的自然主义和自然界的实现了的人道主义。因此，人对人的本质的真正占有就是人重新赢获社会性，人既涵纳了整个社会，也被社会涵纳其中。至此，他才不会因本质的匮乏而倍受奴役。
共产主义其次意味着人对人的本质的全面占有。人的本质力量是多种多样的，它的确证方式也是多种多样的。人不仅仅通过思维，而且通过各种感觉在对象世界中确证自己。人通过人的本质的对象化活动不仅使自然人化，还创造出同人的本质和自然界的本质的全部丰富性相适应的感觉。但是在异化状态中，人的本质极度贫困化，人的一切肉体和精神的感觉被异化得只剩下一种痴呆呆的拥有的感觉。异化的人宣称：人就是他的占有物。而在共产主义社会中，人的一切感觉和特性将获得彻底的解放。“人以一种全面的方式，也就是说，作为完整的人，占有自己全面的本质。\](P.123)人将不单单只
注意自然界的贫瘠的物质有用性，他还将注意到它那难以言喻的大美。人的感觉将变成真正的人的感觉，耳朵将为优美的音乐而灵敏，眼睛将为形式美而清亮。
当然，青年马克思关于共产主义最激动人心的描述便是，到那时，劳动将成人的第一需要。人去劳动，不是由于外在的偶然的需要，而是由于内在的必然的需要。作为人的本质的对象化，劳动将不是在对象中否定自我，而是确证自我，是自由的生命表现，是生活的乐趣。在某种程度上说，人将通过劳动愉悦地把自己创造出来。此外，在我生产的产品上，凝聚着我的个性与生命；你在享受它时，你就是与我亲密地交往。劳动就是如此生产出全新的社会关系。这种劳动就是生命的游戏，生命的舞蹈；就是生命的诗歌，生命的美。
我们可以看到，青年马克思的共产主义是对席勒的美的王国的扬弃，但有…点是相同的，即他们都自觉不自觉地认为，美是人的实现，或者说，人的全面实现就是美。在这终极点上，他们都看到，人惟有栖息于天蓝的美之中才是真正地安居于家园。席勒的美的王国终究是个精神乌托邦，而青年马克思的共产主义则试图把自己的根深深扎入人类劳动这种现实活动之上，从而为自己汲得源源不断的营养。我们认为，当务之急是要把青年马克思关于共产主义的论述中的人类学美学思想丰富而深刻地阐发出来，以为当代人的迷思驱走些许晦暗。
\[参考文献\]
\[1\]〔美〕弗洛姆.为自己的人\[M\].孙依依译.北京：生活·读书·新知三联书店，1988.
\[2\]缪灵珠.缪灵珠美学译文集(第2卷)\[M\].北京：中国人民大学出版社，1987.
\[3\]〔德〕席勒.席勒精选集\[M\].张黎编选.济南：山东文艺出版社，1998.
\[4\]马克思恩格斯全集(第42卷)\[M\].北京：人民出版社，1979.
Alienation and Freedom of Man--Comparison in Aesthetic Ideas between Schiller and Young Karl Marx
WANG Shu-dong
(Department of Chinese language and Iiterature， School of Humanities， Wuhan University， Hubei Province 430072)
Abstract ： Both Schiller and young Karl Marx showed great concern over the conquer of alienation and return of frecdom. However， they came to different conclusions. Schiller thought that establishment of aesthetic kingdom is the only way out by means of acsthetic play but Young Karl Marx held that communist society wouldn’t be set up unless we positively subla1-ed private property. Young Karl Marx is more comprchensive and higher in terms of his ideal than Schiller.
Key Words ： Schiller； Young Marx； Aesthetie Ideas； Comparative Studies | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | 韩愈诗歌篇名中的 师古”性
白俊骞
(兰州大学，甘肃兰州730020)
「摘 要1 本文具体揭示了韩愈诗歌篇名的来源和篇名的语法特点，并与《诗经》的篇名作了比较认为韩诗的篇名具有明显的师古”性。
\[关键词\]1 韩诗诗经；命名师古；比兴
\[中图分类号\]T06 \[文献标识码\]A \[文章编号\]1008—4053( 2006)010-0165—02
六朝以来，骈俪之风盛行，古文之道沦丧。古文运动的杰出领袖韩愈，以复兴儒学为己任，致力于文学改良运动，锐意钻仰，欲自振于一代”11终使绮靡文风到此为之变。韩愈之功诚如苏轼所言文起八代之衰”，可谓大矣。
韩愈推崇先秦两汉文学"，非先秦两汉之书不敢读”吟诗做文，也以古法为用。其诗文，或内容，或体式，或句法，或修辞处处流露着古人的笔法，古文的写法。故历来多以古意甚浓”评价韩诗。近来笔者阅读韩诗发现许多诗歌的篇名在来源上，或取首句为题或取诗中字为题；在篇名词性的选择上，或为名词性或为动词性，或为主谓式，且多数篇目以自然景物命名。这两个方面也恰是《诗经》篇名命名的主要特征。笔者试对此现象略作说明。
本文所观察的韩诗，来自中华书局1960年版的《全唐文》。其中共收韩愈诗歌403首但《太安池》一首有题无诗，故实际为402首。据笔者的不完全统计与《诗经》命名相似的篇数为133首近三分之一，所占比例比较突出。
需要说明的是：韩愈诗歌的名称一般都很长，如《奉和兵部张侍郎酬云周四尚书只召途中见寄开缄之日马帅已在领云舟之作》，多达32字，但在这些名称中作为真正意义上的篇名却只有两三个字。如《落叶一首送陈羽》方世举在给韩诗作的注中指出“以起句落叶二字命题，仿《三百篇》。”故笔者根据以上观点对一些较长的名称略做处理，如《江汉答孟郊》，就以《江汉》为诗名。还有一种情况就是篇名在书写时的简化如《奉和虢州刘给事使君三堂新题二十一咏》，简为《二十一咏》。
下面我们就对这 133首韩诗从篇名的来源、篇名的词性两个方面试作论述，并同《诗经》进行比较，以为韩诗的师古”特征提供一些证据。
一、篇名的来源
韩诗篇名的来源可分为四类。第一类是来自诗的首句，共有52篇，占三分之一强。具体来说又可分成四种情况：
1.就取首句为篇名，共14首《条山苍》《河之水》(共二首)《青青水中蒲X共三首)《马厌谷》、《知音者诚稀》《此日足可惜》、《暮行河堤上》《长安郊游者》、《君子法天运》《一日复一日》、《莫辞酒》。
2.取首句中的前几个字为篇名少则为两个，多则为四个大部分则为两个字，共21首《《落叶》、《江汉》、《北极》、《孟生》《天星》、《龊龊》、《忽忽》《驾骥》、《祖席》、《幽怀》、《海水》、《山石》、《利剑》、《叉鱼》《双鸟》《庭楸》《二十一咏·竹洞》《二十一咏·柳巷》、《峋峻山》、《东方半明》《汴泗交流》。
3.取首句的最后两个或三个字为篇名共6首《烽火》《龙移》、《苦寒歌》、《谁氏子》《过襄城》、《路旁埃》。
4.取首句中的两个字组合为篇名共11首《鸣雁》《出城》《二十一咏·孤屿》《二十一咏·新亭》《琴操十首·咏·月池》、《盆池》其二和其四。
第二类是取诗中除首句外的诗句中的字，共27首。具体又分三种情况：
1.取第二句中的字为篇名，共11首《李花》、《杏花》、《桃林夜》、《盆池》其一、《出门》《从仕》、《落齿》、《短藥》
《石鼓歌》、《谢自然》《会合》联句)。
2.取最后两句中的字为篇名多取倒数第二句中的字，共7首《示儿》、《把酒》、《斗鸡》《二十一咏·花岛》、《二十一咏·方桥》《琴操十首·越裳》《招杨之罘》。
3.取其它诗句中的字组成篇名共9首：《春雪》、《重云》《岐山下》、《题木居士》其一、《汰吏》《华山女》《琴操十首·将归》《琴操十首·履霜》《月蚀》。
第三类是由诗中字加上非诗中字一起组成篇名，共48首。所加的字有的表示一种诗歌体裁，如歌”、行”；有的表示动作，如咏”、送”等；有的表示物名、地名，如柳”、'郴州”等也有表修饰的，如新"、晚”等。具体可分四种
情况：
1.加歌”或行字组成篇名共8首《夜歌》、《赤藤杖歌》《剥啄行》《三星行》、《忆昨行》《猛虎行》、《南山有高树行》《嗟哉董生行》。
2.加动词组成篇名，且动词均放在前面。共18首《咏月》《咏雪》、《咏笋》、《望秋》《题百叶桃花》、《征蜀》、《记梦》、《过南阳》、《次潼关》、《食曲河驿》、《射训狐》、《送惠师》《送灵师》《送僧澄观》《醉留东野》《赠贾岛》、《嘲鲁连子》《谴虐鬼》。
3.加名词组成篇名共16首《春雪》《二十一咏·北湖》《二十一咏·北楼》《二十一咏·竹溪》、《二十一咏·柳溪》《二十一咏·稻畦》《湘中》、《雪后》、《醉后》、《汴州乱》《池上絮》、《桃源图》、《军州溪堂》《郴州祈雨》《县斋读书》《孟东野失子》。
4.加形容词组成篇名共6首：《喜雪》《新竹》、《晚菊》《枯树》《晚春》共两首)。
第四类是从相邻的两句诗中各取一字，共6首《池台》、《琴操十首·雉朝飞》、《南山》、《二十一咏·荷池》、《辞唱歌》《二十一咏·月台》。
二、篇名的语法特点
对于篇名的语法特点，可以从不同的角度来考察。本文的目的是为了同《诗经》进行比较我们看到黄震云、韩宏韬二位先生对《诗经》篇名的语法特点进行了总结他们将其归纳为五类名词性、动词性、形容词性、叹词性、主谓式。这种分法虽然在概念层次上不够科学，但是颇能说明问题。因此对这133首韩诗，我们也从这几个方面来分析。另外因为篇名上面已详细写出，在这一部分我们就仅举例说明，不复一一列出。
篇名为名词性的共有78首，占二分之一强大致可以分为如下几类：
1.植物类共17首《李花》、《枯树》等。
2.动物类共5首《双鸟》《驾骥》等。
3.天文类共9首《天星》《重云》等。
4.山川河流类共24首《南山》《江汉》等。
5.人物类共7首《孟生》《华山女》等。
6.其他类共16首《烽火》、《汴州乱》等。
篇名为动词性的共有37首《咏月》、《赠贾岛》等。
篇名为形容词性的共有3首《忽忽》《龊龊》、《剥啄行》。
篇名有感叹语气的一首，即《嗟哉董生行》。
「收稿日期2006-06-09
\[作者简介\]俊骞(1981-)男兰州大学文学院05级汉语言文字硕士。父营
子
篇名为主谓式的共有13首《条山苍》、《孟东野失子》等。
三、与《诗经》的比较
对于《诗经》的篇名，黄震云、韩宏韬两位先生的文章《诗经篇名类释》中已有详细的统计和分析。我们将其相关数据与韩愈诗进行比较，制成下面两个表从而进行比较。需说明的是，表一中《诗经》总数为289首是除去10首篇名相同的还有6首命名时没取诗中字不是本文比较的对象，故也没有列入。
表1 篇名的来源
| | 诗 | | 经 | 韩愈诗 | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| | 篇数 | | 比例 | 篇数 | 比例 |
| 第一类 | 267 | | 92% | 52 | 39% |
| 第二类 | 14 | | 5% | 33 | 24% |
| 第三类 | 8 | | 3% | 48 | 37% |
| 总 数 | | 289 | | 133 | |
表2篇名的词性
| | 诗 | | 经 | 韩愈诗 | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| | 篇数 | | 比例 | 篇数 | 比例 |
| 名词性 | 190 | | 62% | 78 | 59% |
| 动词性 | 49 | | 16% | 38 | 28.6% |
| 形容词 | 14 | | 4.6% | 3 | 2.3% |
| 叹词性 | 2 | | 1.4% | 1 | 0.1% |
| 主谓性 | 50 | | 16% | 13 | 10% |
| 总数 | | 305 | | 133 | |
通过两表中的数字可以看出《诗经》在命名时，主要采取从首句取字的方式，这一类达92%强所选篇名的词性也以名词性的居多，近二分之一。从其属性来说，以自然景物为名的较多。出现这种方式二人认为是命名者考虑到比兴手法的运用故先在篇名中将此种现象予以揭示。这种命名艺术被韩愈很好的学习、继承了，并在诗歌创作中广泛的应用上面两表中的数字就证明了这一点。
韩愈对第一种方式的运用，即从首句中取字作为篇名，在其诗歌中表现尤为突出。本文的第一部分已指出韩诗中有52首用此方式，为所选韩诗的三分之一强；而名词性的又有38首。从篇名的属性看，其中属自然事物的有37首从植物、动物到山川河流、天文地理，如《落叶》、《双鸟》、《海水》《天星》等其篇名几乎无所不包。韩诗采用这种命名方式与作者自身有关。韩愈终身报国心皎洁”，虽然文名甚盛也曾在官场显赫一时但因多遭谗谤屡被贬谪，故女
—
肚子不合时宜无所发泄”此种情况偶为外物所触，情有
所激取而譬焉或发感慨或抒思绪，行之语言，吟咏成文。如《庭楸》一诗首句前二字即篇名，诗人以庭中楸数起兴，以朝日昼日夕日喻世态之炎热抒发自己对世事的慨叹。在这里篇名既是起兴之物又是作者喻世间万象的所比之物，读者通过它就能对诗中所绘之事有形象的感受。又如《河之水》二首，诗人以河水之悠悠，写思念之绵绵，该诗首句即是篇名，所言之物，作者既借之起兴又以之比后文欲赋之事，可谓兴中有比，比中有兴。这些特征篇名中均有明显的表露。
对于取非首句的诗句中的字作篇名《诗经》和韩诗均有涉及但所占比例不大。包括两种方式：取中间诗句和取末句。这类方式多是交代诗歌主题，或说明作诗的缘由。如《华山女》一诗取自第七句"，华山女”是诗人假借来作为批判佛老的一个对象。又如《示儿》一诗取自末句。作者作诗的目的是让儿孙以玉带金鱼"(诗歌中所言)为志，好自为之。
另外取诗中字加上非诗中字组成篇名这一类命名方式在韩诗中所占分量也很大。这种方式的运用与作者的经历有关，韩愈一生东西游荡南北迁谪。其在篇名中的表现，就是这些篇名中所加之字，如动词、名词、形容词等，分别表明了作者的行踪、旅次以及感情变化等，如《过南阳》为作者贬谪途中所作《郴州祈雨》则是作者居郴州时所作《喜雪》因作者喜深将策试”又逢天降瑞雪，故托物寄言喜悦之情。这种命名方式既有利于读者把握作者创作背景，以了解其思想感情同时也体现了韩愈对《诗经》的艺术手法既有继承，又有发展”复古而不守古”、用古且能变古”6\]的大家风范。
韩愈在《上贾滑州书》中说“愈年二十有三，读书学文十五年，言行不敢戾于古人。”具体言之，他主张作文时应先”游之乎诗书之源”，以得古文之真谛。在具体的实践中，他更是遵从古文典则，规范写作。其诗歌的命名方式一方面就反映了他对自己的主张的积极实践另一方面更体现了他对先秦文学传统、尤其是《诗经》比兴手法的学习、继承和创新。
注释
\[1工2工7\]引自马通伯校注.韩昌黎文集\[Ⅵ\].上海：上海古籍出版社1958
\[3\]黄震云，韩宏韬.诗经篇名类释\[J\].甘肃社会科学2002年第5期
\[4工6\]转引自卞孝萱等著.韩愈评传Ⅵ\].南京：南京7大学出版社1998
\[5\]转引自钱仲联集释.韩昌黎诗系年集释\[Ⅵ\].上海：上海古籍出版社1984
「责任编辑：一然1
我国民族声乐对美声唱法的借鉴
张文敏
(南阳师范学院河南南阳473061)
\[摘 要1 本文探讨了我国民族声乐对美声唱法的借鉴。
\[关键词\] 民族声乐美声唱法；借鉴
\[中图分类号\]J607 「文献标识码\]A \[文章编号\]1008—4053( 2006)010-0166—03
不完善。
自八十年代中央电视台举办全国青年歌手比赛以来尤其是民族声乐赛场上，有不少优秀的歌唱选手在我国民族声乐的基础上，大胆地借鉴美声唱法的技巧，发出的声音柔和、
\[收稿日期P006-07-02
\[作者简介张文敏(1969-)女南阳师范学院音乐系教师，音乐学硕士。
子八具 | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **以党建为抓手 强化一流学会建设**
——全国性学术组织创新开展党建工作浅探
**周 _虹_ 陈丹妮**
**(中国大坝工程学会，北京 100081)**
**\[摘 要\]为切实落实党中央对社会组织党建工作的总体部署和要求，该文对中国科协指导下的部分全国性学术组织开展党建工作及其成果调研，梳理了典型全国学术组织党建工作现状与困境，探索全国性学术组织创新开展党建工作的实现路径，并着重思考国家级科研院所中的学术组织创新开展党建工作之路。**
**\[关键词\]全国性学术组织 党建 创新发展**
**\[中图分类号\]D267 \[文献标识码\]A \[文章编号\]1001-9596(2021)12-0072-06**
**党的十六大以来，党中央高度重视社会组织党建工作。然而，由于社会组织党建工作起步晚、发展缓、难题多，在党的理论和实践方面仍是一个崭新课题。因此，加强对社会组织党建工作研究，具有十分重要的理论意义和现实指导价值。**
**2018年，在中央直属机关工委管理的480余个社会组织中，中国科协所属全国学会(又称“全国性学术组织”)有210家，占总数的近1/2。中国科协于2018年开始遴选并培养50个优秀全国性学术组织向中国特色世界一流学会目标迈进。其中，挂靠国家级科研机构中的全国性学术组织占24%。笔者所在的中国大坝工程学会挂靠中国水利水电科学研究院，是全国性学术组织中实现双覆盖的单位之一，并获得“世界一流学会建设项目”资助，党建工作有一些可取的经验。**
**本文基于中国科协全国性学术组织发展报**
**告、50个入选“世界一流学会建设项目”的全国性学术组织党建成果和对部分学会的访谈，对在中国科协指导下开展的全国性学术组织开展党建工作的典型经验和做法进行总体分析。**
**一、全国性学术组织开展党建工作的重要意义**
**党的十六届六中全会正式提出 “社会组织”的概念。本文的社会组织，主要是指为了实现特定的目标而有意识地组合起来的社会团体。截至2020年底，全国登记在册的社会组织有89.4万。在数量增长的同时，社会组织已成为党和国家引领本领域科技工作者的重要抓手，是党的工作和群众工作的重要阵地，是党的基层组织建设的重要领域。**
**近年来，我国社会组织在促进经济发展、**
**繁荣社会事业、创新社会治理、扩大对外交往等方面发挥了积极作用，在协调推进全面建成小康社会中承担着重要任务。**
**全国性学术组织开展党建工作具有重要意义，主要体现以下几方面。**
**首先，能够发挥社会组织在国家治理体系和治理能力现代化进程中的作用。开展党建工作对引领社会组织正确发展方向，激发社会组织活力，推动社会组织更好参与国家治理，把社会组织及其从业人员紧密团结在党的周围，增强党的阶级基础、扩大党的群众基础、夯实党的执政基础，具有重要意义②。**
**第二，有利于增强党建研究合力、建设党建高端智库。加强全国性学术组织党建工作是党中央交给科协组织的一项重要政治任务③。一是有利于对会员更好发挥政治引领、思想引领的作用，从而更好地为会员服务。二是可以更好地团结凝聚全国党建研究机构和党建研究工作者，增强党建研究的合力。三是可以提高党的建设质量，向中国科协建言献策。**
**第三，有利于推动健康发展、奠定高效发展基础，能够正确引领全国性学术组织发展方向、激发内在活力、凝聚会员、健全制度、规范行为、促进学会健全治理结构、优化治理方式。**
**二、全国性学术组织创新开展党建工作的现状及困境**
**(一)学会党建工作现状**
**1.政治建设方面，引领学会正确发展方向。一是紧跟上级精神，着力把准方向、有序推进落实。增强党的政治建设的自觉性和坚定性，增强会员党员的工作意识和先锋作用。二是聚焦主题主线，着力强化理论武装、巩固政**
**治共识。开展创建学会品牌党建活动，把党的政治建设作为根本性的建设。如中国大坝工程学会、中国照明学会通过开展助力扶贫、建家交友等活动，搭建了会员党建工作的平台，提升了全国性学术组织工作的正能量。**
**2.机构建设方面，推动党组织和工作全覆盖。一是成立党组织。在理事会、办事机构层面分别成立党组织，实现学会党的组织和工作全覆盖。二是改革领导机构设置。设立了规模适中的理事会及常务理事会、权责明晰的监事会、实体化的秘书处，强化依法依章独立自主开展党建工作的能力。三是民主推选党委委员。由社会组织理事(常务理事)中的党员会议研究提出组织架构，民主推荐产生人选，报中国科协科技社团党委审批。例如，中国大坝工程学会、中国药学会将学会实体机构的党员纳入学会党支部统一管理，并在学会理事会层面成立功能型党委。**
**3.制度机制方面，提供优质服务保障。一是建立相关工作制度。用制度来保障党委参与重大事项决策，提高治理水平，保障会员权益。 _Q_ 二是不断完善工作机制。将“党建强会”制度化，建立了“党建强会”活动的考查与评级制度。例如，中国大坝工程学会党委、中国航海学会党委、中国能源研究会党委、中国农学会党委等结合工作实际，制订了党建工作、办公管理、人事管理、财务管理等方面的制度，构建了具有单位特色、符合工作实际的制度框架体系。**
**截至2020年，中国科协所属全国性学术组织中，96%以上在理事会层面创新性地设立功能型党组织(即学会党委)，94.3%办事机构成立了基层党组织4。其中，基层党组织包括党委、党总支、党支部、联合党支部、临时党支部五种基层党组织形式。基层党组织在管**
**理上主要隶属于业务主管单位党组织、业务挂靠单位党组织、行业党组织等。其中，挂靠在业务单位党组织的形式主要有国家级科研机构、中央机关直属机构、多单位支持等。中国大坝工程学会、中国水产学会、中国岩石力学与工程学会、中国自动化学会、中国化学会、中国环境科学学会、中国力学学会、中国动物学会等入选“世界一流学会建设项目”的建设学会党组织既受挂靠单位国家级科研机构领导，又受业务主管单位中国科协领导，率先实现“两个覆盖”。**
**(二) _)：_ 全国性学术组织开展党建工作面临的困境**
**1.管理体制不顺，责任落实存在困难。全国性学术组织党建工作存在条块分割、多头管理、运行不畅等问题，缺乏一个集中管理单位，责任主体有待进一步落实。从调查情况看，全国性学术组织中党员的党组织关系要复杂得多。这种比较复杂的隶属关系决定了社会组织党建工作必须由党委及其组织部门、登记管理部门以及业务主管单位共同来抓，形成社会组织党建的合力。但由于缺少一个能够起牵头作用、负总责的单位，实际上存在“谁都管、谁都管不到位”的现象。**
**2.责任意识缺失，党组织作用发挥弱。一是组织意识弱。某些党组织及管理部门思想认识不到位，缺乏加强党组织建设的责任意识，只注重党组织建设，忽视已建党组织的活动情况、党员教育以及组织功能开发，最终出现“组织空转”现象。 _二_ 二是责任人意识弱。党组织相关责任人缺乏““党建也是生产力”的意识，担心党建工作影响业务工作。三是党员身份意识不强，组织观念和党员意识淡漠。长期不过组织生活，部分党员成为“隐形党员”“口袋党员”“地下党员”。**
**3.组织相对松散，难以形成组织力量。全国性学术组织工作人员特别是负责人兼职多、流动快，党建工作面临党组织组建难、巩固难、发挥作用难、党员发展难和党员教育管理难等现象。再加上大多数社会组织规模较小，党建工作基础薄弱，工作人员较少，党员占比低，决定了党组织发展党员更加困难。党员组织关系隶属复杂，人员流动性较大，给发展新党员及建立党组织的工作带来很大困难。有的党员在原单位和社会组织之间处于“两不管”状态，党员教育管理也存在一定困难。**
**4.工作方式单一，缺乏组织吸引力。些规模较大、比较规范的全国性学术组织在开展党组织活动时，活动内容较固定，活动方式缺乏创新，多以走访慰问、座谈交流和组织学习为主，大大减弱了党组织吸引力。全国性学术组织经营领域的社会性、管理模式的行业性、活动方式的分散性及人员的流动性等特点，决定了全国性学术组织党建工作的复杂性和独特性。但受以往体制内党建工作传统方法的影响，党建工作的作用和效果不明显，党建工作方式创新不够。**
**这些困境是基层党建与全国性学术组织自身特征和所处环境的不同，各自遵循着不同的价值理念和行为逻辑的必然产物。**
**三、挂靠国家级科研机构中的全国性学术组织创新开展党建工作的路径**
**(一)切实加强党的组织建设，提高党建工作整体水平**
**1.提高党建工作制度规范化和科学化水 _平。_ 一是不断加强党建制度保障体系建设。要**
**从制度建设层面推进理事会和专科分会党的组织建设，通过制定党建工作实施办法、工作规范、考评体系，使党建工作有章可循。二是不断加强党建经费保障体系建设。加大党建经费投入，建立以财政拨款为主、党费返还为辅、自筹为补充的党建经费保障体系，保证党建工作经费、活动经费及党务工作者工作补贴到位，确保党组织建立、活动开展和党员作用发挥。三是不断加强党建人才保障体系建设。建立专职党务工作队伍，紧密联系党员思想工作实际，解决党建 “谁来抓”的问题。例如，中国大坝工程学会积极组建学会层面功能型党委，建立党委工作机制，将党建工作写人学会章程，推进相关党务工作；严格落实“三会一课”、民主评议党员、党员党性定期分析等制度；坚持基层党组织的引领作用，带动会员单位其他组织建设，不断加强学习型、服务型、创新型基层党组织建设。**
**2.提升党组织思想和政治引领力。。一是发挥党组织思想引领作用。第一，要引领政治方向，及时学习贯彻传达党中央重要指示精神和重大决策部署；第二，要注重引导监督，保证学会依法依章程开展活动；第三，要参与学会重大问题决策，对重要业务活动、大额经费开支、接收大额捐赠、开展涉外活动等提出意见；第四，要团结带领广大科技工作者听党话、跟党走，维护广大会员的正当权益。例如中国大坝工程学会党委按照“党委委员带头讲、会员代表广泛讲、学会平台落地讲、专题座谈深入讲、基层组织系列讲、媒体联动合力讲”的总体布局，做好党的十九大精神的宣讲活动，并开展学会党建课题研究，报送优秀调研报告，积极参加党建论坛，投稿《学会党建动态》。**
**二是发挥党组织政治核心作用。第一，能够保证沿着正确的方向发展，宣传党的政策和国家的法律法规，使他们能够正确认识和处理好国家利益与自身利益的关系。第二，可以发挥党组织的帮助促进作用，加大党组织负责人参与重大问题决策和党员从业人员向业务负责人建言献策的能力。第三，可以实现资源共享、优势互补，主动与社区和其他领域党组织结对共建。例如中国大坝工程学会党委等采用“党政领导负总责，党员干部挑大梁，青年同志抓落实”的工作方式，联系发动科技工作者紧紧围绕经济社会发展中的热点难点问题，深入调查并建言献策，在我国司法建设、环境保护、资源开发利用等研究领域取得较好成果，得到了国家部委和地方政府的充分认可。**
**(二)推动党员教育创新发展，建设有凝聚力和战斗力的党组织队伍**
**1.提高组织生活质量和效果。一是增强党组织活动的开放性、灵活性和有效性，针对从业人员流动性强的特点，充分利用现代信息技术手段开展活动，发挥党组织的团结凝聚作用。二是要经常听取职工群众对党组织和党员的意见，对存在的问题及时进行整改。三是要按照规定召开党员领导干部民主生活会，定期召开党员组织生活会，教育引导党员守纪律、讲规矩，坚决防止组织生活随意化、平淡化、娱乐化、庸俗化。中国大坝工程学会党委、中国海洋湖沼学会党委等通过建立微信工作平台和党建工作微信群，使党员们及时了解和学习党建动态，营造了浓厚的“微氛围”，实现了凝聚组织的“微”力量。**
**2.提升党员教育管理能力。一是要发挥党员在党内政治生活中的主体作用。提高党员对党内事务的参与度，按照 “一方隶属、参**
**加多重组织生活”原则，组织暂未转移组织关系的党员积极参加全国性学术组织党组织的活动。二是要加强对人党积极分子的教育培养。要始终把政治标准放在首位，注重把符合条件的组织负责人和业务骨干发展为党员。三是强化党员管理监督。严格组织关系管理，及时处置不合格党员。四是推行党员管理层人员和党组织班子成员双向进入、交叉任职。例如中国大坝工程学会党委积极做好党员和流动党员管理的工作，实现对党员的网络化管理。针对学会专职党员会员较少的情况，成立“党工作小组”，并配备专职或兼职的党务工作者队伍，组织开展先进文化活动。**
**(三)推进党建与业务工作融合发展，扩大党建宣传的覆盖面和影响力**
**1.发挥先进典型的示范带动作用。一是要加强与兄弟学会的合作。寻求不同领域、行业之间的契合点，增强党建强会活动效果。二是要加强与会员单位的合作。推动党建与相关行业、领域、企业、团体的协同发展。三是要成立联合体党组织。加强与学科相近、联系密切的全国性学术组织合作，推动党建强会面向大学科领域或全产业链的社会组织集群发展。例如中国药学会不仅与其他党支部联合开展党日活动，加强交流合作，还与地方科协签订战略合作协议，举办学会会议。**
**2.推动党建业务深度融合。一是要坚持“五服务”的职责定位。结合自身业务特点，在增强基层党组织凝聚力、充分发挥党员作用、服务广大科技工作者等方面积极探索。二是工作内容要丰富。内容要涉及 “服务科技工作者、提升服务社会的能力、为党和政府科学决策建言献策”等方面，积累群众基础。例如中国水产学会连续11年承担日“党建强会**
**计划”项目，将学会党建与创新争先行动、精准扶贫、创新助力工程等结合，荣获中国科协““‘党建强会计划’十佳品牌活动”称号。**
**(四)以“党建强会战略”统领改革发展，巩固党组织“两个全覆盖”成果**
**1.提供学会能力建设动力保障。要以加强党的全面领导为导向，以开展“两学一做”学习教育为契机，深入实施6“6党建强会”计划。围绕承接政府转移职能、提升能力建设、打造高端前沿跨学科的学术交流平台、创新科普工作手段等工作任务，赋予“党建强会”计划新的内容和形式。例如中国航空学会持续开展“党建强会科普行”活动，连续11年被列为中国科协重点项目，多次获得中国科协党建强会活动优秀组织奖；中国自动化学会党支部创新工作模式，分别以“党建强会，紫冬花开，智慧满园”“创新驱动，党建带动，智能推动”等主题开展党建强会活动，并连续五年获得“党建强会计划”十百千特色活动组织奖5。**
**2.推动基层党建创新发展。一是参与全国学会星级党组织创建和评价工作。全国星级学会党组织具有坚强政治领导力、思想引领力、群众组织力和社会号召力，并形成了可复制、可推广的标准化模式，要充分利用这种优势，依靠加强党的建设带动学会建设。二是推进 “数字党建”行动。实现学会党建平台、科协 “党建云”业务平台、中央和国家机关工委 “支部工作”的对接，力争实现“大党建”工作格局，提升党建“两个全覆盖”质量。例如中国大坝工程学会运用数字化技术，实现学会党建平台与业务主管、指导单位、中央和国家机关工委党建平台的对接，利用网站、微信等““新媒体+报刊”等传统媒介创**
**建党建学习宣传阵地，开展党建教育活动，建立起党建学习宣传联动，提升学会党组织“两个全覆盖”质量。**
**经过实践和探索，挂靠国家级科研机构的全国性学术组织党组织通过有针对性地寻求党建工作中理论创新、工作方式方法创新的突破口，去优化、开展创新型的党建强会方式与模式，产生了可持续性、可借鉴的党建新方式，巩固和深化党的组织和党的工作“两个全覆盖”，并取得了一定成效。但部分途径、措施仍在实施和论证阶段，这将是一个长期并极具价值的研究与探索。**
**(上接第41页)**
**(四)精心培育科普文化产品，增强学会文化传播力**
**一是大学生方程式汽车大赛系列赛事(油车、电车、无人驾驶汽车、巴哈大赛)和氢燃料电池汽车科普、巡游科普活动的组织管理水平、赛事规格逐步与国际接轨，规模不断扩大，活动品牌影响力不断增强。二是加强上述两大科普活动衍生产品的培育，兼顾汽车技术知识传播和青年汽车科技人才培养，不断拓展大赛和巡游科普活动的外延。三是与高校、汽车博物馆等单位加强联合，针对新能源汽车、自动驾驶等开展系列科普活动，增强学会文化传播力。**
**(五)提升学会国际化水平和影响力**
**我国连续多年成为世界第一大汽车产销**
**参考文献**
**\[1\]中国科协学会学术部，中国科协学会服务中心主编.中国科协全国学会发展报告(2017) \[M\].北京：中国科学技术出版社，2018.**
**\[2\]中国科协学会服务中心.学会内部治理工作手册\[M\].北京：科学出版社，2020.**
**\[3\]中国科学技术协会.全国学会会员工作实用手册\[M\].北京：中国科学技术出版社，2018.**
**\[4\]中国科协学会党建研究会.2020年学会党建调研报告汇编\[R\].北京：中国科协学会党建研究会，2020.**
**\[5\]中国自动化学会，等.全国学会优秀改革案例汇编丛书自身建设\[M\].北京：中国科学技术出版社，2018.**
**国，让学会与国际汽车组织有了更多的技术交流和对话机会，提升了学会在国际组织中的话语权、影响力。近些年，学会向国际组织输送了大批人才，发起和培育了以学会为主的国际民间科技组织，完成了国际氢能燃料电池协会的注册，争取到了更多的国际研究计划和国际培训项目，推动我国汽车行业标准和产业合作项目“走出去”，实现了汽车工程师资格国际互认等，学会的国际化水平和景响力达到了前所未有的高度。**
**总体说来，党建工作体现在中国汽车工程学会的治理结构中、工作成效里，贯穿于学会发展的全过程，党建引领使学会发展产生了强大的正向引领力。** | null | null | null | null | null |
zh | N/A | N/A | **Cultivation and Promotion on Interesting of Students Participating in Sports Class under the New Vision**
**冯英歌**
**FENG Ying-ge**
**摘 要：运用文献资料法、访谈法、调查法等方法，对如何培养和提高学生参与体育课的兴趣，并以篮球课教学为例，进行了一学年的实践验证。发现通过建立浓厚的师生感情、从学生关注的几个焦点问题着手设计课程、抓住学生争强好胜的心理和增强她们的自信心等几个方面，可以在某种程度上提高学生体育课的兴趣。**
**关键词：新视角；体育课；兴趣；篮球**
**Abstract： Through using the method of literature review， interview and investigation， this paper put forwards that how to cultivate and promote the students interesting participating in sports class and makes experiment of one -year term by taking the basketball teaching as example. From the point of establishing deep emotion between student and teacher， designing the course from focus points， and improving student’s confidence， their learning interesting participating in sports class can be promoted.**
**Key words； new vision； sport；class； interesting； basketball**
**中图分类号：G807 文献标识码：A 文章编号：1005-0256(2011)-0009-0071-1**
**前言**
**在已有的对体育教学研究中，无论是分段式体育课教学，还是一些对体育课教学模式的研究，出发点大多是教师、教材的角度，而很少考虑到从学生的角度的出发，众所周知，在教学过程中教师是主导，学生是主体，是教学的对象，他们的参与热情和主动性会直接影响教学效果，只有改善这种现状，从学生视角进行体育课的设计，才能更好的为体育课教学服务。兴趣是最好的老师，是学生能主动参与体育课活动的原动力之一。《体育与健康课程标准》指出：运动兴趣是保证学生自主学习和终身坚持锻炼的前提，激发和保持学生的运动兴趣，能更好地使学生自觉积极地进行体育锻炼。因此，研究关于培养和提高学生对体育课的兴趣具有现实意义。**
**1建立浓厚的师生感情基础**
**学习兴趣是与学生的情感紧密相连的。真正的智慧从来就离不开情感，也从来不会与枯燥为伴。在某种程度上，可以说没有感情投入就没有兴趣可言，只会是白白地浪费时间。因此要使学生对体育教学这种活动感兴趣，就必须以学生对学习的情感为基础，而师生之间是否建立良好的感情，形成融洽平等的关系，很大程度上影响着学生对体育课的兴趣。**
**体育课既是一个教与学的过程又是一个老师和学生之间交流的双边过程，如果在这个过程中双方能在交流过程中成为朋友，建立浓厚的感情基础，这样也许就能保证学生能够对体育课产生兴趣。人作为感情动物，容易产生喜欢和厌恶的心理，体育教师和学生的最大区别就是对体育课的认识程度不同，体育教师要运用自己对体育的知识掌握量和专项技能基础，来吸引学生的注意，激发学生的兴趣。站在平等的角度，以交朋友的方式进行互动，苏联孝育家霍姆林斯基曾经说过：“对学生来讲，最好的老师是在教学中忘记自己是老师，而把自己视为朋友的那种老师。"对学生要耐心、细心、关心，在保证教学任务完成的基础上尽力满足学生的要求，逐步渗透，融为一体，建立和谐的课堂。**
**首先在观念上要抛开传统的师道尊严观，尊重学生，重视**
**学生的提出的每一个问题，平等地对待每位学生。在与学生的交流过程中，尽量使用引导和启发的口气要求学生，以平等之心与学生对话，这样才能了解他们的心理特点，并注意因势利导，解除他们的思想顾虑。其次，在课堂上要努力营造和谐民主的气氛，鼓励学生积极参与课堂教学，敞开心扉，敢于表达自已的看法和见解，不放弃每一次表扬学生的机会；对于基础薄弱、进步较慢的同学，而应给予安慰和鼓励，并进行更加细致、耐心的引导，使其增强对体育课的信心。这样，经过真诚平等的沟通与交流，逐渐形成融治的师生关系，这种融洽的师生关系使学生由对老师尊重信赖，继而变成喜爱，又由喜爱老师而逐渐喜欢上体育课堂。因此建立良好的师生关系，使学生在体育运动中获得愉快的情感体验，是激发学习对体育课的浓厚兴趣有利条件。**
**_2_ 从学生的关注的焦点问题组织教学**
**在一学年的教学初期，采用访谈法，对学生关注的问题进行了统计，结果发现学生最关注的是以下几个问题，这些问题是最可能会影响她们的上课热情：强烈光照、太累、怕批评等，而当问到他们希望的上课内容是什么时，最集中的几个答案是：希望能看懂比赛、了解篮球规则、每人一个球、增加游戏次数等，在对这些学生关注的焦点问题进行总结，然后以此为出发点对课的内容进行设计，并创编了一套篮球操，同时每节课做到人手一球，使他们“有的玩”“学得好”极大的激发了学生的兴趣；对于光照的问题，则是采用了离开篮球场学习篮球的办法，如学习运球和传接球时，将学生带到无光照的地方进行，这样既可以完成教学任务，同时又起到了很好的锻炼作用。**
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**作者简介：冯英歌(1983-)男，山东枣庄人，助教，硕士，研究方向：体育教学理论与实践。**
**作者单位：浙江树人大学基础部(公体部)，浙江杭州** **310015Basic Department， Zhejiang Shuren University，： Hangzhou310015， Zhejiang China.**
**体育锻炼人的健康状况明显好于从不参加体育锻炼和偶尔参加体育锻炼，从不参加体育锻炼的人的健康状况最差。**
**参考文献：**
**：1\]赵伟.湖北高校高级职称体育教师健康及影响因素的调查研究\[D\].华中师大硕士论文.2005.**
**\[2\]寇建民，苏静，正崇喜.我国知识分子亚健康状态及预防对策J\].中国体育科技，2005，41(1).**
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**由于女同学的体质基础差，在运动量上则采用了由小到大循序渐进的方式，在开始阶段，把全班分成三个小组，轮流休息，这样较好的缓解了学生怕苦怕累的心理障碍，在第四周到第五周后，则采用了三组共同活动的方式，这样运动量也有了，体能得到改善后的学生，体育参与热情也得到了较大程度的提高。**
**在语言上则采用了鼓励为主，配以幽默风趣的方式，这样学生就比较容易接受，在锻炼的同时，心情也是愉悦的。例如：在学习投篮时，一些女同学说“老师我们肯定投不进去的”，我就抓住这个机会对她们说“是的，你们现在有可能是很难将球投进去，但是通过我们的学习和练习，你们肯定是可以投进去的，老师相信你们，你们也应该相信自己啊”。而通过这样几个过程学生关注的焦点问题也得到了较好的解决，取得了较好的教学效果。**
**3抓住学生的心理，分组比较，互相促进**
**由于教学班级的人数较多，学生篮球基础较差，再加上部分学生对篮球运动本身并不感兴趣，这样就给篮球课的组织教学带来了很大难度，为解决人数多调动难的问题，在课堂上采用了分组比较的方式，并且在参考了以往体育教学文章的基础上，打破常规，根据班级人数的具体情况将全班分成二到四组，并在每组选一名小组长，由其带领组成一个小团队，在教学时，采用轮流教学的方式，逐组进行，教师选择其中一个组为教学对象，其他组对已学内容进行复习，在接下来的一节课的开始部分，让每个组的组长带领自己的小团队进行展示，其他各组进行观察和评价，对于各组的表现和对教学内容的掌握情况体育教师进行总体评价，指出优缺点，稍微差点的团队，教师再进行鼓励和激励，使他们不断努力，以摆脱落后的局面，这样各小组就会形成一个互相促进的现状，一方面提高了学生的凝聚力和团队合作精神，另一方面也激发了学生的学习兴趣。**
**_4_ 教学内容简单易学，教学形式变化多样**
**在认真研究教学大纲和教学进度的基础上，设计的教学内容尽量简单易学，让学生觉得较容易下手，入门不是太难，这样她们就会主动参与到体育课堂上来，在教学过程中存在个别学生懒惰不愿动的情况，体育老师多次的鼓励和耐心教授，也能逐渐进人到课堂上来，课堂记录较好。但是由于教学内容简单易学，也带来了一些麻烦，学生会在一段时间后出现兴趣消退，积极性减弱的情况，这时进行练习方式的变化，学生的积极性又得到了提高，例如在学习篮球传接球技术时，分别采用了两人对传接球、三角传球、运球接传球等方式，在学习运球时，采用了原地运球，花式运球，运用了游戏“三国演义”“春种秋收”等，通过个人设计，查阅资料等方式搜集合整理的了一些**
**\[3\]陈海春.亚健康、生活方式与运动健身关系的探讨\[J\].福建体育科技，2003，22(2).**
**\[4\]季刘.体育与健康(第二版)\[M\].上海：华东师范大学出版社.2001，6：365.**
**\[5\]肖水源.社会医学Mj.北京：人民卫生出版社.2000：89.**
**\[6\]卢元镇.中国知识分子健康与体育参与状况评析\[J\].山东体育学院学报，2003(3).**
**篮球游戏，在课堂上的合理运用取得了较好的效果，对学生的兴趣也有很大促进作用。**
**5 培养学生的成就感与自信心，激发兴趣**
**著名心理学家桑代克在他的效果率中认为，人们对工作或学习如得到满意的结果，能增强自我效能感，树立自信心，从而会增强动机，激发兴趣。学生的运动技能不断得到提高，就能逐渐产生对运动的兴趣，反之，就会逐渐对运动失去乐趣，更谈不上兴趣了。**
**例如，在学期刚开始的阶段，学生对篮球有点陌生的情况下，做一些技术动作时，球会“满场飞”，使她们认为学习篮球很难，但通过鼓励和耐心的教学，学生逐渐学会了一些技术，在能够比较自如地控制篮球后，学生开始建立自信，尤其是在各小组互相比较时有输有赢，这样她们就会不断树立自信，有了一定的成就感。如在学习行进间上篮时，有些同学会说“老师我不行，学也学不会的”，我会告诉她“是的，你原来可能是不太会，但按照老师的引导，加上你自己的努力，也许会有不同的结果啊，你可以努力试试嘛!”。学生按照老师的教学步骤--步步学习，当她们能够运用正确的技术将球投进篮圈的一瞬间，会非常兴奋。每投进一个球，就感觉成功一次，就会庆祝--次，从而建立自信，一部分没有投进篮球的同学看到其他的同学可以做到，自己肯定也可以做到，在她们数次尝试后终于做到的时候，会更加高兴和兴奋，这样使学生在学习中增强自信，产生愉快体验，产生学习的动力，兴趣就会不断得到提高和持续，努力尝试的过程中学生的身体索质也得到了很好的锻炼。**
**后记：兴趣的培养和提高，不是说说就可以做到，总会遇到这样那样的难题，或是受客观因素影响，或是被主观因素限制，因此，还应在实际教学过程中不断的调整和总结经验，在完成教学任务的前提下，尽可能利用多方面因索充分调动学生积极性，使体育课教学由老师的灌注式教学向学生问、练、动转变，从而提高学生兴趣，提高教学效果，为终身体育做出贡献。**
**参考文献：**
**\[1\]毛振明.如何关注和提高学生的运动兴趣\[1.中国学校体育.2007(12)：22-23.**
**\[21编委会.体育与健康课程标准「M|.北京：人民体育出版社、2003.3.**
**\[3\]陈雪松.论高中生历史学习兴趣的培养** \_ **D** \_ **.辽宁师范大学，2005.4.**
**\[4\]吴水兵.心会跟爱一起走——和谐的师生关系是学生前进的动力\[J\].2001，(9).**
**\[5\]王喜玮，王熙法《一种利用作者兴趣构建博客圈的方法》\[.』\].小型微型计算机系统，2009，(12)：12.** | null | null | null | null | null |
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